INDIAN PAAN

FINAL PROJECT
ON
STUDY ON INDIAN PAAN
A report submitted to Ishan Institute of Management & Technology, Greater Noida as a
partly fulfillment to full time
Post Graduate Diploma in Marketing Management

Under the guidance of

GIRDHARI SINGH

Submitted To:

Submitted By:

Dr. D.K. Garg

ABHISHEK KUMAR

Chairman,

ENR No: MM19030

IIMT, Gr. Noida

ISHAN INSTITUTE OF

MANAGEMENT
&TECHNOLOGY

1A, Knowledge Park-1, Greater Noida, Dist- G.B. Nagar (U.P.)

Website: www.ishanfamily.comE-Mail: student@ishanfamily.com

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PREFACE

PREFACE
EVER since I began writing this project about of Indian Paan(Betel) , people have asked, How
did you become interested in betel ? While researching an earlier project Traces of lime inside
testify to its function as a container for lime paste, one of the main ingredients of a betel quid.
Beyond that, I could find little information ole in the practice of betel chewing. At the time, I had
to continue with my writing on Khmer ceramics, but I vowed to return to the subject of betel
chewing.

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Through correspondence with over a hundred people connected with betel chewing in some way,
my eyes were opened to the scope of the subject, most of which was as yet unexplored. Although
considerable effort has been made to record the history of betel chewing on the Indian
subcontinent where surviving artistic and literary sources are preserved in institutions and
museums, in South-East Asia sources for studying the custom are limited and betel chewing
seems to be decreasing more rapidly than in India and to a greater degree.
The main sources for this subject are the betel chewers of today. Since they are mostly elderly,
the history of the custom threatens to dieunrecorded. This realization urged me to accelerate
my research on the subject in the context of Indian Paan . My purpose in writing this book has
thus been to bring the subject to the attention of those who are not familiar with it, to present the
latest findings, and to bring together, for the first time, the art, legends, and lore of the custom. I
hope it may stimulate further research into the history and traditions of betel chewing

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CERTIFICATE

CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the project work done on INDIAN PAAN submitted to Ishan Institute of
Management and Technology, Greater Noida by ABHISHEK KUMAR ,ENR NO-19030 In
partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of degree of PG Diploma in Marketing
Management, is a bonafide work carried out by them under my supervision and guidance. This

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project work is the original one and has not been submitted anywhere else for any other
degree/diploma.

Date:

ABHISHEK KUMAR

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
With immense pleasure, I would like to present this project report for the topic INDIAN
PAAN. As a student of ISHAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT AND TECHNOLOGY, I
owe my gratitude to all the people who have made this dissertation possible. First and foremost, I
would like to thank my guide Mr. Shikhil Domingo (Asst Manager) for giving me an invaluable
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INDIAN PAAN

opportunity to work on challenging and extremely interesting projects during my summer

training. He always made himself available for help and advice. It has been a pleasure to work
with and learn from such extraordinary person. I am thankful to our college for organizing such
training programme, especially Chairman Dr. D.K. Garg who gave me an opportunity to
gain experience of working in an organization and to know the working culture of the corporate
and to analyse about the working procedure of the trading system of equity market. I would like
to express my sincere thanks to my Professors & other faculty members of management
department of IIMT, Greater Noida, for developing their guidance & help. I would like to thanks
my seniors for their support and guidance which made my project fruitful. Without their
guidance and support this project was incomplete. I owe my deepest thanks to my family - my
mother and father who have always stood with me & guided me through my career, and have
supported me with every endeavour I take on. They guided me in proper and right way and
encouraged me to make this project in a proper way. Words cannot express the gratitude I owe
them. Lastly I would like to thank God to give me enough strength to prepare this project with
sincerity and honesty and with proper dedication so as to make it successful.

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DECLARATION

DECLARATION
The final project on STUDY ON INDIAN PAAN under the guidance of Mr. Girdhari Singh is
the original work done by us. This is the property of the Institute & use of this report without
prior permission of the Institute will be illegal & actionable.

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INDIAN PAAN

Date:

Signature:
ABHISHEK KUMAR
ENR No: MM19030

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The betel vine (Piper betle L.) is a perennial climber, cultivated for its leaf. It is an important
commercial crop of India, Bangladesh, Srilanka, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Philippines,
etc. In India, betel vine (Pan) is extensively cultivated in about 20 states. Karnataka, Orissa,
Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Bihar are the most important pan growing states in the country.
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The annual turnover of betel vine is estimated at Rs. 10,000 million. It is grown over an area of
50,000 hectare providing livelihoods to several lakhs of families engaged in its cultivation and
trade.Besides, betel leaf is one of the grandmothers remedies, prescribed as traditional medicine,
by experienced elders of the family. This is also a foreign exchange earner crop and the country
earns every year about Rs. 700 crores ($ 250 million USA) through export of this leaf. In the
state of Bihar it has been cultivated on an area of around 4,000 hectare. It is the least land
intensive crop and cultivated in bareja. About 15 decimal of betel vine cultivated land considered
as an economically viable and it can provide livelihood for a family of five members over 15
years. In the state, two major varieties of betel vine are grown, namely: Deshi and Magahi.
Deshi variety was generally grown in Vaishali, Saran, Motihari, Muzaffarpur, Sheikhpura,
Khagaria, Munger, Bhagalpur,Katihar, Kishanganj, Araria, Banka, Sitamarhi and Madhubani.
The other variety Magahi is grown in Nalanda, Nawada, Gaya and Aurangabad. Besides, these
two varieties and other varieties like: Hara patta, Pila patta, Mitha patta were also grown in the
state, but the scales of cultivation were quite low. Betel vine is considered as highly labour
intensive providing employment throughout the year both in the production and marketing. The
estimated annual net income in the state is above 50,000 rupees per hectare. In the state, the
annual turn over from this crop was estimated to be about Rs. 100 crores, and more than15 lakh
people were engaged in farming and as labourer and traders. It is worth mentioning that the
cultivation of betel vine is a highly labour intensive crop but at the same time, it requires
substantial capital investment. Therefore to judge the worthiness of the project, the cost and
returns from investment needs to be analysed with great caution as any wrong decision can affect
the economy of farmers. The present study is an attempt in this direction. The study has been
undertaken under the guidelines of the evaluating Centre AER Centre, Jabalpur (Madhya
Pradesh) and the Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India too.

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TABLE OF CONTENT

TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITTLE:- STUDY ON INDIAN PAAN
S. NO.

PARTICULAR

PAGE NO.

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INDIAN PAAN

PREFACE

2.

CERTIFICATE

3.

ACKNOWLEDGE

DECLARATION

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

CHAPTER-1

INTRODUCTION:HISTORY OF PAAN
HISTORY OF INDIAN
PAAN

CHAPTER-2

AVAILABILITY OF PAAN:INDIA
ABORD

CHAPTER-3

TYPES OF PAAN

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CHAPTER-4

CULTIVATION OF PAAN
CULTURE
SEASION

CHAPTER-5

MEDICAL USE OF PAAN:AS A BETEL OILS

KILLS GERMS
ANTI OXIDATION
FUNGICIDES
STOP COUGUING
REDUCE INFLAMMATION
RELIEVE ITCHING
OTHERS

CHAPTER-6

TRADITIONAL USE Of
PAAN:MARRAIGE PARTY
WORSHIP
PARTY
NORMAL USE

CHAPTER-7

MARKETING OF PAAN
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CHAPTER-8

BENEFITS OF PAAN

CHAPTER-9

PROBLUM OF PAAN

CHAPTER-10

EATING
EXPORTS OF PAAN FROM

CHAPTER-11

INDIA
SWOT ANALYSIS

CHAPTER-12

FINDING &LIMITATION
SUGGESTION
CONCLUSION

CHAPTER-13

WORDS OF THANKS

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INDIAN PAAN

CHAPTER-1
INTRODUCTION OF INDIDAN PAAN
HISTORY OF PAAN

INTRODUCTION OF PAAN
The betel leaf commonly known as Paan or Nagvalli is an evergreen and perennial creeper
Significance of leaves has been explained in relationship to every sphere of human life including
social, culture, religious and is very much relevant even in modern days From ancient time betel
are chewed along with areca nut, slaked lime, cardamom and clove in many Asian countries .
Various properties of betel leaf include antioxidant, antifungal, antiulcergenic, antiplatelet,
antidiabetic, immunomodulatory, antileshmanial, antiamoebic, anti-inflammatory, antifilarial and
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antimicrobial , antifertility , antihyperglycemic , antidermatophytic , antinacepative and

radioprotective properties . Piper betel is one of the invaluable medicinal plants where its leaves
have been used for many medicinal purposes. Piper betel, a member of the Piperaceae, which is a
large plant family, is also known Paan in India and Sirih in Malaysia and Indonesia. The fresh
leaves of betel leaves have been wrapped together with the areca nut, mineral slaked lime,
catechu, flavoring substances and spices are chewed since the ancient time Betel leaf has been
described from ancient time as an aromatic stimulo-carminative, astringent and aphrodisiac. The
leaf produces and aromatic volatile oil contains aphenol called chavicol, which has a powerful
antiseptic properties. The alkaloid arakene has properties resembling cocaine in some respect.
Pharmacological effects of betel chewing include abundant flow of saliva, temporary dulled of
taste perception, stimulation of muscular and mental efficiency. Scientific research on the leaf of
this plant reveals that it possesses many beneficial bioactivities and its extract from betel leaves
has a great potential to be used in developing commercial products. Due to the numerous
benefits, betel vine is grown for its leaves. The best conditions for commercial betel vine
cultivation are those of tropical rain forests, which provide cool shade, considerable humidity
and an adequate supply of soil moisture like Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand,
Cambodia, Vietnam and India

The leaves contain vitamins and significant amount of all

essential amino acid except lysine, histidine and arginine which occurs in traces.

PROPERTIES
Quid chewing is carcinogenic, it is believed that unlike other constituents of the betel quid, the
betel leaves devoid of carcinogenic effects and on the contrary possess cancer preventive effects
including protective effects against the carcinogens present in tobacco. In a study, cancer was
induced in Swiss male mice with tobacco carcinogens. The study group which was treated with
betel leaf extract showed resistance to cancer. This study proved that contents in the betel leaf
extract had certain antioxidant products that neutralized the tobacco carcinogen- induced
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damage.

Levels of several serum antioxidants like ascorbic acid, vitamin E, superoxide

dismutase, catalase and glutathione peroxidases were increased when we consume betel leaf
extract. Piper betel L. leaves is widely used as a mouth freshener after meal. This plant is
extensively grown in Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Thailand, Taiwan and other
Southeast Asian countries. Its common name is betel in English, paan in India and Bangladesh .
Indian system of medicine and health has adopted the use of betel leaves in various ways. In
Indian folkloric medicine, betel leaf is popular as an antiseptic and is commonly applied on
wounds and lesions for its healing effects. Essential oil extracted from betel leaf may be used as
an industrial raw material for manufacturing medicines, perfumes, mouth fresheners, tonics, food
additives etc. Betel Leaf extract even showed beneficial effect in terms of reduced tumor growth
rate in animal tumor models. The extract of betel leaves inhibited emergence of DMBA induced mammary carcinogenesis in rats. However, it did not inhibit the growth in already
induced mammary tumors. Chemopreventive effect of betel leaves was demonstrated where
administration of BL extract lowered the benzo pyrene induced fore- stomach papillomas in
Swiss mice. Maximal inhibition of papilloma development was observed in mice receiving
hydroxychavicol- a constituent of Betel Leaf extract.
HISTORY OF INDIAN PAAN

The betel leaf is popularly known as paan India. It is a medicinal plant whose leaves are taken as
a spice. Paan is evergreen and available all round the year. The leaves are glossy and heart
shaped. It grows to about 1 metre in height. Paan belongs to the division of magnoliophyta in the
plant kingdom. This slender aromatic creeper with long stalks class is magnolipsida, order is
piperales, family is piperaceae, genus is piper and the species is P.betle.
It is grown extensively in India. Malaysia is said to be country of origin. At one time it covered
the Far East, India and went on to Madagascar and East Africa. There are many varieties of betel
leaves and the best one is called magahi from the region of Magadh, which is in Bihar, India. In
Tamil it is named vetrilai. From the leaves of paan betel oil is obtained which belong to
allylbenzene group of compounds chavibetol, chavicol, estragole, eugenol methyl eugenol and
also hydroxycatechol. Also present are two monoterpenes and two monoterpenoids, together
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with eucalyptol as well as carvacrol. In addition two sesquiterpenes are also present.Warm humid
climate is ideal for the cultivation of paan, which is a fast growing creeper. It can tolerate some
amount of drought but is too sensitive to grow in regions outside the tropical belt. The flowers
are white and become greenish brown upon maturing. Root division like cuttings is used for
propagation. This is done in spring and summer. The soil has to be rich and there must be
sufficient shade. It requires regular caring with plenty of nourishment and water. It will thrive in
winter if shifted to a warm cozy niche. The paan leaves are generally chewed either by itself or in
combination with slaked lime, betel nuts (areca variety) and other exotic stuff like aniseed and
sometimes tobacco etc. Preparation of paan is an art and the secret technique is passed down
from generation to generation. An entire caste is engaged in this. Chewing the leaves and nuts
promotes red colored stimulating salivation. This has been in practice for thousands of years. It
was a craze among aristocrats. There are several ways a paan can be folded. This it is a special
branch of the paan culture. Asian history is incomplete without the paan. Paan is a vital part of
Hindu life. Money is placed on it while payments are made to priests. In Bengali weddings the
bride enters the marriage podium covering her face with two palm leaves. She will remove them
at the auspicious time of exchange of first glances with the groom. All through the ceremony she
will keep two whole betel nuts tucked in her cheeks. A tray full of well-decorated paan is an
essential part of the wedding trousseau. The fish too has an important role in the wedding. The
fish is dressed as a bride with vermilion and a nose ring together with a folded paan in its mouth.
Bengali grooms go to the house of bride carrying a betel nut cracker. These used to be made of
silver, gold or brass and were exquisitely carved making them a collectors delight today. As a
gesture of hospitality, all over India, paan is offered and is considered to be very holy. At one
time paan served the purpose of lipstick. The pouting red lips of young women have been the
theme of many folk songs as well as classical literature. The paan is also a part of Vietnamese
culture. There is a saying that the betel leaf starts off the conversation. It kicks off formal
gatherings and sort of breaks the ice. In South East Asia the groom, as a token of exchange,
traditionally offers the parents of the bride paan. The phrase matters of betel and areca are
synonymous with marriage in Vietnam. Paan is an antiseptic that freshens the breath and is also
an ayurvedic aphrodisiac medicine. Myriad are the uses of paan. It cures headaches, joint pain
and arthritis as well as toothaches. In some places it serves the purpose of an antibiotic and a
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digestive medicine. It cures constipation, congestion and helps in lactation. It even helps in
ridding the body of worms. Unani stream of medicine claims that paan is a sweet smelling
stimulant that prevents flatulency. It stops bleeding. Applying heated paan as a foment, especially
in the case of children cures stomach troubles. Drinking betel leaves boiled with black pepper
can cure indigestion. An application of ground paan leaves on the temples, or few drops of its
juice on the nostrils, gives relief from headaches. In cases of acute constipation a well-greased
stalk can be inserted in the rectum can give instant relief to children. Paan leaves placed on an
open wound works wonders within a day or two. Greased with oils and placed on the breasts of
nursing mothers, paan promotes lactation. Eating paan is good for colds and coughs. In acute
cases heat the leaf and rub it with oil on the chest. Coriander and mint kept tucked in paan retain
their freshness. It may be taken as a concoction of tea for good health. This eliminates body
odour emanating from sweat and menstruation. Gums and teeth are kept healthy by chewing it.
Betel leaves relieves nerve disorders, exhaustion and pain and in many cases a concoction with
diluted sweetened milk eases urination. Mixed with honey it is a good tonic. It helps in
respiratory trouble that affects the lungs of young and old. Sore throat, inflammation is cured
with the local application of paan paste. Boils can be treated with paan.
Scientists in Calcutta (Indian Institute of Chemical Biology) claim that in paan lies a potential
cure for leukemia. A molecule from it has destroyed cancer cell without harmful side effects.
This discovery has led to the experiment being carried out in other parts of the West and Japan.
In all cases leukemia cells are totally destroyed. The same effect showed on experiments with
mice. Clinical trials with humans have yet to be started. If successful, cancer treatment will
become cheap and affordable. The journal of the Hematological Society of America has accepted
this study for publication in its journal. There is a growing fear about the connection between
paan and oral cancer but this has not been conclusively established Paan is often used for
cooking. Meat is cooked wrapped in paan leaves and cooked. Other fillings like shrimps, shallots
and peanuts are often used in South East Asia. Platters are decorated with paan leaves.Reference
to the use of betel leaf goes back more than two thousand years, in an ancient Pli book of
Srilanka, Mahawamsa. In the Vedas too there is reference to paan being the first offering to the
guru. Bulath Pdhaya is a special dance mentioned in the Kohomba Kankariya of Srilanka.
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According to legend a king was troubled by divodasa a recurring nightmare that made him ill.
But a dance carrying paan leaves performed before the king cured him. Here the sacred and
practical are entwined in poetic beauty excellence. The West too has taken up the paan culture
with gusto.Betel vine (.Piper betle L) is known by its many names across the country and
abroad.

In Indian subcontinent it is known as pan in Hindi, Tambula in Sanskrit,

Villayadela in Kannada, Vettilakkoti in Malyalam, Vettilai in Tamil, Tamalapaku in Telugu,

Videch-pan in Marathi, Nagarbel in Gujrati and pan in Bangala.

In foreign languages it is

known as Tanbol in Arabic and Burg-e-Tanbol in Persian. It belongs to piperaceae family and
is a perennial climber cultivated for is leaf.

It is a shed loving plant and originated

from Malaysia accordingto De Cando. Historically, the word pan in Hindi and other Indian
languages is pro
bably a derivative of the Sanskrit word pan meaning leaf.

It has been very intimately

connected with the ancient Indian history, religion and culture as is evident by many
references in the early Sanskrit literature (3000 BC), like Vedas, Ramayana, Mahabharata,
Mahavansha, etc.

Marcopolo (1295 AD) took notice of the pan chewing habit of the

people in south India. Over the centuries, pan chewing had become so prevalent that serving
and chewing of pan had been raised to the level of a fine art at the Mughal Darbar, particularly
during the Akbars regime. In course of time, offering the bida of betel vine has become
a symbol of offering and acceptance of mutual love and friendship. Betel vine has been under
cultivation in India for centuries.

In fact, no Hindu religious ceremony is complete without

pan. It is also offered after lunch and dinner and also during other social get together. The
medicinal properties of pan was recognized during 600 A D when Ayurvedic system of
medicine came into practice. Betel leavesare beneficial to the throat and remove viscidity in
human beings. Leaves help in digestion and tend to remove the bad smell of the mouth.

The

juice of betel leaves is used as an adjunct to pills administered in the Ayurvedic

medicines.

The freshcrushed leaves are used as antiseptic for cuts and wounds. It is also

good for the respiratory system and is used in treatment of bronchitis, cough and cold
(Chopra et al, 1958).

The leaves of the 2 pan plant have been traditionally used for

chewing.Pan chewing is considered as a good and cheap source of dietary calcium.

It incre
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ases digestive capacity when used with lime. Besides, it neutralizes the acidity and acts as
blood purifier. Main constituents of betel leaves are vitamin B and C, carotene, and other
elements. The oldest authentic Ayurvedic therapy books describe betel vine, honey and
Tulsi as nectar (Amrit). In short, betel leaf is one of thegrandmothers remedies, prescribed
as traditional medicine, by experienced, older members of the family. The harmful effects of
pan as described in the Ayurvedic texts are that it weakens teeth, impairs health and
deadens the taste buds of the tongue.

In the Indian subcontinent, where chewing tobacco

with pan is a common habit, cancer of the mouth is very common. But the educated Indians
are of the opinion that moderate use of betel leaf is not merely innocuous but that it may even be
conducive to good health.

As per Einsiedlen, Switzerland (1943)

Everything is

poisonous, and nothing is not poisonous, only the dose makes a thing poisonous. Pan is grown
in moist tropical region in the world.

It has been grown under two conditions i.e.,

natural conditions and controlled conditions.

In natural condition in the tropical forest

region on the tree it can grow as tall as the tree (Western regions & north eastern regions).
Cultivation under controlled conditions (bareja) is in practice in the sub-tropics. The south
region where humidity and temperature do not fluctuate abnormally and high humidity with
moderate sunshine prevails throughout the year, the natural condition of betel vine growing is
practiced. The cultivation under controlled condition is practiced where there is relative humidity
is often low and temperature remains high (above 40C) in summer and low (below 10C) in
winter. The microclimate plays an important role in the production of good quality betel leaves.
This ideal condition is provided by artificial means, popularly known as Bareja.

The

exact period of beginning of the prevailing system of pan cultivation is not known.
However, as per literature available in charak, this practice is mentioned as older than 600-400
BC. The first record of any structure, which may be called as greenhouse, is not known.
However, it is believed that the first glasshouse/greenhouse dates back four to five hundred
years. The glasshouses are useful in colderclimates (winter) when thermal 3properties of glass
conserve heat and maintain temperature to the extent suitable for plant

growth.

Such

structure loses its utility during summers when higher temperature inside the glass
house is detrimental to the plant.

This limitation was overcome once refrigeration

technology was developed in 1920. This technology is highly sophisticated and its running
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costs are high.

The cultivation of betel vine under control conditions is also a case of

creating an indigenous system of environmental chamber with the material available in

nature.

As consequence of advancement in greenhouse/glasshouse construction technology,

now it is quite easy to shift plants from their natural habitat and grow them under
controlled condition throughout the year in subtropical regionwith significantly low cost. The
plant betel vine thrives best under shade, which provides low light intensity, mild temperature
(10C to 30C), high humidity with 1450
-1700 mm rainfall and frequent irrigation throughout the year. Hot wind burns the tender leaves
and causes wilting while cold wave cause yellowing of leaves.

The land suitable for

cultivation of this crop is upland having well drained with loamy to clay loamy soil.
Soil with good water holding capacity and slight acidic to neutralsoil are considered to be ideal
Story of Paan
Noorjahan, the Mother of the Mughal Emperor Shahjahan, is said to have once found a leaf
which when eaten along with some distinct ingredients not just acted as a mouth freshener but
also gave a red lipstick like colouring to the lips of the chewer. Needless to say, this heart shaped
leaf called the Paan or the Beetle Leaf captured the Queens heart, just like it has mesmerized
royalty & commoner alike over the centuries.
Noorjahan, in fact, was not the one who discovered Paan. Its mention in the age old Epics &
Vedas show that the scholars of Ayurveda found that these leaves were very good palate
cleansers & breathe freshners. It is said that Sushruta, the father of Indian medicine, studied the
Paans qualities in detail & found that apart from being a digestive, Paan also helped to
strengthen the voice, tounge, teeth & guard against diseases. Incidentally, the association of
Paan with cancer is not due to its individual trail but is the synergistic effect of the ingredients
put in the Paan like tobacco, catechu or katha & betel nuts or supari that increase the risk of oral
cancer & not the leaf.
Today Paan is as much part of a traditional Indian feast as kheer or sweet served at the end of
the meal. So much so that some find the feast incomplete without being served a triangular
shaped beeda of a paan with some 8 to 10 ingredients packed inside the leaf. These ingredients
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may basically consist of lime or chuna, catechu or katha, betel nuts or supari & other varied
addons like rose petals, fennel seeds, cardamom, tobacco & other ingredients, depending on the
taste & preferences of the chewer. Many native to the fillings used in the Paan believe that all
Paan leaves when eaten leave the lips, tongue & mouth red. The truth is, the red colouring comes
from the catechu spread on the Paan & the leaf if eaten without these other inclusions has a
bitter sweet, mint like quality leaving the mouth with no colour as such, but a distinct after taste.
This taste too may very depending on the variety of Paan you are Chewing. There are the world
famous varieties of Maghai & Jagannath of Benaras, the desi mahoba of Bengal, the small &
fragile chigrleyele of south India which is more popularly known as the madrasi Paan & also the
ambadi & kariyele varieties from the south that have thicker black leaves & are mostly eaten
with tobacco.
The Paan leaves come from a creeper, which thrives well in moist soil under the shade of trees or
bamboo roof & requires lot of care & attention. A typical creeper can bear light green healthy
leaves for 20 years or more but after two decades, farmers prefer to plant new creepers as the
spicy taste of the paan leaves seems to get milder with time. It is believed that the leaves absorb
the identity of the region they are growing in & so give a very unique regional flavour, aroma &
taste when finally served. Just like wine connoisseurs swear by the wine they like, in India there
are paan connoisseurs who can wax eloquent about the paan they like & hoe its taste differs from
all the other varieties. Like wine, even the way the paan beeda has to be eaten is of great
consequence to get the desired taste. One doesnt just put the paan in the mouth & start chewing,
instead it is pressed slightly between the molars & chewed with labour, slowly & passionately to
let the juices of the leaf intermingle with the individual taste of the varied ingredients & finally
give a refreshing, sweet, bitter mint like flavour. Those who do not know the proper code of
conduct of Paan eating also feel that it is quite important not to eat or gulp down the Paan but
Chew it & once the juices run dry, throw it like a chewing gum. Of course not every Paan eater
has a sense of public etiquette &often one finds the walls of public places spattered with red-the
careless art of modern Paan chewers.Betal All this apart, the paan leaf plays a significant role in
social, religious & cultural rites & practices. It has been an important part of wedding
ceremonies & holy rituals. In Hindu homes the whole paan leaf is offered to the lord as part of
the puja. In a traditional Bengali wedding, the moment when the bride & groom see each other
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INDIAN PAAN

for the first time is marked by a ceremony called the shubho drishti or the pious glimpse. What
makes the ceremony enchanting is the way the bride increase the anticipation of the groom by
hiding her face behind two paan leaves held in each hand & then finally lifting her leafy veil for
the traditional love at first sight. Indeed the paan leaf is popularity as a means to appease lovers
is legendary. There are innumerable madhubani paintings where lord Krishna & radha are seen
with each other amidst a background of trees, peacocks, fountains & a distinctive paan dani or
paan box kept nearby. This paan dani too is not of less significance. Although the use of such a
box to keep paan leaves in has diminished there was a time when people revered their paan daani
as much as the paan itself. This has beautiful shapes of peacocks or leaf motifs & separate
compartments inside for keeping the different ingredients & the paan leaves. What made these
boxes extra special waswhile the designs were good to look at they also served the purpose of
keeping the paan leaves fresh & well aerated. Speaking about the Paan & not mentioning
Lucknow is like speaking about a tree without mentioning the birds that make it their home.
Lucknow is essentially home to Paan. It is this city that has lifted Paan eating to the pinnacle of
refinement. Here you will find many fanatical Paan lovers. The age old customs of carrying a
Paan Daani, keeping the Paan leaves fresh inside a red coloured cloth called the Shaal Baaf or
decorating the Paan Beeda or Bilourie, as it is called here, with silver foil to make the savoured
delicacy more valued, are very much intact in this paan loving city. Even Ibn E Batuta, the
famous traveler, has mentioned in his travelogues about how serving a Paan to the guests was a
sign of ultimate respect & hospitality in Lucknow. The fascination of this city for Paan is such
that the heart & spades in a deck of cards too are called the Laal Paan & Kaala Paan respectively.
From colouring lips to staining the city walls, from being offered to Gods & Goddesses to being
considered a sinful carcinogenic treat, the Paan has grown to be known by many terms over the
years a national pass time, a holy offering, a refreshing treat & by far the best & most fitting
ending to a delectable Indian meal.
Vernacular names

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INDIAN PAAN

The betel leaf is known as Pan in Bengali and Paan in Hindi, Tambula and Nagavalli in Sanskrit,
and Tanbul in Persian. Some of the names in the regions in which it is consumed are: Vetrilai
(Tamil ), (vettrilai - (vettru, "nothing") + (ilai, "leaf") (nothing but leaf,Plant has only leaf with rudimentary flowers,so it's called "vetrilai")),Tamalapaku
(Telugu), or " "(Marathi), or Naagarvel naaan (Gujarati),
veelyada yele (Kannada), Vettila (Malayalam), Kun ( ) in Burmese, Pl (Mon),
Malus (Tetum), Maluu (Khmer), Pl (Thai: ), Bulath (Sinhalese), Malu (Tokodede),
Bileiy (Maldivian: ), bulung samat (Kapampangan), daun sirih (Malaysian), daun sirih/suruh
(Indonesian), Kebui (Palauan), Pupulu (Chamorro), Ikmo (Tagalog), Gawed (Ilokano), Pu () in
Lao, and Tru (Vietnamese), Gaweud/Gawed in (Kalinga), Buyo (Bikol).

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INDIAN PAAN

CHAPTER-2
AVAILABILITY OF PAAN

AVAILABILITY OF PAAN
The most common varieties of Paan are Desi, Banarasi, Calcutta, Magahi, Banarasi, Pune Kali,
Venmony, Tirur etc. Paan is cultivated throughout India, except for the dry Northwestern
parts. Desi and Banarasi paan is cultivated in various parts of Orissa, Calcutta and in West
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INDIAN PAAN

Bengal, Magahi in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, Pune Kali in Maharashtra, Venmony and Tirur
paan in various parts of Kerala. The best betel leaf is the "Magahi" variety (literally from the
Magadha region), grown near Patna in Bihar.
India
1. Banaras

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Banarasi paan is world famous betel leaves. Banarasi Paan (Betel leaves) to whole world in
fresh natural. banarasi paan which is renowned all over. Paan is also an alternative to mouth
INDIAN
PAAN
refreshner. Banarasi paan is offered with gulkand,grated coconut and
dry dates
flavers All
rolled in an betel leaf. Preparing paan is very artistic, correct proportion of the ingredients
make it delicious.With a shelf life ever 4 month, it is an ideal product to served at weddings,
parties etc.
The tradition of chewing pan (betel leaf) is deeply rooted in India. From times immemorial,
pan has remained a part of sacred Hindu rites and is always offered to the deities. Pan has
great significance in the wedding rituals and all other important functions where its offering
is a mark of respect for the guests. The earliest known mention of Pan have been found in the
inscription founfound at Mandasor,Madya Pradesh. Pan popularly known as tambula in
Sanskrit is often consumed after the meals as it helps in digestion, also it gives fresh feeling
the mouth and relieves the bad breath. Some important facts are that it reduces the blood
pressure assists in digestion, relieves hunger, eliminates bad breath, strengthens the teeth and
decreases mentrual bleeding. In unani tradition it is used as household remedies

2. Kanpur
Betel-leaf cultivation has changed the life of six farmers in Chaubeypur block of the district.
They had shown determination to develop news trends of farming with the support of the
government. All of them are cultivating betel leaves in 1,500 square metres of lands. The
forest department has also helped the farmers from the funds provided by the state
government to develop new trends in farming. In total, 9,000 square metres or 9 hectares of
land

has

been

brought

under

betel-leaf

farming

in

Chaubepur

block.

The farmers were provided a fund of Rs 75,680 for developing fields fit for cultivation of
betel leaves. They were given special training by the forest department. The authorities of
forest department stated that farming betel leaves is essential in the region to cater to the
growing demand. Every year, the price of betel-leaf increases due to less cultivation in the
region. A betel-leaf plant lives long for 10/15 years. Betel-leaf is sold in the markets within
three to four months after the plantation. The leaves are plucked from every plant two or
three times a week. The farmers are producing 30 to 32 quintal of betel leaves. They are
growing 'Desi Bangla' variety, which is in maximum demand.
3. Bihar

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In Bihar, making special structure for growing pan known as BAREH/BAREJA creates
artificial and favourable conditions. An a rea of 4000 hectares is reported to be under this

INDIAN PAAN

Betel-leaf is a perennial dioecious climber that climbs up trees or other supporting materials
iththe help of its adventitious rootS. It is a popular mastication, usually chewed with slice of
betel nut and lime, widely popular among people of Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal,
Myanmar, Srilanka,Indonesia and Malaysia. The leaf is widely used in social, cultural and
religious events for hospitality and also has medicinal value. It is an important economic crop in
Bangladesh and exported to Middle East, Britain, Pakistan and some other African countries. In
Bangladesh, it is widely cultivated in Sylhet, Moulvibazar, Jessore, Khulna, Kustia, Bagerhat,
Satkhira, Narail, Bhola, Barisal, Faridpur, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Gaibanda, Pabna, Coxs Bazar and
in greater Chittagong district . Based on the cultivation practices betel vine can be divided into
two groups, the plain land betel-leaf .Khasiapeople cultivated tree betel-leaf or gach panin
greater Sylhet districts, locally called Khasia pan. Khasias is one of the ethnic communities out
of 45 tribal communities live in Bangladesh . They live in a cluster village generally located on
top of the hill or hillocks called punji. Besides Khasiapeople, Bengali people of adjacent areas
also cultivate Khasia betel-leaf around their homesteads. The main occupation of
Khasiacommunity was subsistence agriculture mainly rice cultivation in plain land and
cultivation of citrus, lemon, betel-leaf, betel nut and fruits. At present betel-leaf cultivation has
become their main source of livelihood. More than 80% Khasiapeople are dependant on tree
based betel-leaf cultivation for their livelihood. Tree based betel-leaf cultivation is one of the
important agroforestry practices in Bangladesh, and sustainable agroforestry system both
economically and ecologically. This practice is a cash oriented production system in the forested
areas and forest trees are used as support for climbing of betel vines. The production system is
labor intensive and confined to limited areas. This is also practiced in Eastern India. This
agroforestry practice of the Khasiacommunity plays an important role in biodiversity
conservation. The art of betel-leaf cultivation is a viable and sustainable farming, and its
management practices depends on the skill of the community people. This practice was not
scientifically documented earlier. The authors made an attempt to collect information on Khasia
betel-leaf cultivation and management practices.
Methodology

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INDIAN PAAN

Study sites
Moulvibazar is selected district as the study area, as it is the representative of natural hill forest
and most of the Khasia community live in this district. Three villages (punji) namely; Lawachara
, Kalengi and Patrakhola purposively to study the betel-leaf management practices . Site 1 lies
between 24 22 -24 23 N and 91 47 -91 48 E. Site 2 lies between 24 18 -24 19 N and 91
52 -91 53 E and site 3 lies between 24 16 -24 17 N and 91 47 -91 48 E. Topography of the
three study areas are more or less similar and is undulating with slopes and hillocks ranging in
generals from 10-20 m in height and rarely 60-80 m. The Manu and the Dholoi river flow in or
around the study area and surrounded by tea gardens. The soils are dark brown, sandy clay loam
of Pliocene origin. The climate of the study area is generally worm and humid, better weather
turns cool in the winter. Temperature ranges from 5oC in January and 37.7oC in March. Annual
rainfall varies approximately from 2400-3800 m with maximum rainfall bearing in May to
September due to monsoon
Farm sites
The Khasiapeople take land through lease either from the Forest Department or Revenue
Department. Generally 1.27 hectare land is allotted each family for house making and betel-leaf
farm development and about1.24 hectare of land is used for betel-leaf farming. The
Khasiacommunity cultivate betel-leaf around their punjisand near by forests. Vegetation of the
study areas is natural, with secondary regrowth of varying age combination and density . The
study recorded 86 plant species in Khasia betel-leaf farms as support tree. Name of the support
tree species provid. The important timber . Stocking density of trees in farmland is 1452 trees
per hectare excluding seedlings and saplings, with a wide variety of diameter classes. Artocarpus
chama andAreca catechuare considered as the most suitable tree species for betel-leaf farming by
the Khasiapeople.
Planting site selection

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INDIAN PAAN

Betel vine grows in moist tropical forest condition with shade, high humidity and rich soil
moisture. Betel vine prefers well drained loamy and sandy loam soils. The Khasiapeople
cultivate the betel vine on the trees surrounding their punjis. The Khasiapeople usually select
light crowned natural/planted forests for betel-leaf cultivation. They also allow naturally grown
tree saplings for 4-5 years to grow. When the saplings attain 3-4 m in height they plant vines near
the selecte
Preparation of planting stocks
Farmers use stem cutting as planting stock, which is called `
boot-tang. Farmers generally select 3+ years aged disease free healthy vines for preparing
planting stock. Medium aged, soft, green and fresh vines are selected for making the cutting.
Two, four or six branched cuttings are use extensively depending on the girth of support trees.
For example, farmers use 2-branch cuttings for small girth (20-50 cm) trees, 4
branch cuttings for medium girth (50-90 cm) and 6-branch cuttings for large girth (90 cm above)
trees . The length of cutting is usually 30 cm for two-branch cutting, 60 cm for four-branch
cutting and 90-120 cm for six-branch cutting. During preparation of planting stocks care is taken
to adventitious root, which embrace the support tree. In Khasia language root of betel vine is
called Ta. The Khasiapeople generally keep three leaves in each branch. It is better to harvest
the leaf of the vine before planting, as the leaf rotten, if it gets contact with soil. Very hard, pale
yellow cuttings are discarded, because it takes long period to emerge new
shoots and some time no new shoot emerges. The Khasias call this type of cuttings as
thlameaning blind. Farmers prepare cuttings through a slanted cut with sharp knife above the
node. They do not use round shaped, injured, twisted or broken cuttings for planting. The
Khasiacommunity calls the knife used in making cutting as Knife, bootis for cut and tangfor
cuttings. Farmers usually plant the cuttings on the same day of preparation. If can not, then keep
in a cold and shady place, keeping one nodes in the moist well drained soil.
Planting out

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INDIAN PAAN

Optimum time for planting betel vine is June-August. Farmers clean weeds around the base of
support tree during the process of site preparation. They prepares 20 cm x 20 cm x 30 cm
planting pits, and plants cutting keeping two nodes under ground and one above ground. The pit
fills with lose soil, but not compacted and avoids water stagnation in the pits. The number of pits
surrounding a support tree varies according to the number of branches in the cuttings. For
example, a 4 branched cutting is plant on two sides of a medium size (50-90 cm) support tree and
6 branced cutting on two to three sides of a large (90 cm and above) support tree

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INDIAN PAAN

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INDIAN PAAN

Nursing of planted cutting

The cuttings do not require any nursing until new shoots emerge. It usually takes 15-20 days to
emerge new shoots. For this period, the cuttings are kept free from weeds and grasses. So that the
new shoots are not suppressed. Sometimes cuttings creep over the ground rather than to climb on
support tree. So, farmers usually tie the vines to the support tree. A type of black ant Fuleng in
Khasia, lay eggs at the base of the newly emerge vines and at the fold or node base or roots,
resulting betel vine to become whitish. As soon as noticed farmers clean the ant eggs
immediately, otherwise the root starts to rot and the cuttings die.
Support tree pruning
Usually 50-60% branches of tree are pruned. The Khasiapeople call it, Kolom kora or Khasi
koraFarmers usually complete pruning within 3-4 weeks of planting to ensure sufficient light
and air for new vines, resulting rapid growth. Whereas in older farm pruning is carried out during
June-August. Generally side branches of support tree are pruned. The tool used for pruning, is a
sharp knife locally called Da-o. Farmer takes care, as the branches are not to crack during
pruning
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INDIAN PAAN

Mulching
Farmers keep debris from the pruning process together at the base of support tree through
chopping into small pieces during September-October. This debris gradually decomposes and
provides nutrients to the cuttings or betel vines. Weeds and grasses are weeded from the
surrounding area of support tree are also used as mulch materials. Along the slopes farmers put
teg-sticks to protect the mulch materials at the base of the support trees. Mulching helps in
retaining soil moisture and provides nutrients to the newly planted vines. This is the traditional
method of the Khasia community for providing nutrients to the betel vines. Sometime they
collect mulch materials from outside of the jhumand apply to the tree base. Generally it is
practiced in dry season (February-March).
Manure or fertilizer application
Generally Khasia people apply dry cow dung as organic fertilizer at the rate of 2-3 kg per support
tree. They apply it, in April-May at the base of the support tree. Occasionally they apply oil cake
powder at the rate of 100-150 gm/support tree mixed with cow dung. Recently few
Khasiafarmers are using chemical fertilizer (NPK) as mixed fertilizer in their jhumat the rate of
200-250 gm per support tree. Though chemical fertilizer application increase betelleafproduction, but in dry season lack of mulching and watering the betel-leaf vines becomedead.
Most of the Khasiapeople avoid use of chemical fertilizer fearing degradation of soil nutrients.
Some time they apply calcium carbonate for soil refinement during March-April.
Watering
Watering is not a common practice in Khasiabetel-leaf cultivation. Farmers usually provide
irrigation during dry season (December-March) from nearby streams or natural water flows. Due
to scarcity of natural water flow, rich Khasia farmers afford to arrange shallow or deep tube well
for watering through hose pipe. They provide irrigation generally at 15 days interval. It is a bit
expensive, but helps keeping betel-leaf production during dry period.

