Political System in Pre-Islamic Arabia

POLITICAL SYSTEM IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA
Author(s): Muhammad Nazeer Ka Ka Khel and Mohammad Nazeer Ka Ka Khel

Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Winter 1981), pp. 375-393
Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20847183 .
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POLITICAL SYSTEM IN PRE-ISLAMIC

ARABIA
Dr. Muhammad
Nazeer Ka Ka Khel,
political system can be created in vacuum.

Every
in
it
roots
from
which
draws
its
has
history
system
inspiration
and thenmakes dynamic changes in accordance with the socio
No
political and economic conditions of the time. The Islamic

Polity founded by Muhammad (peace be upon him) at
Madlnah too had itsroots inhistoryfromwhich itdrew inspira
tionandmade dynamicchanges in thealready existingpolitical
in lightof theNew Message of Islam. * Obviously
institutions
then it did not break its relation with the past.
It is, therefore,
desirableto studythepolitical setup of theagewhich immediate

ly preceded the emergenceof Islam and the Islamic State at
Madlnah.
The Arabs, according to theArab classical writers, divide

themselves into two main stocks, the Yamanites who descend
4
from Qahtan and the northerners who descend from Adnan.
seem to have had
These two distinct stocks of Arabia
two
different political systems which seem to be the product of
their own peculiar circumstances and needs. The Arabs of the
traits whereas those of the north
south developed monarchical
had more or less aristocratic traditions.
It is to be noted that the Arabs of the south were

decidedlymore advanced and influentialthan theArabs of the

376
DR. MUHAMMAD NAZIR KA KA KHEL
northbecause of theirmonopoly of tradeand theirsubsequent

contacts with
outsiders,
including the Arabs of the north.
Therefore, the formermust have exercised a civilizing influence
over the latter. In this article we shall confine our study to the
political systemof theHimyaritesof the south and thatof the

their rise to power and their
subsequent fall nearly coincide with one another.
Qurayshites
in the north because
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE HIMYARITES

The Central Government
to the Arab historians, Himyarites are the
According
'
Shams who
descendants of Saba' commonly known as Abd
was the first crowned king of the south, i.e. of Yaman.2
The
the Himyarites
earliest inscriptions do not mention
but they
have been mentioned by the classical Roman historian Pliny in
the account of Aelius Galle's expedition of Yaman
in 25 B. C.3
A.D. theHimyari
By thebeginningof thefourthcentury
tes seem to have reached the zenith of their glory.4 Tubba'

was their official title5 which, according
to the classical
was
one
who held the political sway
historians,
adopted by the
over Saba', Raydan, Hadramaut
The first
and Yamanat.6
to have this title, according to some writers, was Harith al

to be the first
Ra'ish? while others regard Shimmar Yahr'ish
Tubba4.8
confirm the
Inscriptions in the southern Arabia
is reported to have
latter viewpoint and Shimmar Yahr'ish
southern
whole
of
Arabia
the
under
his control.9
brought
The material for thispart of Arabia is scantier and

does not shed complete lighton the political systemof the
Himyarites. To talkof thepolitical systemof theHimyarites
is somewhat confusing, since no single policy at any time uniform

377
10
ly applied to thewhole empire. Even at the zenith of their
power and
centralization,
in the local units i^^)
there was a high degree of autonomy
and policywas often determined
according to the prevailing conditions in the various

regions and the interests of the persons at the helm of affairs.
But at the same time one cannot deny the fact that there was
a certain pattern recognisable in the political behaviour of go
locally
vernment in its different aspects and levels.

which we are going to study here.
Relationship
between
the Centre
It is this pattern
and Provinces
The political organization of the Himyarites was

morarchic
at the centre.
Theoretically
the monarch
was
the
source of all authority. Nothing could be done without his
consent and knowledge.
But
in actual practice his authority
was limitedby a kind of feudalismwith local lords rulingover

**
Politically
their vassals and peasants from their castles.
a number of autonomous regions
into
was
divided
the empire
each under a governor called qayl (
). The most
(îJ^)
a number of strong-holds (
)
powerful governors having
and public buildings (
) in theirpossession and control
Nashswan b. Sa'id
called
adhwa'
al-Himyarl
(Ô.
*^
the names
recorded
has in his well-known ode (
)
of a number of aqyal and adhwa9.12 This political division of
the empire seems to have been in vogue even under the later
has
Ibn Wadih
Muslim monarchs.
(d. 284 A.H.)
al-Ya'qubt
Abbasid
the
in
some eighty-four such makhalif
mentioned
were
reign.13
"
The unknownwriter of the earliestbook entitled The
also mentions some of these

