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Sociological
Analysis1985,46:3 219-242
Humanity,
Globalization,and Worldwide
ReligiousResurgence:
A TheoreticalExploration
Roland Robertson
University
ofPittsburgh
JoAnnChirico
andJefferson
Washington
College
a remarkable
occurrence
sociocultural
In recent
yearswe havewitnessed
ofreligion-connected
a resurgence
acrosstheglobe;notably,
phenomena
ofreligious
"fundamentalisms,"
manyofthem
theintimacy
andpoliticalissues;a largenumber
emphasizing
ofreligious
ofcasesofchurch-state
movements.
It isarguedthattheglobality
and theriseofmanynewreligious
tension;
oftheresurinsociological
terms
concerns
canonlybeunderstood
genceofreligious
andquasi-religious
byestabas suchandwhichconceptualan analytical
schemawhichgraspstheglobalcircumstances
lishing
Presentation
theevolutionary-historical
izestheprocesses
yielding
thematization
of humanity.
of
classicalandcontemporary
thatagrument
isfollowed
bya briefdiscussion
ofrelevant
sociological
in
condition
withan analytical
Thepaperconcludes
perspectives.
explication
oftheglobal-human
tothesignificance
andinreference
terms
ofmajordimensions
oftheprocess
ofglobalization
ofreligiousand sacredimplications
ofthatprocess.
We claimthatserioussocial-scientific
discussionof religiousbeliefand practicein a
ofthe modern
globalperspective
mustinvolvea basic concernwiththecrystallization
iftheProblemstellung
consistsin accountingfor
globalcircumstances.
More specifically,
thenear-worldwide
ofreligiousfundamentalism,
theextensivedevelopment
resurgence
of newreligiousmovements
withinconmovements
(includingliberational-theological
ventionalchurchesand denominations),and the proliferation
and sharpeningof
church-state
tensionsacrossmuchofthemodernworld,we mustat leastproducea theorysketchofthecontoursofand processesat workin respectoftheglobeas a socioculturalphenomenon.
theargument
Initiallyshortcircuiting
somewhat,we needto tacklethequestion:how
is "theglobe"possible?
That is askedin thesamegeneralspiritas Simmel'sposingofthe
ofdifferences
question:howis societypossible?Regardless
oftheminutiae
betweenthem,
a similarquestionwas asked,inter
alia, byToennies,Durkheimand Max Weberin the
classicalperiodofsociology(but in thosecases withmoreattentionthanSimmelgave
to variationin societalform).Indeed,the questionof"thepossibility"
of sociocultural
phenomenahas, we claim,been at the heartof the sociological-theoretical
enterprise
(Robertson,1980).Most frequently
thephenomenabeinganalyzedhave,indeed,been
societalin nature.In otherwords,the questionconcerning
"possibility"
has been most
in
frequently
addressed relationto theterritorial,
nationalsociety(oftenin termsofthe
waysin whichindividualsare relatedto society).It willbe seen later,however,that
somemajortheorists
did notor havenotconfinedthemselves
to thesocietallevel,while
in any case the issueofglobalorderis increasingly
visiblein a numberof disciplinary
and interdisciplinary
contexts.
219
220
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
221
222
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
thisissuein a mannerwhichwouldallow
sis.However,we seeka methodofaddressing
and dynamicsas well as synchronicity
would,
and structure-which
fordiachronicity
withthecentralprocessesinvolvedin thecrystallizain otherwords,cope conceptually
at theglobal
and diversity-within-unity
tionand reproduction
ofunity-beyond-diversity
level.
proceedsIn thatspecific
regard,we do not- as willbe madecleareras theargument
believethatthe categoriesof individualsocietiesand the systemof societiesare sufficient.Rather,we willarguethat,giventheexistenceofa globalcomplexwhichdisplays
a theory
both bounded societalunits and a widespreadsense of global continuity,
national
sketchof thatcomplexrequiresthe following
basiccomponents:(a) individual
to whichselves
societies;
(c) individual
selves;(d) a category
societies;
(b) a system
ofnational
We willfurther
arguethat,at a morerefinedlevel
belong-man/woman
(i.e. mankind).
in all)
of analysis,relationships
between
thesefourcomponents(six setsof relationships
in minimalterms"themodernglobalcircumstance."