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INDIAN PAAN

Disease management
Two main diseases are seen in betel vines, namely leaf spot or leaf rot and root rot. Root rot
is more harmful to the plantation. a. Leaf rot diseaseLeaf rot in Khasia language is known as
uthram. Spots develop on the leaves of the plants in early stage. Middle or tip portion of the
infected leaves becomes dark brown and yellowish. When noticed farmers cut immediately, the
diseased leaves, otherwise within a week half of the betel-leaf infected and subsequently it
spread on main stem of betel vines (Figs. 4 a & 4 b). Diseased vines turn brown, rotten and
slowly die. The disease is more common when rainfall and humidity is high (June-August).
Farmers take immediate protective measures at the emergence of the disease, otherwise it
spreads very rapidly. The Khasiapeople believe that the disease spread from one vines to other
through ant, insects, squirrels and birds. To prevent the disease from spreading, Khasiapeople
uproot all the infected vines, burnt it underground and keep the plot fallow for 1-3 yrs. After
cleaning the infected leaves or vines, the Khasiapeople wash all his cloth and bathe him with hot
water. Some reddish color betel vine, bearing very small leaves always creep near the ground,
locally term as tansia(red vine). Farmers mostly blame the vine for spreading the uthramfrom
one plant to another. So as noticed farmers discarded red vines during weeding.
Root rot disease
The Khasia people name it as ukhlam. It infects roots and is a very disastrous disease. Most of
the Khasiapeople believe that it is a `curse. In the early stage of disease it attacks on stem.
Generally all the leaves turn yellowish and vine die within two to three days (Figs. 5 a, 5b & 5c).
This is highly infectious, and infects entire jhumwithin a week and die. So far Khasiapeople do
not know any preventive or curative measures for this disease. Generally they uproot the affected
vine,
Harvesting betel-leaf

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INDIAN PAAN

Usually harvesting starts at age of 3 yrs. Generally male members of the Khasiafamily pluck the
leave. Sometimes they employ hired labors to assist harvesting. Plucking people keep thumb-nail
little longer as they pluck betel-leaf with the help of the nail. The Khasia people use a special
type of ladder made of single bamboo pole called Lo-u to harvest from big trees. The peak
harvesting season is from May-January. The usual productive life span of a betel vine is 12-15
yrs. Betel-leaf can be pluck five leaf with the help of the nail Betel-leaf collects during
times in a year from a vine. This five betel-leaf harvest is not same. The Khasiapeople terms the
harvests
hat summer
means plucking or betel-leaf with care. Betel-leaf collects during June-mid July .This is an
important harvest that provides highest yield. During this harvest two third leaves from main
stem is harvested. It is mentionable that betel-leaf grown on main stem or vine is term as beti
(female) panand betel-leaf from lateral branch is term as beta (male)pan. Beti pais
comparatively less spicy than beta pan. During hat sumarfarmers harvest all the leaf from the
stem, keeping only two leaves. Besides, harvesting of betel-leaf, vines or branches hich seem to
be less productive is also pruned during this harvest. Also vines that can not hold with support
tree are tied with a piece of rope or cane. If and when vines become very tall, 30-45 cm from top
is clipped to prevent it from hanging down in dry season
Hat basia
Basia means selectively, so hat basiameans selective plucking of leaves. Generally this type of
plucking starts in September-October. In this plucking, farmers collect leaves only from the
lower part of vines or branches. Usually harvests 2-3 leaves from each branch.
Hat candit

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INDIAN PAAN

Canditmeans tip or top portion. Hat canditmeans plucking of leaf from the top portion of vines or
branches. The harvest starts in mid November and continues till December. During the harvest
farmers collect those leaves which seem to be drops during dry season. Some betel leaves
become yellowish which is also harvests at the time.
Hat khia or longkhong
Khia or longkhong means all or total. Plucking of all betel-leaf from vines is term as hat khia or
long khong and harvesting period is January-February. During the harvesting period farmers
pluck all the remaining leaves from the vines irrespective of leaf size. Betel leaf processing:
Farmers carry harvested leaves to their home from farmland in a special type of basket, namely,
khar-hat-thra. Harvested betel leaves keep over polythene sheets or banana leaves and sprays
water on leaves, so look fresh. Leaves are sorted and arrange into small bundles . Twelve leaves
make a guci, and 12 gucismake on kanta (144) and 20 kantas make one kuri(2880 leaf).
Betel leaves are sold in the market as kuri.Stem strip of a herb termed as pla tara(Alpinia
nigra)is uses for binding small and\large bundles. This herb is usually grows in the jhumalong
with banana.
Sri Lanka
Betel vine (Piper betle Linn.) belongs to genus Piper of the family Piperaceae. It is a diocious
plant grown in Sri Lanka as a cash crop (Rathnasoma and Senavirathna, 2002). Betel leaves are
used for chewing purposes (Arulmozhiyan et al, 1998). Sri Lankan betel industry has a longstanding history dating back to 340 A.D. (Rathnasoma and Senavirathna, 2002). The major betel
growing districts in Sri Lanka includes Kurunegala (65%) and Gampaha (22%) mainly for export
(Sumanasena et al, 2005a). Since 1974, betel has gained a significant position in the export
market in addition to well spread domestic market. Pakistan is the major market for Sri Lankan
betel. Although the volume and corresponding value of exports have shown a fluctuation from
1974 to 2005, it has brought in substantial amount of foreign exchange to Sri Lanka (Anon,

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INDIAN PAAN

2004). Betel is a semi-woody, perennial climber. It shows dimorphic branching habit. The
orthotropic vegetative branches have adventitious roots that adhere to the supports. Plageotropic
axillary branches, which bear fruits, do not have roots (Rathnasoma and senavirathna, 2002).
Therefore, betel vines should be trained on to supports, which should be established in the field
three weeks after planting. Then the arial roots of the betel vine may climb easily (Anon, 1984).
In all betel-growing countries, both live supports and dead supports are used in betel cultivations.
In India, mainly live supports such as Sesbania grandiflora and Erythrina indica are used by
betel growers (Chaugule, 1960). In Sri Lanka, betelgrowing farmers are using Varaniya,
Kuratiya, Malkera, Kabella, Andara and Godapara which are wild bushy type trees and most
of them found in natural forests or man made forests. Due to deforestation, availability of these
sticks has been reduced and the scarcity has compelled the betel growers to look for alternatives.
As a result, potential materials that can be used as supports for betel vines is a timely needed
investigation. Hence, the use of coir ropes, teak side branches, Kooratiya and Gliricidia sepium
METHODS
Betel stem cuttings were planted in the "flat sunken" beds in size of 240cm x 120cm. There were
24 sticks for 48 vines (two betel vines per stick) in one plot and total of 216 sticks and 72 coir
rope supports for the whole experiment. The betel was planted in three rows at a spacing of 45cm
between rows and 30cm within a raw. Each plot was established 150 cm (5 feet) apart
Harvesting of leaves was commenced during the 26th week after planting. After harvesting, total
number of leaves/plot was counted and fresh weight of leaves was measured using top - loading
balance. Harvested leaves were sorted according to the size of the leaves and categorized as large
leaves and small leaves. Percentage of large leaves were calculated. The number of replacing
times of supporting materials was also recorded. Scoring index was deviced to find out the best
supporting material considering all the data recorded. The results
Pakistan
Leaves of betel vine are chewed along with areca nut as a masticator in many part of the world.
Betel chewing considered to betel leaves for its consumers from countries like Bangladesh,
india ,Sri Lanka and Thailand spending mote then Rupees 200 million in foreign exchange . The
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INDIAN PAAN

cultivation of betel vine started in Karachi about 21 years ago and now it is grown on a
commercial scale in Karachi . Thatta districts of Singh and Hub region of Balochistan.
The betelvine is grown in conservatories under shady and humid conditions necessary for the
growth of plant. This

shady and moist atmosphere also favors the development of many

diseaases specially leaf -spot disease that greatly affect the growth of plants and produce heavy
losses to the farmers. The present report describes the results on the occurrence and control of
leaf-spot disease of betelvine ccarried out during a survey for june 1996 to july,1999 . betelvine
fields in Karachi in Pakistan ,thatta and Hub areas was carried out where a total of 400 diseased
specimens were collected from 75 fieldds (35 in Thatta, 25 in Karachi and 15 in Hub ) .Infected
part were cut into 1 cm long pieces which after surface sterilization with 1% ca(ocl)2 were
placed in Petri plates containing potato Dextrose Agar .The petri plates were incubated at
28drigree C for 5-7 days and microorganisms growing on leaf pieces were identified after
reference to Three kinds of betel leaf are grown in Thattas farms Pakistani, Sanchi and Saloon.
The demand for Pakistani leaf is the lowest in the market while the rates of Saloon are very high.
The Pakistani kind, on average, is sold at Rs200-Rs250 per kg. During the peak season, that is
winters, it is sold at a high price of Rs500. The rate of Sanchi is between Rs300-Rs400 in the
market currently while Saloon is being sold at around Rs600-Rs700. Interestingly, the production
of Saloon is lower than the other two kinds of leaf. Most of the farms along the road to Keti
Bunder from Mirpur Sakro use half to one acre for betel leaf farming. The farm, locally called
Chhappro, is protected with sticks as direct heat could damage its leaves. Farm owners and
labourers can collect ripe leaves twice a week roughly about 200kg leaves within a week. The
farming of betel leaf is increasing in the area as it is a low-cost crop and yields more profit when
compared to other crops like sugarcane,

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INDIAN PAAN

CHAPTER-3
TYPES OF PAAN

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INDIAN PAAN

Types of Paan
There are various types of betel leaves, the most popular being Calcutta , Banarasi and Magahi.
The harvested leaves are used both for domestic consumption and for export to the Middle East,
European countries ,USA, Pakistan and Myanmar. Paan is one of the major sources of income in
rural Bangladesh. In Kerala ,the most famous variety of betel leaf is from Venmony near
Chengannur and it is called Venmony Vettila.Betel leaf cultivated in Tirur in Kerala, and Hinjili
cut in Odisha are of fine quality. Betel leaves exported from Tirur are famous in Pakistan as
Tirur Paan. In Tamil Nadu, a variety of betel leaves are cultivated at Madurai ,Dindukal ,
Dharmapuri and Erode districts, Anthiyur Betel being particularly popular among betel chewers.
A large number of farmers and other employees are involved both directly and indirectly in betel
leaf cultivation and marketing.
Maghai paan

The Betel is the leaf of a vine belonging to the Piperaceae family, which includes pepper and
kava. It is valued both as a mild stimulant and for its medicinal properties. Betel leaf is mostly
consumed in Asia, and elsewhere in the world by some As ian emigrants, as betel quid or paan,
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INDIAN PAAN

always with tobacco, in an addictive psycho-stimulating and euphoria-inducing formulation with

adverse health effects. The betel plant is an evergreen and perennial creeper, with glossy heartshaped leaves and white catkin. The betel plant originated from South and South East Asia.

Benarasi Paan

Banarasi paan is world famous betel leaves. Banarasi Paan (Betel leaves) to whole world in
fresh natural. banarasi paan which is renowned all over. Paan is also an alternative to mouth
refresh . Banarasi paan is offered with gulkand , grated coconut and dry dates flavers All rolled in
an betel leaf. Preparing paan is very artistic, correct proportion of the ingredients make it
delicious .With a shelf life ever 4 month, it is an ideal product to served at weddings, parties
Bangla Paan

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INDIAN PAAN

The heart shaped these

leaves are

available in various shades of green. Owing to rich taste and good aroma, these betel leaves are
widely used to prepare pan. Our betel leaves are widely used as a stimulants and antiseptic.
These are acclaimed for high quality juice and rich taste. We offer our betel leaves at reasonable
rates.
Meetha Paan

Commercial

cultivation of these

cultivar is mainly restricted to Midnapur and howrah district of West Bangal and is represented
by only two types namely Gatpala and Thackpala. The leaf is thick , waxy , cordate to broadly
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INDIAN PAAN

ovate, dark green in color, with characteristic pale yellowish spots, apex short and pointed,
secondary veins present , trichomes maximum in number. The basal sinus is less conspicuous,
the base is slightly asymmetrical. The leaf is size is less or more uniform. The leaf has
characteristic fennel like aroma, due to presence of anethole (19.3%)in its essential oil and pos
sess a sweet palatable taste due to which it is also known as Saunfia or ,Meetha, paan. Meetha
Paan is the royal treat at end of the meal at most ceremonies in Indian. Paan or Betel leaf is the
perennial evergreen herb with beautiful heart shaped leaf. Meetha paan can be prepared in
various ways, loaded with fragnant and flavour ful herbs and spices .The common ingredient
used in the paan is the Gulkand, a jam made with petals of wild roses. Paan is actually good for
digestion besides being used as as mouth freshener.

Desawari

This cultivar is most common in Madhya Pradesh and UttarPradesh and comprise four typesDesi Desawari ,Mahoba Desawari ,Malvi Desawari and Karuballi all very known. Its leaves are
large, cordate to moderately ovate ,short, pointed and acuminate; apex curved, a character stic
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INDIAN PAAN

feature of this variety; leaf lamina glabrous, with less conspicuous basal lobes and 4-6 secondary
veins running close to the midrib. As compared to the . Bangla , it hasa slightly warm, followed
by light sweet taste; anetholecontent in its essential oil is comparatively low about 7.2%.the
leaves of the type Mahoba Desawari are crisper thanthose of the Desi Desawari

Kapoori paan

There are about 25 types of Kapoori under commercial cultivation, mainly in Tamilnadu ,
Andhra Pradesh , Kerla, Karnataka and Maharashtra. Some of the common types are Vellai
Pacchaitkkodi , Gangeri, Sankara Kapoori ,Satyavaram, Doma, Ramtek Kapoori etc. The veins
aremoderately vigorous with leaves narrow, ovate, lamina thin,margin entire, light yellowish to
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INDIAN PAAN

light green in color, glabrousand soft in texture. Sometimes less fibrous and apexacuminate, the
leaf base is not lobed as in . Bangla. The leaf has a prominent midrib with 4-6 secondary veins
which run almost parallel to the midrib and not covered as in other cultivars. The trichomes are
minimum in number. The leaf possesses the characteristic Kapoori aroma and is least pungent,
terpenyl acetate, content in its oil is maximum21.98%. in terms of number of leaves, this cultivar
gives the highest yield.

Sanchi Paan

It is the only cultivar which is cultivated throughout the country. It has about 15 types, the most
well known being ,Pachhaikodi,Kulijedu,Kaker,Kare,and , Kalipatti .Leaves are medium to
larger (9.0*5.5-21.0*13.2 cm) , narrow-ovate with a long base the lobes are less prominent than
those of . Bangla. Leaf margin entire venation reticulate multi cost ate, with 6-8 prominent
divergent secondary veins. Petiole is the shortest (6.5-9.5 cm) and channeled unlike other
cultivars, it runs quite close to the stem and forms an angle. Leaves are dark green in color, fibros
and pungent in taste.

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INDIAN PAAN

Chocolate Paan

The Chocolate Paan offered by us is a pure experience of melted chocolate-cherry mixture, with
fennel seeds, chopped glazed cheeries, elaichi dana, and gulkand and mix saunf. This Chocolate
Paan is made from fresh ingredients ensuring great taste and aroma. All the ingredients of
Chocolate Paan are put inside as cone of fresh leaf and then served with delicious silver jiggery.
After any meal to give as completely fresh taste to your taste buds, taste our delicious Chocolate
Paan.
Chuski Paan

We are specialized in making most delectable Chuski Paan, prepared with the help of fresh
ingredients like paan juice, kharek, saunf, cardamom powder and gulkand and lemon juice
adding totally new taste to the variety of Paan. This Chuski Paan helps us in giving a refreshing
taste after any meal. Our Chuski Paan is prepared by using right ingredients in right quantity,
assuring a long lasting flavor to mouth. We can prepare different varieties of Chuski Paan as per
the taste and preference of clients

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INDIAN PAAN

Sada Paan

Sada Paan is simple yet leaves long lasting taste in the mouth. This Sada Paan is hygienically
prepared by experienced people who expertise in making Paan with perfect taste and flavor. This
Sada Paan is generally preferred by the adult age group and like for its freshness, mint flavor,
strong aroma and exclusive taste. Apart from this, we also give proper attention to the
presentation of Sada Paan, which is attractive enough to stimulate the people for it.
Calcutta Paan
We are well- known for manufacturing, exporting, importing & supplying of the most delicious
variety of Calcutta Paan, specially made from own distinguished recipe, ensuring a great treat
with mouth watering taste and amazing unique flavors. We use only fresh Paan leaves and
quality ingredients like fennel seeds, chopped glazed cherries, elaichi dana, gulkand and mix
saunf and flavors, which makes it more tempting and tasteful for the clients. We follow a
complete hygienic process while making this Calcutta Paan, ensuring high quality and safe
packaging as well.
1. Calcutta Meetha Paan

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INDIAN PAAN

Avail the most delicious Calcutta Meetha Paan treat, adding to the taste after any meal. Calcutta
Meetha Paan offered by us is made from selected ingredients and flavoring substances, giving it
a very distinguished taste. Our Calcutta Meetha Paan is one of the most availed Paans by the
clients. This Calcutta Meetha Paan is offered at very reasonable rates.

2. Calcutta Sada Paan

Calcutta Sada Paan is mostly liked by adult age group due to its strong flavors, taste and a bit
strong aroma. This Calcutta Sada Paan is widely catered to many parties, occasions, marriages as
per the taste and preferences of the people. Our unique recipe, fresh ingredients and amazing
presentation makes this Calcutta Sada Paan most appreciated and demanded Paan over the
others.

Lucknowi Paan:

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INDIAN PAAN

This gauzily presented Gilori Lucknowi Paan, comprise of the royal taste of Lucknow. All the
key ingredients used in this Lucknowi Paan, represents the taste and various flavors of Lucknow.
Our Lucknowi Paan is carefully prepared under complete hygienic conditions, ensuring high
quality and mouthwatering taste. This Lucknowi Paan is very famous for its exceptional filing
poured into a cone shaped leaf and then served after appetite. We are offering this Lucknowi
Paan with safe & quality packaging, to retain its freshness, taste and flavor.

Tobacco Paan

We are widely acknowledged for the most distinguished Tobacco Paan, we are offering to the
prestigious clients. This Tobacco Paan is prepared with our own unique recipe and right
proportion of the key ingredients. Our Tobacco Paan is very much appreciated for its strong taste,
flavors and the fresh essence which it leaves in mouth. This Tobacco Paan is generally liked by
adult age group. We ensure right amount of tobacco is added to this Tobacco Paan, ensuring no
harm to health of the clients.

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INDIAN PAAN

CHAPTER-4
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CULTIVATION OF PAAN
CULTURE
SEASION

Cultivation Of Paan
Cultivation of Paan Climate
Conducive environment for commercial betel vine cultivation comprises artificial shade,
presence of considerable humidity and adequate supply of moisture in the soil, moderate and
even temperature throughout the year. Thus, its cultivation is best done under controlled
condition or shade condition. The ideal weather condition for the plant is mild temperature, i.e.,
about 10C in winter and about 40C in summer for good growth of this shade loving plan
t. About 170 cm rainfall and presence of high humidity (60 to 80%) throughout the year is ideal
for this crop. Below 10C and above 40C temperatures cause wilting. The vines grow fast and

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their vegetative growth is good under high humidity. The amount of air movement affects the
rate of evaporation and is therefore, one of the chief factors controlling water relations of betel
vine.
Soil
Exceptionally well-drained, fertile soil, rich in humus, is the best for betel vine cultivation. It is
grown in varieties of soils (sandy loam to clay). The clay soil is not good for the crop because it
favours disease duringthe rainy season. However, this 23crop is very sensitive to saline and
alkaline soils. The best performance is noticed in upland having slight alkaline to neutral soil
with 7to7.5 pH .Soil with good water holding capacity and organic matter content is considered
ideal. Loamy soil with a porous substratum below is also excellent. In boththe sampled districts
soils are fit for its cultivation.
Selection of Site
Betel vine is known to be very sensitive to stagnant water; therefore, selection of site for its
cultivation requires adequate attention. In the study area and the state of Bihar this crop is
generally grown in upland areas where soil level with a gradual slope is maintained for drainage
of excess water.
Land Preparation
Generally in the study area for new plantation, deep ploughing is done during early summer (end
of April month). After ploughing, upper soil is left exposed in sun for two months (April-May),
because it reduces the microorganism population as well as soil borne pathogens. During the first
week of June, two or three ploughing with harrowing is done. After that, about 350 quintals of
compost on per hectare basis is mixed in the soil. Thereafter, field is again ploughed fifteen days
before planting. In such ploughed fields farmers add needed some insecticides and pesticides for

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bringing insects and pests population below the economic threshold level. Thereafter bed is
raised. The optimum size of bed is raised from place to place by 30 cm to 50 cm. The main aim
for raising bed is tofacilitate drainage from the field.
Bareja Construction
The study area is highly affected with fluctuationsin climatic conditions. Such fluctuations are
not conducive to the crop growth. Thus, to avoid this condition, growers were to cultivate this
crop under controlled environmental condition. Therefore, in sample areas Pan has to be grown
inclosed conservatories (locally called Barejas) with a view to protect the vines from
desiccation in summer and cold in winter. Bareja are generally rectangular in shape and its
normal size is often 50 to 30 Sq metre. Generally barejas are small because its maintenance
ought to be easy and their cost of erection is within manageable limits. In Bihar, bareja structure
is made up of locally available materials such as bamboos, khar, straw, jute, sticks, arhar stalks,
munj and a variety of grasses. Sincethe system was developed 24indigenously, variation in terms
of materials used are observed in both sample Bhagalpur and Vaishali districts. The
constructionof bareja looks like a mundop. Its height is about 3-5 metres. This is surrounded wit
h thatched walls roof. The walls are strengthened with bamboo poles fixed at distance of about
2.0 metre each. The top roof is covered with thick straw with longitudinally divided bamboo
poles supported by bamboo posts inside the bareja. The distance from one horizontal pole to
another is about 2 metres to 2.5 metres. Criss cross supporting poles are used instead of erected
poles. The wall and the top arecovered with bamboo sticks and straw in order to protect the
plants and soil surface from direct sunrays. Roof is thatched twice in a year, first at the time of
construction of new bareja, and second, after the rainy season. Structure of the bareja isbuilt
strongly, so as to withstand strong winds and storms. This shape carries sound logic in terms of
humidity and temperature control. The expected economic life ofa bareja, on an average, is
about five years from its erection.
Features of Bareja

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Betel vine plants require high humidity and mild temperature for their growth. In the study area
humidity and temperature are very fluctuating from season to season. Thus, its cultivation is
possible only by partiallyregulating the two critical factors. The design of bareja is such that it
ensures suitable humidity levels within. Evaporation of water within the bareja not only rai
ses the humidity, but also lowers the temperature. It is very crucial for plant survival during
extreme summer, when low humidity coupled with high temperature can whither and damage the
plants by photo inhibition. Blocking the intensity of light coming to the surface can effectively
reduce the heating effect of solar radiation. The top of the bareja is designed to block check light
by spreading dry leaves or straw at the top (MANDOP). During summer the thatching is thick so
that more than 75.00 per cent incident of solar radiation is blocked. This reduces intensity of li
ght falling on the tender leaves and soil, so that it could effectively check increase in air and soil
temperature inside the bareja. During the rainy season when climate is most suitable for the
growth of vines, the thatching on the top is reduced so that about 50.00 per cent of the incident of
solar radiation reaches the leaves and soil. With the onset of winter when temperature starts
falling, the grass cover at the top is increased to some extent in order to avoid frost and cold
injury. During this period, the incident of light in the 25bareja is more than in summer. The
growth of plantduring winter is very slow or even stopped.

Time of Planting
The betel vine-planting season varies from one place to another across the state. In Vaishali
district or north Bihar, it is planted during the last week of June to the last
week of August. In the same region it is also planted during the last week of February to first
week of March. But the rainy season (July-August) is the most common season for spreading the
planting material in sampled district. In Bhagalpur district or South Bihar, it is generally
propagated/planted between mid-February to mid-March, when climate is mild and nearly
optimum for its growth. However, the monsoon planting reduces mortality rate and cost of
maintenance of the new plants in new bareja. In February-March, the mortality rate and cost of
maintenance become higher.
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Number of Cutting/Seed Used

Generally cuttings with one or two nodes along withattached leaves are used as the propagating
materials. The cutting having one nodevine is found most economical. Before planting, furrows
are constructed. The width of these furrows is about 50 cm. In the furrows ridges are constructed.
In the ridges two rows of budded vine with a mother leaf is planted at 10 to 15 cm distance. For
one hectare of planting, about 1,50,000 cuttings are required. The rate of seed/cutting varied with
the variation of variety. It ranged from 1,25,000 to 1,60,000 for planting of one hectare of land.
The length of sets varies considerably from region to region, but in Bihar, the sets are generally
used at about 30-40 cm distance.
Spacing
The optimum inter-vine spacing is the distance, which gives the highest economic return of betel
leaves per unit area. In other word, spacing is positively correlated with the canopy of the plant
of a particular variety. In north and south Bihar where Bengla / Deshi or Magahi varieties are
popularly grown in row to row spacing of 100 cm and 80 cm respectively. On the ridges two
rows of Bangla and three rows of Magahi varieties are planted along the length at plant spacing
of 15 cm. Thus, plant population is increased almost double in case of Magahi as compared to
Bengla. 26
Planting Method
Normally, dibbling method is used for planting. Planting is done with the help of khurpi (a hand
operated implement). For planting, a hole is made with khurpi, so that the internodes below the
bud point is dipped in soil, but must be touching with surface soil. The hole is completely packed
with the help of thumb finger. After that, planted material is covered with khar or straw. This
planted betel vine plant needs to be watered twice a day with the help of watering cane or

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sprinkler. During irrigation special care is needed that after twenty days of continuous irrigation,
cover on the plants needs to be removed. The newly planted bareja is maintained very carefully.
Over irrigation is avoided. A larger moist straw is spread on the planted vines to avoid
evaporation.
Fertilizer Application
The nutritional requirement of vines depends on thevariety, type of cultivation, soil, climatic
condition, etc. However, its requirement must be very much limited. It is a perennial crop;
fertilizer is applied at bi-annual intervals for ensuring optimal production of quality leaves. In a
year, about 100kg Nitrogen, 100 kg P2O5and 150 kg K2O with cake are applied in four splits.
During theapplication of fertilizer, sufficient moisture in the field is required. If soil cakes, such
as: mustard cake, castor cake, karanj cake, neem cake are abundant, then only half of the
recommended chemical fertilizers is used, and for the rest, farm organic fertilizers are added to
the soil. Besides, inorganic and organic fertilizers, spray of zinc sulphate is also found good for
high yield of the crop.

Irrigation
Betel vine is very fastidious in its water requirements. It needs a moist soil, but not too wet. That
is to say, it requires frequent but light irrigation all round the year. The plantation has to be
located near the source of irrigation, which may be a pond, or tank, a canal, or irrigation well.
Frequencies of irrigation depend upon intensity of light and humidity of atmosphere. During the
summer season, irrigation is given almost every day in the new plant and weekly in the old plant.
During winter season, irrigation is reduced to a fortnight interval. During rainy season, ordinarily
no irrigation is done, unless there are adverse climatic conditions. Excess of irrigation causes

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decay of roots and dropping of leaves. Irrigation in betel vine crop was given 27through sprinkler
or pot. The pot method is very costly because of intensive labour use needed in it.
Weeding/Inter-Culturing
Keeping the plantation free from weeds, its immediate removal is necessary. An advantage of
growing betel vine in closed conservatory or under shade is that it remains generally weed free.
Only in a year duringthe month of November and in June, lowering of vines is done. The main
aim of this practice is to give earthing to the vines lying on the soil surface. Thereafter, staking is
done with the help of supporting materials. Each vine is supported with bamboo sticks or
sharkanda (like wooden sticks). Each supporting material is tied at the roof and inserted into the
soil. When vine reaches to the roof of bareja, it starts lowering. Auxiliary branches are removed
from the main vine regularly in monsoon season. During monsoon all the leaves up to a height of
2 feet from the soil surface, are removed to reduce the infection of soil borne disease or
pathogens. The growers keep the bareja always neat and clean.
Insect-Diseases Control Measures
The betel vine crop is attacked by a number of fungal and bacterial pathogens and they cause
many types of diseases to the plant. The most common, which was found in the study area, was
marginal blight, Anthracnose and leaf spot affecting both leaves and vines. Pathogens also affect
roof,stem and leaf roof to a large extent. The affected plant dies suddenly. Among the bacterial
diseases, leaf spot is more common in newly planted crop and bareja. The crop also suffers a lot
with red spider mite. It causes turning of leaf lamina intobrick red and it becomes unfit for
consumption. For controlling pests, diseases and insects, growers commonly use pesticides,
insecticide in their bareja. But some progressive farmers reported that they used integrated
approach for pest and diseases management in their fields. For controlling disease, they use
natural method i.e., in the bareja adequate drainage facilities, were provided, disease prone leave
and vines were removed and buried in the soil outside the bareja. They also use Bordeau

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x mixture frequently for stem and leaf not infected. They also control the white fly and snails live
pests through chemical pesticides. At the stage of harvesting, farmers did often use pesticides,
insecticides to make the soil germ free. Only exposure of soil to sunlight is resorted 28under soil
protection measure. This type of natural method is cheaper but less effective. Almost all cut
pieces of betel stems were not subjected to their deinsecticidation at the stage of plantation,
poverty and ignorance of peasants accounted for such negligence at this stage.
Harvesting
Harvesting of leaves started after 6 months from the time of planting. It depends upon season and
market conditions, financial needs of the growers and the condition of leaves. In the rainy season
frequent harvestingis done. But the leaves were picked throughout the year when it became
mature. The most common method of picking is hand picking. During the picking of leaves
special care is taken by the growers that leaves are not harvested within 10 to 15 days of spray of
pesticides. Roughly 30 lakh leaves were harvested annually fromone hectare of land.
COST AND RETURNS OF BETELVINE CULTIVATION
In this attempt is made to analyze the cost and returns of betel leaf cultivation in the study area.
For better expression, the present chapter has been divided into four sections as follows, 1)
Human labour requirements, 2) Cost of production, 3) Analysis of net profit, and 4) CobbDouglas production function. In this chapter, below 0.5 acres land holding farmers are named as
Group I and above 0.5 acres land holding farmers are named as Group II.
HUMAN LABOUR REQUIREMENTS
In the present study, human labour included male labour and female labour which comprised of
both casual and permanent labour from different operations. The cost of human labour was
calculated at the price of Rs 200 per man for a day which was the prevailing wage rate during the
period of study. In the case of woman labour, three days of the work of a man of eight hours each
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were considered one man-day unit on the basis of the prevailing wage rate. Male labourers and
female labourers were considered alike and valued at existing wage rates. The distribution of
human labour per acre of betel leaves in Group I and Group II farmers were presented in
following
Distribution Of Human Labor per Acre Of Betel Leaves In And Group 2 Farmers
Patriculars

Group1
M
F
1. Land Preparation
44
25
2. Agathi seed sowing 15
3. Irrigation
451 4. After agathi seed 363

T
69
15
451
463

Group2
M
F
50
33
21
675
739

T
83
21
675
739

Overall
M
F
47
29
18
563
551

T
76
18
563
551

sowing
5. Planting ofseed vine
6.Afterpantingseedvin

52
178

52
1787

60
1921

60
1921

56
1854

56
1854

e
7.Manuring
8. Plant protection
9. Harvesting

7
52
126
135

222
-

274
126
1550

70
90
1768

254
-

324
90
1768

61
108
1659

238
-

299
108
1659

0
the need of the human labourers per acrein Group I and Group II farmers in the study area of
Namakkal district. While in the case of Group I, in considering male labourers, most of the
labourers ie., 1787 (43.8%) labourers have been utilized for the post care of planting of seedvine,
periodical tying the vines with standard, first and second scaffoldings and coiling the vines two
times. Further, more number of male labourers are utilized for harvesting of betel leaves (1550
labourers 38.02%) followed by 451 labourers (11.1%) for Irrigation purpose, 126 labourers
(3.1%) for plant protection, 52 labourers (1.27%) for manuring and planting of seedvine, 44
labourers (1.08%) for land preparation and 15 labourers (0.36%) for agathi seed sowing. In
totally, 4077 male labourers are necessary for Group I farmers. On the other side, female
labourers are also necessary for manuring, after agathi seed sowing and land preparation. For
manuring purpose, 222 (36.4%) female labourers have been utilized and 363 (59.5%) labourers
are need for after agathi seed sowing and 25 labourers are necessary (4.1%) for land preparation.
Overall, 610 female labourers are needed per acre. Group II, above 0.5 acres land holding
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INDIAN PAAN

farmers, need 5681 labourers including 4655 male and 1026 female labourers. In the case of
male labourers, most of the labourers ie., 1921 (41.2%) labourers have been utilized for the
purpose of after planting of seedvine, periodical tying the vines with standard, first and second
scaffoldings and coiling the vines with two times. Further, more number of male labourers are
utilized for harvesting (1768 labourers 37.9%) followed by 675 labourers (14.5%) for
Irrigation purpose, 90 labourers (1.93%) for plant protection, 70 (1.5%) for manuring, 60
labourers (1.28%) for planting of seedvine, 50 labourers (1.07%) for land preparation and 21
(0.45%) labourers for agathi seed sowing. Totally, 4655 male labourers are needed for Group II
farmers. 76 On the other side, female labourers are also needed for manuring, after agathi seed
sowing and land preparation. For manuring purpose, 254 (23.8%) female labourers had been
utilized and 739 (72.02%) labourers for after agathi seed sowing and 33 labourers (3.21%) for
land preparation. Overall, 1026 female labourers are needed per acre. The family labourers were
used more in irrigation because irrigation has to be done on every alternative days at it required
special care during the initial stage of the crop. The family labourers involvement after
cultivation was for supervising the work of hired labourers and the group I farmers also did some
work with them. Among the two groups of farmers of the total human labourers are used per acre
of betel leaves in Group I farmers were 4077 man-days per acre and it was 5681 man-days per
acre in Group II farmers.

COST OF PRODUCTION OF BETELVINE

The cost of production of betelvine according to cost concept has been computed and analyzed
for groups of growers of different size. Under the cost concepts, cost is categorized as variable
cost and fixed cost for the purpose of suitable analysis. Each of the category contains a separate
set of elements. Variable cost includes the items, like 1) Human labour, 2) Chemical fertilizer, 3)
Plant protection, 4) Farm yard manure,5) Irrigation, 6) Banana fiber and other supporting
materials, and 7) Interest on working capital (12.5 percent per annum). Fixed cost includes the
items, viz., actual rent paid by the tenant (or) rental value of owned land and interest on fixed
capital (10 percent per annum). The category and the elements are given in Table
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Cost Of Production Of Betel Vine For Different Growers

S.

Cost Component

Group I

No.
I.
1.
2.
3.
4.

Variable Cost
Agathi Seeds
Betel Seed vine
Irrigation
Manures
&

Rs.
4,776
38,759
25,695
93,783

%
0.36
2.96
1.96
7.16

Rs.
4,832
40,155
26,883
81,039

%
0.32
2.63
1.76
5.31

Rs.
4,804
39,457
26,289
87,412

%
0.34
2.78
1.85
6.16

5.

Fertilizer
Crop protection 94,383

7.20

1,24,353

8.14

1,09,368

7.71

6.

chemical
Supporting

4.56

64,227

4.21

61,997

4.37

7.
8.

material
Human Labour
8,78,257
Interest
on 32,874

67.01
2.51

10,64,515 69.70
38,666
2.53

9,71,387
35,770

68.46
2.52

working capital
Total I

93.72

14,44,670 94.60

13,36,482 94.19

59,767

12,28,29

Group II

( Rs./Acre
Overall

II
1.

4
Fixed Cost
Rental value of 76,540

5.84

76780,

5.03

76,660

5.40

2.

land
Interest on fixed 5,740

.44

5,760

0.38

5,750

0.41

III

capital
Total II
Total cost

6.28
100

82,540
5.40
15,27,210 100

82,280
of 13,10,57

82,410
5.81
14,18,892 100.0

production (I+II) 4

Cost Of Production per Acre For Two Years-Group I

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Group I
Irrigation 1.96%
Crop protection
Manures &fertilizers
Agathi seeds
Betel seed vine
Supporting material
Interest fixed capital
Rental value of land
Interest on working capital
Human Labor

Group Of Production Per Acre For Two Years

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INDIAN PAAN

Group II
Human Labor

Interest on working capital

working capital

Rental value of land

Irrigation

Crop protection chemical

Manures and fertilizers

Agathi seed

Betel seed vine

Interest material capital

Supporting material
capital 0.38%

Cost Of Production Per Acre For Two Years-Overall

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INDIAN PAAN

Overall

Human labor
Interest on Working
capital
Rental value of land
Interest on material
cafpital
Supporting material
capital
Irrigation
Agathi seeds
Betel seed vine
crop protection
chemical
manures & fertilizers

The Table shows the cost of production as per cost concept like variable cost and fixed cost. The
cost of production is categorized into three heads viz., Group I, Group II and Overall. The details
of the discussion is given below. While in analysing the Group I, variable cost covers Rs.
12,28,294 per acre ie., 93.72 percentage of cost had been utilized for the production cost and in
which Human labour is very high cost and it occupies 67.01 per cent of total cost of production.
Fixed cost need is Rs.82,280 in percentage of 6.28 for Group I production cost. Totally, cost of
production for Group I is Rs.13,10,574. In the case of Group II, variable cost should need
Rs.14,44,670 per acre ie., 94.60 per cent. Among the cost, human labour cost is contributed
69.70 per cent which is higher than the other elements. On the other side, fixed cost need is 5.40
per cent from total cost of production Rs. 15,27,210. On the other side, overall cost of variable

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INDIAN PAAN

cost considered to be Rs.13,36,482 (94.19%) and fixed cost should need Rs.82,410 (5.81%).
Totally, Rs.14,18,892 is needed for cost of production of betel leaves in the study area.
Cost of Production of Betelvine for Two Years
The production cost includes both variable cost and fixed cost incurred during the two years of
the cultivation period, which fixed the life period of betelvine in the study area. The variable cost
consists of agathi seeds, betel seedvine, irrigation, manures and fertilizers, crop protection 78
chemical, supporting material, human labour and interest on working capital. The fixed cost
includes rental value of land and interest on fixed capital. The details of variable cost and fixed
cost is presented in the following Table No.4.3 and discussed below.
Cost Of Production Of Betel Vine For Two Years
S.
No.
I
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Cost Component

Amount(Rs.

per Percentage

acre)
Variable cost
Agathi seeds
Betel seed vine
Irrigation
Manures & fertilizers
Crop protection chemical
Supporting material
Human labor
Interest on working capital
Total variable cost
Fixed cost
Rental value of land
Interest on fixed capital
Total fixed cost
Total cost of production(I+II)

4,804
39,457
26,289
87,412
1,09,368
61,997
9,71,386
35,770
13,36,452

0.34
2.78
1.85
6.16
7.71
4.37
68.46
2.52
94.19

76,660
5,750
82,410
14,18,892

5.40
0.41
5.81
100.00

comprises of variable cost and fixed cost. The details of two different costs are given below.
Variable Cost
Variable cost, particularly includes the cost, whatever could be done during the life span of the
betel leaves cultivation. Eight different types of cost could be done by a farmer who involved in
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betelvine cultivation. These are agathi seeds, betel seedvine, irrigation, manures and fertilizers,
crop protection chemical, supporting material, human labour and interest on working capital. A
farmer had to spend Rs. 13,36,482 for the above mentioned variable cost. Among the eight
different stages of cost, the farmer spent Rs. 4,804 (0.34%) per acre for the purpose of agathi
seeds, Rs. 39,457 (2.78%) for betel seedvine, Rs. 26,289 (1.85%) for irrigation, for manures and
fertilizers Rs.87,412 (6.16%), Rs.1,09,368 (7.71%) for crop protection chemical, supporting
materials took Rs.61,997 (4.37%), Rs.9,71,386 (68.46%) for human labour which is higher than
other cost and finally the farmer spent Rs.35,770 (2.52%) for interest on working capital.
From the above discussion, the maximum cost incurred by human labour cost is 68.46 per cent.
The human labour cost is given in Table below.
Human Labor Cost Of Betel Vine Cultivation
S.
no.
1.
2.
3.
4.

Particulars

Male labor

Preparation of land
Digging Trenches
47
Levelling the beds
Agathi (seed sowing)
18
Irrigation(splashing
waterr 563
with wooden spathe)
After agathi seed sowing
1. Weeding
2. rectifying the trenches,

Female labor

29

Cost(RS.)

9400
1740
3600
84450

238
271

14,280
16,260

42

25,20

plastering the bed edges and

strengthen

the

beds

by

applying mud
3. thinning agathi plants,
removing old agathi leaves
5.
6.

and cleaning the beds

Planting of seed vine
56
After planting betel vine
1. periodical tieing the vines 1368

11,200
2,73,600

with the standards (30times )

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7.

2. 1st scaffolding
3. 2nd scaffolding
4. coiling the vines(2times)
Application
charge
of

46
44
396
61

8.

manuring and fertilizers

Cost of chemicals periodical 108

238

9,200
8,800
79,200
26,480
32,332

spray for vines to control pest

9.

and diseases
Betel leave harvesting
Total

1659
4366

818

3,98,324
9,71,386

Fixed Cost
Fixed cost includes two important items like rental value of land and interest on fixed capital.
The rental value of land accounts Rs.76,660 per acre 5.40 per cent and Rs.5,750 for interest on
fixed capital is 0.41 per cent. Overall, a farmer spent Rs.82409.50 for fixed cost is 5.81 per cent.
From the above discussions, a farmer had to spend 94.19 per cent for variable cost, in which
68.46% for human labour and 5.81 percent for fixed cost.
Cost of Production and Productivity of Betelvine
The output of betel leaves per acre and its unit cost of production for two years of the cultivation
period were computed and furnished inTable No below
Cost Of Production And Productivity Of Betel Vine
S.No

1.
2.
3.

Farm size

Below 0.5 Acre

Above0.5 Acre
Overall

Output

Total cost

Cost

of

(Basket/Acre)

(Rs/Acre)

production

8,219
8,375
8,297

1,31,0574
1,52,7210
14,18,892

(Rs/Basket)
159.46
182.35
171.01

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Above The Table clearly explains the cost of production and productivity of betel leaves for the
two years of the life period in the study area. The below 0.5 acre land holding farmers produced
8219 basket / acre and its cost is Rs.159.46 per basket and hence total cost of production of
betel leaves of below 0.5 acres land holders is Rs.13,10,574 per acre. Above 0.5 acre land
holders produced 8375 baskets per acre, its cost is Rs.182.35 per basket and so the total cost for
production of the betel leaves is Rs.15,27,210 in the study area. The overall, total cost of
production is Rs.14,18,892 for betel leaves whereas per basket cost is Rs.171.01 and output of
basket is 8297 per acre.
4.3 ANALYSIS OF NET PROFIT
The net profit is the final part of the betelvine cultivation in the study area. The gross return and
net profit were computed for the sample growers and the results were analyzed and presented in
below Table
Returns On Production Of Betel Vine For Different
Growers
S.No
1.

Particulars
Gross sales

Group I

Group II

Overall

a) Betel Leaves

21,45,165

21,85,875

21,65,517

b) Betel seed vine

67,830

71,877

69,853

materials

13,090

14,023

13,557

Total Gross Sales

22,26,085

22,71,775

22,48,927

Less: Marketing cost

Gross Return
Less: Variable cost
Contribution
Less: Fixed cost
Net profit

3,26,870
18,99,215
12,28,294
6,70,921
82,280
5,88,641

3,33,073
19,38,702
14,44,670
4,94,032
82,540
4,11,492

3,29,971
19,18,956
13,36,482
5,82,474
82,410
5,00,064

c) Agathi and supporting

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

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The above table exhibits the net profit of the betelvine cultivation in the study area. The price of
betelvine is determined on the basis of the size of betelvine offered at the time of sale. Total
gross sale of Group I (below 0.5 acres land holders) is Rs.22,26,085 and its net profit is
Rs.5,88,641 In Group II, the Gross sale is Rs.22,71,775 and its net profit is Rs.4,11,492. From
the above discussion, Group I farmers got more profit than the Group II farmers.
4.4 COBB-DOUGLAS PRODUCTION FUNCTION
The cost and return analysis shows that the production of betel leaves was profitable. Analysis of
cost and return from production showed that it gives reasonable margin to the growers not
enduring the size of holdings. The question is whether there is any scope to increase the net
return per acre and the question could be answered by analyzing resource use efficiency. In
83 this segment, Cobb-Douglas type of production function could successfully be used to
ascertain the possibility of increase in the production through increase in doses of important
inputs.

Determinants of Gross Return

The Cobb-Douglas type production function (1) fitted is to test the relationship between the yield
of income and the independent variables for yield of below 0.5 acres category, above 0.5 acre
category and overall category of growers. The results are presented in Table No. 4.7 for below
0.5 acre category of growers.
Determinants of Gross Return
The Cobb-Douglas type production function (1) fitted is to test the relationship between the yield
of income and the independent variables for yield of below 0.5 acres category, above 0.5 acre
category and overall category of growers.
The results are presented in below Table for below 0.5 acre category
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Estimated Cobb-Douglas Type Production Function For Above 0.5Acre Category Of

Growers
S.No

Variables

Elasticity coefficients
B

Sig.