Periplus of theErythrian Sea"**
makhalif and their rulers chief among whom were theMaphari

378
tes
DR. MUHAMMAD NAZEER KA KA KHEL

(Arabic?Ma'afir)**
and
Cholaebus
(Arabic?Kulayb)
who had special privileges from themonarchs at Zifar, the

capital of the empire at that time. The writer of the above
mentionedbook holds thattheprovincialchiefswere authorised
by themonarch at the centre to levy taxes within their own juris
diction.
Probably these chiefs in turn were
required to
at
the
centre
for the defence
supply warriors to the monarchs
of the empireand also formilitaryexpeditionsto otherparts of

the surrounding peoples.
Besides,
the local chiefs were
in the
habit of sendinggiftsto themonarchs at thecentreso thatthey
may come in their good books and do them special favours.

The presents sent to the centre thus became one of the regular
sources of income of the central government.
Succession to Rule
Every student of history knows that the ancient monarchs

could be self-installed either as a result of an
enterprising
exploit leading to the foundation of a city-state or an empire or
a coup d'etat
leading to the displacement of one dynasty by
Initial tenure of rule was always construed as a title
another.
whereby the monarch considered kingship as a personal pat
rimony which could be passed on by inheritance. The heredi
tary succession by nomination became
the most
common
tra
dition of theancientpeoples. The Himyaritesalso fellheir to

the political
traditions of their predecessors.

Rule was here
ditary among them and themonarch was at liberty to select any
one from among his sons, brothers or near relatives
although
the eldest sons had clear cut chances of succession to rule.
Formally thenominationwas made with theaid and advice of

themembers of theCouncil of Elders and subsequentlyconfir
med
by the masses
through an oath of allegiance.

379
At a later stage, probably after the death of one of their

chiefs
strong rulers, namely, Hassan, most of the provincial
most of whom did not come of the royal stock proclaimed

independence.1? The government at the centre seems to have
been weak and unstable since then on.1? Virtually eight rulers
(provincialchiefswho had proclaimed independence)were the
masters of black and white at the centre.
They are reported
to have installedand deposed rulers (nominal) for the entire

community.19
It would be interesting to note that the question of suc

cession in the autonomous regions was different according to
the prevailing conditions and political usages in each autono
Hatframaut, almost all tite makhallf
(autonomous regions) followed more or less the tribal pattern
the first born among
for succession to rule. In Hadramaut
the nobility had the hereditary right to succession.20
mous
Shura
region.
Except
or Consultative Body
The Himyarites
ran the affairs of the government with the
aid and advice of theelderlypeople around theking, the lead
of the royal stock and the most influential aqyal

body
They together constituted the consultative
It appears as ifmutual counsel was a per
of the empire.21
manent feature of their rule. We are told that even the provin
cial rulers had constructed oratories for meeting and consulta
tion. Ahmad Fakhry, the Egyptian archeologist, who made
an archeological journey to Yaman,
refers to an inscription
ingmembers
and adhwa\
found at Ma'rib which indicates that a certain 'Atat son of

Aryat and his sons built an oratory for the assembling place
'Atat must have come from the ruling
of their district.22
dynasty that had the sway over Yaman.

380
DR. MUHAMMAD NAZIR KA KA KHEL
In due course of time theHimyarites seem to have brought

odd religious practices to Yaman from outside southern Arabia.
Thus
instead of discussing matters of mutual
interest and resolv
ing theirdifferencesthemselvesin the oratories,theyare said
to have been fond of referring them to odd religious practices.

According to Ibn Ishaq, "0 fire used to settle matters in dispute
among them by consuming the guilty and letting the innocent go
It is worthy of note that one of their rulers
scatheless."2*
Abu Karib had adopted Judaismwhile he was on an expedition

towards the north of his empire.
On his return to Yaman,
his
subjectsblocked his way to the empire24forhe had, according
to them, deserted the religion of their forebears.