The
maybe used to characterize
is that of the globalnotionwhichbest capturesthis overallconceptualpatterning
emergentand mutablephenomenon.
humansystemas an historically
A Preliminary
in theGlobalSystem
Positioning
ofReligion
concernsand themes
The virtually
worldwide
eruptionofreligiousand quasi-religious
in termsoffocusing
on whathas beenhappening
cannotbe exhaustively
comprehended
within
societies.The societieswhichhave been affected
by upsurgesofresociologically
ligiousexpressionduringthe past two decadesor so are too diverseforthatapproach
a numberofclusters
ofrelatively
similarsocieties(for
to suffice-although
undoubtedly
similarin sociologicaland
example,thosein theNorthAtlanticarea)maybe sufficiently
explanatory
leverageby comparingsocieties
historicaltermsforus to geta significant
withina cluster.Generallyspeaking,however,the worldwideness
of the religiousupin itstotality.
surgedemandsthatwe considerthe globalcircumstances
the comparative,
intra-sociThe onlyotheralternative
precluding
(not,incidentally
That has at leastone serious
perspective.
etal,or theglobalapproaches)is thediffusionist
disadvantage.This is centeredon thefactthatthe nearlyglobalupsurgein religionof
thelastfifteen-to-twenty
yearshas involveda largevarietyofreligiousdoctrines.More
whichare sometimes
theglobalrevivalconsistsin largepartofmovements
specifically,
ofeach other.This factorlargelypreand frequently
hostileto thefortunes
indifferent
ofideasamongthosewithshared
tackswhichemphasizethediffusion
cludesexplanatory
It makestherecentcross-societal
interests.
unlike,forexreligiousrevivalsociologically
studentmovement
ofthelate 1960s.In thelattercase- quite
ample,theverywidespread
was clearlya senseofan international
determinants-there
(or
apartfromintra-societal
withstudentsin one societyor a groupofsocietiesemulata transnational)
movement,
thosein anothersocietyor othersocietieson thebasisofa perceived
ingand influencing
That is not,however,to saythatshared
shared-or,at least,shareable-setofinterests.
basisin thepreson a cross-societal
material
absent
areentirely
interestsidealand/or
movements
we can see
ent globalreligiousrevival.In the case ofliberation-theological
of shared,religiously
expressedinterests
somethingapproachingthe circumstances
on a numberof
now that liberationtheologieshave appeared,oftencollaboratively,
formofmodernlinkageacrossnational
continents.Another,perhapsverysignificant,
is thatinvolvand fundamentalisms
boundariesin relationto therevivaloforthodoxies
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
223
ingsomeofthefundamentalist
in theU.S.A., on theone hand,and politievangelicals
in Israel,on theother.In thisparticular
militants
coreligious
case,we have a cross-nationalamplification
of otherwisedivergent
basisfor
religiousworldviews-the
primary
themutualsupportbeingthedispensationalist
theologyofpre-millennial
evangelicalism
(withits emphasisupon the eschatological
of the imminent
fulfillment
significance
of
Jewishcongregation
in Israel),on theone hand,and a perceivedIsraelineedforpoliticoreligioussupportin the U.S.A. beyondthe JewishAmericancommunity,
on the
other(Mouly and Robertson,1983).
The globalapproachhas the advantageofbeingable to takebothintra-societal
and
diffusional
factorsintoaccountand ofincorporating
themintoa higherlevelanalytic.