Std. Error

1.

Constant
1.065
Agathi seeds cost per -0.070

0.272
0.041

3.914
-1.718

NS

2.

acre
Betel seed vine cost -0.045

0.053

-0.854

NS

3.
4.

per acre
Irrigation cost per acre 0.156
Manures and fertilizers 0.049

0.050
0.035

3.138
2.663

1%
1%

5.

cost per acre

Crop
protection 0.321

0.066

4.848

1%

6.

chemical cost per acre

Supporting
material 0.084

0.030

0.768

NS

7.

cost per acre

Human labour cost per 00.143

0.029

4.848

1%

R*R

acre
: 0.748

F-Test

: 227.2

No. of observation : 168

From the above table it could be noted that the 0.5 acres category of growers in the study area is
concerned about seven independent variables. They are agathi seeds cost per acre, betel seedvine
cost per acre, irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre, crop protection
chemical cost per acre, supporting material cost per acre and human labour cost per acre. Among
these independent variables, irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre, crop
protection chemical cost per acre and 86 human labour cost per acre are found to be statistically
significant at 1% level. But agathi seeds cost per acre, betel seedvine cost per acre and
supporting material cost per acre are not significant inputs.

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The level of irrigation cost per acre has significantly influenced the yield of betelvine. The
irrigation cost per acre is expected to increase by 15.6% from its mean level for every one per
cent increase in the level of production of betel leaves.
In the same way elasticity co-efficient for the manures and fertilizers cost per acre was 9.4%
which indicates that by increasing the expenditure on manures and fertilizers by one per cent the
yield of betelvine would increase by 9.4%.
The co-efficient of crop protection chemical cost per acre was significant of 1% level. This
indicates that every one percent increase from the present level of crop protection chemical cost,
the yield would increasedby 32.1%.
On the other hand, the elasticity coefficient of human labour cost per acre was significant at 1%
level. This indicates that every one percent increase from the present level of human labour cost,
the yield of betelvine would increase by 14.3% and keeping all the factors are constant.
In conclude, the four factors like Irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre,
crop protection chemical cost per acre and human labour cost per acre are positively correlated
with the yield of betelvine cultivation.
The analysis illustrates that the above 0.5 acre category of growers in the study area have better
scope for increasing the yield of betelvine by the effective utilization of irrigation cost per acre,
manures and fertilizers cost per acre, crop protection chemical cost per acre and human labour
cost per acre.
Estimated Cobb-Douglas 'Type production Function For Overall Category Of Growers
S.

Variables

Elasticity coefficients
B

Sig.

Std. Error

o
1.
2.

(Constant )
2.124
Agathi seeds cost per acre 0.056
Betel seed vine cost per 0.091

0.265
0.059
0.43

8.003
00.953
0.983

NS
NS

3.

acre
Irrigation cost per acre

0.045

2.322

5%

0.158

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4.

Manures

and fertilizers 0.547

0.083

6.614

1%

5.

cost per acre

Crop protection chemical 0.311

0.036

3.046

1%

6.

cost per acre

Supporting material cost 0.008

0.033

0.157

NS

0.050

2.276

5%

per acre
7. Human labor costper acre
source : Computed data
R*R

0.099

:0.715

F-Test :373.02
No. of observation: 500
From the analysis of the Table No.4.9 found that the overall category of growers in the study area
is concerned about seven independent variables. They are agathi seeds cost per acre, betel
seedvine cost per acre, irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre, crop
protection chemical cost per acre, supporting material cost per acre and human labour cost per
acre. Among these independent variables, irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per
acre, crop protection chemical cost per acre and human labour cost per acre are found to be
statistically significant at 1% and 5% level. But agathi seeds cost per acre, betel seedvine cost per
acre and supporting material cost per acre are not significant inputs.
The level of irrigation cost per acre utilized has significantly influenced the yield of betelvine by
5% level. The yield is expected to increase by 15.8% from its mean level for every one per cent
increase in the level of irrigation cost per acre utilized. In the same way elasticity co-efficient for
the manures and fertilizers cost per acre was 54.7% which indicates that by increasing the
expenditure on manures and fertilizers by one per cent the yield of betelvine would increase by
54.7%.
The co-efficient of crop protection chemical cost per acre was significant of 1% level. This
indicates that every one per cent increase from the present level of crop protection cost, the yield
would increase by 31.1%. On the other hand, the elasticity coefficient of human labour cost per
acre was significant at 1% level. This indicates that every one per cent increase from the present
level of human labour cost, the yield of betelvine would increased by 9.9% and keeping all the
factors are constant.
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In conclude, the four factors like irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre,
crop protection chemical cost per acre and human labour cost per acre are positively correlated
with the yield of betelvine cultivation. The analysis illustrates that the overall category of
growers in the study area have better scope for increasing the yield of betelvine by the effective
utilization of irrigation cost per acre, manures and fertilizers cost per acre, crop protection
chemical cost per acre and human labour cost per acre.
Culture Of Paan

Chewing the mixture of areca nut and betel leaf is a tradition, custom or ritual which dates back
thousands of years from India to the Pacific. Ibn Battuta describes this practice as follows: "The
betel is a tree which is cultivated in the same manner as the grape-vine; ... The betel has no fruit
and is grown only for the sake of its leaves ... The manner of its use is that before eating it one
takes areca nut; this is like a nutmeg but is broken up until it is reduced to small pellets, and one
places these in his mouth and chews them. Then he takes the leaves of betel, puts a little chalk on
them, and masticates them along with the betel." Since the introduction of tobacco from the
Western Hemisphere to the Eastern Hemisphere, it has been an optional addition to paan.
Paan chewing constitutes an important and popular cultural activity in many Asian and Oceanic
countries, including Myanmar, Cambodia, the Solomon Islands, Thailand, the Philippines, Laos,
and Vietnam. It is not known how and when the lime paste, areca nut and the betel leaf were
married together as one drug. Archaeological evidence from Thailand, Indonesia and the
Philippines suggests they have been used in tandem for four thousand years or more.
compare chewing gum ban in Singapore and smoking ban. The red stain generated by the
combination of ingredients when chewed are known to make a colourful stain on the ground.
This is becoming an unwanted eyesore in Indian cities such as Mumbai, although many see it as
an integral part of Indian culture. This is also common in some of the Persian Gulf countries,
such as the UAE and Qatar, where many Indians live. Recently, the Dubai government has
banned the import and sale of paan and the like. According to traditional Ayurvedic medicine,
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chewing areca nut and betel leaf is a good remedy against bad breath (halitosis) but it can
possibly lead to oral cancer.

India
It is a tradition in South India and more so in the region often referred as 'Old Mysore' that
covers Mysuru, Bengaluru, Mandya, Hassan,Tumkur, Chikmagalur, Shimoga and nearby regions
to give two Betel leaves, areca nut (pieces or whole) and Coconut to the guests (both male and
female) at any auspicious occasion. Even on a regular day it is the tradition to give a married
woman, who visits the house, two Betel leaves, areca nut and coconut or some fruits along with a
string of threaded flowers. Betel leaf used to make paan is produced in different parts of India.
Some states that produce betel leaf for paan include West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Andhra Pradesh,
Uttar Pradesh. In West Bengal two types of betel leaves are produced. These are "Bangala Patta
(Country Leaf)" and Mitha Patta (Sweet Leaf)". In West Bengal, Bangla patta is produced
mainly in district of Dinajpur, Malda, Jalpaiguri, and Nadia.Mitha patta is produced in places
such as Midnapur and South 24 Parganas
The skilled paan maker is known as a paanwala in North India. In other parts, paanwalas are also
known as panwaris or panwadis. At North India, there is a tradition to chew paan after
Deepawali puja for blessings.
Furthermore, the use of paan is also prevalent in one of India's most populous states, the state of
the Punjab. So much so that shops selling paan legally have sprung up in western cities such as
Toronto, London, and Vancouver to name a few due to the large number of people of Punjabi
descent living in those regions. Paanshops, such as Royal Paan, are specialty shops that also
make dessert and other dishes.
In the Indian state of Maharashtra the paan culture is widely criticised due to the cleanliness
problems created by people who spit in public places. In Mumbai, there have been attempts to
put pictures of Hindu gods in places (walls, etc.) where people commonly tend to spit, but
success has been limited. One of the great Marathi artists P L Deshpande wrote a comic story on

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the subject of paanwala (paan vendor), and performed a televised reading session
on Doordarshan during the 1980s in his unique style.
Paan is losing its appeal to farmers because of falling demand. Consumers prefer chewing
tobacco formulations such as gutka over paan. Higher costs, water scarcity and unpredictable
weather have made betel gardens less lucrative
Philippines
Paan has been part of the indigenous culture in the Philippines. Known mainly as tepak sirih in
Malay, it is also commonly and simply referred to as nga-ng in Tagalog and mama or maman in
Ilokano. Nga-ng literally means "to chew/gnaw". Nowadays, it is mostly popular among the
inhabitants of the Cordilleras, among the Lumads of Mindanao, and among lowland barrio folks
elsewhere in the Philippines.

Myanmar

Kun-ya is the word for paan in Myanmar, formerly Burma,where the most commonconfiguration
for chewing is a betel vine leaf (Piper betel), areca nut (from Areca cathechu), slaked lime
(calcium hydroxide) and some aroma, although many betel chewers also use tobacco.Betel
chewing has very long tradition in Burma, having been practised since before the beginning of
recorded history. Until the 1960s, both men and women loved it and every household used to
have a special lacquerware box for paan, called kun-it , which would be offered to any visitor
together with cheroots to smoke and green tea to drink.The leaves are kept inside the bottom of
the box, which looks like a small hat box, but with a top tray for small tins, silver in well-to-do
homes, of various other ingredients such as the betel nuts, slaked lime, cutch, anise seed and a
nut cutter The sweet form (acho) is popular with the young, but grownups tend to prefer it with
cardamom, cloves and tobacco. Spittoons, therefore, are still ubiquitous, and signs saying "No
paan-spitting" are commonplace, as it makes a messy red splodge on floors and walls; many
people display betel-stained teeth from the habit. Paan stalls and kiosks used to be run mainly by
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people of Indian origin in towns and cities. Smokers who want to kick the habit would also use
betel nut to wean themselves off tobacco.
Taungoo in Lower Burma is where the best areca palms are grown indicated by the popular
expression "like a betel lover taken to Taungoo". Other parts of the country contribute to the best
paan according to another saying "Tada-U for the leaves, Ngamyagyi for the tobacco, Taungoo
for the nuts, Sagaing for the slaked lime, Pyay for the cutch". Kun, hsay, lahpet (paan, tobacco
and pickled tea) are deemed essential items to offer monks and elders particularly in the old days.
Young maidens traditionally carry ornamental betel boxes on a stand calledkundaung and gilded
flowers (pandaung) in a shinbyu (novitiation) procession. Burmese history also mentions an
ancient custom of a condemned enemy asking for "a paan and a drink of water" before being
executed.
An anecdotal government survey indicated that 40% of men and 20% of women in Myanmar
chew betel. An aggregate study of cancer registries (2002 to 2007) at the Yangon and Mandalay
General Hospitals, the largest hospitals in the country, found that oral cancer was the 6th most
common cancer among males, and 10th among females. Of these oral carcinoma patients, 36%
were regular betel quid chewers.University of Dental Medicine, Yangon records from 1985 to
1988 showed that 58.6% of oral carcinoma patients were regular betel chewers.
Since the 1990s, betel chewing has been actively discouraged by successive governments, from
the State Law and Order Restoration Council(SLORC) onward, on the grounds of health and
tidiness. In

April

1995,

the Yangon

City

Development

Committee banned

betel

in Yangon(Rangoon), in anticipation of Visit Myanmar Year 1996, a massive effort to promote

the country as a tourist destination. Effective 29 July 2007, betel chewing, along with smoking,
has been banned from the Shwedagon Pagoda, the country's most important religious site. [31] In
2010, the Ministry of Education's Department of Basic Education and Burma's Anti-Narcotics
Task Force collaborated to prohibit betel shops from operating within 50 metres (160 ft) of any
school

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Pakistan
The consumption of paan has long been a very popular cultural tradition throughout Pakistan,
especially in Memon and Muhajir households,

where

numerous

paans

were consumed

throughout the day. In general, though, paan is an occasional delicacy thoroughly enjoyed by
many, and almost exclusively bought from street vendors instead of any preparations at home.
Pakistan grows a large variety of betel leaf (specifically in the coastal areas of Sindh), although
paan is imported in large quantities from India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and, recently, Thailand.
The paan business is famously handled and run by Memon traders, who migrated from western
India, when Pakistan was formed in 1947 .
The culture of chewing paan has also spread in Punjab where a paan shop can be found in
almost every street and market. In the famous Anarkali Bazar in Lahore a street called paan
gali is dedicated for paan and its ingredients together with other Pakistani products.
Cambodia, Laos and Thailand
The chewing of the product is part of the culture of Cambodia, Laos and Thailand. Cultivation of
areca nut palm and betel leaves is common in rural areas of these countries, being a
traditional cash crop, and the utensils used for preparation are often treasured. Now, many young
people have given up the habit, especially in urban areas, but many, especially older people, still
keep to the tradition.
Vietnam

In Vietnam, the areca nut and the betel leaf are such important symbols of love and marriage that
in Vietnamese the phrase "matters of betel and areca is synonymous with marriage. Areca nut
chewing starts the talk between the groom's parents and the bride's parents about the young
couple's marriage. Therefore, the leaves and juices are used ceremonially in Vietnamese
weddings.

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INDIAN PAAN

Nepal
Paan is chewed mainly by Madheshis, although the hilly migrants in terai have also taken up
chewing paan in recent days. Throughout Terai, paan is as common as anywhere in northern
India. Most leaves are imported from India, although natively its grown in some quantities, but
not much commercially. Although not as ubiquitous as in the Terai, most residents of Kathmandu
occasionally enjoy paan. A sweet version of paan called meetha paan is popular amongst many
who do not like the strong taste of plain (sada) paan.
Cambodia, Laoss
The chewing of the product is part of the culture of Cambodia, Laos and Thailand. Cultivation of
areca nut palm and betel leaves is common in rural areas of these countries, being a traditional
cash crop, and the utensils used for preparation are often treasured. Now, many young people
have given up the habit, especially in urban areas, but many, especially older people, still keep to
the tradition.
Thailand
The main constituents of betel quid in Thailand are similar to those found elsewhere in Southeast Asia. The leaf of Piper betle L., areca nut, lime prepared from limestone or seashells, cutch
(catechu) and frequently air- and sun-dried tobacco make up a quid There are, however, a
number of variations in betel-quid chewing in Thailand.

These authors confirmed that the main

constituents of the betel quid included areca nut, betel vine and slaked lime. Commonly used
additives are cutch, nang ko, dok can sandalwood or moonflower bark and tobacco. Only
2.6% of participants reported occasional betel-quid chewing and 6.8% used it daily. Regular,
current chewersnwere almost entirely men and women over the age of 50 years: 22.7% of
women and 18.4% of men in that age range chewed betel quid daily. Nearly all regular chewers
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consumed between one and seven quids per day. All chewers used betel leaf, slaked lime and
nang ko; 6% did not use areca nut; 83% used tobacco, 65% used cutch and 2% used dok can as
further additives. Most chewers used dried areca nut and dried betel leaf. However, fresh nut and
leaf were accepted by 30% of the betel-quid chewers.
From 1979 to 1984, Reichart et al. (1987) carried out a study among northern Thai hill tribes
(Lahu, Karen, Lisu, Meo) and rural Thai. Prevalence of the betel-quid chewing habit was
reported to be 544% in men and 946% in women. The habit was less predominant among rural
Thai than among hill tribes. The Meo tribe did not practise betel-quid chewing; instead, the habit
of chewing miang (fermented wild tea leaves) was preferred. The habit of betel-quid chewing
seems to be on the decline in Thailand. Reichart (1995) observed that only very few villagers
below the age of 35 chewed betel quid, once a universal custom among the Thai. Also, the betelquid chewing habit has almost vanished from large cities such as Bangkok or Chiang Mai. Axll
et al. (1990) reported that only 3/234 (1.3%) individuals attending the Chiang Mai Dental
Faculty reported any use of betel quid. A study on 385 Thai dental students knowledge of the
chewing habit in
Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, pan is chewed throughout the country by all classes. Prior to British rule, it was
chewed without tobacco. It is offered to the guests and used in festivals irrespective of religion. A
mixture called Dhakai pan khili (like a roll) is famous in Bangladesh and the subcontinent.
The sweet pan of the Khasi tribe is famous for its special quality. Paan is also used in Hindu puja
and wedding festivals and to visit relatives. It has become a ritual, tradition and culture of
Bangladeshi society. Adult women gather with pandani along with friends and relatives in leisure
time.
China and Southeast Asia
The tradition of chewing betel is ancient in China. It is mentioned in Tang dynasty (7th to 9th
centuries) sources as being part of marriage ceremonies. Ma Huan, writing in the 15th century,
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observed that the Chinese when they receive guests, entertain them not with tea but with areca
nut. Although the custom is prevalent in the coastal areas where the climate and the soil are
suitable for the cultivation of the nut and the leaf and where there are adequate sources of lime, it
is less common inland unless the ingredients can be obtained through trade.
Betel has been called "the daily social lubricant of Southeast Asia". Anthony Reid, Professor of
Southeast Asian history at the Australian National University, writes, "although betel chewing
was also widespread in South India and South China by the 15th century, it appears to have
originated in Southeast Asia". The areca nut and the piper betel leaf grow naturally in Southeast
Asia and this fact, according to Reid, is borne out by the "extraordinary diversity of indigenous
words for them".
In Jakarta I encountered streets and districts named after the components of betel chewing such
as: Pondok Pinang (areca nut hut), Kehon Sireh (betel garden). Elsewhere in Southeast Asia,
"The genus Areca gives its Malay name to the island of Penang", according to the Palms of
Malaysia.
Isabella Bird in her 19th century travels throughout the Malay Archipelago, visited the states of
Sungei Ujong, Selangor and Perak. She noted the "abominable habit of betel nut chewing which
is universal among the inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula. . .It is a revolting habit, and if a
person speaks to you while he is chewing his 'quid' of betel, his mouth looks as if it were full of
blood".
In a Malay household, a sirih (betel) set was usually placed before visitors who would be joined
by the host in the informal ritual of preparing the chew. Sirih sets were part of household
paraphernalia that were used in ceremonies performed during betrothals, weddings and funerals.
It was uncommon to find a household without these brass sets.
Helen Ibbitson Jessup, in Court Arts of Indonesia, names the sirih as one of the "most pervasive
social customs in the Indonesian archipelago". She believes that the practice, which is known
throughout Southeast Asia, may have originated there. Pinang (the areca nut) is wrapped in the
leaf of the betel vine and along with crushed lime (from seashells), tobacco and some spices
added, is chewed for a prolonged period of time, and as a result a mildly narcotic effect is
induced. A container or implement has evolved for every ingredient and process connected with
the preparation of betel in Indonesia. There are boxes with or without lids, individual containers
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(sometimes in the shape of the fruit mangosteen) for the nuts, the lime and spices, elongated
holders for the leaves, tweezers for picking up and mixing, cutters for the areca nut, a small flat
spoon for the lime as well as spittoons. The most common materials are brass but other sets are
made out of wood, palm fibre, split rattan and even tortoiseshell. In Lampung there are
exquisitely beaded sirih boxes. In Palembang there are red lacquer sets and silver boxes come
with chains to facilitate carrying. In the Javanese kraton (sultan's court), the sirih set was usually
made of gold, sometimes studded with gems or decorated with exquisite repousse or stained gold
work. Sometimes it is made of other metals inlaid with gold. So central is the custom that the
sirih set forms part of the essential court regalia. The king's retinue always included a slave or a
servant who carried the master's betel box. Zhou Daguan, member of a Chinese mission, who
rendered a faithful account of life in Angkor (Cambodia) at the end of the 13th century, thought
the Khmers chewed betel after meals to help their digestion and thereby pre-vent belching. The
ceramic lime pots, that come in a variety of forms (usually shaped like an owl but also other
birds, elephant, rabbit, frog and other animal shapes) are ubiquitous in the repertoire of the
Khmer potter. In temple and other excavation sites they are found with a pinkish residue (due to
the addition of tannin or turmeric to the lime, a popular local variation).
According to Dawn Rooney, a Southeast Asian scholar who has written extensively on betel
chewing in Southeast Asia, the use of betel is "geographically widespread... encompassing the
eastern coastline of Africa to Madagascar in the West, Melanesia. . .in the East, southern China in
the North and Papua New Guinea in the South", an area which includes the "Indian subcontinent,
Sri Lanka, and all of Southeast Asia". She notes that the practice is particularly concentrated in
areas where the areca palm and the leaf grow, such as in lush tropical climates and coastal areas
where there are adequate sources of lime. On a visit to the storage area of the Ficld Museum of
Natural History in Chicago, the author found a Thai jarlet still with traces of lime in-side.
Indonesia
Mller et al. (1977) described the composition of the betel quid in Indonesia as usually
comprising areca nut, betel leaf and slaked lime. Catechu may also be added.Spices such as
cardamom or clove may be added for flavour. In most parts of Indonesia, tobacco does not
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constitute an ingredient of the betel quid itself. Rather, after the betel quid has been chewed for
several minutes, a lump of fine-cut tobacco is placed in the labial commissure and finally used to
clean the teeth (IARC, 1985a). The habit of betelquid chewing is more common in women than
in men, and is more prevalent in women over the age of 35 compared with those under 35 years
of age. The habit is usually acquired between the ages of 15 and 20 years. Recently, Budhy et al.
(2001) speculated that the habit of chewing betel quid may be dying out in Indonesia.
Singapore
Among Singaporeans, betel-quid chewing is still practised by some of the older Indian people
and Malay women also reported the tradition of betel-quid chewing among the Indian
community, which represents 6.4% of the entire population. The quid consists of areca nut, betel
leaf, slaked lime and a varietyof seeds (sesame, clover) and aromas.
Palau
In Palau, areca nut is chewed in the green unripe state. It is split in half and slaked lime from
fire-burned coral is placed in the centre portion of one of the halves. Tobacco which, although
now imported, used to be grown on the island, and, less frequently, ginger root or other
substances may also be added. These combined ingredients are wrapped in a piece of betel leaf.
The excessive saliva produced by chewing this concoction is orangered in colour and is spat out
on the ground or into a spittoon. Throughout Palau, sets of ingredients for a single chew are sold
in many retail stores. These sets consist of half an areca nut, some lime, a piece of betel leaf and
half a cigarette, all wrapped in aluminium foil
Guam
Chewing betel leaf is an old tradition in Guam, particularly among the native Chamorro people .
Islanders prefer the hard reddish variety of betel leaf citizens of Micronesia prefer a soft betel

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leaf that is succulent and gelatinous areca nut together with betel leaf. Slake lime is not used
during chewing, nor is tobacco
South Africa
The habit of betel leaf chewing was introduced into South Africa by Indian immigrants The
commonest way to prepare the betel quid is similar to that described for India. However, the nut
is often chewed alone, and red, white or black nuts are preferred by different chewers. Roasted
areca nut is preferred. Tobacco is added as a small quantity of coarse shreds by a small minority
of chewers, mainly men.
south east asia
THE composition of a quid can be varied by the choice of the ingredients and the way they are
combined. The most popular method in South-East Asia is to put some lime paste on the leaf and
add thin slices of an areca-nut. Then the leaf is folded, like wrapping a present, to the desired
shape and size. (A popular belief is that the character of a person can be judged by the way he or
she folds a quid.) Finally, the wad is placed between the teeth and the cheek and pressed with the
tongue to allow sucking and chewing. In some parts of the region, though, the ingredients are
placed in the mouth one at a time. Yet another way was noted by Albert S. Bickmore in the
nineteenth century: The roll [quid] is taken between the thumb and forefinger, and rubbed
violently against the front gums, while the teeth are closed firmly, and the lips opened widely. It
is now chewed for a moment and then held between the teeth and lips, so as to partly protrude
from the mouth. A profusion of red brick-colored saliva now pours out of each corner of the
mouth
The Ingredients
The Nut

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The so-called nut used for betel chewing is actually a seed of the Areca catechu, a member of
the palm family Its distinguishing features are a slender trunk about 20 centimetres in diameter,
with a cluster of leaves at the top sheltering stalks of nuts . Amongst the tallest of the palms, the
Areca catechu reaches a height of 12-16 metres. A grey, fibrous bark surrounds the trunk. These
characteristics, combined with graceful proportions, set it apart from other members of the palm
family. A stem as straight and beautifully shaped as the shaft of a Corinthian pillar, observed
William Alexander, an English traveller in 1805. Areca catechu is grown from a seed. It requires
little attention to cultivate and needs only a humid atmosphere, a perennial hot climate, and damp
soil. It therefore grows better in coastal, rather than inland, areas. Sumatra, western Java, Borneo,
the Malay Peninsula, southern Thailand, southern Burma, and the Philippines are the main areas
in South-East Asia for the cultivation of the Areca catechu. The palm reaches maturity in 1-2
years; after another 5-6 years it starts to bear nuts, producing 200-800 annually for the next
twenty years. Plate 6 is a contemporary drawing of a stalk of areca-nuts. White blossoms precede
the nuts emitting a most fragrant scent at a considerable distance especially mornings and
evenings, wrote Nieuhof.
The areca-nut, the only part of the palm used for betel chewing, is round to oval in shape and
about 5 centimetres long at maturity. When the nut appears, it is green with a smooth exterior,
but it gradually turns yellowish to brownish with a tough, fibrous husk. The areca-nut is a kind
of great Acorn, which yet wants that wooden Cup wherein our Acorn grows the nut consists of a
white pulp with a brownish-orange core, which is the part used for betel chewing Both ripe and
unripe nuts are chewed and connoisseurs have distinct preferences. Some prefer the tenderness of
a nut picked before it ripens, contending it is succulent and sweet-tasting. Betel nut is most
esteemed when it is young before it grows hard, exceedingly juicy because this encourages
spitting, wrote William Dampier, the first Englishman to reach the Philippines. Others prefer a
ripe nut. At maturity it is always very bitter and savory, stated de la Loubre. The nut is used
either in its natural state or cured. Generally, people living in humid climates prefer a raw nut,
whereas those living in drier areas or parts of the region where the nut is scarce, chew the cured
variety. One method of curing is to peel the husk and then boil the seed in water. Another is to
dry the nut in the sun until the husk shrinks and then remove the seed. A popular method in
Malaysia is to slice the nut in half and then dry it in the sun. A variation of the sun-dried method
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is to smoke the nut with benzoin. Yet another way to cure the areca-nut, especially if a supply is
not readily available, is to store it in salt for two or three months.

The Leaf
A leaf from the vine of the Piper betle pepper plant is used for betel chewing. The bright green
leaf is broadabout 15 centimetreswith defined points (Plate 8). It looks like a citron leafe,
but longer, sharper at the end, thought van Linschoten. The leaves are marked down the middle
by pretty ribs or veins, with five or six down the side, and hang from crooked stalks bent low,
about as wide as a finger observed John Heydt, a Dutchman, in the middle of the eighteenth
century. The custom of keeping the right thumbnail long for removing the centre vein of the leaf
originated with a legendary Indian monarch who was poisoned by a hair hidden in the central
vein of a betel leaf. Even today, in some areas, the main vein of the betel leaf is removed.
Snipping the tip of a betel leaf is also customary in parts of South-East Asia because the tip is
believed to contain medicine from the gods. A favourite legend tells of a young prince who has
an incurable illness. He sees a serpent with a betel leaf in its mouth and, knowing it is a gift from
the gods
The Lime
Lime for betel chewing is obtained from various sources, depending on availability. To make it
suitable for chewing, the lime is ground to a powder (calcium oxide) and mixed with water to a
paste-like consistency (calcium hydroxide). In this form, it is called slaked lime and is white in
colour. Limestone chalk (calcium carbonate), obtained from mountain lime, is used in Thailand,
Laos, and Vietnam. Sea shells and molluscs, such as snails, provide sources of lime in the island
areas. Mussels and other freshwater shellfish from rivers and streams are used in the Philippines.
Coral provides the source of lime in parts of Indonesia.
Lime is pulverized in different ways, depending on its origins. Sea shells are burned and then
crushed with a hammer in the Philippines; in Indonesia shells are crushed with the hands. After
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reducing them to a fine powder, water, and sometimes a bit of coconut oil, is added to form a
paste. A similar method is used in the village of Ban Phluang, in north-eastern Thailand, with the
addition of cumin or turmeric which gives a pink or reddish cast to the lime paste. Lime for betel
chewing is almost always kept in a separate container. The reason why lime containers are so
common is unknown. It may have derived from an ancient Malay belief that poison could be
added to the lime paste. If you eat lime you will have a stomach ache, warns a Thai proverb.
This is based on the belief that long ago a small lizard climbed down the wall of a house and
stole some lime from a womans betel basket. Because of this crime, the lizard still croaks,
proclaiming his guilt. Children are told that this lizard will come down the wall and eat their
livers if they cry too much.
SEASION
There are two important planting seasons. The Edavakodi is planted in May-June and the
Thulakodi in August-September.
October month is best betel leaf polanting season under open system cultivaion. The mansoon
season is ideal for planting betel leaves plants under closed system cultivation. However,
planting seaso of betel leaves varies from state to state in india
Conducive environment for commercial betel vine cultivation comprises artificial shade,
presence of considerable humidity and adequate supply of moisture in the soil, moderate and
even temperature throughout the year. Thus, its cultivation is best done under controlled
condition or shade condition. The ideal weather condition for the plant is mild temperature
about 10C in winter and about 40C in summer for good growth of this shade loving plant.
About 170 cm rainfall and presence of high humidity (60 to 80%) throughout the year is ideal for
this crop. Below 10C and above 40C temperatures cause wilting. The vines grow fast and
their vegetative growth is good under high humidity. The amount of air movement affects the
rate of evaporation and is therefore, one of the chief factors controlling water relations of betel
vine.

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CHAPTER-5
MEDICAL USE OF PAAN

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MEDICAL USE OF PAAN

The Betel (Piper betle) is the leaf of a vine belonging to the Piperaceae family. The plant, by
itself, is said to have originated in India. Betel Leaf is cultivated in majority of South and
Southeast Asia, and is a much esteemed leaf across the dozen nations. In India, the leaf is
considered auspicious and is used as an auspicious exchange material not only during
ceremonies, but also when fixing deals, business transactions and even marriage alliances.
Although the betel leaf earned a bad reputation during mid-1980s when early Western literature
suggested that the betel liquid causes oral cancer, Dr. S. V. Bhide and others at the Cancer
Institute in India, showed that it is not the leaf, but some contents of the areca nut (areca nut,
lime and tobacco are chewed with betel leaf) and the tobacco that are the culprits.
The betel leaf when taken alone (without the said accompaniments), has several medicinal
benefits, which very few of are aware of.
Discussed here are the less-known medicinal properties of betel leaf. Apart from being a mild
stimulant, betel leaf is used for various medicinal purposes.
To begin with, when the leaf is chewed, the mild anti-infective content in the leaf, freshen breath,
and cleanses the mouth. Its constituents enter the blood directly via the buccal mucosa. As this is
a direct way of entry into blood stream, it is the best way to deliver drugs into the blood stream
during sickness.
On chewing, the betel leaf induces salivation. Saliva fights bacteria in the mouth, and helps
reduce plaque formation on teeth. Further, the Betel leaf contains compounds that act as heart
beat regulators, relaxing the blood vessels.
The leaf contains certain poly-phenols that not only fight microbes, but also act as pain relievers
and anti-inflammatory agents. Recent studies have shown that the leaf contains tannins, sugar,
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diastases and an essential oil. A particular phenol called chavicol, present in it has powerful
antiseptic properties.
The leaf has analgesic and cooling properties, and can be applied on the painful area for
temporary relief.
Betel leaves possess good diuretic properties. Therefore, it can be mixed with dilute milk and
consumed by sweetening, as it helps ease urination.
The betel leaves are also beneficial in treating nervous pains and debility. The juice of the leaves,
when consumed by adding a teaspoon of honey, twice a day, acts a good tonic.
Betel leaf has been in use since ancient times for healing wounds. Ayurveda has strongly
believed in this property of the leaf. The juices of the leaves are applied locally on the wound,
after which, the betel leaf is wrapped around and bandaged. The wound is sure to heal within a
day or two.
Also, recent studies have shown that the leaf contains components that have chemo-preventive
and anti-cancer properties.
In short, Betel leaf is a storehouse of several chemicals that are of much pharmaceutical value.
Studies are on, to isolate and identify each molecule and study their effects. It is hoped that
several more medicinal properties of this wonderful leaf are yet to be revealed. However, the one
precaution to be taken is to avoid chewing the leaf with areca nut and tobacco, instead, try some
variety spices including cloves, cardamom, cinnamon and the likes to enjoy its benefits.
AS A BETEL OILS, ANTI OXIDATION, FUNGICIDES , KILLS GERMS, STOP
COUGUING, RELIEVE ITCHING.
betel oils, especially those that have been processed and taken the oil. Essential oils derived from
betel leaf containing betIephenol, seskuiterpen, starch, diatase, sugar, the same substance and
kavikol (has the power to kill germs), anti-oxidation and fungicides, anti-fungal.
Other Use
Analgesic
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Betel leaf is an amazing analgesic that offers relief from pain. It can be used to alleviate pain
caused due to cuts, bruises, rashes, inflammation (internal as well as external), indigestion,
constipation, etc. You can simply make a paste of betel leaf and apply to it the bruised area
(meant for external application). You can also chew betel leaves and drink its juice to get relief
from internal pain.
Eases Constipation
Betel leaf contains the goodness of anti-oxidants. Anti-oxidants clear free radicals from the body.
This restores the normal PH level of an upset stomach. As a result, constipation is eased. You can
simply chew the betel leaf and ingest its juice on an empty stomach each day to get relief from
constipation. Another way is mincing betel leaf with water and storing it overnight. Drink the
stored water on an empty stomach the next day.
For children suffering from hard stool problem, a suppository made of the stalk of betel leaf
dipped in castor oil can be introduced into the rectum.
Improves Digestion
Betel leaf is good for digestion. Its carminative, intestinal, anti-flatulent and gastro-protective
properties made chewing the leaf after a meal very popular. The essential oil can be massaged on
the stomach as it helps in the secretion of digestive acids and gastric juices. For children
suffering from indigestion, boil betel leaf with a little pepper in water. Strain it, and give two
teaspoons of this mixture to children twice a day for an instant cure.
Betel leaf thus increases the bodys metabolism. This triggers circulation and stimulates the
intestines to absorb vital minerals and nutrients. Waste gets removed easily through better
sphincter performance. Better sphincter performance is also an outcome of the stimulation
caused by betel leaf.
Reduces Gastric Pain
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Betel leaf is essentially very helpful in improving GERD. It keeps the duodenum free of harmful
free radicals and toxins. This further reduces acidity caused due to imbalanced PH levels of the
stomach. Optimal PH levels ensure that bloating is eased. Fowl gas passes through sphincter
contraction and expansion. This ensures that gastric reflux is eased. Hence, gastric pain subsides
easily with constant use.
Increases Hunger
Decreased appetite is also an outcome of upset stomach. Normal PH levels trigger the hunger
hormone to get secreted in optimal amounts. Betel leaf is highly capable of restoring the normal
PH levels of stomach by flushing out all the toxins. Hence, it increases appetite and promotes
health.
Promotes Oral Health
The betel leaf helps to refresh breath, protects against germs, bacteria and other oral pathogens in
the mouth. When you chew a betel leaf, it cleanses the mouth. It prevents tooth decay. It helps to
strengthen the gums and reinforces the teeth. It prevents oral bleeding. This protective shield can
be enhanced by gargling, morning and night, daily, with one drop of betel leaf oil mixed in one
cup of warm water. You can also boil some betel leaf in water and use it as a rinse and gargle. It
also helps to treat sore mouth. Treats Respiratory Problems.
Betel leaf is very good for treating respiratory problems. It helps to treat cough and cold. It also
brings much relief to people suffering from chest and lung congestion and asthma. It even helps
to cure breathing problems. You can apply mustard oil to the leaf, warm it and keep it on the
chest to cure congestion. Alternatively, boil a few leaves with cardamom, cloves, cubeb and
cinnamon in two cups of water. Reduce it up to 1 cup. Strain and drink this concoction three
times a day to find instant relief.
Relieves Cough
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Betel leaves are amazing ways of easing constant cough. They come loaded with the goodness of
antibiotics. These antibiotics ease phlegm and also reduce the inflammation caused due to
constant coughing.

How To Make
Simply boil betel leaves in water. Add cloves and cardamom to it and heat again.
Drink at-least 3 times a day. This is an amazing anti-whooping recipe that eases cough with
constant use.
Eases Bronchitis
Betel leaf is also an amazing remedy for bronchitis. It reduces inflammation all along the
bronchial chord and lungs. This leads to dilated phlegm. Hence, the chest congestion is eased
that further improves breathing.
Antiseptic Benefits
Betel leaf is an amazing anti-septic as well. It is rich in poly-phenols, especially chavicol.. Thus,
it offers dual protection from germs. Being a good antiseptic, it can be applied on cuts to kill
germs. And since it is loaded with poly-phenols, it is used for treating inflammation such as
arthritis and orchitis. Local application of the betel leaf acts a pain reliever and an antiinflammatory agent.
Antifungal Benefits
Betel leaf is also an amazing anti-fungal remedy. Fungal infections commonly occur on moist
body parts. Thus, betel leaf makes an amazing natural remedy that prevents fungal infections
naturally.

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Relief From Back Pain And Muscular Tensions

Betel leaf is a good remedy for people suffering from lower back pain or lumbago. A hot poultice
of betel leaves or juice mixed with refined coconut oil applied on the loins gives good relief.
Massaging the lower back with betel leaf oil and a carrier oil helps to ease the pain. It also
provides relief from muscular tension pains, redness, and swelling.
Treats Water Retention And Urination
Betel leaf is a good diuretic. Crush a betel leaf and extract its juice, mix it with a little-diluted
milk and drink it. This helps to treat water retention in the body. It also helps in easing urination
for people suffering from scanty or obstructed urination.
Heals Wounds And Infection
Betel leaf has healing properties. Crush a few leaves, extract the juice, and apply it on the wound
or infection. Then put a betel leaf over it and wrap it with a bandage. The wound will heal within
two days as it prevents the growth of destructive microbes.
Improves Alertness
If you are feeling sluggish or suffering from nervous exhaustion, the betel leaf is a good remedy
to improve alertness. A teaspoon of betel leaf juice with honey acts as a tonic. It can be taken
twice a day. It improves mental functioning and treats debility. It also energises and motivates
people, thereby curing them of their sluggishness.
Treats Headache

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For people suffering from headache, the betel leaf is a good cure. It has analgesic and cooling
properties. You can apply the betel leaf on your forehead to ease headaches. You can also use
betel leaf oil for the same.
Acne Cure And Other Skin Disorders
Betel leaf is a good remedy for acne, black spots, etc. Its antimicrobial properties help to treat
skin ulceration, allergies, itchiness, and body odour. Crush a few betel leaves and extract its
juice, mix with a little turmeric and apply on the acne and allergies to find good relief. Betel
leaves boiled in water can be used for washing face and skin to treat and prevent skin problems.
Regular usage will help clear spots and acne within a few days. The powerful antimicrobial and
antiseptic properties help to treat skin infections.
Stops Earache
Earaches can be irritating and painful. The betel leaf juice or oil is a good remedy for this
problem. Mix betel leaf juice or oil and coconut oil and put two drops in the ear. You will find
instant relief.
Vaginal Hygiene
For women suffering from vaginal itching and vaginal discharge, betel leaf is a good home
remedy. The betel leaves are boiled and are used as a genital wash. In some countries, it is widely
used by women after giving birth as it causes genital shrinkage.
Prevents Body Odour
The betel leaf helps to prevent body odour. You can add the juice of betel leaf or oil in your bath
water to remain fresh the whole day. You can also drink a concoction made of few betel leaves

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soaked in boiled water, with a spoon of white sugar added to it. It prevents the unpleasant smell
of perspiration and menstruation.
Nose Bleed
Betel leaf is a good remedy for nosebleed. Many young children suffer from it when they play
outdoors in the hot sun. The betel leaf helps to stop the blood flow. Roll a fresh betel leaf and
insert it in the nosebleed. It takes about 30 minutes to stop the blood flow.
The betel leaf can cure and prevent various ailments and illnesses. It is better to use these home
remedies than take prescription drugs, which can be costly and have various kinds of side effects.
Betel leaf is available in most parts of the world, and if not, then the essential oil of the betel leaf
too can be used to reap the medicinal benefits of this wonderful plant. However, be cautious of
not consuming it with tobacco and other hazardous products.
Elimination of bad breath and prevention of tooth decay
Take 5 to 6 betel leaves and boil them in 2 cups of water. Cool the content and strain it and rinse
the mouth every morning as well as evening
Treat swollen gums
Take about 5 to 6 pieces of betel leaf and boil them in about 3 glasses. Strain them after lifting
and gargle 3 to 4 times in a day
Treat Bronchitis
Take about 7 betel leaves and boil them in 2 cups of water and filter the content. Drink it 3 times
daily, about 3 tbs
Increases lactation milk

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Pregnant women find it useful after delivering the baby as their breasts can produce more milk
Benefits Cancer
To treat cancer please take a few betel leaves, and boiled water and killings have been reduced
by 1/4 part, take water decoction of betel leaf last and mix with honey served while still warm
and drink regularly 2-3 times a day.