Instead of
one
another, the parties concerned are
drawing swords against
reported to have agreed to refer their point of difference to
ordeal of fire.15
It would not be out of order to add here thatwhen the

Yamanites migrated northwards after the breaks in Ma'rib
dam (which devastated their agricultural economy) most of their
clans and sub-clans not only established their own rule in the
north but also induced and inspiredmany Arab notables to

strugglefor establishingtheirkingdoms. Thus just before the
emergence of Islam there was a marked tendency in various

*
Uthman
towards monarchy.
parts of the northern Arabia
bin al-Huwayrith of Banu Asad attempted it in Makkah,2*
4
Abdullah Ibn Ubayy was to be crowned as king of Yathrib
had the Prophet not migrated to Medina.28 and Umayyah
bin Abi Salatof Banfi TThaqifatJ& 'if2 as a religiousand
political sovereign. Even afterembracingIslam, theArabs of
the southkept the great memories of theirforefathers.Thus
speaks the well-known poet of Islam, I-Iassan bin Thabit who
:
belonged to the royal stock of Yaman


"
381
were
kings of the peoples before Muhammad

(peace be upon him) and when Islam came we had
superiority in it also."29
We
Conclusion
Jn a nut shell, itmay be concluded that the Himyarites
had developed certain political institutions that according to the
standards of the time worked very smoothly and efficiently.
At the helm of affairs stood themonarch who ruled the country

with the aid and advice of the consultative body consisting of
the governors, members of the royal stock and elderly people
present at the capital of the empire. There was a high degree

of provincial autonomy.
The provincial chiefs followed more
or less the traditional tribal pattern of rule. Initial tenure of
rule both at the centre and in the local units was always construed
as a titlewhereby, it appears, themonarch at the centre and the
governor in the provinces considered kingship or governor
ship as his personal patrimony which could be passed on by in
The hereditary succession by nomination like the
rest of the ancient peoples became the most common political
tradition among the Himyarites.
The custom was inspired by
the desire to perpetuate the rule or possibly to avoid a political
heritance.
or the governor. The ruler

and also the provincial governors were at liberty to nominate
any one from among his sons, brothers or near relatives.
crisis after the death of themonarch
As religion both in ancient as well as inmodern societies

can not be conceived apart from the social environment of a
people, so we observe some odd religious practices like the
ordeal of fire etc. which were considered to be necessary for
resolving many matters of dispute. On the eve of their fall al
though monarchical form of government was in vogue among

382
the Himyarites,
yet in actual practice
there was an aristocratic
typeof ruleboth at the centrewhichwas verymuch confinedto
a few places and in the provinces. Thus, politically, the southern

part of Arabia was ruled by aristocrats till it became a pawn
in thegame of chessplayedby thebig powersof theday, namely,

tke Persians
and the Romans.
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE QURAYSHITES

Unlike the Himyarites, theArabs of the northwere
life with the

leading a somewhat war-like and disorganised
exception of their temporary union under Kulayb b. Rabf'ah who
in
is reported to have overthrown the yoke of the Yamanites
the northern Arabia and established his own rule in the northern
part ofArabia and thusshowed to the restof thepeoples of the
that they were not under the subjugation of any

other power.30 After the assassination of Kulayb they again
seem to have been scattered for no other leader was able to keep
them united. In the fifthcenturyA.D. common interests seem to
outside world
have again given birth to the idea of an equalitarian association.

This resulted in the confederacy of Mecca which, as a commer
cial centre of Arabia, developed more or less a regular form of
or city-state. This organization was
political organization
through the untiring efforts of one Qurayshite, Qu?ayy
Ibn Kilab who may be regarded as the founder of theMeccan
achieved
City-State.3?
Meccan
Administration Under
Qu?ayy
Qu?ayy ibnKilab, the founderof the new association
of theMeccans,
conducted himself like a benevolent dictator3 2
"
whose
authority among the Quraysh during and after his life
was like a religious law which
could not be infringed."33

383
It is said thatthefollowingadministrativedepartmentsof the
citystate of Mecca
1.
2.
Hijabah,
Siqayah,
became
prominent
guardianship
34
during his reign :
of the keys of Ka'bah.
superintendence
of
the sacred well
of
Zamzam.
3.
4.
Diyat, civil and criminal magistracy.