Before,however,attempting
tojustify
thatclaim,letus briefly
directly
consideran interestingapproachwhichpromisesto accountforintra-societal
trendsin primary
religious
reference
to the functioning
of and changesin "theworldorder."Wuthnow'sanalyses
ofmodernreligiousmovements
restconsiderably
upon theclaimthatmodernreligious
movements
are bestunderstoodin reference
to majorchangesin worldorder,defined
as "a transnational
divisionoflaborin whichsocietiesand members
ofsocietiesparticipate, necessitating
recurrent,
patternedexchange(economic,political,and cultural)
acrossnationalboundaries"
intocoreand peripheral
(Wuthnow,1980:58).Stratification
areasis themajorconsequenceofthetransnational
of
division economiclabor."As with
societies,the statusof theseareasand the relationsamongthemtendto be patterned
and legitimated
of reality"(Wuthnow,1980:59).A centralthesis
by broad definitions
is thatstratawithinsocietiesare deeplyaffected
by shiftsin thepoliticoeconomic
relationsbetweenand amongsocieties.Even thoughWuthnow(1980:60)announcesat one
pointthata society'sreligiousorientations
channelits actionsand affectits influence
on theworldorder,hisgeneralemphasisis upontheclaimthat"thechorusofresponses"
are "deeply"conditionedby the instabilities
presentin the largerworld-system."
Thiscannotbe theplacefora fullassessment
ofthedegreeto whichWuthnow's
(1978,
1980,1983)empirically-focused
discussions
oftheimpactofshifts
in primarily-economic
relationsbetweennationsupon religiousmovementsand trendswithinsocietiesare
We mustconfineourselvesto a fewgeneralobservations.First,his apconvincing.3
proachleaveslittleor no roomforconsideration
ofthewaysin whichthenationalstate
and the relationships
betweenstatesand "their"individualsand groupsaffector are
bound-upwithreligious
trends.Second,Wuthnowdoes notaddressthequestionofthe
circumstances
underwhichtherewillbe religious-asopposedto irreligious
or areligious-responsesto intra-societal
dislocations.Third,in spiteof his greatconcernwith
relationsamongnationalsocieties,Wuthnowdoes not consider-although
he does,en
passant,mention-thephenomenonof ideationalconstructions
ofthe relationsamong
nations.It is almostas ifhe weresayingthatrelationsbetweensocietiesare primarily
economic-withpoliticaland military
ramifications-but
thatideasonlyenterthepictureas intra-societal
outcomesof inter-societal
relations.
3Norcan we discussherethewaysin whichWallerstein's
veryrecentworkhas involveda shiftawayfrom
his earlierstatements
concerning
the epiphenomenal
statusof religion.See, forexample,Wallerstein
(1982)
and Wallerstein
(1983).Of particular
interest
is Wallerstein's
recentconcernwith"themetaphysical
presuppositions"operativeat the world-system
level.The presentessayissuesdirectlyfromRobertsonand Klepin
(Chirico)(1980)and we have decidedto letour thoughtsstandwithoutcomparingthemherewiththe new
turnin Wallersteinian
theory.
224
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
225
226
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
betweenindividualsand sochangingrelationships
Simmel'sconceptionsofhistorically
ofthecatewhilehisbriefdelineations
littleattention;
cietieshavereceivedexceedingly
havebeen,to all intentsand purposes,ignored.Max Weber'scomplex
goryofhumanity
trendfromwhat Nelson (1969) called tribal
ideas concerninga universal-historical
to universalotherhood,the fateof the themeof the Rightsof Man and
brotherhood
of the nationalsociety
on the resilienceand necessity
nonetheless,
his own insistence,
have not been adequatelydissected,let alone broughtintobalance.
were,of course,
These relatively
unexploitedideas of the majorclassicalsociologists
century
fignineteenth
foundedpartlyon or in reactionto theideasofsuchimportant
uresas Comte,Marx and Nietzsche.Partlyin responseto Comte,Durkheimdeveloped
abstractconceptionofthe
whichdid notreferto a relatively
a conceptionofhumanity
Great Being which transcendsquotidianman/woman(witha religionproscriptively
procfromsocietaldifferentiation;
addedtothe latter),but ratherwas seen as emerging
and inofcivilizations;
the crystallization
and individualization;
essesof individuation
level.In responsesto Marxand Nietzsche,
at theinter-societal
creasinginterdependence
ofhumanity
in themodeofa category
ofindividualorientaSimmelsawthesignificance
fromsocieties.Broadlyspeaking,
ofindividuals
tionwhichresultedfromthe"alienation"
oftheclaimofNietzsche-whichin generalterms
a modification
thatviewconstituted
reasonswas also theviewofMarx-thatthegenuinehumanbeingbeand fordifferent
itshouldbe noted,claimedthatmanhad become
ginswherethestateends.(Durkheim,
in the relationship
betweenindividuaa god forman largelybecauseofthe reciprocity
on theone hand,and thegrowthofthestate,on theother).