Treat Burns
Form a paste and add a tbsp of honey and apply it on the infected area
Treat Headaches
The cooling as well as analgesic properties help decrease headache. It has to be applied
externally
Thyroid Function
T3 and T4 levels can be increased
Malaria
This is serious in nature and needs treatment. One can use betel leaves to cure it. Boil 20 betel
leaves, 20 sembung leaves, acid leaf about a handful, beluntas leaves about 20 with 2 pans
containing water. Make use of the steam to treat the ailment
lose weight

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Betel leaves have very potent carmative properties and aid in proper digestion. One study[1]
found that not only does chewing the leaf help speed up your metabolism, but it also aids in
preventing acidity by increasing the amount of mucous in the stomach, protecting the stomach
lining from the ill effects of gastric acids[2]. Apart from that, betel leaves start working on your
digestion as soon as you chew them as they increase the production of saliva in your mouth and
signal your stomach to get ready to digest the food you have eaten. It also helps get rid of toxins
(also known as ama in Ayurveda) from your stomach and helps relieve constipation (due to its
high fibre content). Also, according to Ayurvedic texts betel leaves help reduce medha dhatu (or
body fat) in your body, hastening the weight loss process.
On the other hand, pepper contains phytonutrients and pepperin that helps in the break down
fat and proper assimilation of all the nutrients in the food you eat. Also, the piperine content of
black pepper makes it a great digestive. It stimulates the taste buds to signal the stomach to
produce more hydrochloric acid, which helps digest proteins and other foods in the stomach. If
food it left undigested in your stomach it tends to cause flatulence, indigestion, diarrhoea,
constipation and acidity. Apart from that, it also promotes sweating and urination which is a
great way to get rid of excess water and toxins from the body.
How to use
Take one betel leaf (make sure it is tender and green) and add 5 pepper corns to it. Now fold it up
and chew on this. The pepper may be a bit too pungent for you in the beginning, so you can chew
on it and keep it in your mouth, allowing your saliva to carry the nutrients into your stomach.
Have this on an empty stomach, first thing in the morning for about 8 weeks.
KILLS GERMS
The most common uses for this leaves is as a genital wash, not by men, but by women.
Indonesian women use it widely after giving birth, and they do so explicitly to make their
husbands happier. Betel leaves cause genital shrinkage in women, as well as genital dryness. For
women in their late twenties and thirties, the problem is not so much vaginal dryness but vaginal
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wetness, that can cause itchiness and odor, so they boiled the leaves and use it for genital wash.
Its not only for their own pleasure but for the pleasure of their partners.
To treat Itching
One of the benefits of betel leaf to treat itching where we could take water decoction of betel leaf
for bathrooms or by washing kulity ang getting itchy. Take 15-20 pieces of betel leaves, wash
and then boiled. Guanakan water decoction of leaves of the betel leaves are still warm last to
shower or wash the affected hives.

To treat canecer
To treat acne, please take 8-10 pieces of betel leaf. Clean and wash can be made with kneaded or
crushed rough, and brewed with hot water and use a hot water infusion of the leaves of the betel
had to wash their faces. Do 2-3 times a day.
Leucorrhea
Please take the 10-15 had betel leaves provide enough aroma and a distinctive color. Boil the
betel leaf that has been washed out last with 2-3 liter water. And use of water decoction of betel
leaf that is still warm to wash Miss V (Female Genitalia).
Eliminate bodydor
How can the betel leaf to eliminate body odor? Want to know how? That is with taking a few
betel leaves, I recommend the 5 pieces of betel leaf ang boiled with 2 glasses of water and when
the water is already diminished seduh one glass. Drinking in the daytime in order to benefit
kerasa betel leaf to eliminate body odor.

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To treat burns
It's easy, just take a few betel leaves, wash and wring the water. Add a bit of honey and apply the
liquid last kedapam the burning skin.
Diabetes
It is suggested that components present in betel leaves can reduce the level of sugar in blood.
This may help in treating diabetes.

CHAPTER-6
TRADITIONAL USE O
PAAN

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TRADITIONAL USE Of PAAN

Chewing the mixture of areca nut and betel leaf is a tradition, custom or ritual which dates back
thousands of years in much of the geographical areas from South Asia eastward to the Pacific. It
constitutes an important and popular cultural activity in many Asian and Oceanic countries,
including Pakistan, the Maldives, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Burma
(Myanmar), China, Laos, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Cambodia, Vietnam, Taiwan, the
Philippines, Palau, Yap, Guam, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. It is not
known how or when the areca nut and the betel leaf were first combined into one psychoactive
drug. Archaeological evidence from Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines suggests they have
been used in tandem for at least 4000 years
In Vietnam, the areca nut and the betel leaf are such important symbols of love and marriage that
in Vietnamese the phrase "matters of betel and areca" (chuyn tru cau) is synonymous with
marriage. The tradition of chewing areca nuts starts the talk between the groom's parents and the
bride's parents about the young couple's marriage. Therefore, the leaves and juices are used
ceremonially in Vietnamese weddings. The folk tale explaining the origin of this Vietnamese
tradition is a good illustration of the belief that the combination of areca nut and the betel leaf is
ideal to the point they are practically inseparable, like an idealized married couple
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Malay culture and tradition hold betel nut and leaves in high esteem. Traditionally, guests who
visit a Malay house are presented with a tray of areca nuts and betel leaves, in much the same
way as drinks are offered to guests in many cultures around the world. There is even a Malay
proverb about the betel nut, "bagaikan pinang dibelah dua", loosely translated, like a betel nut
divided in half. It usually refers to newlyweds, who are compatible to each other, just like a betel
nut when divided in half. The proverb is analogous to the English "two peas in a pod".
Areca Nut in small packs, usually labelled as betel nut in South India.
In the Indian subcontinent, the chewing of betel and areca nut dates back to the pre-Vedic period
Harappan empire. Formerly, in both India and Sri Lanka, it was a custom of the royalty to chew
areca nut with betel leaf. Kings had special attendants whose duty it was to carry a box with all
the necessary ingredients for a good chewing session. There was also a custom for lovers to chew
areca nut and betel leaf together, because of its breath-freshening and relaxant properties. A
sexual symbolism thus became attached to the chewing of the nut and the leaf. The areca nut
represented the male principle, and the betel leaf the female principle. Considered an auspicious
ingredient in Hinduism and some schools of Buddhism, the areca nut is still used along with
betel leaf in religious ceremonies, and also while honoring individuals in much of southern Asia.[
In Assam, it is a tradition to offer pan-tamul (betel leaves and raw areca nut) to guests, after tea
or meals, served in a brass plate with stands called bota. Among the Assamese, the areca nut also
has a variety of uses during religious and marriage ceremonies, where it has the role of a fertility
symbol. A tradition from Upper Assam is to invite guests to wedding receptions by offering a
few areca nuts with betel leaves. During Bihu, the husori players are offered areca nuts and betel
leaves by each household while their blessings are solicited.
Spanish mariner lvaro de Mendaa reported observing Solomon Islanders chewing the nut and
the leaf with caustic lime, and the manner in which the habit stained their mouths red. He noted
the friendly and genial chief Malope, on Santa Isabel Island, would offer him the combination as
a token of friendship every time they met.
In Bhutan the areca nut is called doma. The raw areca nut, which is soft and moist is very potent
and when chewed can cause palpitation and vasoconstricting. This form is eaten in the lower
regions of Bhutan and in North Bengal, where the nut is cut into half and put into a local paan
leaf with a generous amount of lime. In the rest of Bhutan the raw nut, with the husk on, is
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fermented such that the husk rots and is easy to extract. The fermented doma has a putrid odour,
which can be smelled from miles. Traditionally, this fragrant nut is cut in half and placed on top
of a cone made of local betel leaf, which has a dash of lime put into it. "Myth has it that the
inhabitants of Bhutan traditionally known as Monyul, the land of Monpas where Buddhism did
not reach lived on raw flesh, drank blood and chewed bones. After the arrival of Guru Rinpoche
in the 8th century, he stopped the people from eating flesh and drinking blood and created a
substitute which is betel leaf, lime and areca nut. Today, chewing doma has become a custom.
Doma is served after meals, during rituals and ceremonies. It is offered to friends and is chewed
at work places by all sections of the society and has become an essential part of Bhutanese life
and culture.

MARRAIGE PARTY

Paan is a very commonly available commodity in India. It is traditionally the leaf of the betel nut
tree and holds a lot of significance in Indian culture. It is usually consumed as an after meal
refreshment in India but plays multiple roles and there are many ways you could include a betel
leaf at your wedding. Here are some interesting and innovative ideas on including this leaf at
your Indian wedding
Betel Nut and Paan

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The betel leaf plays a very important role at Indian wedding rituals. It is considered to signify
freshness and prosperity. In Hindu culture it marks the beginning of every auspicious event.
Many rituals involve the use of betel leaf at Hindu weddings.

Right from the time of confirming the wedding, to the post wedding rituals, betel leaf is used.
Betel leaves are exchanged between two families as a token of confirmation of the wedding. A
Bengali bride covers her face with betel leaf and only after she encircles her husband seven
times, does the couple look at each other. Apart from the ceremony, you can include betel leaf in
your wedding dcor. Floral garlands can be interspersed with betel leaf trimmings to add some
colour.Betel leaf is a very popular Indian after meal refreshment. Though traditionally consumed
after a meal, nowadays there are more innovative and unconventional ways to include it at your
wedding. Paan is a must at traditional North Indian weddings. However you can deviate from
the traditional way of serving it and try something more innovative like paan shots

WORSHIP
During worship or rituals, leaves from some select tree such as mamo, betel leaf and banana are
used as essential accessories, but among them betel leaf enjoys a place of pride in India. During
Marriage, the bride appears with covered eyes, using betel leaves before she takes her first look
at the groom. the use of betel leaf has become a symbolic item denoting freshness and prosperity.
The Skanda purana says that the Betel leaf was obtained during the ocean churning
(Samudramanthan) by the Gods and demons. it has many rich herbal properties.
While performing Saryanarayana Puja the Bengalis place five betel leaves on

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the platform on the side with betel nut ,sweet and coin. This is called mokama. At the end of the
Puja this is given to five married moment to receive their blessing the host family. Most common
use of betel leaf is as after - dinner treat for chewing Areca nut or betel nut wrapped n it. The
betel nut is a mild stimulant which can be further promoted by the use of tobacco products that
contributes nocotine.
PARTY
betel leaf has been using chewing after dinner and any time .it culture follow every country and
international country ,they use it in marriage pary , worship and any party which party held for
friends either old man and women . In India more famous chewing Paan with nut in any party
with friends and parent , it use no banned on son by parent because it be not effect on health
using chewing at a time so it widely use . If you don't likewith tabacco then you can also eat
sweet paan, same paan without Tabacco. It is that safe that even a child can also eat it. Meetha
paan is the very famous sweet dish serve after food in Indian marriages and even in some good
hotels.
NORMAL USE
The betel quid, or paan, as consumed in various parts of the world, consists of,

betel leaf with areca nut and slaked lime

betel leaf with areca nut, slaked lime and tobacco

betel leaf with tobacco, but without any areca nut

betel leaf with areca nut and other spices or ingredients, but without tobacco

betel leaf with areca nut, tobacco and other spices or ingredients

Tradition Use Of Paan Chewing in Abroad

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India
The tradition of chewing betel leaf or paan as it is commonly known in Hindi is age-old and
deeply rooted in India. It seems likely that the habit was originally developed in the south east
Asian island region in the moist tropical climates. Its basic quality is best described in a stanza
from the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana saying: After cleaning the teeth and having looked into the
mirror and having eaten a tambula to render fragrance to the mouth, should a person start his
days work.
Tambula, as the betel preparation is called in Sanskrit, is derived from the term tamra meaning
copper indicating red colour. This red colour is alluded to because of one of the most popular
ingredients of paan namely catechu or katha. According to Sushrata, the patriarch of ancient
Indian medicine, paan keeps mouth clean strengthens the voice, tongue and teeth and guards
against diseases. It is also said to aid in digestion and purify blood.
The heart-shaped betel-leaf, or piper betel, is preferably plucked when it is till young and tender
and its taste is the best. The cultivation of this creeper needs a lot of care and attention. Dryness
and exposure to the sun for too long a period can harm and plant. The betel creeper are usually
cultivated under the shade of large trees or under the protection of high bamboo or thatched
roofing. Connoisseur, however, feel that the effect of nearby trees on the soil influences the taste
of the betel leaves; kapok trees or coconut palms are preferred for shade. After about 20 years of
productivity, the leaves of the creepers no longer grow to the desired size of about 14 centimetres
length and eight centimetres breadth and lose their spicy, astringent taste. While harvesting, not
only single leaves are plucked, but the full creeper with its 15 to 20 leaves.
One of the most important ingredients of a betel preparation is the areca nut (which in botanical
terms is not a nut, but a seed) the fruit of the areca palm, areca catech, has a slender growth and
is often considered to be the most beautiful of the palms. The orange-coloured conical fruit
(about six centimetres long) is the most important part of the betel preparation. It is enjoyed both
as a raw and soft fruit, and when it is dry and hard. The fruits are harvested just before their
complete ripeness, because that is when the active ingredients are most potent. This sed, locally
known s supari is the most popular substance in a paan. Its narcotic value, which is appreciated
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by all chewers of paan is due to an alkaloid called Are Colin which is produced when lime is
added to paan. Its stimulating effect increases with excessive chewing. These chemical
substances reduce inner restlessness and tensions in habitual paan eaters. However, these
ingredients can also cause nausea, giddiness, perspiration and initial symptoms of poisoning in
those who are not used to paan.
A small content of a volatile oil called betel-oil, in the leaf creates the desired spicy, aromatic and
fresh taste in the mouth. In classical literature these effects have been appreciated and it is
suggested that one should chew a tambula.To lend beauty to the mouth and purify it, to
destroy all foul odour The oils contained in the betel leaf support the stimulating effect of the
other ingredients.
The other contents of a prepared paan-roll are basically added for their flavouring and refreshing
value. Of these catechu might be the most popular. It is a reddish solution of the heart-wood of
the tree Acacia Catechu Wild, locally known as katha. Its astringent and disinfecting principals
are the ctechin and catechu tannin causing contraction of the gums. It is therefore, considered a
means of preserving and cleansing the mouth and teeth. This liquid causes the redness of the
mouth and saliva while chewing the betel leaf.There are a variety of betels leaves grown
indifferent parts of Indian and the method of preparation also differs.
South East Asia
FEW traditions in South-East Asia have the antiquity and universal acceptance of betel chewing.
The custom is over 2,000 years old and has survived from ancient times into the twentieth
century. Its use cuts across class, sex, or age: The habitual and universal solace of both sexes is
the areca nut and betelwhich is rarely absent from the mouth of man or woman, wrote the
Honourable George N. Curzon, a nineteenth-century observer. Its devotees include farmers,
priests, and kings, men, women, and children. The homeliness of the name belies its importance.
The Thais prefer to go without rice or other food rather than to deprive themselves of the betel
noted Nicolas Gervaise, a French visitor in the seventeenth century. Three ingredientsan arecanut, a leaf of the betel-pepper, and limeare essential for betel chewing; others may be added
depending on availability and preference. The leaf is first daubed with lime paste and topped
with thin slices of the nut, then it is folded or rolled into a bite-size quid. The interaction of the
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ingredients during chewing produces a red-coloured saliva. If a person speaks to you while he is
chewing his quid of betel, his mouth looks as if it were full of blood, reflected Isabella L.
Bird, an intrepid woman traveller of the nineteenth century. Most of the betel juice is spat out.
The tell-tale residue looks like splotches of dried blood. Indeed, the resemblance is so close that
some early European visitors thought many Asians had tuberculosis. The splotches of betel
spittle are spaced consistently enough for use as measurements of time and distance in rural
areas. A short time is about a betel chew and the distance between two villages, for example,
may be about three chews. Early Europeans called the custom betel-nut chewing. The term,
though, is incorrect because an areca-nut, not a betel-nut is chewed. Although betel-nut
continued as an entry in many English language dictionaries until recently, nowadays the custom
is defined correctly under betel. This book thus uses the terms betel and betel chewing,
except in quotations or captions where the original text is retained. Besides being chewed, the
betel quid and the individual ingredients are widely used for medicinal, magical, and symbolical
purposes. It is administered as a curative for a plethora of ills, including indigestion and worms.
It is believed to facilitate contact with supernatural forces and is often used to exorcize spirits,
particularly those associated with illness. In its symbolical role, it is present at nearly all religious
ceremonies and festivals of the lunar calendar. Betel fosters relationships and thus serves as an
avenue of communication between relatives, lovers, friends, and strangers. It figures in malefemale alliances and its potency in this area is especially telling. Because of its power in bonding
relationships, betel is used symbolically to solidify acts of justice such as oaths of allegiance and
the settlement of lawsuits. Betel is a surrogate for money in payment to midwives and surgeons
for services rendered. A key to the unconditional patronage of betel is its use on four levelsas a
food and medicine, and for magical and symbolical purposes. As such, this single tradition is an
integral part of the art, ceremonies, and social intercourse of daily life.
Geographically, the use of betel is widespread: its parameters encompass the eastern coastline of
Africa to Madagascar in the West; Melanesia to Tikopia (in the Santa Cruz Islands) in the East;
southern China in the North, and Papua New Guinea in the South. This area includes the Indian
subcontinent, Sri Lanka, and all of South-East Asia. The boundaries extend from longitude 170
E to 40 W, and from latitude

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40 N to 15 S (see map). Within this area, betel chewers comprise over one-tenth of population.
The most concentrated areas for betel chewing are where the climate and soil are suitable for the
cultivation of the nut and the leaf, and where there is an adequate source of lime. Although betel
chewing is common in the coastal districts of southern China, for example, it is rare further
inland because of the difficulty in obtaining the ingredients. Likewise, betel chewing is
lesscommon in the interior of Sumatra because of the lack of a source of lime. Some areas
included in the betel chewing nucleus do not produce the ingredients but can obtain them
through internal or regional trade. The tropical climate of South-East Asia fosters the cultivation
of the nut and the leaf. A grove of areca-nut palms (Areca catechu Linn.) stands majestically in
an idyllic island setting of an early nineteenth-century drawing (Plate 1, on the right). Travelling
on the river from the mouth of the Gulf of Thailand to the former capital of Ayutthaya in the
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seventeenth century, Gervaise noted an oases of dark-green areca ... marks the site of villages ...
and on the river approach to Bangkok, the boat of Maxwell Sommerville passed large plains of
betel-nut palms ... . Overlooking the city of Bangkok, some hundred years ago, a waving sea of
cocoa-nut and betel-nut palms is about all that distinctly appears, observed Frank Vincent.
Travelling by elephant from Bangkok to Nakorn Ratchasima (Korat) in central Thailand in the
last century, James McCarthy, an Irishman who was Director-General of the Royal Survey
Department of Siam, saw the areca palms gracefully swaying to and fro over houses that nestle
in the shade ... A betel set is a necessary accompaniment for chewing a quid. It serves as a
container for storing the ingredients and ensures they are always in one place and ready for use.
A basic set includes a tray, individual containers, and a tool for cutting the nut. The material and
workmanship of a set vary, ranging from simple to complex. Those of the agrarian population
reflect an unsophisticated art distinguished by an honesty of purpose. Elaborate betel sets owned
by royalty are made of the finest materials available, often gold or silver and inlaid with precious
stones. Both types survive as legacies of the betel chewing tradition in South-East Asia and give
us an insight into the social and cultural milieu of the people who used them. Betel chewing, so
firmly embedded in the traditions of South-East Asia, was a custom totally alien to early
European witnesses. Their impressions were unfavourable, yet they were all impelled to write
about it. Betel chewing is an unhygienic, ugly, vile, and disgusting habit wrote Mary Cort.
This abominable practice of betel nut chewing It is a revolting habit, endorsed Sommerville.
In light of these views, it is surprising that some Europeans did adopt the habit. Portuguese
women living in India ... have the like custome of eating these Bettele leaves, so that if they
were but one day without eating their Bettele, they persuade themselves they could not live ...,
and Portuguese men ... by the common custome of their wives eating of Bettele, doe likewise
use it, wrote John Huyghen van Linschoten, a Dutch traveller to the East in the late sixteenth
century. Why do people chew betel? The multi-purpose benefits are described explicitly in Indian
literature as early as the sixth century. Betel stimulates passion, brings out the physical charm,
conduces to good-luck, lends aroma to the mouth, strengthens he body and dispels diseases
arising from the phlegm. It also estows many other benefits. According to a sixth-century Indian
text (quoted in Morarjee, n.d.), betel is one of the eight enjoyments of lifealong with unguents,
incense, women, garments, music, beds, food, and flowers named in a Sanskrit verse of the
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twelfth century. Chou Ta-Kuan (Zhou Daguan), a member of a Chinese mission to Angkor at the
end of the thirteenth century, gives more practical reasons for chewing betel: he thought it Be
form of greeting for the Thais has always been a wai executed with the hands held in a prayerlike position, rather than a kiss or a handshake. Red lips are a desirable mark of beauty in SouthEast Asia, just as in most parts of the world. A Burmese love song sings of lips reddened by
betel juice .... Until the advent of lipstick, this look was achieved by chewing betel regularly.
Young Burmese girls reddened their lips with betel for dressing up occasions, recalls Khin Myo
Chit. An Akha hill tribe woman, living amongst the ethnic minorities in the mountainous areas of
northern Thailand, proudly displays her betel-reddened lips (Colour Plate 1). Asian women
admired and envied the red lips of European ladies. The Vermilion Lips, which the Siamese
saw in the Pictures of our Ladies which we had carried to this country, made them to say that we
must needs have in France, better Betel than theirs, wrote Simon de la Loubre, envoy of the
King of France in the seventeenth century.
The folklore and literature of the region reflect the venerated status of betel in the culture of
South-East Asia. A favourite childrens story recalls a young boy walking in the forest looking
for wood. He comes upon a nest of parakeets. Now, what a

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fortune, he thinks. If I get all these birds I can sell them for a good price and then try to buy
1
myself cloth and betel and areca nut. Another legend describes a duel between Hang Tuah, a
famous warrior, and Hang Jebat at the palace of the Sultan of Malacca. During the duel, Hang
Tuah calls for time-out to chew a quid of betel. Hang Jebat watches him walk to the sidelines.
His eyes return to his opponents unguarded magic kris. Knowing its power, he rushes up and
steals the kris. Hang Jebat wins the duel, not by strength or skill but because Hang Tuah stopped
to chew betel.
Betel Chewing and Royalty

Betel chewing prevailed especially among the nobles and magnates and kings, observed Marco
Polo in the thirteenth century (Latham, 1958). In the same century, the King of Pagan decreed
that anyone using the gilded pillars in the halls of temples for cleaning his fingers after chewing
betel would be punished by having the index finger of his right hand cut off. Forgetting his royal
edict, the King rubbed his betel-stained fingers on the gilded posts, and when reminded of the
decree endured the punishment of cutting off his own finger. From an equally early date, betel
was used as a social denominator and a symbolical element for solidifying relationships amongst
royalty in the region. A. Teeuw and D. K. Wyatt tell in The Story of Patani how the queen
welcomed the Sultan of Johore by bringing him all kinds of food as well as betel leaf with areca
nuts. In the fourteenth century, the King of Pegu met the leader of the Shan States and they
exchanged their betel boxes, spittoons and such articles of pomp, and delimited the frontier
together. From the sixteenth century onwards, when Europeans reached the East, accounts are
rich with descriptions of the royal use of betel. Every visitor had an audience with the king upon
arrival and the presence of betel was a social custom. Henri Mouhot, the French naturalist
attributed with the rediscovery of Angkor, wrote in his diary of 1862: Yesterday I was presented
to the King [of Luang Prabang, Laos], who received me with a great display of pomp and
splendour; he was surrounded by mandarins and ill-clad guards. His Majesty sat upon a kind of
sofa-throne, chewing the betel-nut, and making all sorts of grimaces. Plate 2 shows the King of
Siam seated on his throne; the royal betel set is to his right and a gold spittoon is near his feet.
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The custom itself was appalling enough for Europeans, but one aspect must have been nearly
intolerable. Van Linschoten wrote that there was no greater honour for a Westerner than if the
king

profereth him of the same Battel that he himselfe doth eate. Alexander Hamilton described, in
1727, how this was done: In [a] visit with the King [of Quedah] ... he honours the guest with a
seat near him and will chew a little betel and spit it out on [a] little gold saucer and sends it by
page to the guest who must take it with all signs of humility and satisfaction and chew it after
him; very dangerous to refuse royal morsel. The king was always attended by betel slaves,
whether he was in the palace or travelling in the area. Plate 3, a print by Theodore de Bry Petits
Voyages, shows a betel slave handing leaves to a ruler on an outing. Noblemen and Kings,
wheresoever they goe, stand or sit, have alwaies a servant by them, with a Silver ketle full of
Bettele and their mixtures, and give them a leafe ready prepared, wrote van Linschoten. Three
hundred years later, Sommerville witnessed a similar scene: Men of rank and opulence are
always accompanied by a servant, who carries his masters areca or betel-nut box. Major F.
McNair observed, in 1878, that when the Rajah of Perak in Malaysia chews betel his wives are
stationed behind him beating up the components to save trouble in mastication. Antonio Galvao
reported in the sixteenth century that the King of Ternate allegedly engaged female dwarfs that
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were crippled in childhood to carry his set. Betel sets were exchanged as gifts between foreign
rulers. When Justus Schouten, manager of the Dutch East India Company at Ayutthaya, left for
Batavia (now Jakarta) in 1634, the King of Thailand allowed him to carry the Royal Silve betelbox. A gold betel box presented by the Sultan of Perak from Malaysia to the Prince and Princess
of Wales when they visited Singapore in 1901 is illustrated in Plate 4. A betel set was
indispensable insignia of office, or of social rank, noted Carl A. Bock, a Norwegian natural
scientist. A persons position could be identified by the material of his betel set and the degree of
decoration. Members of a mission from Thailand in the seventeenth century prostrate at an
audience with a monarch of India in Plate 5. A betel box of fine metal on a pedestal stands beside
each member and signifies his position. The Sultan of Malacca regularly rewarded his ministers
for loyal and distinguished services with the presentation of a betel set. Regulations set out by
the second ruler of Malacca in the middle of the fifteenth century listed the names of high
officials to whom betel quids could be given, and the order in which these were to be distributed.
Betel sets in Burma were part of the regalia by the fifteenth century and shapes conformed to a
hierarchical order. Sets with eight or twelve divisions usually signify a senior prince in Burma,
whereas a betel set designated for the Heir Apparent or a Queen is in the shape of a palace.
Betel sets gradually became part of the regalia for royalty in South-East Asia, and remained so
into the twentieth century. At a ceremony installing the ten-year-old Crown Prince of Thailand in
1878, he was carried on a gold chair, preceded by five girls, dressed like angels, bearing his gold
betel box, tea pot and other utensils ... (R. Brus, 1985). A betel set with enamelled containers
inlaid with rubies and a gold tray was part of the royal regalia when the present Crown Prince of
Thailand was installed. The Raja of Perlis in Malaysia uses an elaborate gold betel set of
historical significance for court ceremonies. The set was presented to Malaysia by the King of
Thailand when he was on a tribute mission in 1842. An ornamental gold betel box is among the
seven articles that must be carried at an installation ceremony for the Sultan of Trengeanu.

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Origins
The origins of betel chewing are unknown. Research into the source is complicated by the fact
that three ingredients are used. A further difficulty lies in determining whether seeds of the nut
are indigenous or were transported to the place of discovery. Although it has long been held that
betel chewing is native to India, recent linguistic and archaeological evidence casts doubt on this
theory. Only literary evidence continues to support an Indian origin. The word betel was first
used in the sixteenth century by the Portuguese. According to I. H. Burkill, it is probably a
transliteration of the Malay word vetila (the mere leaf) which is close in sound to betel. Since
its earliest use, the word has undergone a series of spellings from bettele to betre to betle and

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finally to betel. Areca may have derived from the Malay word adakka (areca-nut) or from
adakeya, the Indian equivalent.
The widest range of words for areca and betel has been found in Indonesia, which suggests it
may be the original location where these words were spoken. In India, on the other hand, the lack
of variety of words for areca and betel indicates a later date of origin for the plants in that
area. (For a list of regional words used today, see the Appendix.) Moreover, sireh, the most
widespread name for betel in Malaysia, is not derived from Sanskrit, which, according to N. M.
Penzer, suggests betel chewing might have developed independently in Malaysia. Based on
linguistic evidence, therefore, the custom seems to be native to the Indonesian archipelago.
The earliest archaeological evidence found so far is at Spirit Cave in north-western Thailand,
where remains of Areca catechu dating from 10,000 BC have been found (Gorman, 1970).
Similar remains have been found at other early sites in Thailand, including Ban Chiang, dated
from 3600 BC to AD 200300 (White, 1982). All finds, however, are from the cultivated plant;
the absence of a wild species in the same area may suggest the custom originated elsewhere. The
wild species has been found in Malaysia and adds archaeological support to the linguistic
evidence of its origin in that area. Skeletons bearing evidence of betel chewing, dated to about
3000 BC, have also been found in the Duyong Cave in the Philippines (Bellwood, 1979).
Compared with these finds, the earliest archaeological evidence for betel found in India is the
early years of the Christian era, much later than other parts of the region.
Literary sources, however, point to an Indian origin. A Pali text of 504 BC mentions betel
(Klebert, 1983). Later, Chinese chronicles of the second century BC describe betel chewing in
Vietnam. The next known reference is the Mandasor Silk Weavers Inscription from India of
about AD 473. Areca-nut in Indonesia was mentioned in a Chinese chronicle of the first half of
the sixth century (Book 54 of the History of the Liang Dynasty). Persian descriptions of betel
chewing appeared in Indian literature of the eighth and ninth centuries.
From the tenth century onwards, literary sources provide plenty of evidence that betel was
widely used in the region. Champa (Vietnam) gave tribute to China in the form of areca-nuts in
the tenth and eleventh centuries (Wong, 1979). The stele of King Ramkamhaeng, of the
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Sukhothai Kingdom in Thailand, purportedly written at the end of the thirteenth century, says
The people of this land of Sukhothai ... celebrate the Kathin ceremonies ... with heaps of areca
nuts. An Angkorian inscription mentioned that betel nut was the most important food given to
inmates.
The earliest European reference to betel was made by Marco Polo in the thirteenth century, who
noted that the people of India always have a quid in their mouths. Other early travellers, such as
Ibn Batuta and Vasco Da Gama, also observed betel chewing in the East.
In addition to material evidence, the oral traditions of at least two areas of South-East Asia give
insight into the origins of betel. The symbolical use of betel in Cambodia can be traced to a
legendary Prince Prah Thong who marries a serpent princess. She gives the prince a betel quid as
a pledge of her trust, and since this time betel has been used to bond relationships in Cambodia.
A folk-tale of a mythical king relates the origin of betel chewing in Vietnam. Twin brothers, Tan
and Lang, fall in love with the same beautiful girl. Since they are devoted to each other, one of
them agrees to let the other marry her. Then, one day, the wife accidentally touches the hand of
her brother-in-law which angers her husband. The brother-in-law is so distressed over the
incident that he runs away. When he reaches the bank of a stream he dies of grief and the gods
turn his body into a white limestone rock, symbolizing his devotion. The husband is upset at the
absence of his twin brother and goes to look for him. When he reaches the stream he sees the fate
of his brother. He is so grieved that he dies in the same place and turns into an areca palm.
Finally, the bride goes to look for the two brothers. When she reaches the river bank she meets
the same fate and turns into a betel vine which grows beside the rock and entwines itself around
the palm tree. In spite of a drought, the palm and vine remain green. The king hears of this and
orders them to be brought to him. He places both in his mouth and is engulfed by a feeling of
well-being. Ever since, betel has been chewed in Vietnam.
From these sourceslinguistic, archaeological, literary, and oralit seems likely that betel
chewing was practised in South-East Asia in prehistoric times. From the
The Quid
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THE composition of a quid can be varied by the choice of the ingredients and the way they are
combined. The most popular method in South-East Asia is to put some lime paste on the leaf and
add thin slices of an areca-nut. Then the leaf is folded, like wrapping a present, to the desired
shape and size. (A popular belief is that the character of a person can be judged by the way he or
she folds a quid.) Finally, the wad is placed between the teeth and the cheek and pressed with the
tongue to allow sucking and chewing. In some parts of the region, though, the ingredients are
placed in the mouth one at a time. Yet another way was noted by Albert S. Bickmore in the
nineteenth century: The roll [quid] is taken between the thumb and forefinger, and rubbed
violently against the front gums, while the teeth are closed firmly, and the lips opened widely. It
is now chewed for a moment and then held between the teeth and lips, so as to partly protrude
from the mouth. A profusion of red brick-colored saliva now pours out of each corner of the
mouth
The Ingredients
The Nut.
The so-called nut used for betel chewing is actually a seed of the Areca catechu, a member of
the palm family. (This book uses the generally accepted term of areca-nut when referring to the
actual seed of the areca palm.) Its distinguishing features are a slender trunk about 20 centimetres
in diameter, with a cluster of leaves at the top sheltering stalks of nuts (Colour Plate 2). Amongst
the tallest of the palms, the Areca catechu reaches a height of 12-16 metres. A grey, fibrous bark
surrounds the trunk. These characteristics, combined with graceful proportions, set it apart from
other members of the palm family. A stem as straight and beautifully shaped as the shaft of a
Corinthian pillar, observed William Alexander, an English traveller in 1805.
Areca catechu is grown from a seed. It requires little attention to cultivate and needs only a
humid atmosphere, a perennial hot climate, and damp soil. It therefore grows better in coastal,
rather than inland, areas. Sumatra, western Java, Borneo, the Malay Peninsula, southern
Thailand, southern Burma, and the Philippines are the main areas in South-East Asia for the
cultivation of the Areca catechu. The palm reaches maturity in 1-2 years; after another 5-6 years
it starts to bear nuts, producing 200-800 annually for the next twenty years. Plate 6 is a
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contemporary drawing of a stalk of areca-nuts. White blossoms precede the nuts emitting a most
fragrant scent at a considerable distance especially mornings and evenings, wrote Nieuhof.

The areca-nut, the only part of the palm used for betel chewing, is round to oval in shape and
about 5 centimetres long at maturity. When the nut appears, it is green with a smooth exterior,
but it gradually turns yellowish to brownish with a tough, fibrous husk. The areca-nut is a kind
of great Acorn, which yet wants that wooden Cup wherein our Acorn grows ..., remarked de la
Loubre. The interior of the nut consists of a white pulp with a brownish-orange core, which is
the part used for betelchewing (Colour Plate 3; Plate 7).
Both ripe and unripe nuts are chewed and connoisseurs have distinct preferences. Some prefer
the tenderness of a nut picked before it ripens, contending it is succulent and sweet-tasting.
Betel nut is most esteemed when it is young before it grows hard, exceedingly juicy because this
encourages spitting, wrote William Dampier, the first Englishman to reach the Philippines.
Others prefer a ripe nut. At maturity it is always very bitter and savory, stated de la Loubre.
The nut is used either in its natural state or cured. Generally, people living in humid climates
prefer a raw nut, whereas those living in drier areas or parts of the region where the nut is scarce,
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chew the cured variety. One method of curing is to peel the husk and then boil the seed in water.
Another is to dry the nut in the sun until the husk shrinks and then remove the seed. A popular
method in Malaysia is to slice the nut in half and then dry it in the sun. A variation of the sundried method is to smoke the nut with benzoin. Yet another way to cure the areca-nut, especial

if a supply is not readily available, is to store it in salt for two or three months.
The Areca catechu palm provided a lucrative source of income for Thailand in the nineteenth
century, when all fruit-bearing trees were taxable. The Kamthieng House, a traditional teak
wood building, belonged to a family from northern Thailand, who were in charge of
administering the collection of tax on all areca-nut trees in the area. When the house was moved
to its present location in the grounds of the Siam Society in Bangkok, areca-nut trees from the
original site were also transplanted as it was considered unlucky to leave them behind. These
trees can be seen standing beside the Kamthieng House in Colour Plate 2.
The Leaf
A leaf from the vine of the Piper betle pepper plant is used for betel chewing. The bright green
leaf is broadabout 15 centimetreswith defined points (Plate 8). It looks like a citron leafe,
but longer, sharper at the end, thought van Linschoten. The leaves are marked down the middle
by pretty ribs or veins, with five or six down the side, and hang from crooked stalks bent low,
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about as wide as a finger ... observed John Heydt, a Dutchman, in the middle of the eighteenth
century.

The custom of keeping the right thumbnail long for removing the centre vein of the leaf
originated with a legendary Indian monarch who was poisoned by a hair hidden in the central
vein of a betel leaf. Even today, in some areas, the main vein of the betel leaf is removed.
Snipping the tip of a betel leaf is also customary in parts of South-East Asia because the tip is
believed to contain medicine from the gods. A favourite legend tells of a young prince who has
an incurable illness. He sees a serpent with a betel leaf in its mouth and, knowing it is a gift from
the gods,
takes the leaf and removes the tip to avoid swallowing the serpents venom. He chews it and is
cured. The betel vine is cultivated from cuttings. It requires rich soil and a warm dry climate, and
plenty of attention. It also likes shade and, as with other vines, is usually trained to grow up
another tree or pole for support and protection from the sun (Colour Plate 4). Betel chewers
contend the support chosen for the vine affects the taste of the leaf. A kapok tree or a coconut
palm are purported to be ideal supports for producing a tasty leaf. In central Burma, tamarind and
plantain trees are favoured to support the betel vine. Occasionally, the betel vine is planted on
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raised beds, like hops, and trained to grow on wooden slats as seen in a drawing published in
Nieuhofs book (Plate 9).
Like the areca-nut, the betel leaf is used in both the unripe (green) and ripe (yellow) stages.
There is a distinct preference amongst connoisseurs for the unripe leaf when it is a dark green
colour.
The Lime
Lime for betel chewing is obtained from various sources, depending on availability. To make it
suitable for chewing, the lime is ground to a powder (calcium oxide) and mixed with water to a
paste-like consistency (calcium hydroxide). In this form, it is called slaked lime and is white in
colour. Limestone chalk (calcium carbonate), obtained from mountain lime, is used in Thailand,
Laos, and Vietnam. Sea shells and molluscs, such as snails, provide sources of lime in the island
areas. Mussels and other freshwater shellfish from rivers and streams are used in the Philippines.
Coral provides the source of lime in parts of Indonesia. Tavernier, a Frenchman, told of an
opulent source of lime during an audience with the King of Bantam (Java) in 1648: he saw a
woman sitting beside the king who held in her hands a small mortar and pestle of gold, in which
she dissolved seed pearls.