Sifarah, legation.
6.
leadership inwar.
Rifadah, administration of the poor-tax.
7.
Nadwah,
8.
Khaimmah, guardianship
9.
Khazinah,
10.
Azlam,
5.
Liwa',
presidency of the tribal assembly, shura.

of the council of chamber.
administration of public finance.

the
guardianship
of divining
arrows
by
which the judgementof gods and goddesses was

obtained.
It is difficult to ascertain whether these offices owed their

5
origin to Qu?ayy or he simply reorganised and reformed them.3
It is,however,beyonddoubt thatduringhis reignhe distributed
power and allotted offices of dignity to his sons in such a way

as to pave theway for an aristocratic form of government at
Mecca.3 6 Qu?ayy is also reported to have constructed thewell
known town hall ofMecca, theDar al-Nadwah, where important
matters relating to their social, political, economic and religious
life were discussed and final decisions arrived at.37
The Council of Elders

The aristocratic traits of Meccan
government after Qu$ayy
manifested themselves in various forms. Till the emergence of
Islam no particular form of government was common throughout

384
DR. MUHAMMAD
NAZEER
KA KA KHEL
Hijaaz and Najd. But in particular, in all the more progressive

and powerful city-states of Makkah,
Yathriband
Ta'if some
formates of aristocracy or oligarchy prevailed. The patriarchal
kingshiphad disappeared soon afterthedeath of Qu?ayy and
supreme authority was now vested in a relatively small number

of privileged persons whose distinction was based on social
status. These aristocrats were heads of various clans of Quraysh
and of theirallies (puu) who
known as council
whole
religious,
togetherconstituted the body
) or nadl which regulated the

political, economic and cultural life
of elders
social,
of the community.
The council of elders spoke the finalword in all the
matters which came for consideration before it. At least in

theory all themembers were considered at par with one another
and none could exercise supremacy or authority without the
consent or permission of the other members of the body.38
But itmust be noted that inspiteof thedistributionof privileges
influence of
and power, the personal
character, qualities and
'
men of the calibre of Ha shim, Muttalib,
Abd al-Muttalib
Hence
and others, gave them an undisputed pre-eminence.73
leaders of such calibre could over-rule the decisions of the
members of the council of elders or at least get them around to
their own point of view.
It is true that the council of elders was not an
elected
body but centuriesold institutionsshould not be judged by
modern
criteria.
Judged by the criteria of
the age concerned,
itwas looked upon as reflectingthe tribalwill because of its
It was as democratic an
legitimacy due to the tribal customs.
institution as any one in modern times. Its functions were
primarily executive rather than legislative and its decisions were,
therefore, decrees and not laws. Theoretically, these decrees

385
and decisions were always subordinate to the vaguely defined

'
body of the ancient customs to which the term urf ^(
)
as
'for
the
So
far
of
the
qualification
applied.
membership
council were concerned, all the free male members of different
clans and their hulafa' above the age of forty were allowed
to attend the meetings
of
the council
of elders at Dar
al
and take active part in its deliberations.40

But it
most
the
were
that
talented persons
allowed to attend
appears
itsmeetings even if they had not attained the age of forty. Thus
we are told that Abu'l-Hakam
(Abu Jahl) attended itsmeetings
when he was only thirtyyears old41 and Hak*m b. Hizam atten
ded itsmeetings when he was 15/20 years
old.42
Nadwah
The council of elders did not meet at regular intervals

but only as the'occasion required4 3 and likemodern voluntary
organizations, it lacked coercive power to execute itswill; but
a closer examination would reveal the fact, that inspite of its
shortcomings and weaknesses, it was not simply a deliberative
In extra-ordinary circumstances it could give effect to
body.
itsunanimous decisions by bringing economic and social pressure
against the recalcitrants or adversaries which by the standards
of that time were as effective as the sanction of law inmodern
times.44
interesting to note that a similar council of

But that
elders also existed in the Greek city-state of Sparta.
was in fact a council of elderly people and none below the age
The council at Makkah may
of sixty could attend itsmeetings.
It will be
also be regarded better than a similar council in the city-state

of Athens which was called Ekklesia.
Theoretically, this body
consisted of all the male members over the age of twenty years
but in practice only a minority attended its sessions. Com

386
DR.
MUHAMMAD
NAZEER
KA KA KHEL
paring theCouncil of Elders of Makkah with theAthenian

Ekklesia,MontgomeryWatt says that theCouncil ofMakkah
"
much wiser and more responsible body than theAthenian