tionand individualization,
in responseto
the salienceof the politicalfactor-largely
Weberemphasizedstrongly
Marx'semphasison the economicfactor-andwas oftenmoreconcernedto demonas opposedto developing
hislessexplicitideasconstratetheclosureofthenation-state,
otherhood."However,therewouldappearto be no good theoretical
cerning"universal
Weber'sviewswithrespectto theboundednessofthenation-state
reasonforregarding
universalotherhoodthanforregarding
as anylesscompatiblewithhisviewsconcerning
withhis
ofthemodernstateas incompatible
Durkheim'sideas aboutthestrengthening
life"and his questfora global
of a higher"international
ideas about the development
morality.Even thoughthesetwo setsof ideas are not preciselyanalogous,theyboth
betweensocietiesand individuals.
questionsabout relationships
pose significant
werenot onlywell-aware
In anycase,our convictionis thattheclassicalsociologists
and
betweensocietalviability individualconcernwith
oftheproblemoftherelationship
butthattheywereveryconsciousoftheconnectionbetweenthesetwo
meaningfulness,
Perhapssociologists
phenomenaand processesofchangein thedirectionof"globality."
havebeenmisledin thisregardbythefactthatpeoplesuchas Toennies,Weber,Simmel
inreaction
to preand Durkheimbecamepreoccupiedwiththeissueofsocietalviability
Each
of
"the
end
of
in
and
interest
gemeinschaft."
viousnineteenth-century
conceptions
the
taken
the
had
of
societies
because
thatsimply
past
ofthemrejectedtheassumption
(ratherthan the associationalor organic)formor
communalor mechanical-solidarity
becausesocietywas challengedby "thecultoftheindividual"modernsocietyis nonviable.Much ofclassicalsociologywas devotedto thetaskofshowingthatsocietiescould
remaina mathenationalsocietywouldforeseeably
takenewformsand that,moreover,
formofhumanexistence.Butsuchfocicertainly
jor,unavoidableand indeednecessary
227
228
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
229
230
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
parallelbetweenthepredicament
to pointto a remarkable
It is,we think,worthwhile
formsby Durkheimand Simmel)and the controsketchedby Weber(and in different
versieswhichbrokeout, in roughlythe same period,in the nascentpsychoanalytic
to thedetails-nortakmovement(McGuire,1974;Homans,1979).Withoutattending
involvingFreud,Jung,Adler,et.al.,we can neveringsidesherein-the controversies
poto transcend
therespective
Jung's
attempt
thelesssummarize
thesituationas follows.
to thewayin whichWebertried
sitionsofFreudand Adlerbearsa strongresemblance
to Tolstoy-calledtheproblemof"thetwoethto deal withwhathe had-in reference
to do withthecontrastbetweenethics
ics."(In Weber'sworkthelatterhad specifically
or adaptation.Weberalso
ofconviction,
or absolutevalues,and ethicsofresponsibility,
impliedthatthe dilemmacould be consideredin termsof mysticism-versus-asceticism
tendencies.)
Jungmountedhistheand,lesseasily,in relationto Eastern-versus-Western
and Adler
Freudto the categoryofextrovert
oryofpsychological
typesby consigning
modelwas
In Jung'sperspective,
Freud'spsychoanalytic
to the categoryof introvert.
towardtheconcreteconcernsofsocieties-moreaccurately,
ofindividual
overoriented
Adler'stheorywas too muchconcernedwiththe issue
adaptationto society-whereas
ofego-subjectivity,
orpersonalidentity.
In Jung's
view,a theoryadequateto themodern
that
conditionshouldattemptto situatetheself-in facttheselfwas realized- between
one
whichwas,on the
and, on theother,thatwhich
hand,mostsocietallystructured
ultimate.The latterwas,of course,dealtwithby Jungin referwas mostprimordially
and the collectiveunconscious(or objectivepsyche).We would
ence to the archetype
concern
to emergent
exampleof sensitivity
claimthat,in thiscase, we have a striking
to theparticuwiththatwhichall humanbeingshave in common,butstillin reference
laristic,contingentand culturaldemandsof society.(cf.Homans, 1984.)