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Lime is pulverized in different ways, depending on its origins. Sea shells are burned and then
crushed with a hammer in the Philippines; in Indonesia shells are crushed with the hands. After
reducing them to a fine powder, water, and sometimes a bit of coconut oil, is added to form a
paste. A similar method is used in the village of Ban Phluang, in north-eastern Thailand, with the
addition of cumin or turmeric which gives a pink or reddish cast to the lime paste.
Lime for betel chewing is almost always kept in a separate container. The reason why lime
containers are so common is unknown. It may have derived from an ancient Malay belief that
poison could be added to the lime paste. If you eat lime you will have a stomach ache, warns a
Thai proverb. This is based on the belief that long ago a small lizard climbed down the wall of a
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house and stole some lime from a womans betel basket. Because of this crime, the lizard still
croaks, proclaiming his guilt. Children are told that this lizard will come down the wall and eat
their livers if they cry too much.
Other Ingredients
Additional ingredients in a betel quid are a status symbol. The greater the number and the more
exotic, the higher the hosts prestige. In addition to the three basic ingredients for a betel quid, a
Sanskrit text lists cardamom, clove, camphor, musk, nutmeg, copra, black pepper, and dry ginger.
Not surprisingly, most of these are spices which abound in the region and were among the riches
of the Moluccan islands that lured Europeans to the East in the sixteenth century. The local
peoples merely added spices to the betel quid just as they did to other foods. Cloves and anise
seed give a pleasant aroma to the chew. A stick of clove is used to secure a folded or rolled quid.
Cinnamon, coriander, ambergris, and nutmeg add flavour and thus enhance the taste. Cardamom
stimulates the flow of saliva. Borneo camphor was mentioned by a Chinese traveller, ITsing, in
the seventh century as one of the ingredients chewed with areca-nuts at a feast in Sumatra.
However, it was only used by the richer and mightier (Burkill, 1935). Tobacco is a modern
addition to the quid. It is combined in various ways but always to give flavour to the quid.
Sometimes shreds of tree bark are substituted for tobacco. In Malaysia, shredded tobacco is
rolled into a wad and placed in the jaw during chewing. In north-eastern Thailand, a piece of
tobacco is moistened and placed in the jaw. A pinch of finely shredded young tobacco is often
used to wipe the lips before and during chewing. Shredded tobacco leaves are sometimes rubbed
on the teeth before chewing the quid; afterwards, the teeth may be cleaned with a tobacco leaf.
Substitutes for the main ingredients of a betel quid are used in some areas. For instance, gambier,
an astringent extract obtained from the leaves and young shoots of the Uncaria gambir plant and
also a tanning agent, has been a popular alternative in Malaysia since the fourteenth century and
is also used in Indonesia. Because it is cured before use, gambier is not perishable. Boiling water
is poured over the leaves and the juices squeezed out. As the mixture cools, it crystallizes. Then
it is moulded into small balls or squares. Gambier is somewhat insipid, having a peculiar

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gummy kind of taste, wrote Ambrose B. Rathborne, an English visitor, when he tasted it in
Malaysia in 1898.
Trade of the Betel Chewing Ingredients
Betel chewing has supported an active regional trade since the early years of the Christian era.
Chronicles record that areca-nuts were sent from Java, Champa (now Vietnam), and Burma to
China sporadically from the first century up to the thirteenth. However, records on the trade of
betel chewing ingredients are irregular until the last century, although Europeans did comment
on the extent of the trade. Cort, for example, wrote that the yield [of betel] in Siam is immense,
and great cargoes are shipped to India and China, where the same disgusting habit prevails. In
the early nineteenth century, gambier was the most important article of Singapore produce,
according to the Straits Settlement Records of November 1836. Plantations, which were always
operated by Chinese immigrants, were a main agricultural industry.
The island of Penang was a main centre for the trade of betel chewing ingredients and even owes
its name to the custom. The English word penang derives from the Malay name for the arecanut palm, pinang. In the nineteenth century, Europeans were acting in Penang as middlemen in
the trade of ingredients for betel chewing.
They purchased areca from native growers and sold it for as much as 1200 per cent profit.
Even today, the demand for betel chewing ingredients creates an active internal trade. The
methods of supplying and marketing these products are much the same everywhere and have
changed little over time. A typical vendor in a rural market characteristically a womanis
seen in Colour Plate 5. Here, the vendor is sitting on a woven mat with her wares spread out in
front of hera stack of green areca-nut stalks on one side and a pile of betel leaves on the other.
Her lips are, of course, stained red from betel chewing. It is said in rural Thailand that most
women go to the market daily just to buy fresh betel leaves. A Man Selling Betel is depicted in
an early nineteenth-century aquatint (Plate 10). Wearing traditional Chinese dress, he displays his
goods on a wooden stand and sits on a stool made of bamboo, cutting the areca-nut with a

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knife. In Malaysia, betel ingredients are marketed by special traders, usually women, who
function as secondary dealers selling to rural markets. Female betel vendors, using small boats as
their stalls, are a common sight along the banks of the river at Bangkok. These women are
amongst the most polite and obliging saleswomen in the world, observed Frederick A. Neale, a
nineteenth-century visitor.
Betel Chewing and Health
Chewing betel evokes a mild euphoria, and it is this general feeling of well-being that
contributes to the popularity of the custom. The ingredients of the betel quid, though, are not
narcotic and betel chewing is not addictive although it can be habit-forming. The properties of
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the areca-nut relevant to betel chewing are alkaloids and tannin. The main alkaloid, arecoline, is
toxic and has a stimulating parasympathetic nervous action, giving the betel chewer a relaxed
feeling. This alkaloid activates secretion, increases smooth muscle activity, salivation, and thirst,
but reduces appetite. It gives a red colour to the saliva, teeth, and faeces. The alkaloids in the
areca-nut also contribute nitrogenous matter to the diet which neutralizes stomach acids and acts
as an astringent. The tannin in the nut contributes the property of astringency.
Areca-nut is widely used in veterinary medicine, mainly to expel parasitic worms in animals. The
pulp of the nut is used for relieving pain in the stomach of humans. As an astringent it hardens
the mucous membranes of the stomach. In Malaysia, young shoots of the Areca catechu palm are
believed to be effective in aborting a pregnancy. The root of the palm is given to cure dysentery.
In Malaysia, too, the Areca catechu flowers are put into the bath water of a woman who has just
given
The Piper betle leaf contains phenols which contribute to itsaromatic scent and pungent taste. It
also contains eugenol, a clove-oil compound, which is a powerful natural antiseptic. This role as
an antibacterial agent accounts for its effectiveness in curing infections, especially of the skin
and the eyes. Local peoples also use the juice of the leaf to aid in the healing of headaches and
fever, while stalks of the betel vine are used for glandular swellings. According to the universal
classification of food, the areca-nut and the betel leaf complement each other and are, therefore,
in harmony. Since the areca-nut is hot and the betel leaf cool, they act together to keep the
human body in balance. Some claim that the areca-nut is an aphrodisiac, perhaps because of its
classification as a hot food. Conversely, the betel leaf, as a cool food, is believed to relieve
hot illnesses such as headaches and fever.
The relationship between betel chewing and oral cancer is unclear. In some areas where betel
chewing is concentrated, a high percentage of mouth cancer is reported. These claims, however,
are not supported by research. Scientists from the Cancer Research Institute in Gujarat, India,
have however warned that chewing betel can cause genetic damage which may affect the
children of users (Bangkok Post, 19 April 1989). The effect of betel chewing on the teeth has not
been determined. It does, though, turn the teeth red, and if betel is chewed over a prolonged
period without cleaning the teeth, they will turn a black colour. Chan, a fisherman who lives on
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the edge of the Tonle Sap Lake in Cambodia, was talking with a European visitor in the late
1920s when he noticed the mans lips parted in a ready smile. He was startled to see the man
had teethclean white teeth like those of a young childand with no trace of betel-juice in
his greying beard. Truly a marvellous person, thought Chan. This encounter illustrates the
uniqueness of white teeth in South-East Asia. Likewise, Europeans were struck by the
appearance of black teeth among some peoples of South-East Asia. It see meth that the lips and
teeth are painted with blacke blood ... , wrote van Linschoten. Major McNair also noticed that
The effect [of betel chewing] is to stain teeth a dark red, in some cases almost black, and seen in
a young girl this is to a European anything but pleasant As recently as fifty years ago, black
teeth were considered a mark of beauty by Asians and were therefore a desirable feature. It was
believed that only animals had white teeth and, since human beings were superior, it was
considered shameful for them to have white teeth like animals. Your teeth are white! scolds an
Indonesian mother, a traditional reminder to children that they are no better than animals. Black
like the wings of the beetle was the cosmetic ideal. The Thai women dye their teeth ... a jet
black colour The darker the teeth the more beautiful is a Siamese belle considered ...,
observed Neale.
A Malaysian folk-tale praises glossy black teeth:
Whose the cock that struts so bravely, His lips a shore beset with bridges, Bridges of black
shining palm-spikes, Teeth as stems so sharp and knitted, Mouth a boatful of red nutmegs,
Ebon teeth like bracelet circle? An amorous Siamese sailor sings the charms of a black-toothed
damsel in The Boatmans Song: ... as for thy nose, Im certain that None other has one so wide
and flat: And the ebonys bark, in its core beneath, Was never so black as thy shiny teeth. The
betel chewing look even made it to Broadway in the musical South Pacific through the
character of Bloody Mary:
Bloody Marys chewing betel nuts, She is always chewing betel nuts, Bloody Marys chewing
betel nuts, And she dont use Pepsodent! Now aint that too damn bad!
The popularity of black teeth from betel chewing was so great that dentists in the nineteenth
century had to make sets of black false teeth, according to American missionaries (Vimol, 1982).
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Prolonged chewing is generally believed to keep the gums healthy by strengthening them. It also
seems to prevent tooth decay as long as the teeth are cleaned. The reasons for these positive
aspects of betel chewing on teeth are probably the fluoride content and the antibacterial effect of
the betel leaf. Surveys in New Guinea and East Java have shown that cavities are markedly less
frequent among betel chewers. Gum disease, though, is common because of the irritating effect
of the lime. Pieces can become wedged between the teeth causing gaps where food can lodge and
attract tooth-destroying bacteria. The teeth may become loose and with prolonged chewing can
even fall out. Lime grinds the enamel black and, when chewed, also blackens the dentine. Teeth
can also be blackened by a deliberate method of using vegetable dyes. Interestingly, the opposite
opinion of the colour of teeth is held in India, a nation of betel chewers. Pearly white teeth are
acclaimed and everyone is required to ceremoniously wash thei mouth four times daily.
Like the white buds of tuberose in a dark night; through the lines of betel shone out her white
teeth waxes the lines of a poem in the Book of Indian Beauty (Anand and Hutheesing, The
Symbolism
BOTH the areca-nut and the betel leaf have a widespread symbolical significance in the culture
of South-East Asia. Betel is believed to be instrumental in establishing communications, and the
symbolism focuses on two aspects of its power in this area: contacts with the spiritual, or
supernatural, forces, and social and sexual relationships between a male and a female. The
earliest symbolical use of betel was most likely as a sacrificial offering for animistic worship.
Through the centuries betel has been assimilated into many parts of the culture and serves as a
traditional offering at animistic rituals, festivals in the lunar calendar, and Buddhist and Hindu
ceremonies. The history of the symbolism of betel has been compiled from information passed
down orally through the generations and all of the customs described in this book form a part of
the history although, in some cases, they are no longer practised.
Symbolism and the Spirits
The ancient belief that every object has a spirit created the need for propitiation. All spirits,
regardless of whether they are good or evil, must be dealt with and controlled through rituals.
Offerings of betel are made to satisfy, win over, or thank good spirits and to exorcize evil ones.
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Colour Plate 6 shows a villager in north-eastern Thailand making a typical offering of betel to a
miniature house which has been provided for the spirit Phra Phum, Lord of the Land. It is
believed that if he is taken care of through appropriate offerings he will guard and protect the
people who live on the land near the spirit house.
Spirits of the land and water are given special attention in agricultural areas where adequate
rainfall and fertile soil are essential for the cultivation of rice. The Water Festival, which marks
the beginning of the Buddhist year in Thailand, is a joyous celebration that coincides with the
full moon of the lunar calendar. Offerings of betel are made to the water spirits asking for
plentiful rainfall in the forthcoming year. After the rainy season in Thailand, on the night of the
full moon of the twelfth lunar month, thanks are offered to the spirits of the water by floating
graceful boats made from banana leaves on the waterways. Betel, flowers, incense, and candles
traditionally fill the boats. To invoke rain in Malaysia, the spirits of the water are contacted by
planting betel in a dry area followed by a rain-calling procession. In Thailand, the spirits of the
soil are propitiated with offerings of betel at a Ploughing Ceremony. In Malaysia, fishermen hang
offerings of betel, meat, and vegetables at the prow of the boat to the spirits of the land and sea.
Evil spirits are the most feared of the supernatural forces because they cause illness, so many
rituals focus on exorcizing the evil spirits and replacing them with protective ones. A medium is
considered to possess supernatural power in establishing communications between the spiritual
and earthly worlds and is especially adept in dealing with evil spirits. There are both male and
female mediums, but, in Thailand, females are thought to be particularly gifted. In a typical
ritual, a medium sits on the floor chewing betel and chanting with a mound of betel leaves near
by. Not surprisingly, betel figures prominently in chants such as this one from Malaysia:
He sat down cross-legged and reached out for a small betel box. Chewed betel twice or thrice
then ceased (Gimlette, 1971)
Areca-nut is tossed on the bed of a child by the Dayaks in Sarawak to placate the evil spirit,
Jirong, and the following verse is chanted: Here, take it, Jirong this old betelnut is for you, the
young betelnut is for us. Let the child live a long life and be healthy, live until he walks with bent
back, leaning on a low tongs-staff, leaning lower on half a coconut shell, and then grasping the
bamboo pipe for blowing fire, creeping close to the ground. (Rubenstein, 1985)

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The Dayaks used to recite another chant to propitiate the spirits accompanying warriors into a
head-hunting battle. As the warriors rest, they chant:
Sitting on the wood and quickly reaching for the colored betelnut basket. Pulling out a long
pointed knife made with lead for splitting a young betelnut. To tear the betel leaves, yellow as the
durian leaf and the yellow tail of the ichah bird. The vine of the betel leaves seems to crawl on
top of the majau tree growing on the mountain. To pour the lime powder, which looks like
magpie dung beside the track. The lime powder was made by a Malay man; the lime powder was
made by a wife. She roasted it one day during the hot dry season, while in the middle of
overgrown secondary jungle. Chewing the quid makes the lips hot, red as the ripe kirumi fruit
near the secondary jungle. It is spat out and dries like the dried leaves that float during the days
of the hot dry season. After chewing betel leaves, let us smoke tobacco.
(Rubenstein, 1985)
Betel spittle is considered especially powerful in dealing with illness. If transmitted by a
medium, its ability to exorcize supernatural forces is unlimited. Gazing into a bowl of betel
spittle, a medium chews a quid and receives an omen. Then she sprinkles the juice of her quid
over the body of a person who is ill. She ejects the quid on the back of another patient. Both are
cured. Spittle is also used for protection from illness. A midwife, for example, spits the saliva of
her quid on to the stomach of a newborn baby.
Felix Chia, a Straits-born Chinese, in his book, The Babas, recalled when he was five years old
being rained on with drops of red-stained betel saliva by a family employee who had certain
spiritual powers: With her eyes closed and the siray [betel] frothing in her mouth ... she began to
blow hard at my face. Then little drops of red liquid, bits of leaves and God knows what else
splattered all over my face and the front of my shirt! A pregnant woman is vulnerable to evil
spirits from the time of conception until delivery and so she must be protected from them. In
Malaysia, a ritual is conducted to determine if the delivery will be an easy one for the expectant
mother. In one version of the ceremony, a midwife turns a betel tray upside-down. If the contents
fall out together, an easy delivery will follow. Another ritual using betel takes place in the
seventh month of pregnancy to determine the sex of the baby. A midwife throws small pieces of
areca-nut on the floor. The greatest number of pieces lying uppermost, either flat or round,
decides whether the baby will be a girl or a boy.
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A custom amongst the Dayak tribe is to sprinkle the new-born child with areca-nut and other
auspicious symbols, then wrap it in a cloth and lay the baby on a bed of areca-nut palms. After
birth, this palm and a betel vine are planted side by side for the child.
In Cambodia, after giving birth the mother must offer betel to the midwife or she will have to
follow her for many future lives and the midwife will never turn around to help the mother. Here,
and in north-eastern Thailand, the new mother undergoes a lying by the fire ritual. Since fire is
considered a purifier, the mother lies on a bed heated below by a charcoal fire for seven days
after the birth to dry out the womb. During this time, the protective spirits are assuaged with
traditional offerings of betel, flowers, food, candles, and incense. The symbolical association
between betel and spirits makes its use widespread in rituals of death. It is customary in parts of
South-East Asia to provide the deceased with appurtenances from the worldly life to accompany
them to eternity. The important position of betel on earth makes it an essential item to go with the
deceased on the journey to the spiritual world. This belief was practised as early as the sixteenth
century on the island of Luzon in the Philippines when betel juice was used to embalm the dead.
The use of betel for funeral rites is also believed to pave the way for a better incarnation for the
deceased. At a royal cremation in Bali, betel leaves are amongst the gifts presented to the regent.
A funeral in Thailand ends with a social gathering of the mourners who talk, chew betel, and play
games throughout the night. The prevailing atmosphere of gaiety at a funeral reflects the
Buddhist belief in rebirth and the continuity of life. When a person dies in Cambodia, ritual
objects are arranged around the body. Immediately after death, a candle is lit, which is later used
to light the funeral pyre. A betel leaf is placed between the fingers of the deceased and a fig leaf
inscribed with a verse is put on the lips. Formerly in Burma, it was a custom to offer a dying man
a betel quid and a cup of water. Today, when a man asks for these two things, it is understood he
feels there is nothing left to live for. A man condemned to die in Malaysia is given a betel quid to
assuage his soul. A Malay proverb teaches that an early death can mean the promise of a fruitful
life: The prop was snapped asunder as the betel-vine ascended. It is the duty of those living on
earth to honour and propitiate the spirits of their deceased ancestors. Betel quids and rice are
typical offerings used for the rites associated with ancestors. The symbolical use of betel that
began with offerings to spirits was later assimilated into religious ceremonies. Betel, for
example, is linked symbolically to the Hindu trinity: the areca-nut to Brahma, the Creator; betel
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leaves to Vishnu, the Preserver; and lime to Shiva, the Destroyer. Its association with Buddhism
is represented in a group of stones in the Maldives known as the Great Mound of Fua Mulaku
which holds areca-nut and leaves mixed with lime so that the Buddha can chew betel.
Symbolism and MaleFemale Relationships
Betel is considered a significant element in fostering both social and sexual relationships
between a male and a female and nowhere is this more prominent than in the language, folklore,
and poetry of the region. It has even penetrated the vocabulary as numerous words derived from
the equivalent of betel relate to a union between the male and the female. In Malay, for
example, compounds of pinang (areca-nut) mean to court or to propose. Meminang is to ask
in marriage and pinangan is betrothal. Pinang muda is a euphemism for a go-between of
lovers and draws a correlation with the ideal areca-nut which has two perfectly matching halves.
Sireh, the Malay word for betel leaf, means a young girl who is eligible for marriage. Leko
passiko (a bundle of betel leaves) is an offer of marriage in Makassar. Khan mak (a basin of
betel nut) refers to a wedding in both Thai and Lao. In Thailand today, the phrase means a
present for an engagement. The idea that chewing betel stimulates passion and brings out charm
is reflected symbolically in many tales and beliefs involving relationships between a male and a
female. Betel is present from the earliest encounter between the two. This connection is
mentioned often in Vietnamese literature. A proverb teaches: A quid of betel is the prelude to all
conversation. And Will you accept a quid of betel and tell me in which village you live? a male
asks a female. Another story recalls a young girl picking mulberry leaves. Two men who were
fishing near by spoke to her but she replied, My parents have warned me that young girls should
not accept betel quids from strange men. A chant of the Dayaks tells that betel leaf helps a
couple to tangle and mingle together like coursing water. Batak girls, ten or eleven years old, in
Sumatra sleep in a communal house with a chaperon. A meeting between a girl and a potential
husband takes place in the house and he initiates a conversation by offering betel to the girl. A
childhood story related by a Burmese woman, Khin Myo Chit, recalls a similar custom. It was
traditional for a young girl of marriageable age to sit at her loom with a betel box filled with
fresh ingredients beside her. Groups of potential husbands, known as bachelor rounds, called on
the girl and engaged in conversation. When she favoured a young man, she prepared a quid and
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offered it to him, which was a signal for the others to depart. A customary way of courting a
prospective bride amongst the Iban people in Malaysia takes place en members of the house are
asleep. With betel leaves and areca-nut, he enters the bilik or apartment of his prospective brides
family, goes to her bedside, awakens her, and engages in a romantic conversation. If the woman
wants to marry the man, she accepts the betel.
A betel quid can be used as an indicator of decisions or the settlement of disputes between males
and females. In Java, for example, a woman identifies her preference for a man by the way she
folds a betel quid. If she loves him, she sends him a quid wrapped in two leaves with the top
sides pressed together; if the undersides of the leaves are pressed together, it means she is not
interested. Betel has also been used to confirm the separation of two people as well as to bring
them together. For example, formerly in Burma, a wife could ask her husband for a divorce by
dividing a betel leaf in half and offering the other half to him; if he accepted and chewed the
betel, it signified that he agreed to a divorce. Ancient legends reflect the symbolism between
betel and love. In a twelfth-century Indian verse a man whispers to his lover: Dost thou
recollect, after passing bits of betel from my mouth into thine, I justly demand them back? A
Thai folk-tale tells about the beautiful daughter of King Traiyatrung who dreamt of a struggle
with a snake, a symbolical dream meaning she was going to find a husband. The next day, a man
appeared at the palace. The princess sent an offering of betel to him along with a message that if
he wanted more betel he should reply by sending her fruits and vegetables, which he did. She
continued to send him betel and letters hidden amongst the leaves. Eventually, the prince and
princess married and lived happily ever after.
A dramatic scene from the Tale of the Pandavas (the Malay version of the great Indian epic, the
Mahabharata), relates the parting of Maharaja Salya and his beautiful wife, Dewi Satiysurati. He
knew he would never see her again and, before he left, he embraced and kissed his beloved wife,
then chewed a quid of betel and put it in her box. With such a close link between betel and love,
it is not surprising that the symbolism extends to erotica. A male woos a female in an evocative
Vietnamese poem (quoted in Milner, 1978) with betel symbolism: I enter my garden to cut a
fresh areca nut I divide it into six and invite you to chew a quid of betel This betel is prepared
with Chinese lime And I have added a little campanula in the middle and some spicy cinnamon
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at each end This betel will truly intoxicate you Whether it be strong or mild, spicy or hot
Whether or not we become husband and wife I invite you to eat two or three quids to calm my
excitement a little. Betel was listed as a necessary adjunct to sex in the Kama Sutra. An early
Indian text instructs that a young and beautiful woman cannot go to meet her lover in a secret
place without golden necklaces and betel leaves and flowers.
In India, men eye women amorously and they make their beginnings of love ... for that both
night and day they do practise nothing else but make it their [only] worke, and to make nature
more lively [to abound and] move them thereunto, they do use to late those Bettles, arequas, and
chalk ..., wrote van Linschoten.
Betel has an explicit sexual symbolism in some parts of the region. In Vietnam, for example, the
vine of the betel leaf (vagina) wraps around the areca-nut (male) with lime at the base which,
when ground, produces a lime paste (male and female) which dresses the leaf and the nut, and a
poem describes breasts pointed like areca nuts. A Malay proverb draws an analogy between a
well-matched couple and the cleft of an areca-nut.
Betel has been closely associated with ceremonies involving marital union since ancient times. It
was offered as a prelude to discussions of partners, dowries, and other arrangements necessary
for a marriage. Acceptance of the betel signified agreement to the proposal being discussed. For
example, the parents of a prospective bride acknowledged the engagement of their daughter by
accepting a betel quid offered by the husband-to-be. During betrothal negotiations amongst the
Malays, the parents of the groom offered a betel tray to the parents of the bride. If it was turned
upside-down, it meant the proposal was not accepted; but if the betel tray remained upright, it
signified that the arrangement was agreeable to both parties.
During the engagement ceremony of a Malay couple, neatly arranged betel leaves, the ring, and
other gifts are carried to the home of the bride. The ring is placed in a betel tray resting on a fan
of betel leaves.
A betel box is often part of the brides dowry. In north-eastern Thailand a carved wooden betel
box is the traditional gift from a bride to the groom. In Kelantan, the dowry is delivered on the
wedding day and the groom does not join in the procession to the brides house until he receives
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the betel box. In Perak, the initial engagement offering consists of 2040 betel quids and two
sliced betel nuts.
Offerings of betel and food to the monks by relatives and friends is a gesture of making merit
preceding the wedding ceremony in Cambodia. The bride and groom throw betel leaves at each
other during the wedding ceremony in Java. A betel tree is carried in the wedding procession in
Sumatra. The grooms mother chews betel in the house with the bridal couple on their first night
together in Timor. A marriage ceremony begins with a procession of relatives and friends
carrying gifts, including betel trays, in Cambodia. Monks sit around an altar which is adorned
with flowers, fruit, betel, and incense. According to a wedding custom of the Straits-born
Chinese in Malaysia, the groom pays the parents of the bride for raising his bride a virtuous
girl. The ceremony for this gesture is accompanied by a container of betel leaves with gambier,
slaked lime, and areca-nut. Amongst the Lingga Dayaks and the Balu of Borneo, the traditional
wedding gift, the areca-nut, is offered in a ceremony called the bla pinang which means division
of areca-nuts. A washing of feet ceremony is held in Thailand on the day of the wedding. A
matron of honour feeds the bride and groom rice, fruit, and betel to ensure happiness, peace, and
harmony in their marriage. These offerings are seen at a traditional wedding ceremony in northeastern Thailand in Colour Plate 7. The following day a bunga gomba ritual takes place. A piece
of white cloth is held over the heads of the bride and groom. Ritual water and slices of areca-nut
are poured on the cloth to keep away bad luck and obstacles.
The marriage ceremony of the Dayaks in Sarawak is celebrated by splitting an areca-nut into
seven pieces which are put on a brass tray with seven betel leaves, seven pieces of gambier, and
small lumps of lime. Relatives and friends gather around the tray and share its contents and
discuss the binding nature of the marriage contract. A Malay custom is to place a betel box
beside the marriage registrar and a betel tray on the dais during the sitting-in-state ceremony.
The bride is given an areca-nut that has been blessed with auspicious charms to increase her
radiance. The wedding ceremony in Cambodia includes a lime container and a knife to cut the
areca-nut. Upon retiring after the ceremony, the bride enters the chamber first with the end of her
scarf held by her husband. Inside they exchange and chew betel quids together.

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It is customary to place a betel box outside the bridal chamber on the night the bride and groom
consummate their marriage in Thailand. If the box is overturned by the groom during the night,
the brides virtue is in question and a family inquiry follows. A similar post-marriage ceremony
performed in Malaysia and Thailand is for the preparation of the bridal bed. It is conducted by a
respected elderly married couple who place rain-water symbolizing purity, and candles, incense,
and betel on the altar.
The Art
IMPLEMENTS for preparing, serving, transporting, and storing betel ingredients represent an art
as distinctive as the custom itself. Betel sets are made with caring and talented hands from the
materials available. The religion, art, and nature of each area provide inspiration for the
decorative motifs which add colour and individuality to the forms. A receptacle, either a box,
tray, or basket, to hold the ingredients for chewing betel is essential to a basic set. This receptacle
may be divided into compartments or hold individual covered containers made of a different
material. The boxes for ingredients vary in shape and size. Besides boxes in geometric shapes,
others are crescent-shaped and can be attached to the waist for transporting betel. Some are
triangular-shaped holders for rolled betel leaves. A cutter for slicing the nut completes the basic
betel set. Generally, in areas where the soft unripe nut is eaten, a knife is used for cutting, but
scissor-like cutters are used in areas where the dry or cured nut is preferred. Other accessories
include a spatula for removing the lime paste from its container and spreading it on the leaf or
putting it in the cheek (Colour Plate 8), a spittoon, and a mortar and pestle for pulverizing the nut
to make it palatable to toothless people (Colour Plate 9). The betel paraphernalia is depicted in a
nineteenth-century drawing published in Batavia, the headquarters for the Dutch East India
Company (Plate 11 and Cover Plate). Materials used for making betel equipment are closely
connected to nature, and countries with similar geographical and climatical features tend to use
the same materials and methods. The lacquerware craft, for example, spreads from Burma to
northern Thailand where sap-producing and other types of trees necessary for lacquer grow. The
material a set is made of depends on the wealth and status of the owner and on whether it is for
individual or communal use. The main types of materials used for betel utensils in South-East
Asia are natural forms, fibre, wood, lacquer, clay, metal, and shell. Sometimes several materials
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are used on a single set. The Kenyah in Borneo, for example, weave colourful beads into striking
geometrical patterns for betel sets, such as the wooden rectangular box with round covered brass
boxes inside for the individual ingredients shown in Plate 12.
Natural Forms.
Betel utensils made of natural forms are common in the island areas of the region. The materials
are durable, impervious, and lightweight. For instance, lime containers are made from gourds on
the Indonesian island of Timor, from coconut husks further west, on Flores, and from carved
horn in south-east Sulawesi (formerly the Celebes). Buffalo horn or coconut are also used for
spatulas. The Ifugao peoples of the Philippines make lime boxes from human bones, decorating
them with pictorial scenes showing the reason for the death of the former owner. Deer horn is
used in Burma for cracking the areca-nut; the nut breaks into small pieces when pushed through
from the wider to the narrower end of the horn.
Fibre
Reeds and fibres from the tropical rain forests are woven into durable receptacles for betel
chewing utensils and skilfully decorated with attractive designs. Because these baskets are
lightweight, they are most suitable for carrying betel from place to place, and are particularly
favoured by women for transporting betel between the home and the rice-fields. Palm strips are
used in west Borneo to weave a betel receptacle suspended from a carrying strap. Reeds of the
Pandanus plant serve the same purpose in Indonesia.Bamboo is an ideal material for small betel
receptacles because of its shape, strength, abundance, and hard exterior. It is traditionally used
for lime containers in the island areas of South-East Asia. The natural trunk of the bamboo is a
ready-made container. The long, narrow cylinder only needs a small plug for the base and a slice
through to the inner core for a lid. After sanding the surface to a smooth finish, the cylinder is
ready for decorating. An intricate design of stylized geometrical forms is cut into the bamboo
with a sharp tool, then a dark-coloured vegetable dye is applied to the incised area for but add a
stopper made of wood or horn. contrast and definition. The final result is a pleasing interplay of
light and dark

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A fine example of a woven betel set is a round covered box from Thailand. It is intricately made
from strips of twisted reed. The interior of the box is divided into four compartments, each
bearing a smaller, round, covered box (Colour Plate 10).

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The same look is achieved on the island of Luzon and in Papua New Guinea by burning the
incised area with a hot knife which turns the decoration black. The islanders of Mindanao prefer
a more colourful design made by cutting a pattern into a piece of coloured paper and then pasting
it on to the bamboo. The tube is wrapped in banana leaves and boiled. After rinsing, the cylinder
is polished with the pulp of a young areca-nut. The Batak tribe of Sumatra use a similar type of
container Rattan from the stems of a Calamus palm is used for a special type of lime container in
the Philippines. The unique feature of this rattan cylinder is a sifter for shaking powdered lime
inserted in one end. Another type of lime container made by the male members of the Hanunoo
peoples of the Philippines is a wooden tube carved in the shape of a phallus; perhaps the
craftsman hopes the symbolic sexual prowess of the phallus will be transferred to him.
Wood.
A betel box made from the wood of the teak forests in northern Thailand is unique to that area.
The simple yet functional receptacle is square or rectangular and usually supported by a pedestal.
One half of the interior is divided into small compartments for the ingredients; the other half is
for the betel leaves, cutter, lime container, and mortar. On earlier examples, the box is secured
with bamboo pegs by using the tongue-and-groove method of construction; nails are used on
more recent ones. A fret pattern and carved designs are typical decoration. The box is finished
with a wooden trim and brightly coloured paints, lacquer, or a dark stain (Colour

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betel box most commonly used on the Malay Peninsula for rites of passage. It is a rectangular
wooden box with internal compartments and coveredon the sides and topwith goldembroidered red velvet.
An exceptional use of wood is a betel set from the archipelago. The round container, hand-carved
from the bole of a tree, reveals the fine, dark-veined grain of the wood. A band of bronze around
the rim is boldly impressed with Arabic script, the religious language of the Muslims. The boxes,
leaf holder, and cutter are made of bronze .
acquer
The craft of lacquerware has a long tradition in Burma and northern Thailand and each country
has, at one time or another, influenced the other. Lacquering is a practical way of strengthening
an object and making it impervious to liquids. This is particularly useful for keeping betel
ingredients dry during the rainy season. This feature and the availability of appropriate woods
make lacquer a popular and widely used material for betel containers of all sizes and shapes.
The process of making a lacquer object requires skill and patience. First, a base is formed into a
desired shape using either bamboo or a soft wood from a variety of trees. Secondly, a sap from a
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natural resin of the indigenous Melanhoma usitata tree is collected. It is strained to obtain a
suitable varnish, which is black in its natural state. A coat of lacquer is brushed on and allowed to
dry until it is hardened. Then the piece is smoothed and polished. The lacquering process is
repeated several times to achieve a suitable black surface for decoration. Although Burma and
Thailand use a similar method of making lacquer, the country of origin manifests itself in the
decoration. A typical lacquerware betel container is a cylindrical covered box. The cover fits
tightly over the body and both are about the same size and shape. A cursory glance does not
reveal the two parts. The interior is fitted with two traysone with small containers for the
various ingredients and a pair of cutters; the other one for tobacco leaves. Betel leaves are stored
in the bottom of the box. This form is made in a variety of sizes ranging from 8 to 35 centimetres
(Colour Plate 15). The characteristic colour of lacquer betel boxes is red. Cinnabar is the source
of colour in Burma, whereas the hill tribes living along the border between the two countries use
ochre, a natural pigment found in the soil. Colour Plate 16 shows an ochre-based red betel box
from the Karen hill tribes. Decoration is added in colours contrasting with the red. Yellow, green,
orange, and brown obtained from indigenous minerals and plants are typical. Designs are drawn
with a free hand and often fill the sides, even on the interior, and the cover. Patterns can be
divided into three groups: geometric, naturalistic, and pictorial. A design is enclosed in a series of
bands on the top and bottom. Sometimes these bands are left a solid red colour to highlight the
design they enclose. Geometric designs are characteristically repetitive and consist of elements
linked together to form chains such as honeycombs and overlapping circles. A typical naturalistic
pattern is a stylistic betel vine represented by pairs of leaves (in black) randomly spaced against
an intricate background of undulating lines. Pictorial designs draw inspiration from the art,
religion, and folklore of the culture. The Ramayana (the great Hindu epic) and the Jataka tales
(stories of the former lives of the Buddha), the theatre, and drama are continuous sources of
influence. Mythical creatures, such as celestial beings and sacred geese, are popular as are the
Burmese signs of the zodiac (Colour Plate 17) and animals representing the days of the week.
Decoration is achieved by incising, gilding, moulding, or inlaying. Sometimes two or more
methods are combined on the one piece. To decorate by incising, a design is cut into the surface
of the black lacquered receptacle with a sharp tool. Then the incised area is filled with a
contrasting colour, usually red. After drying, the excess pigment is wiped off and the container
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polished to a high finish. Other colours are added in the same way. Finally, a resinous sealer,
which makes the box impervious to water, is applied and the surface polished to define the
background. Ceremonial betel sets are decorated with gold leaf in combination with either black
or red lacquer. The method of application differs in Burma and Thailand. It begins with a
lacquered container, which is naturally black. In Burma, a design is outlined on the surface with
a water-soluble material, then paint is applied to the background and the remaining design
lacquered. Thin squares of gold leaf are pressed on to the entire surface. After drying, the
receptacle is washed to remove the excess gold leaf and water-soluble material. In Thailand, a
design is drawn on the surface and covered with lacquer. Then gold leaf is pressed into the
design before the lacquer dries. Finally, the excess is washed away. Relief designs produced by
moulding create a textured surface in contrast to the smooth surface of the previous method. Ash
or husk or a similar material is added to the lacquer to make it pliable. Strands of lacquer are
applied to the surface of a container to create a raised border. Designs, usually floral, are incised
on the surface, then filled with strands of material moulded in the same pattern. Finally, the
entire box, is a fine example of the relief-moulded technique. Sometimes this type of betel box is
made even more elaborate by adding chips of coloured mirror glass. These are applied in the
cavities between the outlines and adhered with lacquer. Another coat of lacquer seals the glass.
Then gold leaf is added, using the same procedure to wash it and remove the excess. Another
variation of relief-moulding is the addition of silver figures which stand out strikingly against a
red background (Colour Plate 19). An unusual lacquer piece is an octagon-shaped tray. It has two
tiers with portions of the wood cut out on two sides, creating a pedestal effect. Strips of ochre
lacquer divide the design into eight registers on each tier. A stylized geometrical design is inlaid
in the registers using small pieces of red and brown painted wood (Plate 14). Although the
provenance of this tray is unknown, the intricate design and careful workmanship suggest it
belongs to the rich lacquer tradition of Burma or northern Thailand.

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Mother-of-pearl is another type of inlay used for decorating betel boxes made of both lacquer
and wood. It is particularly popular in Thailand and Vietnam as the coastline of these countries
provides a plentiful source of the shellfish containing pearl. Opaque white or pinkish mother-ofpearl chips are inserted on to the surface of a betel receptacle with a dark background. A design
is drawn and transferred, in reverse, on to paper. The shell is cut into flat pieces and honed to
bring out the colour before gluing it to a piece of wood for cutting the desired shape. Next, each
piece of shell is put on tracing paper. A base coat of a clear sticky mixture is put on to the
receptacle, made of either lacquer or wood. While it is still damp on the base material, the paper
is pressed into the surface and smoothed. When it is dry, water is sprayed over the surface and
the paper.
is peeled off. The ridge between the shell and the lacquer surface is filled with several layers of a
paste made from pulverized charcoal and sap. After drying, the receptacle is polished. This
process is repeated until the layer of shell is completely concealed. A final polishing gives a rich
black background contrasting against a lustrous mother-of-pearl design.

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This technique is used in Vietnam for making a rectangular- or square-footed betel tray of wood
and inlaid with a mother-of-pearl design of flowers and birds amongst clouds. A fine example of
this technique can be seen on the doors of the ordination hall at Wat Phra Jetupon, popularly
known as Wat Po, Bangkoks oldest and largest temple. A detail from the door depicts a betel set
with small containers and a leaf holder (Plate 15).
Clay
Although fired clay was not widely used for making betel utensils, three countriesCambodia,
Thailand, and Vietnam each with a long and distinguished ceramic tradition, excelled in
making glazed stoneware containers for lime. Surprisingly, each country seems to have made
only one shape (with slight variations), and each of these three shapes is entirely different from
the others. The method of making objects from clay has remained essentially unchanged since
ancient times. Impurities are first sifted out before the clay is mixed to achieve a uniform
consistency and to remove the air bubbles. Then it is ready for shaping. The forms are thrown on
a wheel anchored on a base with a means for pivoting. After centring a lump of clay on the
rotating wheel, the mass of clay is opened by pressing the thumbs into it. The walls of the vessel
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are then raised using even pressure with both hands. Finally, the lip is formed, and the vessel
removed from the wheel. After drying, it is decorated, glazed, and fired.
Quantities of glazed pots with bird appendages have been found dating from the Angkorian
period of the Khmer civilization in Thailand (ninth-thirteenth centuries). Almost all of them have
traces of lime on the interior. It is finely ground and hardened into a white paste, sometimes with
a pinkish tinge, and readily disintegrates to a powder when scraped. A typical shape is a globular
pot with an opening at the mouth and the applied beak, tail, and eyes of a bird. The body is
grainy, sandy, and buff-coloured. Brown-glazed bird-shaped pots are the most common, although
green-glazed examples are also known (Plate 16).
The type of lime container made at Si Satchanalai (Sawankhalok) by Thai potters in the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries is clearly in imitation of a bronze form. The tapering conical shape is
made in two parts of about equal height with a lotus-bud knob (Plate 17). A similar form was
made by potters of the Sankampaeng and Paan
Metal
The mineral deposits in South-East Asia have been sufficient to support the development of a
metalworking craft that achieved a high degree of skilled workmanship. Minerals needed for
alloys are available throughout the region and gold deposits are found in the peninsula, the
Philippines, and parts of Indonesia. These, then, supply the necessary materials for making betel
utensils of brass, bronze, silver, gold, and iron. From these metals, a diversified group of trays,
boxes, small containers, cutters, and spittoons form a broad repertoire of betel chewing
implements.
Brass and Bronze. A common method used for making brass betel boxes is the cire perdue or
lost-wax process. A wax model forming the core of a mould is the basis for the name. Sheets of
rolled wax are placed around the mould and thin strips are used for the decorative pattern. A cut
is made through the form to remove the mould. A clay mixture is applied over the wax model
and reinforced with additional clay. After drying, the cast is heated, causing the wax from the
mould to melt and drain. Then molten brass is poured into the mould, replacing the lost-wax.

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After cooling, the outer covering is broken and the brass object removed. Polishing completes
the process.
Trengganu, on the east coast of Malaysia, and Mindanao, in the southern Philippines, are metal
working centres renowned for quality brassware. In Malaysia, two different compositions of
brass are used for betel implements. Finely worked boxes are made of white brass, a combination
of nickel and a high proportion of zinc. Sturdier, yet equally pleasing, betel sets are made of
yellow brass, an alloy of zinc and scrap brass. Bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, is sometimes
used in conjunction with brass, depending on the availability of metals.
A typical Malay betel set is made of yellow brass. It is rectangular with four short legs and fitted
with a removable tray divided into compartments. Small round brass boxes with covers hold the
individual ingredients. Sometimes leaves are stored under the tray. A betel cutter, also of brass,
completes the set. Since Islamic religious tradition forbids the use of figurative designs,
decorative patterns on Malaysian betel sets are either naturalistic or geometric, or in the Arabic
script. The decoration on this example is a cut out arabesque pattern (Plate 18).