Ekklesia and consequently its decisions were often made on
solid merit"45
was a
the central organization, there were local councils

of each tribe, clan and sub-clan. Local problems were resolved
in these councils. As regards the headship of the tribes and
association of the tribes, there were no definite and systematic
Beside
rules for succession to rule.
Succession
To
this we now turn our attention.
to Rule
A glance at thepolitical and social historyof mankind
shows that the question of the allocation of power and succession
and complexproblemboth in
to rulehas alwaysbeen a difficult
This
has led to political crises,
Occident.
the
and
theOrient
and civil wars. But being fond of theirde
social instability
ideals and practices, the Arabs of the north since time

immemorial, chose their leaders through mutual consultation.
the death of a tribal leader, members of the tribe got
Upon
together and chose as their leader the most senior member of
mocratic
the tribeby puttingtheirhands in thehands of thenew leader.
In choice, seniority in age and popular esteem were the deter

But there were no formal or complicated
mining factors.
methods of elections as was the case in some Greek city-states.
The tenureof theofficeof the tribalchiefs lasted till the

death of the beneficiery.But in theory,he remainedchief
during thegood-willof themembers of theclans and of their
Again, at least in theory, the tribal chief was re
garded as the best and ablest personality in the tribe and his
councils.

387
authority was recognised by all. His basic functions, beside

others, were arbitration in disputes and leadership in war.46
An importantthingto be noted here is that theheir of a tribal

chief could succeed only if his personal valour and capabilities
'Amir b. Tufayl, a well-known chief and
recommended him.
contemporary
"
of the Prophet
thus says :47
4
As forme, thoughI be the son of the chiefof Amir
and knight of the tribe called on for help in every ad

Ttwas not for my kinsmen's sake that4 Amir
venture.
made me theirchief; God forbid that I should exalt

myself on mother's
or father's fame ; But itwas because
I guarded their peculiar land and shielded them from
annoy and hurted myself against him that strikes at their

peace."
lines reflect the infant democratic tendencies

in the pre-Islamic times. Thus as long as theyw6re
The above
of theArabs
confined to their own land, they strictlyfollowed their democratic
ideals and institutions but when they sojourned the adjacent
territories of foreigners4 8 theywere sure to introduce innovation
in their political set up and impair its purity. Thus we see that
just before the advent of Islam there was a marked tendency
towards monarchy
throughout Hijaz
and Najd.
Judicial Administration
of the pre-Islamic era seems to have developed
a peculiar system of judiciary. All cases of disputes were re
ferred to mediators
(hukkam, sing : hakam) whose verdicts
were considered to be final and binding on the parties concerned.
has recorded the names of some well-known media
Al-Ya'qubi
Ibn Habib has traced their geneology as
tors of the time.49
Makkah
well.50
Moreover,
he records how Banu Tamim

took active
388
part in the judicial administration of Mecca.

They not only
managed the annual fairs (mawasam) but also acted as judges
in important cases.5t
Ibn 'Abd Rabbin
reports that under
Taym there was a permanent department for the dis

pensation of justice called the aghnaq.52 Abu Bakr was the
incharge of this department in the pre-Islamic times. Besides,
the Arabs were also used to refer their cases of disputes to
Banu
and arbitrators.
oracles
The
inter-tribal disputes were
fically referred to such persons.53

Situation
Just Before
speci
Islam
Since thedeath of' Abd al-MuttalibauthorityinMakkah
seems more or less divided.54
Each
tribal chief enjoyed some
what limitedauthorityand among thedifferent

functionsthere
was
no
such
institution as magistracy
to ensure peaceable
enjoymentby the individuals of theircivil rights. The Sacrili
War
gions
(jUUJiv^) which occured soon after the death of
'
Abd al-Muttalib must have compelled many tribes outside
Makkah
to withdraw
their support of the Qurayshites.
tribal chiefs seem to have rescinded the flaf contracts

due to uncertain political conditions at
signed by Hashim55
Makkah.
Life of the poor people seems to have been miser
able since then onwards.
The compact of the leading men
was a step towards eliminating the cruelties meted
(JjîJlciU.)
6 Muhammad
out to the poor down-trodden class inMakkah.5
(peace be upon him) is also reported to have attended themeet
ing where the agreement among the notables was arrived at.
He was at that time just twentyyears of age.5 7
Many
Concluding Remarks
What
may
be concluded
from the above
discussion
is
thatMakkah also passed throughvarious phases of political