Whilewe have tendedto stresstherelativelackofattentionto theideasoftheclassiofsignificant,
in thisregard,we do notwishto minimize
theimportance
cal sociologists
betweenwritersof the past and thosefewrecentsocial scientists
explicitcontinuities
Two prominent
examaddressedtheissueofhumanity.
whohave,moreor lessdirectly,
plesofthelattershouldbe mentionedat thisjuncture.First,Habermashas drawnupon
a traditionof thought(which,to all intentsand purposes,beganwithKant) centered
modesof cognitionand valuation.
of universalistic,
trans-societal
upon the possibility
shiftto
TnHabermas'workthetraditionculminatesin his focusupon an evolutionary
whichwouldinvolvepoliticaland moralfreedom
a stageofmoralconsciousness
(as the
idea ofthegoodlife)and universalethicsofspeech(as thedominantmodeofdiscourse).
ofa parallel-butalso
Centralto Habermas'(1972:276)overalltheoryis theproposition
-between"theworld-historical
[and]
processofsocialorganization
in a sensean identity
the socializationprocessof the individual."This aspectof Habermas'workis, as will
in our own endeavor.
shortlybe seen,of pivotalsignificance
moderncase is providedby the laterworkof Parsonswho,
The second,prominent
moreexplicitly
drawingupon Kant,developedan analyticalschemecenteredupon the
notionofthehumancondition.In Parsons'delineationofthehumancondition,he esnoted,upon whathe called"telic"matters.His
peciallyfocused,as we have previously
workin thisarea was,at thetimeofhis death,onlyschematic;in the senseofhis prebetweenphysio-chemical,
outlineof the relationships
human-organic,
sentinga formal
ofthehumancondition.Parsonsdid nottacklethemore
actional,and telicsubsystems
whichamplify
concernwiththe humancondiissueof theprocesses
empirically-focused
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
231
tion,generally,
and the telicdimension,specifically.
The latteris of specialrelevance
here,because in defining
the telicsubsystem
as havingto do with"theends of man"
("ultimate
ground,""ultimate
order,""ultimate
agency,"and "ultimate
Parfulfillment"),
sons(1978)wentwellbeyondthesocietalframeofreference
and eventheworldsystem
and civilizational
perspectives-inthe directionof a focusupon such questionsas the
meaningand purposeofcollectiveand individual,and societaland extra-societal,
forms
oflife.In effect,
to thehumanconParsonswas arguingthatsuchquestionsareintrinsic
dition-that,in one way or another,theyare ever-present,
but increasingly
differenofthelatter.In a sense,theymakethehumancontiatedand thusthematized,
features
ditionitself"possible."Parsons'"paradigm
ofthe humancondition"was,as he empha"Theparadigmcategorizes
sized,erectedfroman anthropocentric
theworld
standpoint.
accessibleto humanexperience
in termsofthemeaningsto humanbeingsofitsvarious
parts.... The paradigmmustbe judgedin termsofitscognitive
meaningsas a contributionto knowledge
and evaluaputforward
byone setofhumanbeingsforconsideration
tion by others. . ." (Parsons,1978:361-62).
Thus Parsons soughtinteralia, to establish-in a neo-Kantian,"transcendental"
mode-the most"reasonable"and cognitively
plausibleset of a prioriaforthe analysis
oftherelationship
betweenactionsystems
and thetelicaspectofthehumancondition
in empathicreference
to thewaysin whichhumanbeings,as it were,"dotheultimate."
Withoutdenyingthatsetsof analyticalcategoriesare necessaryin thisproblem-area,
we mustemphasizethat our interestis in the moreempirically-focused
problemof
thematization
concern
withthehumancondition,in particular
ofconcrete
reference
to the
sociocultural
processesyieldingaccentuationof such.
Two examplesmaysuffice.