Brass betel boxes from Indonesia and Brunei are more complex in shape and more intricate in
decoration than those found on the Malay Peninsula. Stylized animal designs integrated with

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vegetal and geometric motifs are favoured. On the coast of Borneo, betel ingredients are carried
in small, crescent-shaped brass boxes made portable by tying them to the waist with strings.
The Maranao of the Philippines are renowned for their artistic skills and fine metalwork. A
typical set from this area is cast by the lost-wax process. It is rectangular with a hinged lid and
handles and fitted with three or four individual compartments for the ingredients. Decoration
consists of a repetitive pattern dominated by a graceful floral scroll covering the entire box.
Designs on these sets

draw inspiration from wood-carving and textiles, both specialities of the Maranao people. The
unique feature of this type of box is the use of silver inlay for the design (Plate 19).
Brass is also used for making pestles for pounding the ingredients of the betel quid to make them
palatable to toothless chewers.
Metal is the most common material for the spittoon which accompanies many betel sets As
Nieuhof put it, nice people spit in pots. A spittoon, wrote the Norwegian Bock in the nineteenth
century, is a cylindrical vessel of terra cotta, bronze, silver, or gold into which one may
expectorate reddened saliva when the chewer is on the white deck of a river steamboat.
Westerners gave the homely, albeit descriptive, name of spit-box or spit-tub to the spittoon. A
tall urn-shaped spit-box of brass is either in the midst of the circle or passing from one to
another, that each may free her mouth from surplus saliva, noted one observer. In the houses of
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the better-class people various Quispitoors or spit-tubs always stand ready whether made of
silver, metal, porcelain, or only of clay wherein to spit when Pinangh-chewing since
Iron
The most common materials used for the blades of betel cutters are iron or steel because they
give the necessary strength for cutting the areca-nut. To crack the nut, it is placed between the
two blades and the handles pressed together. The handles may be sheathed in silver, gold, brass,
or bronze to enable decoration. Betel cutters of the region are decorated with fanciful and
creative motifs, although rarely as ingeniously as those from India.
An iron betel cutter from Thailand dating from the late fourteenth to fifteenth century is the
oldest known example. The juncture is in the form of a bird. Traces of bronze sheathing and
silver inlay

An elaborate Burmese betel cutter made of steel is decorated with inlaid stripes and stars of
silver. A square of cross-hatching on each handle balances the design. Each pin is the centre of a
finely modelled crested bird (three of silver and one of steel). A Burmese inscription on the
underside of the arm translates: master of a craft or other accomplishment (Colour Plate 21).
A betel cutter from the island of Madura is made of iron and shaped like a crested bird with an
elongated beak
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Traditional Use Of Paan In Butaan

Doma zhes is one of the most heard and widespread phrases in Bhutan: " Please have betel leaf
and areca nut" becomes a leitmotif each time two individuals meet, at the end of a meal,
and in all the occasions of everyday life. It is impossible not to notice the importance that the
betel leaf and nut holds in Bhutan. One can multiply the scenes and the examples: Customers
buy the betel leaf at the weekly Sunday market, their dress's pocket bulging with silver boxes, or
just simply with plastic bags filled with betel leafs; petty sellers at bus terminals selling ready
made quid, called kamto, in coneshape papers; monks returning to the monastery with their
bags filled with quantity enough to last for a weeks consumption; betel leaf with a small piece of
areca nut that the host offers with his two hands to the guests at the time of a ceremony; betel
leafs and nuts put in a plate along with those filled with chocolates during archery games or
official ceremonies ; betel leafs and nuts passed round after dinner ; red stains in the street; men
and women with red stained teeth sweating profusely.These descriptions invite questions and
amongst them, what is the true significance of the "betel" in the Bhutanese context? Can the date
of the betel leaf and nut consumption habit be traced back? The importance of these plants is
well known in the Indian sub-continent as well Southeast Asian countries. On the contrary, we
know that the Tibetans did not consume areca nut and leaf. Could Bhutan, the country lying on
the crossroad of these two worlds, have been influenced by the habits of their southern
neighbours? Besides its addictive properties, what role does betel have in the Bhutanese
society? Why is the consumption of betel accepted where as tobacco is strongly condemned?
Areca Nut, Leaf and Lime
The majority of the westerners are under the impression thatbetel is the nut. We talk even of betel
nut and the mistake was made even as early as1673. The betel (Piper betel) is, in fact, the leaf
that envelops the nut and the later is areca nut (Areca catechu). In Bhutan a quid comprises a
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piece of areca nut, doma,1 betel leaf, pani, (from pan of Hindi, which is derived from Sanskrit
parna meaning "leaf " 2), on which lime, tsuni is applied. The areca nut is rolled in the leaf and
the quid obtained is called doma, the abbreviated form of doma pani. The areca nut was not
indigenous to Bhutan but imported rom Assam and Bengal. The cultivation of areca nut
commenced in the 1960s in the southern foothills as it became really populated after the control
of malaria and the development of communications with the interior parts of Bhutan. Today it
forms one of the important sources of income. However, a part of it is still imported from India.
The areca nut is consumed in two ways: The fresh nut, called kanza is harvested in summer; the
old nut is known as muza.3 The later, consumed in winter and spring is stored in big holes dug
in the earth. With a size of a table tennis ball and slightly oblong, the fresh areca nut has a dark
orange greenish bark and produces a juice with the reputation of possessing strong intoxicating
properties; the old nut with a dark brown bark and covered with fibres is preferred to the
fresh ones as it is less strong. The betel, pani, is a creeper, which grows wild in the subtropical
regions of Bhutan, normally below 1300 m. It is found in the regions of Punakha, Kheng, in the
southern parts of oriental Bhutan and along the Indian border. Two types of betel leaves are
consumed. Rata is the one that grows wild whereas trodom4, which belongs to the same species
of betel leaf of India, is basically cultivated in the village of Tabadramtsi in Samtse district of
Southern Bhutan. The rata is smaller and is bought along with the stalk whereas the trodom is
sold in the form of packet of leaves. The former is cheaper and in effect less strong than the
later. It is difficult for an individual accustomed to chewing trodom to shift to rata and viceversa. Imported only in small quantities from India, lime, tsuni, is largely produced artisanally in
the villages. The best limestone is found in Chendebji in central Bhutan but all the villages make
use of what is available in their region. They produce lime, which is boiled till a white creamy
paste is obtained. The product is consumed in the village or put in small empty condensed milk
cans and sold in the market. The lime produced in Bhutan is considered weaker and less
corrosive than the ones imported from India. It is said that the paste of lime prepared for
important officials and royalties is mixed with white cow butter to weaken the astringency. It
is also possible to add a plant - the species of which is unknown to me- that turns the paste into
orange.5 The different ingredients can be bought at the weekly markets even in the small urban
centres. The areca nuts are kept in big jute bags and the merchants normally present a nut cut
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into halves so that the clients can judge the quality of what they are buying. The fibre of the nut
that covers the bark is also peeled off with a knife. The most current unit of sale is the pon, a
word of Indian origin, and equivalent to 80 nuts. The stalk bearing the rata leaves are tied
together in tens andstacked in crudely woven bamboo baskets whereas trodom leafs are folded
and packed in boxes. As for lime, it is sold in the empty condensed milk cans, which forms a
kind of unit of measurement. Each person then makes their own preparation at home,
cleaning the leaves and applying lime to the personal taste, placing half or a quarter of a nut
before folding the leaves and putting all of it in the mouth. The ingredients are generally
kept in a plate or a bangchung, a container of woven bamboo. The addicted and chain consumers
carry the required quantity for the day in a small plastic or a cloth bag tucked in their hemchu (a
pocket formed by the folds of the upper part of the Bhutanese dress). A small metal container is
used for carrying the lime. The grand style of carrying betel ingredients consists of a
rectangular silver box, chaka6 which contains the betel leafs and nuts, and a round box with
conical lid, also in silver, thimi,7 for lime. In the past, Bhutanese carried these two containers in
their hemchu but today they seems to prefer plastic or cloth bags which are lighter and not as
bulky. In most of the shops along the road, at the bus terminals, or in villages, one can buy the
ready-made quid wrapped in a conical paper containing four pieces. The quid therefore look
like a bouquet where the betel nuts would be the flowers. Called kamto, a quid costs Nu. 5 in
2001. Bhutanese would eat it straight away if they are in need. However usually,before chewing
it, many people unfold the betel leaves to check that the required dose of lime is correctly
applied. Inthe eastern part of the country, lime, betel leafs and nuts are simply rolled in a paper
and it is left to the consumer to prepare the quid according to personal taste.
Addiction and Properties
Doma pani provokes a phenomenon of addiction and is therefore, according to the medical
criteria, a drug. Certain people wake up late in the night and cannot go back to sleep
without chewing a quid. Even the old people who have weak teeth make use of a special
instrument known as drecha8 to grind the nut into small pieces so as to reduce the difficulty of

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chewing. And, a chain consumer can chew up to fifty quids a day. On the other part, the dropping
of the habit of chewing the betel can provoke in certain persons withdrawal
symptoms: headaches, giddiness and irritation. The noxious effects of doma are well known:
lesion of mouth and gums, abrasion of teeth, and mouth and throat cancer. More still, most of the
Bhutanese do not spit the juice but swallow it, which also seems to cause lesions of the intestine
walls. Doma pani consumed first in the morning without eating can also lead to suffering from
diarrhea. But, the Bhutanese see doma pani as increasing their resistance to fight against cold; it
also creates a sensation of warmth, and keeps oneself awake and concentrated. It is also plausible
that doma pani kills some of the taste buds. This could be an explanation for the impressive
quantity of chili consumed especially in Western Bhutan where it is a vegetable and not a
seasoning. In parts of western Bhutan, it is believed that doma pani and hot water should be
given to women who have delivered so as to avoid the possibility of the newborn suffering from
diarrhea.
Origin and Substitutes
The betel leaf and nut chewing culture is believed to be an age-old practice as it plays a very
important social role; in the same way as the archery, it appears that this custom cannot
be disassociated from Bhutanese culture. However, the exploration of historical sources and the
fieldwork lead us to doubt its ancient nature, at least in most parts of the country.
The Bhutanese Code of Laws (bKa khrims) was composed in 1729 by Tenzin Choegyel, the
future 10th Je Khenpo, under the command of the 10th temporal ruler Mipham Wangpo
(1729-1736). This text gives very detailed prescriptions on different aspect of life and especially
a strong condemnation of tobacco (ff.107 a-b) but betel is not mentioned.The 1775 report of
George Bogle, the first British emissary to Bhutan who visited the country in 1774, does mention
the large consumption of alcohol as a kind of Bhutanese habit but is silent on the issue of betel.
In the like manner, Bogleenumerates the dishes displayed on his table but does not mention
doma. However, it seems that betel nut was already imported from India at that time since Bogle
writes: "The consumption of Bengal goods except tobacco, betel nut, and other bulky articles is
very small in the Deb Rajas country". In 1783, Samuel Turner, another British emissary visited
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Bhutan. He describes in great details all the presents offered to him and also the Bhutanese
customs but does not remark at all on betel. In 1815 the British sent an Indian called Kisan
Kant Bose on another mission to Bhutan. In his missionreport he writes: "From the low-lands
under the Hills and on the borders of Runpore and Cooch Behar, they import swine, cattle, pan
and betel, tobacco, dried fish, and coarse cotton cloth". With the Pemberton mission in 1838
began the derogatory

reports on the 19th century Bhutan, reports that explained the bad

relations, which existed between Bhutan and the British. Pemberton mentioned the export of
tobacco to Bhutan but not that of betel, and neither does he describe the betel chewing habit,
which he could not have missed if it was as wide spread as today. Doctor W. Griffith who
participated in the same mission also does not describe this betel chewing custom but remarks
that "the Booteahs depend on the plains for supplies of betel nuts, otherwise they might
advantageously cultivate the tree on many of the lower ranges." J.C. White who was the Political
Officer to Sikkim and Bhutan relates that at the time of the enthronement of the king in
1907 "three kinds of tea, rice and pan were offered in turn." As per Mrs. Williamson's diary who
in 1933 had accompanied her husband, the Political Officer of that time, there is not even the
slightest mention of the betel chewing habit in Bhutan.
These witnesses pose a problem. Most provide very detailed information on the export of areca
nuts from India to Bhutan but none projects even a glimpse of its consumption. One can propose
two hypothesis for the lack of this information: either, coming from India where betel was
consumed in large quantities, the British must have judged unnecessary to describe a well know
custom, or this habit was not as widespread as today and probably restricted only to a small
section of the population. It is difficult to be definite on the basis of theses sources. The book of
K.Nishioka, a Japanese who had lived in Bhutan for 20 years, provides a contemporary parallel;
he is silent on the betel leaf and areca nut but attaches a lot of importance, among others, to the
description of the production of alcohol.
There is no place for doubt that the custom of making betel quid came from India, and that the
ecological condition of Bhutan favoured the expansion of the areca nut plants, whereas it
remained unknown in Tibet. The very term pani for betel, as we have seen, comes from the
Hindi pan which means betel leaf. The combined form of all the ingredients the one eats is
interestingly mentioned as early as 1298 in the accounts of Marco Polo.9 Pan would be the
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abbreviated form of pan supari as supari in Sanskrit signifies "pleasant" and applied to designate
the areca nut in Hindi.10 The term supari was not introduced in Bhutan, and in India it is referred
only to the dried areca nuts chopped into small pieces and flawoured with all kinds of
ingredients; this is the Indian "dry type" that the Bhutanese refers to, in opposition to the "humid
type" that they chew with betel leaf and lime, and it is also the most appreciated in Assam and
Bengale. In effect, it certainly is from these border areas with whichBhutan shared commercial
relations that the consumption o fthe combined ingredients was adopted. Chakravarti, an
Indian writer asserts "the Bhutanese seemed to have picked up this habit from the people of the
plains in Assam in course of their trades and raids through centuries. Bhutan draw its
requirement of betel leafs and areca nuts from Assam. Betel leafs, however grow in some
quantity in the jungles of lower Bhutan also."It is not a surprise that the Bhutanese sources
remain silent on doma, if we know that the texts essentially had a religious
tonality and the lay customs as well as the personal habits were usually not documented.
However, a text titled Significance of chibdrel, Serdreng and Zhugdrel Ceremonies, enumerates
doma pani among the offerings made during the Zhugdrel ceremony: 11 "This is followed by
oblations of wine (marchang), flag, changyep (ceremonial money) and doma pani (areca nut and
leaf)." Similar references are found in the two protocol manuals (Driglam Namzha) published in
1999.
If we now turn towards folk literature, just recently and partly documented, mention of doma is
made in at least two popular stories, Gasa Lamey Senge and Namtala which dates back to
the second half of the 19th century. Similarly, doma appears in the cololfull history of Ap Wang
Drugay, a highly amusing personality and the Bhutanese equivalent of Akhu Tompa of
Tibet, who is supposed to have lived in the 19th century.12 However, to my knowledge, in the
hundreds of stories documented, there is not even a single in which betel and areca play a
central role. The field work that I had conducted in December, 1995 first confirmed that doma
pani was consumed at a much lesser dgree in eastern and central Bhutan; on the other hand, it
showed that the generalized and frequent habit of chewing doma was probably due to the
development of communications and trade with India in the 1960s as well as the monetary
increase among the population and therefore quite recent. The biography of Dasho Shingkar
Lam,13 high official who served the second, third and the fourth kings throws light on
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this point. When he arrived to western Bhutan from Bumthang, (central Bhutan) in 1947, he
remarks: "People in Paro seemed to be richer and were accustomed to theconsumption of betel
nuts as a daily necessity, whereas it was still an occasional indulgence in central Bhutan." He
confirmed this to me later in a personal interview.14 The western Bhutanese and, in particular,
those of Paro and Ha had the habit of chewing betel and areca nuts since an unspecified date but
for a very long time, according to him. They bought them from the borders areas during trading
trips, and during the transhumance when they migrated south with their cattle in winter. Both
activities were tied together. It is interesting to note that the region of Tabadramtse where areca
nut is cultivated is one of the areas of winter transhumance.
It therefore seems that doma pani was restricted for a long time to the upper layer of the society,
and to the western Bhutanese who had the occasion of migrating to the plains. the other hand,
the villages in the interior pockets of Bhutan had plants of several types that substituted betel and
areca. These plants are still used today in areas cut away from the roads. The most currently
used plants are rushing and gonra. 15 Rushing which means "creeper tree" is identified as
Poikilospermum. Found in abundance mainly in the subtropical regions of Khyeng and Lhuntse,
it is essentially consumed in these areas as well as in Bumthang. Today, at times a small amount
of it is added to the combination ofbetel, areca and lime. The bark of the creeper was peeled off,
then chopped into small pieces and dried to be eaten. It produces a red juice. The western
Bhutanese also consumes the bark of the wild peach tree whereas those of the east and
particularly the residents of Lhuntse chew the bark of the chir pine (Pinus Roxburghii). Gonra
(Tshangla; Dzongkha:Bjukosisi; Bumthangkha: yukuling; potentilla pendoncularis fam.
Rosacoe) is found in almost all parts of Bhutan but is mainly consumed by eastern Bhutanese.
The root is dug out, produces a red juice and has a bitter taste. All the substitutes of areca nut are
also prepared with betel leaf and lime when available.The field work and the sources allows us
therefore to present an image of doma pani consumption which is less uniform but a habit more
ancient than the impression created by the sources referred to at an earlier stage. If it appears that
Bhutan imported areca nut from India at least from the mid- 18th century as per the British
sources, the consumption itself was not that wide spread like today and probably confined itself
to the category of luxury items for many while the inhabitants of the interior pockets satisfied
themselves with other substitutes available in their area.
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Don et Partage: Le Role Sociale du Betel

These conclusions are partially confirmed if we examine the role that the betel plays in the
Bhutanese society. Today, a lot of Bhutanese chew doma pani but the consumption is much
higher in western Bhutan where areca nuts have been imported since two centuries ago if we
trust the British sources. In the weekly market of Thimphu, the capital, a section of the place is
fully reserved for the sellers of doma pani. However, the younger generation seem to be eating
much less doma than their parents, often because they find the smell offensive or for esthetic
reasons.
All the informants above 50 years agreed to say that, in their youth, doma pani was a luxury and
that areca nuts was tentimes more expensive than today and not available
everywhere. All of them are of the opinion that the development of roads in the 60s allowed the
habit of chewing doma to reach all the layers of the society and to become generalized beyond
western Bhutan.
According to the same people, in their youth, important people presented doma pani to the
villagers as a valuable gift, soelra 16, or even as a payment. The villagers would be so
thrilled when they received a whole areca nut along with two or three betel leaves. Likewise,
Dasho Shingkarlam 17 relates that at the time of the Second King (1926-1952), the later had
the habit of giving a quid already prepared by a servant as soelra: the areca nut was enveloped in
a leaf on which was also put some lime. The sources say the same thing although they must be
deciphered further. We have seen that J.C.White explains that three types of tea, rice, and pan
were offered to theguests of the coronation ceremony of the First King. At that time the
Bhutanese did not drink much tea (Camilla sinensis) but leaves of different kinds of tree in the
guise of tea. If there was tea, then they prepared salted butter tea. To serve threevarieties of tea,
therefore, was demonstrating greatlavishness, and all the more to offer three kinds of rice as the
majority of the Bhutanese did not eat rice and consumed maize, barley and buckwheat according
to the region.We can then imagine that to serve three kinds of pan was a sign of wealth. The
King, moreover, had a courtier whose dutywas to carry the container of betel and areca, "a senior

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changgap carrying doma bata (betel nut container)".18 Bata19 is a round metal container, the lid
of which is often decoratedwith lotus motifs and its use reserved to the King, the Chief
Abbot and the ministers.In the mid 19th century, making presents of betel or doma pani was an
acceptable gift as related in the history of Namtala, a courtier of the lord of Dramitse in eastern
Bhutan.Namtala returned from a mission conducted for his lord but"on the way he realised that
he had not taken any gift for hislord, so he took some betel leaves from the forest and put
them in his gho.20 The lord of Dramitse was very surprised to see Namtala back the next day. He
accepted his gift of betelleaves."Simlarly, in the history of Sengye, the servant of the Lama of
Gasa,21 the chamberlain of the Desi, the temporal head ofBhutan, used to visit the house of the
well-off villagers in Punakha who "tried to serve him as well as possible. They were not poor but
they were not rich either and it was an honour for them to receive the Desis chamberlain in their
houses. They offered him Doma and drinks." When Dasho Shingkarlam was serving at the court
of the Second King, sometime in 1948, he encountered a young village girl and flirted with her
by offering several areca nuts: "In the course of our frivolous talk, I took out my pan holder and
scooped a dash of tsuna (lime paste) with two rumpled leaves of pan. I recall I did not put a
quarter of a betel nut on the pan as commonly done, but three pieces of betel nut, which I am
sure she understood as romantic (and perhaps narcotic)lavishness."22 The areca nut was rare
enough if offering three nuts was considered as a great generosity, accessible only to important
people. We remember Dasho Shingkarlam's surprise when he noticed that the people of western
Bhutan consumed a lot of areca nut.
In this context, it is very possible that the offering of doma pani during the ceremony of zhugdrel
represented a precious gift to the monks who had the authorisation to chew betel and areca but
could neither smoke nor drink alcohol. In India the custom of offering pan to the guests whom
we want to honour is very old as attested by Hobson-Jobson dictionary:23 in 1616 "the king
giving me many good words, and two pieces of his Pawnee out of his dish, to eat of the
same he was eating;" and, in 1800, "On our departure pawn and roses were presented ()". It is
therefore probable that

Bhutan had borrowed, along with the areca nuts, this gesture of

friendship and honour from India, and it was all the more appreciated that the ingredients were
relatively rare. Because of its diffusion and availability, doma pani is no more considered an
important gift or a mark of honour, but as a symbol of conviviality and friendship. To offer doma
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pani when meeting someone at the bus stops or at the time of a fortuitous encounter implies the
desire to chat, and therefore if two persons already know one another, it means that they
wish to maintain and strengthen their friendship.

At the time of marriage or promotion

ceremony, a servant or any relative gives with two hands, an elementary courtesy, ademi-nut and
betel leaf to the guests who have come to ongratulate and offer good wishes and presents. During
official ceremonies or archery tournaments, plates containing half areca nuts, betel leafs and lime
are kept on low tables in front of the guests. However, an individual from the inferior social
ladder would usually respect the etiquette and would not chew doma pani in the presence of
someone superior, unless the later tells him or her to do so. On the contrary, among equals, when
the ambience becomes relaxed with lively conversations, the plate of doma pani passes round
from one hand to another and each one chooses with care his or her leaf, nut as well as the
necessary amount of lime. Similarly, at the end of a meal the guests sigh with contentment when
the container of doma pani circulates. A real meal never does close without a quid and the host
should not forget it. This sharing is done in a relaxed manner only between the people coming
from the same social level; in this case there is no protocol and to share doma pani is a symbol
signifying free and open conversation. It is also a mark of friendship, and even of intimacy if
someone asks somebody else to Consumed by men as well as women, by laymen as well as
monks at all the hours of the day, doma pani is perceived today by the Bhutanese as signifying a
moment of relaxation and conviviality. Despite the knowledge of its negative effects on the
health, doma pani had never been an object of opprobrium while tobacco is strongly condemned.
The Recipe of Paan
Paan chicken
Ingredients

Chicken 200 grams (7 ounce)

Lime juice 1 lemon
Ginger garlic paste 1 tablespoon
Onion 50 grams (chopped )
Capsicum 50 grams (chopped )
Kashmiri Red chilli powder 1 tablespoon
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Salt 1 tablespoon
Betel leaves paste 1 tablespoon
Curd 3 tablespoon
Refined oil 4 tablespoon
Ghee 2 tablespoon

Directions

Marinate the chicken with tablespoon of salt and lime juice for one hour. Whisk the

curd and betel paste together and keep aside.

Heat oil and ghee together in a karahi. Put chopped onions and saut for 2-3 mintues.
Add chopped capsicum, ginger- garlic paste, kashmiri lal mirch powder and fry.
Add the marinated chicken and cook on low flame with the lid on for 20 mintues.
Check if the chicken is done. Finally add the curd and betel paste and cook for 2-3
mintues more. Take it out and serve hot with chappati.

Betel Leaves Drink

Chop betel leaves and mint into small pieces.

Heat 1 medium-sized glass of water in a pan. Add betel leaves, mint and sugar to the
boiling water.

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Let it cook till the leaves are tender.

Cool the mixture, blend in the mixer and strain.

Add a pinch of cardamom powder.

Serve in a glass with a piece of ice cube.

Betel Leaves Rasam

ingredients

3 cups of water
2 medium-sized of tender betel leaves / vethalai / vetta
1/4 tsp of turmeric powder
1/2 tsp of jeera / cumin powder
6 flakes of garlic (the small Indian variety)
6 Asian shallots
4-5 cherry tomatoes or 1 medium-sized regular tomato
1/4 tsp of black pepper powder
A small lemon-ball-sized tamarind
2 sprigs of curry leaves
1 generous pinch of perungayam / hing / asafoetida / kaayam
1 tbsp of oil or ghee

Salt totaste
How It's Made
1. Soak the tamarind in the water for a few mins. Extract juice and discard the pulp. Set
aside.
2. Roughly grind the garlic and shallots together in a pestle and mortar or small mixer.
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3. Heat oil in a pan and add some mustard seeds. When they pop, add the crushed garlicshallot mixture along with the hing. After frying it for about 20 seconds, add the pepper
powder, turmeric powder, and jeera (you can add some red chilli powder too if you want
more heat) and fry a bit longer. Take care not to burn the spices. Add the tomatoes an fry
untilsoft.
4. Add the tamarind water with some salt and the curry leaves and bring to boil. After
about 5 mins of boiling, add the vethalai leaves, each torn into four. Remove from fire
and serve

hot with rice.

Betel Leaves & Garlic Rice

Ingedients
For Rice

2 cup Basmati Rice washed and soaked in water for 30 mins

4-5 garlic cloves

1/2 tsp fennel seeds

1 inch cinnamon stick

10 curry leaves

3 betel leaves stalk removed (Please make sure to use only mid range betel leaves)
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salt to taste

2 tbsp gingelly oil

5-6 cup water + 1 tbsp water

For Masala

1 inch dry turmeric stick

3 dry red chilies

1 tsp black sesame seeds

1 tsp black peppercorns

1/2 tsp dry ginger or 1/2 tsp dry ginger powder

Method
To Prepare Masala

Dry roast dry turmeric stick, sesame seeds, broken red chilies, peppercorns and dry
ginger for few seconds. Remove from the heat and allow to cool. Grind in a mixer to
coarse powder without adding water and keep aside.

To Prepare Rice

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Cook Rice with 5-6 cup water & little salt on medium flame till it is done. Drain the
water completely and fluff the rice with a fork. Spread it on a plate and allow to cool.

In the meantime, heat gingelly oil in a kadai. Add fennel seeds, cinnamon, curry leaves
and garlic flakes. Cook for a minute on medium flame.

Add cooked rice and mix well. Add finely chopped betel leaves, ground masala and salt.
Mix well with rice.

Sprinkle 1 tbsp water and close the lid. Cook it on low flame for 5 mins. Serve hot.

Caramelised scallop miang (betel leaves)

Ingredients

2/3 cup (50g) shredded coconut, toasted

1/2 cup (75g) roasted peanuts, crushed

2 tablespoons chilli bean paste or chilli jam (see notes)

1 1/2 tablespoons fish sauce

2 tablespoons palm sugar or brown sugar

1/4 cup (75g) sweet chilli sauce

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2 tablespoons lime juice

Peanut oil or rice bran oil, to brush

20 scallops, roe removed

20 betel leaves (see notes)

Method

Place coconut, peanuts, chilli paste, fish sauce, sugar, chilli sauce, lime juice and 1/4 cup
(60ml) water in a saucepan over low heat. Cook, stirring, for 2-3 minutes until thick and

reduced. Cool slightly.

Caramelised scallop miang (betel leaves). Right: lime & coconut panna cotta.
Brush a large frypan with a little oil and place over medium-high heat. Season the
scallops with salt, then cook, in batches, for 30 seconds each side or until golden and

caramelised on the outside, but still opaque in the centre add a little extra oil if needed.
Place 1 heaped teaspoons chilli sauce on each betel leaf, top with a scallop, then garnish
with fried Asian shallots, coriander and kaffir lime leaf. Serve immediately.

Prawn betel leaf wraps (miang kham)

Ingredients
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1 lime, white pith removed, rind reserved

70 g (1 cup) shredded coconut, toasted
75 g ( cup) unsalted roasted peanuts, roughly chopped
300 g cooked school prawns, peeled
small red onion, finely chopped
3 cm-piece ginger, finely chopped
3 red birds-eye chillies, finely chopped
12 betel leaves

Sweet coconut sauce

70 g (1 cup) shredded coconut, toasted

red onion, chopped
tsp shrimp paste (see Note), roasted
1 tbsp tamarind pure
110 g ( cup) caster sugar
60 ml( cup) corn syrup
1 tsp ground galangal or 3 cm-piece galangal or ginger, cut into 3 slices

Cook's notes
Oven temperatures are for conventional; if using fan-forced (convection), reduce the temperature
by 20C. | We use Australian tablespoons and cups: 1 teaspoon equals 5 ml; 1 tablespoon equals
20 ml; 1 cup equals 250 ml. | All herbs are fresh (unless specified) and cups are lightly packed. |
All vegetables are medium size and peeled, unless specified. | All eggs are 55-60 g, unless
specified.
Instructions
To make sweet coconut sauce, process coconut, onion, shrimp paste, tamarind pure, 80ml water
and 1 tsp salt in a food processor to a paste. Add another 330ml water and process until smooth.
Transfer to a pan and stir in sugar, corn syrup and galangal. Bring to the boil, then reduce heat to
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medium and simmer for 12 minutes or until reduced by two-thirds. Discard galangal, then set
aside. The sauce will keep in an airtight container in the fridge for up to 1 month.
Finely chop lime flesh and rind. Place lime, coconut, peanuts, prawns, onion, ginger and chillies
in separate piles on a platter. Transfer sauce into a small bowl, add to platter with betel leaves,
then serve for everyone to make their own. To assemble, place a little of each onto centre of leaf,
wrapping tightly to enclose.
Notes
Betel leaves are from select Asian food shops.
Shrimp paste is from select supermarkets and Asian food shops. To roast, wrap in a piece of
foil and place in an oven heated to 200C for 10 minutes. Cool before using.
paan kulfi:

Firstly take fresh fresh paan immerse them in water for ten to fifteen minutes.
Now fold the paan from center and chop the stem with a knife.
Repeat the same with all other paan. Chop Or tear the pan with your hand.
Grind paan, fennel seeds, gulkhand if using Or fresh rose petals and cream. Grind until
smooth paste is formed.
Take full cream milk and cook on a wide bottomed sauce pan on low heat. Once milk

starts bubbling add sugar, crushed cardamom seed with pods.

Mix cornflour Or rice flour with water until they dissolve. Stir into the milk mixture.
Keep stirring else there might be lumps.

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Cook until milk thickens and reduces to half. Keep stirring in between. Now remove the
cardamom pods and add crushed pistachios, nutmeg powder, rose water and salt.
Combine all nicely. Switch off the gas and keep aside. Its important to allow the milk

mixture to cool down.

Finally add cream-paan mixture and mix nicely. Pour into kulfi frames Or moulds. Freeze
until firm. Serve paan kulfi chilled garnished with few desiccated coconut flakes, rose
syrup, fennel seeds and rose petals.

Beef in betel leaf

Ingredients

250g beef fillet, minced

80g
pork fat, minced
1 1/2 tablespoons roasted unsalted peanuts, chopped
1 lemongrass stem, finely chopped, white part only
3/4 teaspoon caster sugar
1 teaspoon
fish sauce
1/3 teaspoon five-spice powder
1/3 teaspoon sesame oil
18 betel leaves
6 bamboo skewers, soaked in cold water for 30 minutes
vegetable oil, for grilling

Accompaniments

300g rice vermicelli

1 butter lettuce, separated into cups
1 large handful coriander leaves
1 large handful mint leaves
1 handful thai basil leaves
1 1/2 tablespoons roasted unsalted peanuts, chopped

Shahi Rajbhog Beeda

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Ingredients

1/2 cup dates (khajur)

1/2 cup dried figs (anjeer)

1/2 tsp cardamom (elaichi) powder

1 tbsp dessicated coconut powder

1/2 tsp nutmeg (jaiphal) powder

1 tsp chopped fresh rose petals

1/4 cup milk

To Be Mixed Together For The Stuffing

1 cup roasted mixed nuts

1 tsp honey

1 tbsp gulkhand

1/2 tsp cardamom (elaichi) powder

1/2 tsp nutmeg (jaiphal) powder

1 tsp chopped fresh rose petals

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1-2 beetel leaves (paan) , finely chopped

1 tbsp dessicated coconut

Method

Wash and soak the dried figs and dates in milk for 10 minutes.

Blend in a mixer to a smooth paste and keep aside.

Heat 2 tsp ghee in a pan, add the khajur-anjeer paste and saute till it leaves the corners.

Remove from the flame and add the cardamom powder, nutmeg powder, dessicated
coconut,rose petals and mix well.

Now grease a plastic sheet with ghee.

Make a ball of khajur-anjeer mixture and roll to a roti on the grease plastic sheet of 1/4
inch thickness.

Cut this roti to 4 parts and fold to a cone.

Now fill with the dry fruit stuffing and press lightly to seal the edges well.
Repeat to make more such beedas.

Roll these beedas on khus-khus or wrap in a silver foil and serve.

Betel Leaves Fritters/Pakoda:

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Ingredients

10 chopped beetel leaves (paan)

1/2 cup besan (bengal gram flour)

1 tsp rice flour (chawal ka atta)

1/2 tsp turmeric powder (haldi)

2 tsp chilli powder

salt to taste,oil to fry

Method

Cut the betel leaves into medium pieces.

In a bowl, add all pakoda ingredients.

Mix the batter using water.

Drop the pakodas in oil and deep fry.

Drain on paper towel. and Serve.

Paan Shot
Ingredients

4 calcutta beetel leaves (paan) , torn into small pieces

4 tbsp gulkand

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2 1/2 tbsp beetel leaves (paan) masala

1 tsp fennel seeds (saunf)

2 1/2 cups vanilla ice-cream

10 ice cubes

Method

Combine all the ingredients in a mixer and blend till smooth.

Refrigerate for at least 1 hour.

Pour equal quantities into 12 shot glasses and serve chilled.

Ajwain Paan
Ingredients

4 beetel leaves (paan)

1 tsp carom seeds (ajwain)

slaked lime used for beetel leaves

Method

Clean the beetel leaves.

Keep the ajwain on the leaves after

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Brushing the leaves with scented lime.

Fold the leaves neatly in a paan.

CHAPTER-7
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MARKETING OF PAAN

MARKETING OF PAAN
Marketing of betel leaf
Marketing is an essential part of production process. Any production does not
become economic until it reaches to the consumers and the producers get their share out of
consumers rupee worth the utility of his product. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to
analyse the existing marketing system of betel vine product, producers share in consumers
rupee and marketing margins of various agencies involved in different marketing channels, price
spread, marketing costs, margins of different intermediaries, etc. The analy
sis is based on the information collected from the sampled respondents.
Marketing Costs and Margins

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Marketing costs and margins the most important aspects in production of cash crop, which are
mainly produced for the market. The study of price spread in marketing of cash crops is
important for various reasons. In order to produce more; farmers are required to invest more on
inputs, which largely depend on the gain to the farming community. The main reason for
comparatively lower
price obtained by the growers on the one hand and higher prices paid by the consumers, on the
other hand, are due to the existence of a large number of market intermediaries resulting into
higher amount of gross marketing margins. The gross marketing margin refers to the difference
between the price paid by the ultimate consumers and the price received by the producers. The
gross marketing margin consists of margin of various intermediaries engaged in moving the
produce from the point of production to the
ultimate consumers and also the marketing cost involved in the scrutiny, packaging, grading,
processing, transportation, spoilage, processing as practiced in few cases and other handling
activities. The term marketing margins refers to difference in price received and price paid for a
commodity at different stages of the marketing system. The high normal marketing
margin is an indicator of the efficiency of the marketing system. The large value of marketing
margins is indicative of an in efficient marketing system. On the other 51hand, if the produce
moves from the producer to the ultimate consumer at the minimum cost, the marketing system is
said to be mo
re efficient. The high normal marketing margin is an indicator of efficiency of the marketing
system. Such margin refers to the practice of enha
ncing quality of the product by suitable processing method or causing increase in demand for
their product through advertisement and demonstration. Even if the demand increases consequent
upon rise in consumers income or favourable change in consumption pattern, causing
increase in marketing margin; such increase will beconsidered as normal marketing margin.
Contrary to this, in case the intermediary tax adva
ntage of low holding capacity of poor cultivators, their ignorance, lack of appropriate processing
facility and financial assistance extended to them during pre-harvesting period, etc; causing
increase in marketing margin, such margin will be termed as abnormal or exploitative marketing
margin, which is mostly prevalent in areas of study in both the districts. As such high normal
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marketing margin reflex the efficiency of marketing system, whereas low marketing margin
speaks contrary to the above dictum. Abnormally
high marketing margin is indicator of degree of exploitation of the poor peasants by the
intermediaries. For calculation of the price spread, concurrent margin method was used for the
purpose. The marketing margin varies on the length and type of channels through which the
produce passes on its way to the final consumer. The important marketing channels were
therefore, identified and price spread has been calculated for the major identified channels of
betel vine marketing in the study area
Marketing Channels
The Important Channels of Betel vine Marketing are given below:
1. Grower/Producer Local Trader WholesalerRetailer Consumer
2. Grower/Producer Wholesaler Retailer Consumer
3. Grower/Producer Retailer Consumer
As per the information collected from the sampled growers during field survey it was
observed that in both the sampled districts, growers were found using above mentioned three
important channels through which they dispose off their produce. The proportion of the produce
marketed channel wisehas been presented in table
Disposal Pattern of Betel vine by Growers Channel wise
S.N

Village

CHANNELS

.
1
1.

Village -1

70.88

2
7.43

3
21.69

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2.

Village-2

74.28

8.09

17.63

3.

Village-3

77.39

12.48

10.13

4.

Village-4

80.47

14.03

5.50

5.

All village

76.63

10.37

13.00

Average

reveals that at overall level about 76.63 per cent of the betel vine produced (leaf) by the sampled
growers were sold to local traders through channel 1. It means channel I was identified as the most important channel through which
bulk of the produce passed. Village wise break up indicated that village IV (80.47%) made the
highest disposal through this channel followed by village III (77.39%), village II (74.28 %)
by village I (70.88%). It was observed that in sampled villages of Bhagalpur, betel vine
growers were using comparatively less of this channel than that of Vaishali sampled village
growers. It might be due to various
unexplained reasons like, distance of market, nature of and interest rates on loan
facilities provided by the intermediaries, etc. The table also reveals that the second
important channel was channel 3 as through this channel, on an average, 13.00
per cent of produce passed. The village wise analysis finds that the sampled villages of
Bhagalpur were using comparatively lessof this channel than that of Vaishali sampled village. It
may be due to various unexplained reasons like, distance of market, loan facilities provided by
the intermediaries, etc. Study area under Bhagalpur district was using more of this channel. As its
is apparent from the table,
it was about 21.69 per cent in case of village I and about 17.63 per cent in case of
village II. In Vaishali district, sampled villages were using channel 3 at low scale
in comparison to Bhagalpur district. It was only 10.13 per cent in case of village III
and 5.50 per cent in village IV. This may be dueto the fact that Bhagalpur district
sampled villages were more distant from the pan mandi and majority of growers took
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assistance in cash or kind through the local traders. They mostly sell their produce to local
traders who also act as retailers in these areas. This type of situation is not
significantly observed in the sampled villages of Vaishali district. The second channel is also an
important channel in both the sampled areas. Through this channel on an average 10.37 per cent
of the produce was sold. Across the sampled village highest share was observed in the case of
village IV (40.03%) followed by village II (12.48 %), village I (8.09 %) and village I
(7.43 %). It means Vaishali district sampled villages were usingthis channel at higher scale than
that of Bhagalpur district. The above analysis concludes that the highest disposal of
the produce through channel I might be due to various reasons but obligatory factor was the
most important for this.
Price Spread of Betel vine
In the marketing of commodities, the difference between the price paid by consumer and the
price received by the producer for an equivalent quantity of farm produce is known as price
spread. It is also termed as marketing margin. The price spread of the produce marketed through
different channels in the selected villages is presented in
Price Spread per 10,000 Leaves (50 Dholi) of B

S.N
.
1.

2.

Particular

Channel-2

Channel-

1
Local 670.99

719.59

3
640.18

Traders/Retailers purchase price

(55.09)

(59.08)

(52.56)

Marketing Costs incurred by

48.96

48.96

58.95

Growers/Local Trader/retailer

(4.02)

(4.02)

(4.84)

Price

received

by

ChannelGrowers

or

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INDIAN PAAN

a.

b.

c.

3.

Packing Charge

33.00

33.00

33.00

(2.71)

(2.71)

(2.71)

3.53

3.53

3.53

(0.29)

(0.29)

(0.29)

12.42

12.42

12.42

(1.02)

(1.02)

(1.02)

(3.99)

Local Trader Selling Price/Wholesalers

768.55

768.55

Purchase Price

(63.10)

(63.10)

Expenses Incurred by Wholesaler

100.24

100.24

(8.23)

(8.23)

13.15

13.15

(1.09)

(1.09)

Loading and Unloading Charge

Transportation Charge

Local Traders Profit Margin

4.

5.

a.

Market fee

48.61

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INDIAN PAAN

b.

c.

d.

e.

6.

Labour Charge

13.28

13.28

(1.08)

(1.08)

9.85

9.85

(163)

(163)

6.69

6.69

(1.37)

(1.37)

5.21

5.21

(2.07)

(2.07)

72.35

72.35

(5.94)

(5.94)

Wholesalers Selling Price/Retailers

41.15

41.15

Purchase Price

(77.27)

(77.27)

Expenses incurred by Retailer

24.48

24.48

144.21

(10.22)

(10.22)

(11.84)

.80

.80

(0.23)

(0.23)

Grading and Packing

Storage Charge

Spoilage Charge

Wholesalers Profit Margin

7.

8.

a.

Loading and Unloading Charge

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INDIAN PAAN

b.

c.

d.

9.

10.

Transportation Charge

.94

.94

(0.57)

(0.57)

4.43

4.43

4.43

(5.29)

(5.29)

(5.29)

38.24

38.24

66.74

(3.14)

(3.14)

(5.48)

152.37

152.37

374.66

(12.51)

(12.51)

(30.76)

Retailers Selling Price/Consumer

1218

1218

1218

Purchase Price

(100.00)

(100.00)

(100.00)

Grading and Packing Charge

Spoilage Charge

Retailers Margin Profit

eveals that price received by the growerfarmers per 10,000 of betel vine was higher in channel
II (59.08 %). It was higher than both the channels. The situation may be due to producers acted
as producersellers themselves and sold their produce in the market and received higher profit
margin. In channel 1 and channel 3 the producers share in consumers rupee was 55.09 per
cent and 52.56 per cent respectively. In these channels the producers share in consumers rupee
was also greater than 50.00, which might be due to the fact that in both channels- 1 and 3, the
produce was disposed of at the village level itself. Table further indicates that the retailers
margin of profit was higher at 30.76 per cent in case of channel III. In this channel higher
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retailers margin of profit was because retailers had directly purchased the produce from the
growers. In channel I and II, the retailers margins of profit was found to be 12.51 per cent. In
both the channels the retailers margin was less because they purchased the produce after a long
chain of price spread and thus profit margin gets lower down. It is also apparent from the table
that the price per 10,000 leaves (50 dholi) of betel vine received by the producer was Rs. 670.99
in channel- 1; Rs. 719.59 in channel 2 and Rs. 640.18 in channel 3. The marketing costs
incurred by the growers/local traders/retailers were Rs. 58.95 in channel III and Rs. 48.96 in
channel I & II. The profit margin of local trader was Rs. 48.61 in channel I. The selling price
of local traders/wholesalers was Rs. 768.55 in channelI & II respectively. The expense incurred
by wholesaler was Rs. 100.24 in both the channel I & II. The profit margin of wholesalers in
both the channels was the same atRs. 72.35. The retailers purchase price/wholesalers selling
price was Rs. 941.15 in both the identified channels. The expense incurred by retailers was Rs.
144.21 in case of channel III and Rs. 124.48 in channel I & II. The retailers profit margin were
found higher in channel III i.e., Rs. 374.66 whereas in channel II & I; it was observed only at
Rs. 152.37 only. The producers share in consumer rupeewas found minimum in channel II
where only 40.92 per cent of the consumer rupees distributed among various intermediaries of
market which is less than that of channel I & III. One thing is worth noting here that in channel
III, the retailers profit margin was found higher than channel I & II. It is due to the fact that
retailers in this channel purchase produce directly from the producers. Therefore, themargin of
profit was not distributed to other intermediaries involved in the process of marketing.
Marketing Cost
During the marketing, market functionaries move the commodities from the producer
to consumer and every function involves cost. The estimated cost of marketing has
been worked out and presented
Marketing Cost on Various Marketing Functions in Marketing of per 10,000 (50 dholi)
Betel leaves in as per marketing Channels.

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S.N.
1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Particular
Transportation Cost

Grading and Packing Charge

Labour Cost

Market Fee

Storage Charge

Spoilage Charge

Loading and Unloading Charge

Total Cost of Marketing

Channel-1
9.36

Channel-2
9.36

Channel-3
2.42

(8.43)

(8.43)

(6.89)

97.43

97.43

97.43

(42.42)

(42.42)

(54.09)

13.15

13.15

(5.72)

(5.72)

3.28

3.28

(5.78)

(5.78)

6.69

6.69

(7.26)

(7.26)

3.45

3.45

66.74

(27.69)

(27.69)

(37.06)

6.33

6.33

3.53

(2.77)

(2.77)

(1.96)

29.69

29.69

180.17

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(100.00)

(100.00)

(100.00)

indicated that in channel I & II total marketing cost, cost on transportation, grading and
packing and labour charge estimated to Rs. 229.69, Rs. 19.36, Rs. 97.43, Rs.13.15, Rs. 13.28,
Rs. 16.69, Rs. 63.45 and Rs. 6.33 respectively. The same cost incurred in both the channels may
be due to the marketing procedures being the same. The table further showed that total marketing
cost in channel I & II was higher (Rs. 229.69) than total marketing cost incurred in channel II
(Rs. 180.12). The variation in marketing cost may be due to involvement of intermediaries and
product sent to other places through transport as compared to channel III in which there was no
involvement of intermediaries. It may also be observed from the table that out of thetotal
marketing cost in channel I & II, transportation cost constituted 8.43 per cent and 6.89 per cent
in channel III. The cost on grading and packing was 42.42 per cent in channel I & II and 54.09
per cent in channel III. The cost on grading and packing was very high, because it is perishable
in nature, charges on grading and packing was found comparatively higher in channel III
because retailers involved in this channel took more time to dispose off their produce. The cost
incurred on labour was 5.72 per cent in channel I & II. However, there was no such cost incurred
in channel III. Market fee was found to be 5.78 per cent in channel I & II. However, there
was no such cost incurred in channel III because retailers in channel III purchased the
produce directly from the growers at village level and the quantity of products purchased by
them was very low and sold in local market, where no marketing fee was involved. Storage
charge was found to be 7.26 per cent in channel I & II. However, there was no such cost incurred
in channel III because retailers in channel III purchased and sold everyday in the market.
There was no need for storage. Charge due to spoilage was estimated at 27.69 per cent in
channel I & II and 37.06 per cent in channel III. Charges due to spoilage was observed
comparatively high in channel III because retailers involved in this channel required more time
to dispose off their produce to the ultimate consumers.
Marketing Margins
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On the basis of data collected from the field survey, the total marketing margins and margins of
profit were worked out and presented

Estimated Marketing Margins and Margins of Intermediaries per 10,000 (50 dholi) betel
leaves through various Marketing Channels

S.N.

Particular
Local Traders Margin

1.

holesalers Margin
2.

retailers Margin
3.

Total Marketing Margin

4.

Channel-1
8.61

Channel-2

Channel-3

(17.78)

2.35

2.35

(26.47)

(29.56)

52.37

52.37

74.66

(55.75)

(70.44)

(100.00)

273.33

244.72

374.66

(100.00)

(100.00)

(100.00)

revealed that retailers margin was very high in all the identified channels and it constituted
55.75 per cent, 70.44 and 100.00 per cent of total marketing margins in channel I, II & III

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respectively. The wholesalers margin constituted only 26.47 per cent and 29.56 per cent in
channel I & II respectively. The retailers margin in all the identified channels was observed
comparatively high due to very lower disposal of the produce at the retailers level, but
wholesalers were found to dispose the produce faster even with lower rate of margin of profit
received by them.

Producers Share in Consumer Rupee

An effort has been made to analyze the producers share in consumer rupee in identified
channels. The analyzed data have been presented
Price Received by Growers, Marketing Costand Margin per 10,000 leaves of betel vine
through various Marketing Channels.

S.N.
1.

2.

3.

4.