389
rule the city-state

At the dawn of Qwayy's
experimentation.
had more or less the pattern of monarchy for he
of Makkah
like a king and the people in and outside. Makkah
behaved
there
his supreme authority. On his death
acknowledged
followe an aristocracy which in due course of time got trans
Like
formed intomore or less oligarchic form of government.
too had an
their contemporary Himyarites, the Qurayshites
4
called mala9 or nadi which
institution for mutual consultation
acted both as deliberative and executive body. Originally men
the age of fortywere qualified to attend itsmeetings but,

later on, liberal concessions seem to have been given to most
talented participants who were below forty. The administra
above
tion of justice, however, seems to have been independent of the

administrative body of the city-state because our sources of in
formation suggest that in the disputes hakam or kahin was em
ployed whose verdicts were final and nobody could interfere in
their business.
On the strength of evidence in the foregoing pages itmay

be observed that the socio-political institutions in pre-Islamic
to this inherent weakness,
lacked moral fibre. Due
Arabia
transformation of the society at a higher level was the need of
the time. Islam was the only panacea for the evils of the time.
It made justice the main spring of the new social frame-work
and weaned the people from the moral degradation into which
they had fallen.
Itwas necessary to go into the background of the situation
just before thepolitical triumphof Islam and the systemand

goals of lifethat itdetermined. No systemor dynamichistory
some
forming force can be effectively understood without
historical
Islam
significant
backdrop.
emerged out of the
specifichistoricalcontextand it is now clear that just before

390
its advent, the tribal structure of the Arabs, characterised by

wrong beliefs, perpetual warfare, reliance on wealth and unethical
political and commercial activities were becoming more and more
unsuitable and out of date. The need for a greater transforma
tionand unitymade itselfinsistently

felt. The social, political,
economic disparities among theArabs along with their involve

ment in the arena of international politics must have gone a
longway to prepare thegroundforsocial harmonyand political

unitywhich Islam after itsemergenceachieved so rapidly in the
anarchic
peninsula
of Arabia
and
elsewhere.
NOTES
1. Sec my article "The Conceptual and InstitutionalDevelopment of Shura inEarly Islam,
(Islamic Studies, Islamabad), vol,: XIX, No. 4, Winter 1980, pp. 171-82 ; See also
"Ba/a and Its Political Role inEarly Islamic State, (Islamic Studies, Islamabad), vol:
XX No. 3, Autumn 1981, pp.
1347, p. 47
2.
Ibn Hisham, Kitab TlfanftMuluk Ifimyar,Hyderabad Deccan,

Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Ma'Srif Cairo 1960, p. 626
3.
Pliny, Natural
4.
'
Jawwad Ali, Tarlkh aWArab Qabl al-Islam, Baghdad 1953, vol : II, pp. 107, 213.
5.
History,
Leipzig
1909, vol
: II,
pp.
458?59.
The Qur'an has also mentioned themand called them the strongestrulers of Yaman.
See XLIV : 37.
6. NasJiwanb. Sa'id al-Qimyari,Shams al-Ulum, Leiden 1914,p. 121 usain al-Murtada.

Taj al-'Urus, Misr 1307 A.H. vol : X, p. 287
7. gamza
al-Isfahani, Tarlkh siniMuluk al-Ard, Berlin 1340, p. 82
8.
Al-Hamadani, AUIklil, Princeton 1940, vol :VIII, p. 210
9.
Jawwad Ali, Tarlkh, op. cit. p. 139
10. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al-Rusul wa'l-Muluk, Leiden Prima Series 1964,p. 769
11.
Ibid.
12. Some portion of thisOde has been produced byMubammad 'Izzah Darwazah in his
book TSrlkh al-Jins aWArabl, Beirut 1962, vol : V, pp. 86?87.