Particular
Price Received by Growers

total Marketing Costs

Total Marketing Margins

Price Paid by Consumers

Channel-1
670.99

Channel-2
19.59

Channel-3
640.18

(55.09)

(59.08)

(52.56)

29.69

229.69

80.12

(18.86)

(18.86)

(14.79)

273.33

244.72

74.66

(26.05)

(22.06)

(32.65)

218.00

218.00

218.00

(100.00)

(100.00)

(100.00)

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INDIAN PAAN

indicated that growers share in consumers rupee was comparatively high by 59.08 per cent in
Channel II and low by 52.56 per cent in Channel III. Whereas in channel I, it was 55.09 per
cent. Thehigher percentage was in channel II because in this channel the producers sold their
produce in the market directly to the wholesaler, while in channel III & I, most of the growers
sold their produce at the village level. Thus, the analysis concludes that the marketing channel
II is more profitable for growers in comparison to other two channels III & I in the sampled
areas.
Functional Approach
In case of betel vine, it is identified that there were three district categories of buyers. There
were buyers, who purchased betel leaves for consumption, the second category of buyers were
the intermediaries, i.e., between the producer and the wholesaler, and the third category was the
wholesaler, who demanded the crop for mostly interstate trade, like Banaras, Lucknow, Kolkata,
Dhanbad, etc. The channels of direct marketing were acceptable to both the producers and the
consumers i.e., no middlemen or market functionaries were involved in between. It is true that an
efficient marketing system is of crucial importance for encouraging the growers who are
involved in betel vine production. The commercial production of betel vine calls for the
development of marketing system with efficient handling and storage. The organized market
functionaries and marketing channels are considered useful in developing a clear understanding
of the relationship between different market functionaries. It is also a fact that marketing of betel
leaves were complicated because of its deteriorating characteristics. In case of this crop, the ices
rise steeply during the period of their short supply and fall sharply during the period of excess
supply. It was observed that by and large, the markets of betel vine in Bihar had been
encompassed in a vicious circle of trading practices. The fact is that the traders control and
regulate the business of this crop. The traders were wealthy and took the growers in their grip

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and compelled to sell their produce at a price fixed by the traders, which generally used to be
much lower than the market prices, and the growers were, thus, deprived of fair return. Such u
nhealthy market practices were the root cause of poor economic condition of the be
tel vine growers. In case of price spread, it was observed that therewere wide variations of price
received by the growers and price paid by the finalconsumers. This is mainly due to the margin
enjoyed by the market functionaries, middlemen and the costs involved in secondary activities
like grading, packing, transportation, storage, handling and labour changes, market charge, etc.
Various costs involved at different levels of market functionaries and commission of the traders
had, in fact, inflated the consumers price. Thus, a major share of consumers rupee is cornered
by different market functionaries and a considerable part was found involved in the form of
various service charger and marketing costs. For reducing marketing margin by eliminating
middlemen, it could be suggested that the growers were, in general, unorganized and they
did not make any group in the form of self-help so it is desired that SHGs of betel vine growers
play a crucial role in ensuring better returns to the producer and also for protecting the interests
of the growers. In nutshell, marketing system must be improved in the sampled areas to
encourage the betel vine growers for higher production by undertaking larger areas under betel
vine crop. It was observed that by and large, the markets of betel vine in Bihar had been
encompassed in a vicious circle of trading practices. The fact is that the traders control and
regulate the business of this crop. The traders were wealthy and took the growers in their grip
and compelled to sell their produce at a price fixed by the traders, which generally used to be
much lower than the market prices, and the growers were, thus, deprived of fair return. Such u
nhealthy market practices were the root cause of poor economic condition of the be
tel vine growers. In case of price spread, it was observed that therewere wide variations of price
received by the growers and price paid by the finalconsumers. This is mainly due to the margin
enjoyed by the market functionaries, middlemen and the costs involved in secondary activities
like grading, packing, transportation, storage, handling and labour changes, market charge, etc.
Various costs involved at different levels of market functionaries and commission of the traders

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CHAPTER-8
BENEFITS OF PAAN

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Benefits Of paan
Betel Leaes of Paan Patta are eulogized by ayurveda acharyas for their immense medicinal
properties. Betel plant or piper betle is a vine which belongs to piperacea family. This vine has
heart shaped leaves and is mostly grown in South . The health benefits of betel leaves are
maked due to its usage in Quid. A quid is a small parcel in which areca nuts, laked lime, tabacco
powder etc are wrapped in betel leaf. These quids are chewed to get a high . A large population
of South East Asia consumes quids which are known to cause cancer. This may be due to
irritants which are used with betel liaves . many studies have shown that betel leaves have anti
cancer propeties.
According to principles of ayurveda these leaves are light to digest and hot inpotency . They
balance vata and kapoha, but vitiate pitta.
Chewing betel leaves has also shown to prevent oral cancer by maintaining the levels of ascorbic
acid in the saliva .Ascorbic acid is an excellent antioxidant, which helps reduce the free radicals
in the body, thus preventing cancer.The following uses of betel leaves are indicatedin ayurveda.

Helps maintain good oral hygiene

Betel leaves have various compounds which have bactericidal effects that help in destroying bad
breath causing bacteria. Also, various spices like cloves, fennel, cardamom. etc. when wrapped
in betel nut to make paan, make an excellent mouth-freshener. Spices like cloves, cinnamon,
nutmeg etc. are also known to solve many oral problems.

aphrodisiac
Betel leaf is known to have aphrodisiac properties and chewing paan right before having sex
makes the process more enjoyable. It is a common practice to offer masala paan to newlyweds.

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Treatment of warts
Betel leaves are a major component in various Ayurvedic medicines used in treating warts. These
medicines are known to not leave any scarring and remove the wart completely without
recurrence.
Digestive Health
Chewing Paan can work wonders for your digestive health. It stimulates the salivary gland to
release saliva and break down food for a smooth digestion. Betel leaves are quite effective in
relieving constipation. You can also treat gastric ulcers with Paan as the betel leaf extract is
acknowledged for gastro-protective activity.

Oral Health
Betel lead has many compounds with bactericidal effects that help in getting rid of bacteria that
cause bad breath. Spices such as cloves, fennel and cardamom when combined with paan makde
a fine mouth-freshener. Chewing paan can also prevent carcinogenesis in the oral cavity and also
lowers the risk for oral cancer by maintaining ascorbic acid levels in the saliva.
Common Ailments And Injuries
if you often struggle with cough, combine betel leaf extract with honey to relieve cough besides
getting rid of removing phlegm from the chest. Moreover, the leaf is known for having analgesic
properties that can relieve debilitating headaches .If you have a wound, chewing Paan can
accelerate the process of healing.

Aphrodisiac
Betel leaf is known to stimulate sexual desire. you can use aphrodisiac propeties of paan to make
love making more enjoyable
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CHAPTER-9
Problem Of Paan Eating

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Problem Of Paan Eating

TJihe custom of chewing betel nut or areca nut/betel leaf is an ancient one extending back in
time to at least several centuries BC. The habit probably originated in the region of the Indian
subcontinent and has spread to South-East Asian countries and later extended to some other parts
of the globe. Chroniclers recorded the widespread popularity of the custom especially in Indian
subcontinent. The habit retains its popularity or may even have increased in recent years, as
various areca nut products are available commercially now, which can be stored and carried
easily. Betel nut chewing related oral mucosal lesions are potential hazard to a large population
worldwide. It is estimated that about 600 million people worldwide currently subscribe to the
habit of chewing areca nut (Warnakulasuriya and Peters, 2002). Countries where considerable
areca nut chewing is encountered are Kampuchea, Vietnam, Thailand, Taiwan, Laos, Southern
parts of China, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Malaysia, Singapore,
Philippines, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and associated island groups. Betel quid usage may
also be encountered in Indian communities residing in some African countries such as Uganda,
South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya. Similarly, betel quid chewing habits are also found among
Indian communities in Pacific countries such as Fiji etc. Because of the variable nature of the
constituents of the quid as well as difference in the method of preparation of quid, some
terminological discrepancies are encountered in descriptions of this practice around the world.
Various terms such as 'Betel nut, Betel quid, Betel, Betel nut habit Tobacco chewing, Pan
chewing, Pan masala, Gutkha, Mawa, Tamol, Kwai etc have been used by various investigators
to describe the habit.However, areca nut is the major constituent of all these preparations. In
mostof the chewing quid, areca nut constitutes more than 60-80 % of total weight of the quid.
The habits of betel nut chewing are different in various parts of the world including different
parts of India. In Assam, one of the Northeastern states of India, raw betel nut with fibrous
pericarp of the fruit is kept for a period of about 3 to 4 months in an underground pit. After that
the fibrous pericarp is separated from the seed or endosperm, which is then used (locally known
as Tamul) along with betel leaf with or without lime and tobacco. The use of other ingredients is
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rare in this part of country. Some of the local people have as much as 30 to 40 quid per day. The
chew quid is swallowed, spat out or kept on one side of the mouth and some habitual chewers
may even sleep with quid in their mouth. In Western India, especially in Gujarat state, people use
dried betel nut with lime and tobacco, which is commonly known as Mawa. In South India, the
habit of using raw betel nut with betel leaf with or without tobacco and lime is prevalent.
However in North India, and most of the other parts of the India, use of pan is encountered,
which contains betel leaf, lime, catechu, areca nut with or without tobacco and certain other
ingredients. In Meghalaya, India, people chew Kwai, which contains raw areca nut, lime with
or without tobacco and some people use a piece ofginger also with it. Mixture of pieces of areca
nut with small amount of tobacco flakes and a few drops slaked lime is used in Maharashtra,
locally known as Karra. Pindborg et al. (1967), surveyed several countries and found no less
than 30 different ways of chewing tobacco and/or betel nut. A new habit of chewing pan masala
with tobacco (locally known as gutkha) or without tobacco (pan masala sada or plain) is gaining
popularity in Indian subcontinent as an alternative to habit of tobacco chewing. It is particularly
evident in youth population and may be practiced even by thosewho generally refrain from
smoking and tobacco chewing. Pan masala consists of areca nut (Areca catechu), catechu
(Acacia catechu), lime, cardamom (Elettaria cardamomum), and unspecified flavoring agents.
Chemical analysis of different types of pan masala (plain as well as with tobacco) showed the
presence of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, nitrosamines, toxic metals and residual pesticides
(NIOH, 1989). Some of them are potentially cytotoxic and genotoxic and may play a role in
causation of oral as well as certain other systemic diseases. More than 200 brands of
pan masala products are available in India. Pan masala gutkha has been targeted towards youth
and has become extremely popular. An evolving epidemic of oral submucous fibrosis attributed
to gutkha use has been documented among youth, with a resultant increase in oral cancer in
lower age groups (Gupta and Ray, 2002).
Haemodynamic effects of pan masala in healthy volunteers have been studied by Sharma et al.
(2000). They concluded that pan masala without tobacco intake causes acute increase in pulse
and blood pressure after 10 minutes of consumption. The prime suspect for betel nut
carcinogenesis is alkaloids, a group of reduced pyridine compounds producing various adducts

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including cysteine 0- alkylation products (Sharan, 1996). Arecoline (1,2,4,5- tetrahydro-1methyl-pyridine carboxylic acid) is one of the most abundant alkaloid of betel nut, but other
alkaloids such as arecaidine (1,2,5,6 tetrahydro-1-methyl-3-pyridine carboxylic adid),
guavacoline (methyl ester of guavacine), arecolidine are also present in small or trace amounts
(Sharan, 1996). He also mentioned that arecaidine is reported to be more toxic than arecoline but
both have similar pharmacokinetic behaviour. Further, the chewing of betel quid with tobacco
leads not only to the formation of TSNA (tobacco specific N- nitrosamines) but also to the
formation

of

arecolinederived

nitrosamines,

namely,

N-nitrosoguavacine

and

N-

nitrosoguavacoline, and the highly carcinogenic 3-(methylnitrosoamino) propionitrile (Nair et al.

1986; Prokopezyk et al. 1987). Very recently Kumpawat et al. (2003) observed that aqueous
extract of raw betel nut has genotoxic properties, which is further enhanced by depletion of
endogenous glutathione level. Further, this study indicates that the generation of ROS by
arecoline could partially contribute to the induction of chromosomal aberrations (CAs), since the
frequency of arecoline induced CAs was reduced either by post treatment with super-oxide
dismutase or in anoxic conditions. The areca alkaloids act as competitive inhibitors of GABA
(gamma- amino butyric acid) receptors and have widespread effects in the body, including
actions on the brain, cardiovascular system, lungs, gut and pancreas. Nitrosated derivatives of
areca alkaloids induce tumors throughout the upper gut and fore gut in animals and are also
associated with increased risk of tumors in man. (Boucher and Mannan, 2002). The effects of
chronic betel nut usage in man are at least as diverse as those of smoking. The diseases caused by
areca nut with or without tobacco chewing place an extra burden on developing countries
especially of South-east Asian region already beset by malnutrition and communicable diseases.
Tobacco has been chewed for centuries and possibly used for millennia. At first only the native
populations of America chewed it, subsequently, tobacco was brought to Europe in the middle of
the sixteenth century, smoking/chewing became widespread throughout the world. Following the
introduction of tobacco into India by the Portuguese in late sixteenth century, its use spread
rapidly to all parts of the country, percolating into all sections of the society. Betel quid and areca
nut chewing are widely practiced in various communities in the world, with hundreds of millions
of users worldwide. Betel quid is chewed for many reasons, such as its stimulant effects, to
satisfy hunger, to sweeten the breath, and as a social and cultural practice (WHO, 2003). What is
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incontrovertible is that once smokers/chewers have become accustomed to its effects, prolonged
abstention is distressing, and the feeling of distress can be relieved by further use (IARC, 1986).
It has
been estimated that among men, 19-40% of all deaths and among women, at least 4% of all
deaths are caused by tobacco in India (Ray et al. 2003). Tobacco is perhaps the most important
carcinogen known to mankind. Tobacco smoking and chewing habits have been casually linked
to chronic disability and death from a wide range of neoplastic, cardiovascular and respiratory
disease (Doll, 1986). Peterson (2003) reported that in addition to several other chronic diseases,
tobacco use is a primary cause of many oral diseases and adverse oral conditions such as oral
cancer, periodontal disease and congenital defects in children whose mothers smoke during
pregnancy. He also mentioned that the epidemic of tobacco use is one of the greatest threats to
the global health and approximately one-third of the adult population in the world use tobacco in
some forms and of whom half will die prematurely. According to the most recent estimate by the
WHO, 4.9 million people worldwide died in 2000 as a result of their addiction to nicotine
(WHO, World Health Report, 2002). The pattern of tobacco usage in western countries like
United States, Sweden and third world countries like India, Pakistan has changed dramatically in
the past two decades. While the numbers of cigarette smokers have declined, smokeless tobacco
use chewing tobacco) has increased, particularly among male adolescents (Hsu et al. 1980). Rani
et al. (2003) conducted a cross sectional, nationally representative population based household
survey in India and reported that about 16% of the study population smoked tobacco; 20%
chewed tobacco/pan masala; 30% (46.5 % men and 13.8% women) was involved in either
smoking or chewing tobacco. These figures translate to 194 million people aged 15 years and
above (150 million men and 44 million women) in India who may be using tobacco in some
form. The rapid increase in the use of smokeless tobacco is due to the popularity of commercially
available products, as well as availability in polythene pouches suitable to store and carry in
pockets and also social acceptance of the products (IARC, 1985, 1986). Also, it is a popular myth
that the products without tobacco such as plain pan masala are a safe alternative to betel quid
with tobacco. The evidence shows that use of these products cannot be considered safe since
these products contain various ingredients reported to have toxic effects. Several states in India
have begun to regulate these products, and reductions in oral disease and oral cancer can
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bexpected to follow from reduction in their use (WHO, 2003). In comparison to smoking habits,
the patterns of use of smokeless tobacco are less documented, particularly in developing
countries (Gupta and Wamakulasurya, 2002; Mackay and Erikson, 2002). It is firmly established
that tobacco use is a prime cause of many oral diseases and adverse oral conditions (Johnson and
Bain, 2000; Reibel, 2003). Further Chang et al. (2001) suggested that the compounds of tobacco
products might act synergistically in the pathogenesis of oral mucosal lesions in the areca quid
chewers. In addition to local effects, areca is also known to exert certain systemic effects. Betel
nut chewing has been claimed to produce a sense of well-being, euphoria, heightened alertness,
sweating, salivation, a hot sensation in the body and increased capacity to work. Betel nut
chewing also leads to habituation, addiction and withdrawal. However, the mechanisms
underlying these effects remain poorly understood. Arecoline, the major alkaloid of areca nut,
has been extensively studied, and several effects of betel nut chewing are thought to be related to
this component of quid. Both sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems appear affected,
with modulation of both cholinergic and monoamine transmission. However, betel chewing may
produce complex reactions and interactions, in the presence of lime, arecoline and guavacoline
of areca nut are hydrolyzed into arecaidine and guavacine, respectively, which are strong
inhibitors of GABA uptake. Piper betel flower or leaf contains aromatic phenolic compounds,
which have been found to stimulate the release of catecholamines in vitro. Thus, betel chewing
may affect parasympathetic, GABAnergic and sympathetic functions. Betel chewing produces an
increase in heart rate, blood pressure, sweating and body temperature. It also increases plasma
concentrations of norepinephrine and epinephrine. These results suggest that betel chewing
affects both central and autonomic nervous systems (Chu, 2001). Knowledge on the relationship
between betel nut usage and variety of oral pathosis are based primarily on epidemiological
studies. It can be theoretically hypothesized that chewing of areca nut might produce adverse
effects on both soft and hard tissues of oral cavity. Further, it is also possible that these chewing
habits may also affect other organs system as some of the chewers swallowed the chewed
material and absorption of chemical constituents from the quid may occur through the oral
mucosa. However, it is difficult to pinpoint adverse effects based on individual components of
quid as most of the chewers used quid containing several ingredients. An attempt has been made
to review all the available information on the subject relevant to this thesis. The present review is
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divided in to two different parts on the basis of effects of quid on hard and soft tissues and also
includes data available on genotoxic potential as well as role of certain metals especially copper
in oral diseases like oral submucous fibrosis.

Chewing habits and hard tissues

Areca nut, which is one of the hardest nuts, might affect dentine structure and function due to
excessive load of mastication on the teeth. However, data pertaining to role of areca nut on hard
tissues in the form of dental caries, attrition and sensitivity are not available or very scanty. Some
contradictory reports are available on role of areca nut chewing on dental caries. Some of the
studies suggested that areca nut chewing might confer protection against dental caries.
Epidemiological studies carried out in South East Asia suggest that the prevalence of dental
caries in areca chewers is lower than non-chewers. (Shourie, 1948; Chandra and Desai, 1970;
Nigam and Srivastava, 1990). However, some studies have shown that there is no difference in
the prevalence of dental caries between areca chewers and non- chewers (Reichart and Gehring,
1984; Williams et al. 1996). There are reports that constituents of smokeless tobacco might
predispose or act as etiological factors in the development of dental caries (Tomar and Winn,
1999). It is also known that various forms of smokeless tobacco contain fluoride, which could
well offer some protection against caries (Going et al. 1980), both directly to the teeth and also
via the dental plaque. While some products contain caries-promoting fermentable carbohydrates
(Hsu et al.1980), others use non-fermentable artificial sweeteners, which would not increase the
plaques potential to produce caries-inducing acids. The differences in the constituents of
commercially available smokeless tobacco products might be responsible for the inconsistent
results obtained by various investigators (Going et al. 1980; Hsu et al. 1980; WHO, 1988).
Habitual chewing of areca nut may result in severe wear of incisal and occlusal tooth surfaces,
particularly the enamel. This loss of enamel may expose the underlying dentin to the chewing
material, which being softer wears at an accelerated rate. Since the dentin also contains dentinal
tubules its exposure will lead to increased sensitivity perceived by the subject to hot and cold.
Thus it is hypothesized that hardness of areca nut and coarse tobacco in the chewing products
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might have role in the causation of attrition as well as sensitivity towards hot and cold food
stuffs and beverages. The degree of attrition might depend upon various factors like consistency
of areca nut, frequency and duration of the habit as well as other dietary and natural factors such
as ageing and structure of teeth etc. Very recently Yin et al. (2003) conducted a clinical study on
the relationship between tooth abrasion and the habits of betel nut chewing. They reported that
occlusal surfaces of all patients had abrasion from mild to severe. The longer the chewing time,
the more severe the occlusal abrasion. The occlusal abrasion became more severe with the
increase in chewing frequency. Root fractures have also been demonstrated in chronic areca
chewers and this is likely to be a consequence of increased masticatory stresses placed on teeth
and as such is not a direct effect of areca nut suggested by Yeh (1997). It has been reported that
excessive tooth surface wear may occur at the site of tobacco use (WHO, 1988). However, such
evidence as exists is related mainly to tobacco chewers rather than areca nut chewers, and
surface wear is probably the result of the mechanical abrasion caused by the chewing action.
However, practically mechanical abrasion is more while chewing of areca nut compared to
tobacco chewing.
Effects on Periodontal Tissues
Less attention has been paid regarding association of smokeless tobacco, chewing habits and the
health of gingival and periodontal tissues. Further, it is also difficult to correlate the lesions of
periodontal tissues with the individual component of quid because of variation in study design
and diagnostic criteria used by various workers. Thus the effects of chewing habit in relation to
periodontium are not yet clearly established (WHO, 1988). However, Jeng et al. (1999)
conducted an in vitro study reported that arecoline and areca nut extract suppressed the growth of
cultured gingival keratinocytes. Earlier, Chang et al. (1998) had demonstrated that areca nut
extracts that contain arecoline inhibit growth, attachment and protein synthesis in cultured
human periodontal fibroblasts respectively. They suggested that areca nut might be cytotoxic to
periodontal fibroblasts and thus exacerbate preexisting periodontal diseases as well as impair
periodontal reattachment. Loss of periodontal attachment and calculus formation has been found
to be greater in areca nut chewers as reported by Anerud et al. (1991). But it is difficult to
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interpret such studies, as there are several confounding variables such as dietary factors, oral
hygiene status, smoking etc. that might have a significant influence on periodontal status. The
first study demonstrating a detrimental influence of betel chewing on the periodontal tissues was
carried out by Mehta et al. (1955). They found a higher prevalence of periodontal disease among
betel chewers than nonchewers. Gupta (1964), who examined 1673 persons in Trivendrum,
Kerala, in South India found that the mean periodontal index (PI) for those who chewed betel nut
was consistently greater than for those who did not chew, suggesting role of chewing in
periodontal health. Waerhaug (1967) carried out a comprehensive survey among 8217 persons
aged 13-60 years in Sri Lanka; about thirty percent of them had the habit of betel chewing. It was
found that betel nut chewers over the age of 20 years had a very high PI indicating greater
periodontal breakdown among chewers than non-chewers, even when subgroups of equivalent
oral hygiene were compared. However, gingival recession at the site of placement is common
among teenagers of smokeless tobacco users (WHO, 1988). In addition, 77- 87% of those who
have gingival recession also have evidence of related oral mucosal pathology (WHO, 1988).
Such soft-tissue changes are also found at the site of placement (Greer and Poison, 1983). It is
therefore difficult to ascertain the effects of areca nut and tobacco chewing on periodontal health
but recent in vitro studies of Chang et al. (1998) and Jeng et al. (1999) point towards the adverse
effects of areca nut on the gingiva and periodontium. Dentin hypersensitivity is a common
painful condition of the teeth for which little is known of the etiology and predisposing factors.
Erosive agents are probably responsible for initiating sensitivity by opening dentinal tubules.
Addy and West (1994) mentioned that abrasive and erosive factors, by their effects on enamel
and gingival, are important in localizing sites of exposed dentine. They further emphasized that
there is a need for further research into understanding the condition itself and its etiology.
Collaret and Fischer (1991) suggested that dentin hypersensitivity is probably caused by a
change in fluid flow in the dentinal tubules, which in turn excites the nerve endings located at
the pulp-dentin border. Al-Wahadni and Linden (2002) reported that dentin hypersensitivity is
associated with gingival recession. Further, they also mentioned that infrequent tooth brushing
and smoking were also factors" associated with dentin hypersensitivity. Very little is known
about relation between smokeless tobacco and areca nut chewing and dentin sensitivity.

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Oral leukoplakia
Oral leukoplakia has been widely regarded as a pre-cancerous lesion and term literally means a
white patch (Gr. Leucos = white; plakia = patch). Leukoplakia is defined as A raised white patch
of the oral mucosa measuring 5 mm or more which can not be scrapped off and which cannot be
attributed clinically or pathologically to any other diagnosable disease (WHO, 1978).
Oral leukoplakia and other oral lesions were reported at the habitual sites of placement of betel
quid and smokeless tobacco, including the buccal mucosa and groove, labial mucosa and groove,
gingivae, anterior two-thirds of the tongue and floor of the mouth (Mehta et al. 1969). Various
studies have been conducted to establish the relationship between these products and oral
leukoplakia (Mehta et al. 1971, 1972; Pindborg et al. 1967; Wahi ef al. 1970; Gupta, 1984).
However, data on oral leukoplakia with respect to different components of chewing material are
scanty except the close association between tobacco chewing and oral leukoplakia. Higher
prevalence of leukoplakia was found in two studies in subjects who included tobacco in the betel
quid (Mehta et al. 1969; Wahi et al. 1970). However, owing to the varieties of habits prevalent in
different parts of the world, it is often difficult to find sufficiently large number of subjects with
the single habit. Mehta et al.
(1969, 1972) carried out house-to-house survey in various villages in India. Leukoplakia was
usually associated with higher prevalence of chewing of betel quid with tobacco than chewing of
betel quid alone or than no chewing habit. Earlier Wahi et al. (1970) also showed that habit of
chewing was associated with higher prevalence of leukoplakia than no chewing habit. No
distinction was made between those chewing betel nut alone and those chewing betel nut with
tobacco. Gupta et al. (1980) carried out a 10-year follow-up survey of oral lesions in Ernakulam
(Kerala), Bhavnagar (Gujarat), and Srikakulam (Andhra Pradesh), in India. The highest
incidence was observed in Ernakulam in men who chewed betel quid with tobacco and smoked
(6 per 1000), and no new cases were found among those who did not chew or smoked. They
further reported that the annual rates of malignant transformation of leukoplakia were 3.9 per
1000 men per year and 6.01 per 1000 women per year. Gupta (1984) reported a positive dosePage | 205

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response relationship between tobacco habit and the prevalence of leukoplakia. Mehta et al.
(1969) conducted cross-sectional surveys of more than 50,000 individuals in five districts of
India and found that the prevalence of oral leukoplakia ranged from 0.4% to 1.8% among users
of smokeless tobacco as compared with almost zero prevalence of leukoplakia in non users. The
results of available studies support the hypothesis that smokeless tobacco use plays a significant
role in the development and malignant transformation of oral leukoplakia, as also documented in
earlier studies (Mehta et al. 1971; IARC, 1985; NIH, 1986). Earlier, the relationship between
prevalence of oral leukoplakia and type of smokeless tobacco chewed was studied by Wahi et al.
(1970). It was found that prevalence of leukoplakia correlated well with tobacco chewing but
varied with the type of tobacco chewing. Daily chewers were 60 times more at risk of developing
oral leukoplakia as compared to non-chewers. Several other risk factors found in the study were
increased frequency of chewing, early initiation of the habit and duration of the exposure to quid.
The most convincing evidence for the etiological role of tobacco came from intervention studies
which demonstrated that leukoplakia regressed significantly more often when tobacco habits
were discontinued or reduced compared to when the habits remained unchanged (Mehta et al.
1982). This evidence is supported by other studies also (Mancini et al. 1965; Hirayama,1966,
Martin et al. 1999). Further, a significant fall in the incidence rates of leukoplakia in the
intervention cohort was also reported where special health education regarding the ill effects of
tobacco usage was provided, compared to the incidence in the control (Gupta et al. 1986). Kresty
et al. (1996) reported an association between oral leukoplakia and two metabolites of the
tobacco - specific nitrosoamine i.e. 4-(methylnitrosamino)-1-(3-pyridyl)-1- utanone (NNK).
These two metabolites are 4-(methylnitrosamino)-1-(3- pyridyl)-1-butanol (NNAL) and [4(methylnitrosamino)-1-(3~pyridyl) butyl]-beta- O-D-glucosiduronic acid (NNAL-Gluc). A
significant association was found between the presence of leukoplakia and increasing levels of
these metabolites. This study demonstrates chemical support for the role of smokeless tobacco as
a cause of oral leukoplakia. Warnakulasuriya (1995) reviewed four case-control studies that
examined relative risk of oral leukoplakia in betel quid chewers. In one of the studies, chewing
areca (in betel quid without tobacco) raised the odds ratio (OR) to 5 compared with non-chewers
(OR= 1); adding tobacco to the quid further raised the relative risk by at least threefold compared
with non-tobacco users. More recently, the results of a case-control study conducted in Taiwan,
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where areca is chewed without tobacco, found the odds ratio for developing leukoplakia was
17.43 (95% Cl 1.94-156.27) for areca nut chewers. Furthermore, the authors also demonstrated
that the cessation of arecachewing resulted in resolution of 62% of leukoplakias, suggesting that
areca nut alone also has a significant etiological role in the development ofleukoplakia.
Oral Submucous Fibrosis
The ancient Indian Medical literature (Sushruta) described a condition VIDARI under mouth
and throat diseases, in which progressive narrowing of mouth, depigmentation of oral mucosa
and pain on taking food occurs (Mukherjee and Biswas, 1972). These are typical clinical features
of oral submucous fibrosis (OSMF), the term coined by Joshi (1952). OSMF is an insidious
chronic disease affecting any part of the oral cavity and sometimes the pharynx. Although
occasionally preceded by and/or associated with vesicle formation, it is always associated with a
juxta-epithelial inflammatory reaction followed by a fibro-elastic change in the lamina propria,
with epithelial atrophy leading to stiffness of oral mucosa and causing trismus and inability to eat
(Hayes, 1985). The disease is characterized by burning sensation in mouth especially on eating
spicy food. Vesicle formation, ulceration, excessive salivation and xerostomia may accompany
the disease. The mucosa eventually becomes stiff, blanched and opaque and fibrotic bands
appear usually involving buccal mucosa, soft palate, lips and tongue. OSMF is a chronic fibrotic
disease of the oral cavity and oropharynx. It is predominantly seen in people in South Asian
countries such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, or in South Asian
immigrants to other parts of the world. It also occurs in people from Taiwan, China, Nepal,
Thailand and Vietnam. It is extremely rare in white populations (Avon, 2004). This condition
affects approximately 0.5% (5 million people) of the population in the Indian subcontinent and,
following migration from this region, is now a health care problem in many parts of the world as
reported by Canniff et al. (1986). Three cases of oral submucous fibrosis among Chinese were
also reported and were called as 'Idiopathic scleroderma of the mouth by Su (1954). He
mentioned that oral mucosa appeared dry, pale, atrophic and with marked trismus and suggested
that it was due to high tannic acid content of betel nut, slaked lime and arecoline (areca nut
alkaloid). Lee and Chin (1970) observed the effects of betel nut chewing on the buccal mucosa of
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296 Indians and Malays in West Malaysia. They found varying degrees of epithelial atrophy,
reduction of rete pegs, subepithelial inflammatory edema and fibrosis. A close association
between OSMF and habituation to pan supari chewing was also reported by Dockrat and Shear
(1970). Smith et al.
(1975) found 0.49% prevalence of oral submucous fibrosis among the industrial workers in
Gujarat, India. They observed that oral submucous fibrosis is more commonly associated with
chewing of plain supari, or with combination of pan with chuna (slaked lime), kattha (paste of
catechu), supari (betel nut) and tobacco than with other combinations. They also found
association of oral submucous fibrosis with chilli intake.
Shiau and Kwan (1979) studied thirty-five Taiwanese patients with oral submucous fibrosis in
the age range of 30-50 years and observed that most commonly, fibrotic changes were seen in
buccal mucosa and palatal mucosa. The habits of areca nut chewing, tobacco chewing and
consumption of hot spicy food were correlated with the occurrence of this disease. Among 60%
of them were areca nut chewers and 51.4% smokers. The distribution of the mucosal
involvement showed buccal mucosa as the site of maximum involvement (37.1 %) followed by
palate (29%), tongue (11.4%), floor of mouth (11.4%), gingiva (8.6%) and lip (2.9%), and 50%
of the patients complained of having difficulty in opening of the mouth which varied from 10 to
30 mm. Gupta et al (1980) demonstrated that the incidence of submucous fibrosis was nil among
people with no chewing habit, whereas the incidence rate among the people who chewed areca
nut along with or as an ingredient of pan was 35 per 1,00,000 people per year. Canniff et al.
(1986) also analyzed forty-four patients with oral submucous fibrosis. All were areca nut
chewers, of which some of them chewed along with additives as pan supari. Out of these, 68%
were heavy chewers while 37% were moderate chewers. Among them 86% reported a burning
sensation with hot or spicy food while 84% complained of limited mouth opening. Acute
ulcerations and dry mouth was observed in six of these patients. Bhonsle et al. (1987) studied
oral submucous fibrosis in two districts of India. They observed a variation in the pattern of
occurrence of OSMF. In Pune, Maharastra (India) OSMF affected more on the soft palate, uvula
and retromolar region in contrast to patients in Ernakulam, Kerala (India) where the tongue, floor
of the mouth and hard palate were more often involved. In addition, they observed that

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associated leukoplakia, oral cancer and petechiae were seen in these groups of patients. The age
of patients differed between these two places, Pune patients being younger than the other group.
However both groups had pernicious habit of chewing tobacco. The patients of Ernakulam would
spit out the juice macerated quid after chewing while the other group chewed for more time
before swallowing the whole mixture. This could be the reason for the difference in sites of
occurrence. A study was carried out among areca nut chewers in Taiwan. It was found that betel
quid chewing is the main cause of OSMF and oral cancer. Lu et al. (1993) surveyed 2,442 junior
high school students in Changhua country, Taiwan for the habit of areca nut chewing.
Significantly more male students chewed areca nut than female students i.e. 9.2% versus 0.9%.
Babu et al. (1996) reported that habitual chewing of pan masala or gutkha is associated with
earlier presentation of OSMF than betel quid use. Factors which may be responsible for these
differences, are the tobacco content, the absence of betel leaf and its carotenes and the much
higher dry weight of pan masala or gutkha as compared to betel quid i.e. pan. Gupta et al. (1997)
selected a cohort of 12,212 villagers on the basis of their reported tobacco use in Ernakulam
district of Kerala state. They followed annually over
a period of 10 years for education on tobacco habits and the development of oral precancerous
changes in house-to-house surveys. Analysis of incidence rates revealed that some lesions were
almost solely associated with smoking habits, whereas oral submucous fibrosis and oral lichen
planus-like lesion were solely associated with betel-quid chewing habits. Oral lichen planus and
leukoplakia were associated with smoking as well as betel quid chewing habits. Gupta et al.
(1998) undertook a study to determine whether there was an increase in the incidence of OSMF
in the Bhavnagar district in Gujarat,India. The reported prevalence of OSMF in Bhavnagar
district during 1967 was 0.16%. Among 5018 men who reported the use of tobacco or areca nut,
164 were diagnosed as suffering from OSMF. Areca nut was used mostly in the form of mawa, a
mixture of tobacco, lime and areca nut and 10.9% of mawa users had SMF. The disease as well
as areca nut use was about 85% among lower (< 35 year) age group and concluded an increase in
the prevalence of OSMF, especially in the lower age groups, directly attributable to the use of
areca nut products. Experimental evidence for the etiological role of the betel nut (areca catechu)
in oral submucous fibrosis came from in vitro studies in which it was shown that ethanolic
extracts of the nut stimulated collagen synthesis in human fibroblast (Caniff and Harvey, 1981).
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Meghji and colleagues (1982) investigated the effects of areca nut on the inhibition of
collagenase and thereby aid in the deposition of excess collagen. They observed that areca nut
extracts, purified tannins and catechin (the dipheno! tannin precursor), all inhibited collagen lysis
by both bacterial and mammalian collagenases in a dose-dependant manner. They concluded that
tannin from the chewed areca nuts might enhance the development of fibrosis in oral submucous
fibrosis by reducing the susceptibility to collagen degradation by collagenase. Harvey and
associates (1986) suggested that the unnatural accumulation of collagen in the tissue of oral
submucous fibrosis patient is due to fibroblast proliferation and stimulation of collagen synthesis
by the alkaloids in the areca nut, as well as an inhibition of collagen degradation by the tannins
and flavanoids which are also contained in the nuts. They further suggested that the fibroblast
proliferation could also be aided by the juxta-epithelial inflammatory infiltrate of mononuclear
leucocytes. Scutt and his colleagues (1983) studied the in vitro effects of areca nut alkaloids and
GABA on fibroblasts and found that, the two compounds may alter collagen synthesis via a
common pathway. Hydrolysis of arecoline to arecaidine appears to be the prerequisite for the
stimulation of collagen synthesis by arecoline in fibroblasts. Recent evidence suggests
upregulation of the copper dependant extracellular enzyme lysyl oxidase by fibroblasts in OSMF
is important, leading to excessive cross-linking and accumulation of collagen (Ma et ai.
1995). Trivedi et al. (1997) examined the dry weight of copper in eight arecanut products and the
soluble copper in these samples products after extraction with water. The mean dry weight of
copper was 302 92 nmol/g (range 205-535 nmol/g), much higher than reported in other types
of nuts commonly consumed as snacks in Britain. They suggested that there is an upregulation of
the copper dependant extracellular enzyme lysyl oxidase which stimulates fibroblasts in oral
submucous fibrosis, leading to excessive cross-linkage and accumulation of collagen. Anuradha
and Devi (1995) observed that the patients with oral submucous fibrosis have low to normal
serum concentration of copper and only 0.05% of areca-nut chewers in the Indian subcontinent
develop OSMF without any evidence of liver cirrhosis. The most serious aspect of OSMF is its
high potential for development of cancer; the relative risk being 400 times (Gupta, 1999). Murti
et al. (1985) assessed the malignant transformation rate in 66 patients with oral submucous
fibrosis at the end of 17 years of observation with the corresponding median observation period
of 10 years. Oral cancer developed in 5 patients, giving a malignant transformation rate of 7.6%.
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All 5 patients in whom cancer developed were women who had the habit of chewing tobacco and
areca nut with betel leaves and lime. Oral cancer developed 3-16 years after the diagnosis of oral
submucous fibrosis. Thus, the data available suggests that OSMF is a precancerous lesion. The
possible precancerous nature of OSMF was first described by Paymaster (1956) who observed
occurrence of squamous cell carcinoma in one-third of patients with OSMF. Subsequent studies
reported that the incidence of carcinoma varies in OSMF from 2 to 30% (McGurk and Craig,
1984). Awang (1986) investigated the pharmacology of betel nut (areca catechu) in relation to
oral submucous fibrosis. They found that boiling the nut, commonly used for softening before
chewing removed the majority of alkaloids. The variations in nut alkaloids and tannin content
were probably due to plant variability and different procedures for the preparation of the areca
nut for consumption. These variations in the pharmacologically active constituents of the betel
nut may contribute to theregional difference in the incidence of the disease. Thus, it has been
established that betel nuts (with or without paste of crude slaked lime and spices and/or tobacco)
might play a role in the initiation and pathogenesis of oral submucous fibrosis. However, only a
fraction of the betel nut chewers develop OSMF suggesting genetic susceptibility or lack of
antifibrotic activity in OSMF cases. Canniff et al. (1985) demonstrated a genetic predisposition
to the disease, involving raised frequencies of HLA antigens A10, DR3. The histopathological
and clinical features of the oral mucosa gave the suggestion of an autoimmune basis for oral
submucous fibrosis. The results supported that OSMF is a chronic autoimmune disease, initiated
by constituents of betel nut, and occurring in genetically susceptible individuals.
Oral cancer
Oral cancer is one of the common cancers in the world. Fifty eight percent of the 390,000 oral
and oro-pharyngeal cancers estimated to occur annually in the world occur in South and SouthEast Asia (WHO, 2003). In India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Srilanka it is the most common
cancer and accounts for about a third of all cancers. Recently, oropharyngeal cancer has been
reported to be fifth most common cancers of humans (Jeng et al, 2001). Experimental studies
reveal that betel nut extract might have mutagenic and genotoxic effects in addition to inducing
pre-neoplastic as well as neoplastic lesions in experimental animals with varying degree of
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confirmation. Wynder et al. (1957) conducted a study of 659 cases of lip and oropharyngeal
cancers and found that 17% of cases chewed tobacco in contrast to 8% controls, indicating a
moderate association between tobacco chewing and these cancers. Several descriptive studies
show that the frequency of chewing habits among patients with oral cancer is so high that,
despite the absence of controls, tobacco usage could be incriminated as a causative factor for oral
cancer. Paymaster (1962) reported that 81% of 4212 oral cancer patients used tobacco and of
these 36% were chewers, 23% smokers, and 22% practiced both chewing and smoking. Several
other investigators have madesimilar observations from India (Singh and Von Essen, 1966;
Srivastava and Sharma, 1968; Gandagule and Agarwal, 1969; Samuel et al. 1969) and in
Taiwan (Chang, 1964). The site of origin of oral cancer corresponding to the area of placement
of tobacco quid (Hirayama, 1966) is also strong evidence in favour of the role of betel-tobacco
chewing in oral cancer. Several investigators observed the occurrence of oral cancer at the site of
placement of quid also (Sorger and Myrden, 1960; Kraus and Perez-Mesa, 1966; Axell et a l
1978; Sundstrom et al. 1982; McGuirt, 1983). Goud et al. (1990) suggested that this occurs
almost always on the side of the mouth where tobacco quid (particularly night quid) is kept. The
dose-response relationship provides the trend of association between extent of exposure of
etiological agent and risk of oral cancer. The relative risk of oral cancer in the study by
Hirayama (1966) was 8.4 when frequency of chewing was less than 2 per day. It increased to
17.6 when frequency rose to 6 or more per day and it was 63 when quid was retained in the
mouth while asleep.
Cross-sectional studies conducted by Mehta et al. (1969 and 1972) provide the prevalence of oral
cancer among people with or without tobacco habits. In these studies in over 1,50,000
individuals, although there were a substantial number of non-habitues, 14 of 38 oral cancers
occurred in people who were solely betel-tobacco chewers, 24 among other tobacco chewers,
and none among non-chewers. In the most extensive study of its kind, Gupta et al. (1980)
followed up 30,000 individuals over a 10-year period in three areas of India. The betel-tobacco
chewing habit was common in Ernakulam, and the annual age adjusted incidence of oral cancer
was 23 per 100,000 among betel-tobacco chewers. In another study the incidence of oral cancer
among persons with smoking and pan supari chewing habit was 0.09% as against 0.02% among
non-users (Smith etal. 1975). Gupta (1982) showed from a literature review that the relative risk
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of chewing betel quid without tobacco for oral cancer was either insignificant or significantly
lower than the relative risk for betel quid with tobacco. While many studies point out that
tobacco is the principal etiological agent for oral cancer. Atkinson et al. (1964, 1982) suggested
that areca nut and lime had a definite carcinogenic effect even when chewed without tobacco;
this conclusion was based on their observations in Papua New Guinea, where oral cancer was
very common, and people chewed betel leaf, areca nut and lime without addition of tobacco.
Other investigators also made similar suggestion subsequently from Papua New Guinea
(Jamrozik, 1985; MacLennan et al. 1985). The habit of chewing betel quid with or without
tobacco has often been mentioned in the literature as betel chewing or betel nut chewing and this
has further contributed to the confusion as to whether the principal carcinogenic effect is due to
tobacco or other ingredients. It needs to be pointed out that in India most of habitual betel quid
chewers include tobacco in the quid. For example, in studies of 1,50,000 people in different areas
of India, 34,000 people were chewers and only 3% did not include tobacco in the quid (Mehta et
al. 1971,1972).
Micronucleus test as biological marker ofgenotoxic exposure: The data available suggests that
the smokeless tobacco chewing has been associated with various oral diseases including oral
cancer. Thus, there is need to assess the changes in oral cavity, which may be useful for the early
detection of oral diseases and might act as biomarkers. There are reports of smokeless tobacco
chewing association with the premalignant conditions such as oral leukoplakia, oral submucous
fibrosis or oral cancer. Some reports also implicated use of areca nut alone in these changes with
varying degrees of positivity. Keeping in view of the wide spread habits of chewing betel nut
with or without tobacco around the world, it is necessary to look into the biomarkers. Studying
the oral mucosa for any changes will be directly correlated with the chewing habits as oral
mucosa is in direct contact with the chewing material while chewing. Thus, in this study,
micronuclei in the buccalmucosa cells were observed, which could be correlated with the habits
and might serve as potential genotoxic biomarkers of the chewing material. Mutations in cells
are known to play an important role in induction of

cancer. Short-term assays like the

micronucleus test (MN), chromosome aberration (CA) and sister chromatid exchange (SCE)
analysis are sensitive and well-established cytogenetic markers of DNA damage. The
micronucleus test is an indirect and sensitive measure of chromosomal breakage or
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missegregation and has received increased attention in recent years as a sensitive biologic marker
of genotoxic exposure. The MN test permits a noninvasive assessment of human tissues as well
as an opportunity for repeated samplings, which appears to be ethically acceptable. Micronuclei
are small, round to oval shaped bodies found within the cytoplasm but outside the main nucleus.
Because they resemble the main nucleus in texture, staining properties and contain DNA, they
can be easily detected as markers of missegregated chromatin. Micronucleus assay is a potential
method to screen human cells rapidly and cost effectively for genetic damage. Exfoliated cells
hold strong potential as a tool for biomonitoring human populations. Stich et al. (1982 a, b) and
Stich et at. (1983) used this assay to epithelial cells of buccal mucosa so that target tissues or
cells could be studied. Stich et al. (1982 a, b) used the micronucleus assay to exfoliated oral
epithelial cells of khaini tobacco chewers of Bihar, India and reported an elevated frequency of
MN in all the individuals examined. Dave et al. (1991) used three cytogenic end points and two
tissues were employed to assess possible DNA damage mong pan masala chewers and controls.
Sister chromatid exchange and chromosome aberrations were estimated in peripheral blood
lymphocytes, tissues indirectly exposed to substances. The frequency of MN cells was scored in
the tissue directly in contact with pan masala, i.e. the exfoliated buccal mucosal cells. All the
three cytogenic end points demonstrated statistically significant increase among the pan masala
consumers as compared to non-consuming controls. Earlier, Shimame et al. (1984) reported
that an aqueous extract of betel quid without tobacco was not mutagenic to Chinese hamster V
79 cells with or without S9 and did not induce micronuclei in bone marrow cells. However, an
aqueous extract of betel quid with tobacco and aqueous extract of areca nut alone induced
micronuclei in bone marrow cells of Swiss albino mice.
Livingston et al. (1990) reported that unlike the case with cigarette

smokers, peripheral

lymphocytes sister chromatid exchange frequency was not affected by exposure to smokeless
tobacco. The oral cytology data, however, support an interpretation of exposure dependent
nuclear alterations, including micronuclei in the oral epithelium associated with the use of
smokeless tobacco. Further, Livingstone et al. (1990) reported (unpublished data) studies on
lymphocyte micronuclei which show that this test is sensitive to X-irradiation as low as 5 rad,
cytostatic drug concentration as low as 5 ng/ml, and a polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon
(benzo(a)pyrene) as low as 1 pg/ml. Two of these environmental agents (radiation-emitting
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polonium and benzo(a) pyrene) are known to be present in smokeless tobacco (US Dept Health
and Human Service, 1986). The reliability of MN assay as a screening test for somatic cell
genetic damage is strongly supported by several observations. Thus, MN was studied in the
representative numbers of subjects from both chewers and non-chewers.
Serum immunoglobulins in oral mucosal lesions
Immunoglobulins are glycoprotein molecules which are produced by plasma cells in response to
an immunogen and which function as antibodies.The immunoglobulins derive their name from
the finding that when antibodycontaining serum is place in an electrical field the antibodies
migrated with the globular proteins. Immunoglobulins bind specifically to one or a few closely
related antigens. The primary function of antibodies is protection of the host. However, often the
binding of an antibody to an antigen has no direct biological effect. Rather, the significant
biological effects are aconsequence of secondary "effector functions" of antibodies. The
immunoglobulins mediate a variety of these effector functions e.g. complement fixation,
opsonization, etc. Usually the ability to carry out a particular effector function requires that the
antibody bind to its antigen. Not every immunoglobulin will mediate all effector functions. The
immunoglobulins can be divided into 5 different classes based on differences in the amino acid
sequences in the constant region of the heavy chains. All immunoglobulins within a given class
will have very similar heavy chain constant regions. These differences can be detected by
sequence studies or more commonly by serological means.
IgG (Gamma heavy chains): IgG is the most versatile immunoglobulin and the major
immunoglobulin in serum - 75% of serum immunoglobulin is IgG. It is the only class of
immunoglobulin that crosses the placenta, it fixes complement and enhances
phagocytosis through opsonization.
IgA (Alpha heavy chains): IgA is the second most common serum immunoglobulin. It is
the major class of immunoglobulin in secretions - tears, saliva, colostrum, mucous.
Since it is found in secretions, secretory IgA is important in local (mucosal) immunity. It
can bind to some cells - polymorphonuclear cells and some lymphocytes.

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IgM (Mu heavy chains): igM is the third most common serum immunoglobulin. It is the
first immunoglobulin to be made by the fetus and the first immunoglobulin to be made
by a virgin B cells when they are stimulated by antigen. As a consequence of its
pentameric structure, IgM is a good complement fixing immunoglobulin and also a good
agglutinating immunoglobulin. Surface immunoglobulin present on B ceils helps them
to differentiate into antibody secreting plasma IgD (Delta heavy chains): It is found in
low levels in serum; its role in serum uncertain. IgD is primarily found on B cell surfaces
where it functions as a receptor for antigen.
IgE (Epsilon heavy chains): IgE is the least common serum immunoglobulin. It is
primarily involved in allergic reactions. Binding of the allergen to the IgE on the cells
results in the release of various pharmacological mediators that result in allergic
symptoms. It also plays a role in parasitic helminthic diseases. It was hypothesized that
serum levels of immunoglobulins may play an important role in the pathogenesis of oral
mucosal diseases, or reflect clinical changes in these conditions (Sisting et al. 2002).
Moszczynki et al. (2001)reported that the suppressive effect of tobacco smoke on human
immunity.
was seen as decreased serum concentrations of immunoglobulins and lysozyme, especially in
men smoking more than 10 years, decreased (CD16+) NK- cells absolute number and elevated
population of (CD8+) Tcytotoxic lymphocytes. Earlier Andersen et al. (1982) also reported that
tobacco smoking might suppress the humoral immune response. They further reported that
serum IgG and IgA levels were higher in nonsmokers than smokers. However mean serum IgM
values were not significantly different between two groups. Moszezynski et al. (1989) found that
both tobacco smoke and organic solvents, when acting separately, diminish the IgA and IgG level
in the serum. Additionally, in the smokers the lowering of the IgM level occurred. In smokers
occupationally exposed to benzene and itshomologues the decrease in the IgA, IgG and IgM
level in the serum was more significant than in those exposed to either tobacco smoke or organic
solvents.Shah et al. (1994) studied the saliva immunoglobulin levels in OSMF cases. They
reported that saliva IgA, IgG and IgM levels were raised significantly in OSMF cases compared
to control. Further, Soto (1991)reported that the secretory immunoglobulin A (SlgA) in the whole
saliva did not show any major age or sex related difference. However, patients with
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leukoplakia, lichen planus and carcinoma in the oral cavity showed higher levels of SlgA. The
elevated levels of SlgA in the saliva of these patients suggested that some local changes in
immunological competence might occur due to exposure to the antigen in the oral cavity.
McMillan et al. (1997) studied the effect of low to moderate levels of smoking and alcohol
consumption on serum immunoglobulin concentrations and found that low to moderate
consumption of alcohol was associated with a decrease in IgG and IgM median concentrations in
contrast to an increase in IgA median concentrations. The decrease in IgM and especially IgG
median concentrations appeared to be related to the smoking habits of the subjects.
They concluded that low levels of alcohol consumption and cigarette smoking influence IgG,
IgM and IgA serum concentrations. Very recently Gyllen et al. (2004) reported that tobacco
smokers have lower serum levels of immunoglobulin IgG, mainly due to lower levels of lgG2,
than non-smokers. The components in tobacco smoke responsible for this effect is unknown, but
animal studies have implicated nicotine as a major contributor to the immunologic effects of
smoking. They further reported that smokelesstobacco or nicotine replacement therapy has no
effect on serum immunoglobulin levels. There is scanty data available on the serum
immunoglobulin levels among chewers of smokeless tobacco and areca nut.

Thus, serum

immunoglobulin (IgG, IgA and IgM) levels were measured using immunodiffusion method in
representative number of samples of chewers and nonchewers.
Role of copper and zinc metals on oral health and disease:
Metals have always been an intrinsic component of earths crust. Humans have been in close
contact with metals almost since the beginning of our existence. In fact, one cannot even think of
human evolution withoutconsidering the valuable role played by the metals in development of
mankind. Some metals are essential for human nutrition; others are found as contaminants in
foodstuffs. One feature of the normal human diet frequently found is the simultaneous presence
of both, essential and toxic metals. Recent years have seen advances in the knowledge of the
significance of trace elements in human health and diseases. The global health and social costs of
nutritional disorders are apparent and documented. Micronutrients have an enormous impact on
health and productivity due to primary effects and their co-factors in a variety of conditions
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including oral cavity, gastro intestinal tract and other infections, low birth-weight, psychomotor
and cognitive development etc. Factors important in the risk- evaluation analysisof metals are
their pharmacokinetics, interactions among them and with other major components of the
dietary habits of different populations and the regional distribution of metals. Areca nut chewers
are also exposed to someamount of toxic/essential metals during chewing as well as through
environmental and occupational exposure. The toxic effects of certain metals in different animal
systems are well documented. The areca nut is reported to contain appreciable amount of copper
as compared to other nuts commonly consumed as snacks (Trivedy et al. 1997). Some of the
metals such ascadmium, lead etc are present as contaminants in the chewing products like pan
masala (NIOH, 1989). Metals are not biodegradable, have long biological half-lives and have
the potential for accumulation in the different body organs leading tounwanted side effects. The
advent of modern techniques that were developed during last 20 years such as atomic absorption
spectrometry, microwave excitation emission and atomic fluorescence has made quantitation of
even minute amounts of these micronutrients possible. Recent researches implicated copper in
several fibrotic conditions (Britton, 1996). Copper is anessential trace element for the function of
several key enzymes involved in human metabolism (Linder et al. 1996). These include
cytochrome-c oxidase,superoxide dismutase, metallothionein and lysyl oxidase. Abnormalities in
copper absorption, metabolism and excretion can lead to deposition of copper in several body
sites. These include genetic disorders like Wilsons disease (Taylor, 1996) or environmental
contamination leading to copper accumulation in Indian childhood cirrhosis and pulmonary
fibrosis (Baker, 1995). Serum copper concentrations and ceruloplasmin often remain low or
are normal in Wilsons disease but increase with progression of the disease. While in Indian
childhood cirrhosis copper levels are raised in the body fluids (Trivedy et al. 1999). Earlier they
demonstrated that areca products contain a high level of copper (mean 302 nmol/g) when
compared to other commonly eaten nuts (22-173 nmol/g) and that soluble copper is released into
whole mouth saliva following chewing areca for 5-30 minutes (Trivedy et al. 1997). Further,
copper might also have a significant role in the development of OSMF, as there is a report that
supports the hypothesis of copper as a factor in OSMF (Trivedy, 1999). Thus there is a need to
have the base line data on copper in the saliva and serum of chewers and non-chewers. Heavy
metals are incorporated through food ingestion and inhalation.Zinc, copper, manganese,
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chromium and selenium are the essential trace metals required for various physiological
functions. Zinc is one of the mostabundant nutritionally essential elements in the human body, it
is found in all body tissues with 85% of the whole body zinc in muscle and bone, 11 % in the
skin and the liver and the remaining in all the other tissues. It has been shown to be essential to
the structure and function of a large number of macromolecules and over 300 enzymic reactions.
(Tapiero and Tew, 2003).Zinc deficiency has been associated with adverse effects in humans and
animals, however, over exposures to zinc also have been associated with toxic effects. (ATSDR,
1994). The regeneration of the oral mucosa is zinc and vitamin A dependant. Hyperkeratosis, a
disturbed immune system and a high incidence of oral malignancies have been reported in cases
of deficiency by Kleier et al. (1998). They observed significant lower level of zinc inleukoplakia
and oral cancer patients compared with the control group. Jayadeep et al. (1997) also reported a
significant decreased zinc level only in male patients with leukoplakia and squamous cell
carcinoma. However, they noted the significantly increased level of copper in oral leukoplakia
and cancer patients in both sexes. But, earlier Varghese et al. (1987) noted a significant
reduction in the serum copper and zinc levels in both OSMF and oral cancer. Yoshida (1989)
studied the effects of zinc deficiency on rats oral mucosa and observed hyperkeratosis in buccal
mucosa, ventral surface and interpapillary mucosa of the tongue in rats fed with zinc low diet. He
also suggested that zinc deficiency might have a serious consequence on the oral mucosa in its
tolerance.
The habit of chewing areca nut has existed on the Indian subcontinent and throughout the far
East for thousands of years, and its popularity rests on the presence of pyridine alkaloids
arecoline, arecaidine, guavacine and guavacholine in areca nut. This group of psychotropes is
one of the five families of pleasure poisons, which account for global drug addiction, the other
members being nicotine, cocaine, the opium alkaloids and lysergic acid and its derivatives. The
areca alkaloid arecoline is hydrolyzed to arecaidine in vivo, which is a competitive inhibitor of
gamma-amino butyric acid (GABA) uptake in the brain, an activity which may explain the
psychotropic attraction of the betel nut habit. (Johnston et al. 1975). Hydrolysis of arecoline to
arecaidine during chewing of the nut is facilitated by the time-honored practice of including
slaked lime with the quid (Boyland, 1968). It has been suggested that smokeless tobacco, or
some of its components, may contribute to degenerative changes in human salivary glands
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(Peterson and Pindborg, 1973; Hirsh, 1982). However, the data are inconclusive, and it has been
suggested that salivary gland fibrosis and degenerative changes may be associated only with
particular tobacco brands,and are thus not a generalized reaction to all tobaccos. In view of
scanty data,salivary gland data should be interpreted with caution and it should beremembered
that any reduction in salivary flow would result in a decrease in protective factors for the oral
epithelium, as well as for the exposed crown and root surfaces (US Dept, of Health & Human
Services, 1986). Keeping in view of the above, further studies with sufficient power and
adequate control of confounding factors are required to elucidate the role of areca nut use in oral
disease. Studies would benefit from improved validation, trend information, and consideration of
individual brands. More information is urgently required on the potential health effects of areca
nut use other than cancer, particularly oral lesions and various systemic effects. A difficulty in
many countries has been obtaining sufficient numbers of areca nut users to enable precise
estimates of risk. Populations with high use of these products need to be identified and followed
over time. There is some evidence that cigarette smokers have quit habit and become smokeless
tobacco users and some are promoting this as a method of "tobacco harm reduction". Long term
follow up of populations of smokers who either quit tobacco use or become chewers should be
established to compare the differences in a range of health outcomes between these two groups.
Only further well designed epidemiological studies with adequate sample sizes will be able to
resolve these controversies. Thus, the convergence of epidemiological and laboratory evidence
supports a relationship between the use of areca nut and pan masala (with tobacco) and local and
systemic disorders ranging from mere staining of teeth to development of life threatening
cancerous lesions. The results of these studies clearly indicate the need to intensify the work
towards development of surveillance, monitoring and evaluation systems and develop
programmedirected towards control of this new epidemic. Further, more planned
epidemiological studies are needed to find out the role of various chewing

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CHAPTER -10
EXPORTS OF PAAN FROM INDIA

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EXPORTS OF PAAN FROM INDIA

The betel plant is an evergreen perennial, with glossy heart-shaped leaves and white catkin. The
betel plant originated in South and South East Asia. In India betel vines being cultivated on about
55000 hectares of farmland, with an annual production worth of about IN Rs. 9000 million ($200
million total, averaging $1455 per acre). The betel farming industry, the report claims, supports
about 400,000 - 500,000 agricultural families.
The states of Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Assam, West Bengal
and Odisha a sheaf of betel leaves is traditionally offered as a mark of respect and auspicious
beginnings. The betel leaf is grown in various parts of India, many of them in places with closer
geographical and cultural proximity to Pakistan. Occasions include, greeting elders at wedding
ceremonies, New Year, offering payment to Ayurvedic physicians and astrologers where usually
money and or areca nut are kept on top of the sheaf of leaves and offered to the elders for their
blessings.
India exports betel leaves to neighbouring countries. Betel leaves are primarily imported from
India by EU countries with large Asian populations. Many retail stores and Asian culinary stores
import betel leaves for sale. Indias annual export of betel leaves is close to $ 500,000 with the
UK accounting for 20% of the export.
But report claims that betel farming is on a decline in India. While in ideal conditions, some
farms may gross annual incomes after expenses of over IN Rs. 26,000 per 10 decimal farm
($5,780 per acre), a betel farm income is highly erratic from year to year, because of rainfall
patterns, temperature, and spoilage rates of 35% to 70% during transport over poor
infrastructure.

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For a trade that has been on for decades, nobody is able to pinpoint how the Tirur betel leaf
found its way to Pakistan. All Moopen remembers is that during his younger days, traders from
north India used to come directly to Tirur to purchase the leaves.
The Muslim-dominated region around Tirur in Malappuram district usually exports up to 40
tonne of betel leaf every month in the peak season between January and June. Malappuram
farmers have been exporting Malabar betel leaves to Pakistan for over 30 years now. Exports
touch 100 tonne to 150 tonne a year. Many in Pakistan like the Malabar betel leaf because of its
extra large size, pungency and thick stalk. These unique qualities are not found in other betel leaf
varieties in the country. Business with Pakistan always keeps traders on the edge. "Exports
suffered a setback after the terrorist attacks in Mumbai. Any border skirmish between India and
Pakistan affects our trade as the markets close and transportation gets hit.
Sri Lanka made a swift entry into Pakistan when shipments from India stopped for a while after
the Babri Masjid de-molition . Lanka has a similar but much cheaper betel leaf variety and its
exports are two times more than that of India today. Political tension has also changed the mode
of transportation. Now they go by flight to Gulf countries and from there to Pakistan twice a
week. While the prices drop and stocks did not find many takers.
Sown in summer, the Malabar betel leaf vine gives yield for two years. The crop in the first year
is of exportable quality as the leaves and stalk are large. In the second year, the stalk size shrinks
and the leaves are shipped to local 'paan' markets in Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Rajasthan. Though
betel leaves are also grown in southern Kerala , Malabar scores on the leaf size and quality.
Farmers say the situation has never been as worse as it is today. With limited export to Pakistan
and large quantities of unsold stocks, losses are now staring farmers in the face.
The Gulf countries are not potential replacement markets because their consumers have no taste
for the Malabar variety. That leaves Uttar Pradesh the only option for the Malabar betel leaf.
And, it is a bitter choice as returns are rarely more than 50% of those from Pakistan.
Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA)
Agri Exchange is the name given to the Trade portal. An attempt, first of its kind has been
endeavored by APEDA, Govt. of India, where online trading is the specialty. In its stride, joint
collaboration of UNCTAD and Ministry of Agriculture has given the portal a shape. Globally
buyers and sellers in the Agri business world has been given a platform to offer negotiate and
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transact a deal. Apart from this, it has been loaded with latest statistics pertaining to India and the
world.
Foundation of the portal has been developed on the statistics. Whichever country is in the Agri
has been taken into account. Reliable data sources like UN Comtrade, FAO and DGCIS has been
used. Regular updation related to the statistics is done. Up to date information on the 612
products (approx) related to APEDA and products does not falls under the purview of APEDA
has been hosted. Information on the SPS Measures of different countries, MRLs, Country
Profile, Service providers in the Agri export business and Market news has also became an
integral part of the portal.
VISION
Agri Exchange thrives to provide information matching the needs of the stakeholders of the
Agricultural Economy in general and Agricultural Commodities trade in particular. The only
vision is to cater the Agri business community and see them growing day and day by taking the
benefit of the portal.
BENEFITS TO EXPORTERS
Indian Agri Exchange portal is a single window solution for Agriculture products exported from
India. Portal provides the details about the importing countries interesting in Import from India,
International Agricultural production, Export & Import statistics, International Prices, Importing
Countries Regulations and Tariffs details etc. Moreover, Agri Exchange portal provides step by
step details which are required for the export such as pre-shipment process starting from quality
and hygiene aspect, Packing, Labelling, Warehousing & Cold Storage's facilities, Logistics,
Export Documentation Process, Subsidies & incentives extended by different Govt.
Organizations, Drawing Sales Proceeds through Letter of Credit along with buy / sell leads etc.
BENEFITS TO BUYERS

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Buyers are those from foreign countries who wish or intent to import Indian products (Agri in
this case). For these importers, Indian Agri Exchange furnishes all the details required. It starts
from Agri Products Gallery, Exporters Directory, Export / Import statistics, and list of Importing
countries, State wise Production and statistics, Quality measures, Logistics, buy / sell leads
which are required for Importers. Agri Exchange is an Agri trading platform developed and
portrayed by APEDA, Government of India. Hence, it acts as a one stop solution for Indian Agri
commodity importers to get the awareness about the current scenario of Agri products in the
country to facilitate them to take a view for sourcing Agri products from India to ease their
import hassles.
Betel Leaves Exporter
Each leaves are cleaned and hygiene packing. As per buyer request betel leaves are packing with
ice pack and thermo Coal boxes. One box containing 15 kg betel leave or as per buyer request
packing are done.
The Commerce Ministry today said export of betel leaves to the European Union (EU) will be
subject to registration with Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development
Authority (APEDA). Export of betel leaves to EU is subject to registration with APEDA,"
Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) said in a notification.
SI

Tariff Item Unit

No. HS Code
90A 14049040

Kg

Item Description

Export

Nature of Restriction

Betel Leaves

Policy
Free

Export to EU is permitted
subject
APEDA,

to

registration
the

with

designated

compeent authority

Exported Betel-Leaves
During 16-Aug-2016 to 14-Sep-2016, India exported Betel-Leaves worth USD 256,952.50.
Bangladesh is the largest importer of Betel-Leaves accounting for exports worth USD
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172,823.38 followed by Taiwan and United Kingdom which imported Betel-Leaves worth USD
31,298.53 and USD 25,686.24 respectively.
Petrapole Road accounted for 67.26% of export followed by Calcutta Air and Bombay
Air which account for 28.31% and 4.29% of exports respectively.
Average value per shipment of Betel-Leaves exports in India is USD 0.44.
Total export shipments of Betel-Leaves reported were 194 during this period.
Average price per Kgs was USD 0.54, average price per Nos was USD 0.05, average
price per Box was USD 4.30.

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Advisory to the exporters of Betel Leaves

In order to address alarming rate of rapid alerts (39 received so far) in betel
leaves, the following procedure for the export of betel leaves are to be followed with immediate
effect.
1. Follow package of practices as given in Annexure 1.
2. Follow good Hygiene practices as given in Annexure 2.
3. Since soil and water are primary source of contamination of Salmonella, it is important to do
soil and water testing, which may be done at APEDA recognized laboratory.
4. Export produce to be processed only through APEDA recognized pack houses.
5. Declaration to be given by the exporter (as given in Annexure-3) to the pack house that
Package of practices, Good Hygiene practices for betel leaves as given above have been
followed.
6. Pack house have to register the farms (as per Annexure-4), confirm that the raw material is
sourced from the registered farm only. It has to also

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Package of Practices of Betel Leaves

Introduction
The Betel is the leaf of vine. In India, it is known as paan. Betel vine is a perennial, evergreen
climber which grows in tropics and subtropics. Betel leaf is mostly consumed in Asia and
elsewhere in the world by some Asian emigrants. Today betel is grown for local consumption
and exports. Major betel leaves growing countries are Sri Lanka, India, Thailand and
Bangladesh. Pakistan is the major importer of Sri Lankan betel.
Betel Leaves growing States in India
Betel leaves are also cultivated in the states of Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Odisha,
Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, West Bengal and Maharashtra.
India Exports Betel Leaves to
Afghanistan, Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, France, Germany, Hongkong, Kenya, Nepal, United
Kingdom, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, USA, Yeman
and United Kingdom. In 2013-14, India earned nearly $ 40 lakh through export of Betel Leaves
(Source: Times of India, Jun 25, 2016)
Climatic Requirements
Tropical climate, high rainfall and a shady place are best for its vigorous growth. Betel is a sun
loving plant but produces better quality leaves in the wet zone and intermediate zones rather than
in the dry zone. Appropriate shade levels and irrigation are essential for successful cultivation of
the crop. Hot dry winds are harmful and retard the growth of the vine.
Season

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Planting season in different Betel Leaves growing states are as follows

Assam - April-May and August-September

Andhra Pradesh September-October
Bihar June-July, September and May-June
Karnataka- July-August
Maharashtra- July-August and October-November
Madhya Pradesh- January-March and September-November
Odisha- May-June and September-November

West Bengal- June-July and September-October

Propagation
Stem cuttings having 3-5 nodes are used for propagation and these are planted in such
a manner that 2-3 nodes are buried in the soil. A single node cutting with a mother
leaf is also planted. Cuttings of the apical and middle portions of the vine are used for planting.
Betel vine are to be planted 4-5 months earlier.
Management
Spraying of NSKE 5% at the infested portion is beneficial. Before spraying
matured/marketable leaves should be harvested
Mealy bugs (Ferrisia virgata)
Identifying characters
Immature stages or crawlers are yellowish to pale white in
colour whereas adult females are apterous, long, slender covered with white waxy
secretion.
Symptoms of damage
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Presence of white, cottony mealy bugs on the leaves and

twigs. They suck the sap from the leaves and growing pints resulting devitalization of
the leaves and stunted growth of the plants.
Management:

Collection and destruction of the damaged plant parts.

Conservation of the predators viz.Chrysoperla zastrowi sillemi,Coccinella
septempunctata, Menochilus sexmaculatus, Cryptolaemus montrouzieri
Spray Fish oil resin soap (FORS) @ 25g/lit or neem oil 0.5% along with teepol 1 ml/lit
of water. Before spraying matured/marketable leaves should be harvested (Source: As
recommended by IIVR, Varanasi).

Diseases
Foot rot or Leaf rot or wilt
Causal organism: Phytophthora parasitica var. piperina
Symptoms
Vines are infected at all the stages of crop growth. Initially symptoms are associated with sudden
wilting. Yellowing and drooping of the leaves from tip downwards are observed on the affected
vines. The leaves become dull due to loss of lustre. The affected plants dry up within 2 or 3 days
completely. Stems become brown, brittle and dry as stick. The lower portion of the stem near the
soil level displays irregular black lesions. Later diseased internodes become soft and undergo
wet rot, slimy emitting fishy odour. The roots of the infected plants also show rotting. In the
young crop, thefungus produces Leaf rot symptoms. The leaves within 2-3 feet height of the
vine show the leaf rot symptom.
Management
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Soak the seed vines in Streptocycline* 500 mg/L + Bordeaux mixture 0.05 %t solution
for 30 minutes.
Collect and destroy the infected vines and leaves.
Regulate irrigation during the cold weather period.
Drench the soil with 0.5 per cent Bordeaux mixture at 500 ml/hill during the cool
weather period (October-January) at monthly intervals.

Sclerotium foot rot and wilt

Causal organism: Sclerotium rolfsii
Symptoms
All stages of vine are susceptible to the disease. Infection starts at the collar region
associated with whitish cottony mycelium on the stem and roots. The stem portion shows rotting
tissues at the point of attack and the plants show dropping of leaves and dies.
Management
Removal and destruction of the affected vines along with the roots and should be burnt.
Apply mustard cake or farmyard manure to soil.
Drench the soil with Carbendazim.0.1
Powdery mildew
Causal organism
Symptoms
The disease affects the crop at all stages of its growth and infection is mainly noticed on tender
shoots and leaves. Whitish powdery growth is seen on both the surface of leaves which later
enlarges and cover the major portion of the leaves finally ends up in defoliation.
Management
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Collect and burn the infected leaves.

Spray 0.2 per cent Wettable Sulphur or dust Sulphur at 25 kg/ha after pluckingthe leaves
Anthracnose
Causal organism
Colletotrichum piperis

Symptoms
Leaves show small circular black spots initially which later develops, enlarge with concentric
nature and covered with a yellow halo to a size of 2 cm. The affected leaves turn pale yellow and
dry up with large black dots in the centre of the spots. Similar spots were seen on the stem
portion and as the disease progress leads to girdling o stem finally resulting in withering and
drying of entire plant.
Management
Collect and destroy the infected vines and leaves.
Spray Ziram* 0.2 % or Bordeaux mixture* 0.5% after plucking the leaves
Bacterial leaf spot or stem rot
Causal organism Xanthomonas campestris pv. betlicola Symptoms
The disease initiates as tiny, brown water soaked specks on the leaves surrounded by a yellow
halo, which enlarge later and become necrotic and angular, mostly confined to interveinal areas.
Under favourable condition, infection spreads to stem causing blackening of nodes and
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intermodal region ultimately leads to withering and drying of plants. The infected leaves lose
their lustre, turn yellow, show withering and fall off.
Management
Remove and burn the infected vines and stubbles in the field.
Regulate irrigation during cold weather season.
Spray Streptocycline* 400g/L +Bordeaux mixture* 0.25 % at 20 days intervals, after
plucking the leaves

Harvesting and Post Harvest practices

Generally betel vine is ready for harvest after 2-3 months of planting and thereafter for every 1525 days. However, harvesting is started when the betel vine is grown up to 1.2 1.8 mt. in length.
Leaves are harvested from the lower portion of the stem.
Bacterial leaf spot or stem rot
Causal organism Xanthomonas campestris pv. betlicola Symptoms
The disease initiates as tiny, brown water soaked specks on the leaves surrounded by a yellow
halo, which enlarge later and become necrotic and angular, mostly confined to interveinal areas.
Under favourable condition, infection spreads to stem causing blackening of nodes and
intermodal region ultimately leads to withering and drying of plants. The infected leaves lose
their lustre, turn yellow, show withering and fall off.
Management
Remove and burn the infected vines and stubbles in the field.
Regulate irrigation during cold weather season.

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Spray Streptocycline* 400g/L +Bordeaux mixture* 0.25 % at 20 days intervals, after

plucking the leaves
Harvesting and Post Harvest practices
Generally betel vine is ready for harvest after 2-3 months of planting and thereafter for every 1525 days. However, harvesting is started when the betel vine is grown up to 1.2 1.8 mt. in length.
Leaves are harvested from the lower portion of the stem.

Good Hygiene practices for Betel Leaves

INTRODUCTION
Regular rapid alerts in Betel Leaves has raised concerns. The following good hygiene practices
(GHP) has to be followed:
OBJECTIVES OF THE CODE
This code addresses Good Agricultural Practices (GAPs) and Good Hygiene Practices (GHPs)
that will help control microbial, chemical and physical hazards associated with betel leaves from
primary production to packing. Particular attention is given to minimizing microbial hazards.
The code provides a general framework of recommendations to allow uniform adoption by this
sector rather than providing detailed recommendations for specific agricultural practices,
operations or commodities.
SCOPE, USE AND DEFINITIONS
SCOPE

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This code of practice covers general hygienic practices for the primary production and packing
of betel leaves cultivated for human consumption in order to produce a safe and wholesome
product: particularly for those intended to be consumed raw. It concentrates on microbial hazards
and addresses physical and chemical hazards only in so far as these relate to GAPs and GHPs.
USE
This code focuses upon hygienic issues that are specific to the primary production and packing
of betel leaves.
DEFINITIONS
Definitions of general expressions are included in the General Principles of Food Hygiene. For
the purpose of this code, the following terms have the definition stated:
Agricultural inputs
any incoming material (e.g. seeds, fertilizers, water, agricultural chemicals, plant support, etc.)
used for the primary production of
betel leaves.
Worker any person that undertakes one or more of the following: cultivation, harvesting and packing of
betel leaves.
Antimicrobial agents
any substance of natural, synthetic or semi-synthetic origin which at low concentrations kills or
inhibits the growth of microorganisms but causes little or no host damage.
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Biological control
the use of competing biologicals (such as insects, microorganisms and/or microbial metabolites)
for the control of mites, pests, plant pathogens and spoilage organisms.
Composting
a managed process in which organic materials are digested aerobically or anaerobically by
microbial action.
Cultivation
any agricultural action or practice used by growers to allow and improve the growing conditions
of betel leaves grown in the field (with or without cover) or in protected facilities (shed net,
greenhouses and poly houses etc.).
Farm
any premise in which betel leaves are grown and harvested and the surroundings under the
control of the same management.
Grower
the person responsible for the management of the primary production of betel leaves.
Harvester
the person responsible for the management of the harvesting of betel leaves.
Hazard
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a biological, chemical or physical agent in, or condition of, food with the potential to cause an
adverse health effect.
Hazardous material
any compound which, at specific levels, has the potential to cause adverse health effects.

Manure
Animal excrement which may be mixed with litter or other material, and which may be
fermented or otherwise treated.
Microorganisms
include yeasts, moulds, bacteria, viruses and parasites. When used as an adjective, the term
"microbial" is used.
Packer
the person responsible for the management of post-harvest processing and packing of betel
leaves.
Packing
the action of putting betel leaves in a package. This may take place in APEDA recognized pack
houses.
Primary production
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those steps involved in the growing and harvesting of betel leaves such as planting, irrigation,
application of fertilizers, application of agricultural chemicals, etc.
Clean water
water that does not compromise food safety in the circumstances of its use.

Potable water
water which meets the quality standards of drinking water such as described in the WHO
Guidelines for Drinking Water Quality.
PRIMARY PRODUCTION
Betel leaves are grown and harvested under sub tropical climatic conditions, using various
agricultural inputs like organic fertilizer, farm yard manure etc., Biological, chemical and
physical hazards may therefore vary significantly from one type of production to another.
HYGIENIC PRIMARY PRODUCTION OF BETEL LEAVES
Agricultural input requirements
Agricultural inputs should not contain microbial or chemical contaminants to avoid the further
multiplication of micro organism like salmonella sps. E. Coli etc.
Water for primary production

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Growers should identify the sources of water used on the farm (municipality, re-used
irrigation water, well, open canal, reservoir, rivers, lakes, farm ponds etc.). They should
assess its microbial and chemical quality, and its suitability for intended use, and identify
corrective actions to prevent or minimize contamination (e.g. from livestock, sewage
treatment, human habitation).
Where necessary, growers should have the water they use tested for microbial and
chemical contaminants. The frequency of testing will depend on the water source and the
risks of environmental contamination including intermittent or temporary contamination
(e.g. heavy rain, flooding, etc.).
Water for irrigation and harvesting
Water used for agricultural purposes should be of suitable quality for its intended use.
Water for fertilizers, pest control and other agricultural chemicals
Water used for the application of water-soluble fertilizers and agricultural chemicals in the field
should not contain microbial contaminants at levels that may adversely affect the safety of fresh
fruits and vegetables.
Manure and other natural fertilizers
The use of manure and other natural fertilizers in the production of betel leaves should be
managed to limit the potential for microbial, chemical and physical contamination.
Soil
Soils should be evaluated for hazards. If the evaluation concludes that such hazards are at levels
that may compromise the safety of crops, control measures should be implemented to reduce

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hazards to acceptable levels. If this cannot be achieved by available control measures, growers
should not use these soils for primary production.
Facilities associated with growing and harvesting under control condition
For operations where betel leaves are grown under controlled conditions (greenhouses, shed net
and poly houses etc.) suitable premises should be used.
Location, design and layout
Premises and structures should be located, designed and constructed to
avoid contaminating betel leaves and harboring pests such as insects,
rodents and birds.
Where appropriate, the internal design and layout should permit compliance with good
hygienic practices for the primary production of fresh betel leaves, including protection
against cross-contamination between and during operations. Each establishment should
be evaluated individually in order to identify specific hygienic requirements for each
product.
Water supply
Where appropriate, an adequate supply of potable or clean water with appropriate facilities for its
storage and distribution should be available in primary production facilities. Non-potable water
should have a separate system. Non-potable water systems should be identified and should not
connect with, or allow reflux into potable water systems.
Avoid contaminating potable and clean water supplies by exposure to agricultural inputs
used for growing fresh produce.
Clean and disinfect potable and clean water storage facilities on a regular basis.
Control the quality of the water supply.
Drainage and waste disposal
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Adequate drainage and waste disposal systems and facilities should be provided. These systems
should be designed and constructed so that the potential for contamination of betel leaves or the
potable water supply is avoided.

Personnel health, hygiene and sanitary facilities

Hygiene and health requirements should be followed to ensure that personnel who come directly
into contact with betel leaves during or after harvesting are not likely to contaminate them.
Visitors should, where appropriate, wear protective clothing and adhere to the other personal
hygiene provisions in this section.
Personnel hygiene and sanitary facilities
Hygienic and sanitary facilities should be available to ensure that an appropriate degree of
personal hygiene can be maintained. As far as possible, such facilities should:
Be located in close proximity to the fields and pack houses, and in sufficient number to
accommodate personnel.
Be of appropriate design to ensure hygienic removal of wastes and avoid contamination.
Have adequate means of hygienically washing and drying hands.
Be maintained under sanitary conditions and good repair.
Health status
People known, or suspected, to be suffering from, or to be a carrier of a disease or illness likely
to be transmitted should not be allowed to enter the handling area if there is a likelihood of their
contaminating. Any person so affected should immediately report illness or symptoms of illness
to the management.
Personal cleanliness
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Workers who have direct contact should maintain a high degree of personal cleanliness and,
where appropriate, wear suitable protective clothing and footwear. Cuts and wounds should be
covered by suitable waterproof dressings when personnel are permitted to continue working.
Personnel should wash their hands when handling betel leaves or other material that comes in
contact with them. Personnel should wash their hands before starting work involving the
handling, each time they return to handling areas after a break, immediately after using the toilet
or after handling any contaminated material where this could result in contamination.
Personal behaviour
Workers should refrain from behaviour which could result in the contamination of food, for
example: smoking, spitting, chewing gum or eating, or sneezing or coughing over unprotected
betel leaves.
Equipment associated with growing and harvesting
As required, growers and harvesters should follow the technical specifications recommended by
the equipment manufacturers for their proper usage and maintenance. Growers and harvesters
should adopt the following sanitary practices:
Equipment and containers coming into contact betel leaves should be made of materials
that are non-toxic.
Containers that can no longer be kept in a hygienic condition should be discarded.
Handling, Storage and Transport
Prevention of cross-contamination
During the primary production and post-harvest activities, effective measures should be taken to
prevent crosscontamination of betel leaves from agricultural inputs or personnel who come
directly or indirectly into contact with betel leaves.
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Equipment and containers previously used for potentially hazardous materials (e.g.
garbage, manure, etc.) should not be used for holding betel leaves or have contact with
packaging material that is used for betel

leaves without adequate cleaning and

disinfecting.
Care must be taken when packing betel leaves in the field to avoid contaminating
containers or bins by exposure to, manure or animal/human faeces.

Storage and transport from the field to the packing facility

Betel leaves should be stored and transported under conditions which will minimize
the potential for microbial, chemical or physical contamination. The following practices should
be adopted:
Storage facilities and vehicles for transporting the harvested crops should be built in a
manner to minimize damage to betel leaves and to avoid access by pests. They should be
made of non-toxic materials that permit easy and thorough cleaning.
CLEANING, MAINTENANCE AND SANITATION
Premises and harvesting equipment should be kept in an appropriate state of repair and condition
to

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HAPTER -11
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SWOT ANALYSIS

SWOT ANALYSIS
Strengths
India's abundance of natural agricultural resources makes the market attractive to
investors from all food sub-sectors
understanding of Indian consumer behavior.
Effective And attractive packaging .
Strong research and development leading to innovation.

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Strong and well differentiated brand .

Scope for considerable expansion across all formats and across all regions of the
country .
wide distribution network .
strong marketing team.
Quantity and varity.

Weakness
Agriculture remains inefficient and is vulnerable to climatic changes .
Infrastructure is notoriously inadequate. A 500km road journey can take as much as 24
hours owing to poor road conditions, congestion and tolls .
Unable to have world wide operations
Low market share .
Limited financial resource .
Lack of awareness among prospective customer .
Opportunities
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Helps in improving people diet and daily lives.

Changing life style of people .
Company has advantage of economies of scale in packaging and advertising .
Government deregulation .
Government is actively seeking investment in the food processing and agribusiness
industries .
Potential for expansion in smaller town is still available .
Competitive advantage over local market .
Threats
Introduction of new substitute products .
Changing customer needs/tastes.
Increased government regulation.
Logistical problems, under developed service networks and poor infrastructure hinder
development of the industry

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CHAPTER-12
FINDING
SUGGESTION
CONCLUSION
BIBLOGRAPHY

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CONCLUSION
The study has estimated the agronomic practices, profitability, returns to investment of betel leaf
cultivation and constraints to its cultivation at farm level. The benefit cost ratio, net present
worth and internal rate of return indicate that betel leaf cultivation is profitable. Sensitivity
analysis also indicates that the owners of betel leaf boroj can earn profit under changing
situation. Although betel leaf cultivation is profitable, but farmers faced various problems such
as infection of leaf rot disease, high price of boroj materials, vine died, lack of capital, low price
of betel leaf, high price of oilcake, non-availability of modern variety, labour scarcity, and lack of
irrigation water. For controlling leaf rot disease of betel leaf, pathologist may conduct research
on this aspect. It is also imperative to carry out more research on developing high yielding
varieties of betel leaf and develop appropriate production technologies for maximizing the yield
as well as income and minimizing the cost. Extension works with publicity need to be
strengthened to popularize the modern varieties of betel leaf in order to expand its cultivation
area.

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