391

13.
Al-Ya'qQbi,
14.
According
Beirut
Tdrikh,
H.
to W.
15.
Al-Himyari,
Shams
16.
The Priplus
of the Erythrian
17.
tfamza
18.
Al-Mas'Gdi,
al-'Ulum
al-Bakri
21.
Tdrikh
it was
written
cit. pp.
op.
to embrace
Hadrat
to
sent a mess
Sulayman
she is reported
his religion,
to this and
refers
also
that when
consultants
and
: I, p. 35.
1956, vol
Cairo
of Yaman
Qur'an
: 1, p. 77
1948, vol
86?87.
al-Siydsi,
courtiers
106?7.
30,
15
of Islam
of here
The
connection.
cit. p.
in the annals
queen
a meeting
vened
the book),
85?86.
2nd ed.
Cairo
ffadramaut
preserved
to Bilqis,5the
cit. pp.
op.
Tdrikh,
al-Isfahani,
It has been
of
translater
1912, pp.
Newyork
op.
al-Dhahab,
Shams
?alah
and
cit. p. 73
op.
Sea,
Tdrikh,
Muruj
19. j Al-îmyari,
age
al-'Utum,
aMsfahani,
20.
(the editor
Schoff
half of the first century A.D.
in the second
yamza
: II, p. 201
1960, vol
seek
their
her speech
produces
to have
advice
con
in
that
to the members
of her ihura in these words :

O
22.
Ahmad
p.
23.
(Qur'an, XXVII
An Areheological
Fahkry,
case.
in my
I decide
no case
until you
are with
: 32)
to Yaman
Journey
Cairo,
Govt.
Press
1952,
vol:
I,
110.
Ibn Ishaq,
Sirah
Hislxam
Rasul
Oxford
Muhammad),
24.
for me
Pronounce
chieftains!
me.
b. Munc&ir
25.
Ibn Is!?aq, Sirah
26.
It has
been
Allah,
al-Kalbf
Rasul
reported
Allah
tr. by A. Guillaume
(eng.
Press
University
Kitdb
al-Asnam,
op. cit. p.
under
the
title.
The
Life
of
10
1955, p.
Cairo
1914, p.
11.
10.
that one Qurayshilte
of BanD
Asad,
*
Ujjhman
namely,
b.
al
The Syrian king appointed

Chrstianity.
IJuwayriHi went to Syrja where he embraced
He was sent there with
him ruler over the Meccans.
Ukase
(edict or decree of the
to accept
as their king. The
Roman
'U&man
ordering the Meccans
Quray
Emperor)
ideals and institutions, knew fully that non-compliance
market
in Syria but they did not
adversely affect their commercial
their king.
turned him out of Mecca.
The
of the
They
rejection
shtes fond of their democratic

of the orders would
accept
the man
as
infuriated
the Syrian monarch.
the part of the Meccans
He
is
to have closed
the doors of his empire for the Meccans
and several Meccans
reported
were arrested
in Syria and elsewhere.
This was a set-back
to the commercial
transac
orders
of the king on
tions of ihe Qurayshites

for the sake
of
with
their political
the foreigners
and
but
democratic
they sacrificed
ideals which
their commercial
were
very dear

gains
to them.
392
were
They
not
Jamharah
Al-FasI,
Shifd*
p.
28.
: II,
at any
: I, pp.
vol
aUHaram
cost.
b.
Zubayr
425?6.
in Akhbar
(ed. Wustenfeld
144.
p.
in any classical
also
See
commentary.
Tdrfkh,
AI-Tabari,
op.
cit
1513.
Kitab
Ibn Durayd,
Hassan
Dlwan
30.
Ibn tlabib,
Kitab
Al-Dinawari,
Hanifah,
al-Hamavi,
YaqQt
of Hira
of Nu'man
: IV, p.
p.
pp
428f.
the contemporary
53?54
of
the
wa'
al-Bad'i
(Kitab
Al-Maqdisi,
that he was
is of the opinion
the contemporary
and
A.D.)
(418?62
was
1330,
A.D)
(457?84
126)
: III,
1906, vol.
p. 96) Qusayy
(Tarikh,
bin Yazdgard
1908, vol
Paris
Tarikh,
al-Isfahani
Feroz
monarch
Cairo
al-Tiwdl.
1st. ed.
Cairo
al-Bulddn,
Mitjam
to Hamza
According
Persian
al-Akhbdr
70
p.
1910,
1942, p. 249
Deccan
Hyderabad
Kitaba
303
Leiden
Hirschfeld)
(ed. Hartwing
al-Miriyabbar
AbQ
: II, p.
vol
1959,
Baghdad
al-Ishtiqdq,
b. Thabit,
29.
31.
: 8 as
1381 A.H.
al-Balad
be Akhbdr
vol
n.d.
at Mecca
monarchy
Cairo
Quraysh,
aUGhardm
LXIII
Qur'an,
of introducing
Nasb
Beirut,
Makkah)
27.
in favour
Bakkar
of Persia
Bahramgor
(420?39
A.D.):
32. Accordng to Ibn Ishaq; Qusayy behaved as a king over his tribeand thepeople of
and
Mecca
33.
34.
Cf,
35.
Kitab
Ibn Habib,
Al-Azraqi
38.
Al-Fasi,
39.
Mu'arraj
b.
40.
Al-Azraqi,
41.
Ibn Durayd,
4
Asakar,
42.
Ibn
43.
Ibn Durayd,
*
Amr
op.
op.
cit. pp.
52?53.)
Cairo
Islam,
Lahore,
ofMecca,
: III,
vol.
1940,
n.d.
(Islamic
pp.
p.
313?14
Culture,
Hyderabad
1938.
al-Ashrdf,
Cairo
aUMunammaq,
Akhbdr Makkah,
op cit. p.
Tarikh
The City-State
3, July,
Ansdb
Al-BaladhQri,
(Sirah
1097?98.
pp.
Ahmad.
Hamidullah,
No.
king
al-Farid,
AUlqd
Rabbih,
: XII,
37.
cit.
op.
Muinuddin
Shah
Muhammad
vol.
36.
'
Abd
him
they made
Tarikh,
Al-Tabari,
Ibn
so
1959,
Hyderabad
vol
: I, p.
53
Deccan,
1384 A.H.
1332 A.H.,
(Makkah,
New
Edition,
Ifadhfmin
Nasb
Quraysh,
pp.
pp.
142?43.
61?62)
143
al-SadQsi,
Cairo,
n.d.
p. 4
cit pp. 65, 465.
Kitab
al-Ishtiqdq,
AUTdrikh
Kitab
aUKablr,
al-Ishtiqdq,
op.
cit., p. 55
Demascus
1332 A.H.
vol
: IV, pp. 418?19
p. 70.

Deccan
393
44.
A similar pressurewas brought against theHashimites and theMuttalibs by the restof

theQurayshites fornot having stoppedMuhammad (peace be upon him)jfromabusing
theirforebearsand forhanding him over to them so that theymay put him to death.
IbnWadih al-Ya'qubl, Tarikh, op. cit. vol : II, p. 31
45.
Montgomery
46.
Al-Fasi,
op.
cit.
at Mecca,
Muhammad
Watt,
Oxford
I960,
pp.
9?10.
143
p.
47. 'Amirb. Tufayl, Dtwin (ed. and eng,C. J.Lyall) London/Leiden 1913,1 : 1?3.
48.
49.
Ibn jjabib, Kitab al-Munammaq, op. cit. p. 32 Ibn Sa*d,Kitab al-Jabaqat aUKubra,
Beirut, 1957, vol: II, p. 180.
Al-Ya'qQbi,
Tarikh,
op.
cit. vol
: I, p. 258.
50.
Ibn Habib,
Kitab
al-Munammaq,
51.
Ibn Habib,
Kitab
al-Muhabbar,
52
4
Ibn Abd Rabbih, aWlqd al-Fartd, op. cit. p. 314.
53.
54.
55.
pp. 459?60.
pp.
181?
82.
Muhammad Hamidullah, The City-State ofMecca, op. cit. p. 171

IbnHabib, Kitab aUMubabbar, p. 165
Al-Tha'alabi, Lafa'if aUMa'arif, Cairo 1960,p. 11
: Kitab
Thimar
al-Qulub,
Cairo,
n.d.
p. 89
pp. 45?46.
56.
Ibn Habib,
57.
Ibid.
See also Ibn Isb&q who recordshow theholy Prophet once remarked :
Kitab
al-Munammaq,
"I witnessed in the house of *AbdullahIbn Jud'an a covenant which I would not
exchange for any number,of fine camels ; if I were invited to takepart in itduring
Islam,
I must
do
so." Sirah
Rasul
Allah,
op.
cit, p. 57.


Political System in Pre-Islamic Arabia

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POLITICAL SYSTEM IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA

Author(s): Muhammad Nazeer Ka Ka Khel and Mohammad Nazeer Ka Ka Khel

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