First,we pointto the rapidlyincreasing
concernon the
partofreligiousand/ortheologicalintellectuals
withwhatare oftencalled"worldtheologies"or withthe applicationof particulartheologicaltraditionsto the world-as-awhole.Second,we indicatetherapidincreasein concernwithhumanrights.Our claim
is thatin both cases therehas been sufficient
thematization
of the relevant-andcertainlynot unrelated-issuesfortheirfocito have now becomeso well-established
as to
involveincreasingly
institutionalized
mechanisms
and processesforongoingmodesof
discourse.Whilea contribution
suchas Parsons'is notwithoutrelevanceto thecrystallizationofsuchdiscourse(indeed,itis notabsurdto suggest
thathisideascouldbecome
guidelinesin one oftheseareas,mostlikelythefirst),
it tellsus little,ifanything,
about
the processeswhichgiveriseto and sustain-in a sense,renderpossible-theseforms
of discourse.
In thisrespectwouldappearto be moredirectly
relevant,sincea majorfeature
ofhis
workhas,ofcourse,been increasingly
guidedby an interest
in theprinciples
and structureofcommunicative
interaction.
In contrastto Parsons,Habermashas no a priori
offerings
as to whatwillbe thematized-but
he doesclaimthatmastermoralissuesbecome
increasingly
thematizedas, interalia, ego identities
and universalfocisupersede,or at
leasttranscend,
societally-structured
and culturally
interpreted
rolesand needs,and societally-prescribed
and culturally-stipulated
duties.Speakingspecifically
ofpersonaland
individualidentities,
Habermas(1979:116)arguesthattheyare becomingincreasingly
generaland abstract,"untilfinallytheprojectionmechanismsuchbecomesconscious,
and identityformation
takeson a reflective
form,in the knowledgethatto a certain
extentindividualsand societiesthemselves
establish
theiridentities."
232
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
233
oftheproblemofworldorderconstrains
thewaysin whichthethematization
societies
and individualsto engage in activitiesconcerningsocietalreinvigoration
(Chirico,
1984).
Concern
Sourceand Structure
ofHumanitic
modern"humanitic
concern"can be tracedempirically
In thepresentperspective
to
thatoritwomajorsources.(We employtheneologismin orderto avoidthesuggestion
in thesenseofinvolving
entationto humanity
is necessarily
humanistic,
positiveconcern
forhumanityin toto.)First,thereare aspectsofthe operationof modern-particularly
ofsocietyat thelevelofinwhichgeneratea formoftranscendence
Western-societies
of alienationfromthe stateand the state'sincreasing
dividuals.The combination
conoflife(thedefinition
concern-with"deep"features
cern-whatwe call a quasi-religious
ofreligion,
oflife,the organization
of death,the"qualityoflife,"aging,the regulation
ofhuabouttheattributes
and raisond'&tre
and so on) increasingly
leadsto explicitness
of social classification,
man lifebeyondthe particularities
voluntaryreligiousinvolveof "fundamentalistic"
The resurgence
ment,even societalmembership.
promotionof
particularistic
ideologiesand doctrines(local, ethnicnational,civilizationaland recounter-evidence.
gional)does notby anymeansconstitute
For,as we willarguemore
ideasis heavilycontextualassertionofparticularistic
fullylater,the recentglobe-wide
ized by the phenomenonof increasing
globality.
The secondmajorsourceof humaniticconcernhas to do withthe relationsbetween
societies.On theinter-societal
fronttherehas been,in recentyears,a considerable
relativization
oftheimageofthegood society.Whilea fewscholars(e.g.,Nettland Robertson, 1968)arguedquitea longtimeago thatthenotionofsocietalmodernization
must,
in orderforit to have anyempiricalpurchase,involvea basically"relativistic"
frameof
reference,
thefactremainsthatthereis muchto suggestthat,untilquiterecently,
the
modernsystemof societiesoperatedroughlyin termsof twobasic imagesof the good
society-namelythe liberal-democratic
industrialsocietyand the communistic
industrialsociety.Moreover,evenin thatsituationoftwo"northern"
typesof"goodsociety"
therewas clearlyconsiderable
overlap.However,itbecameincreasingly
obviousduring
the 1970sthatthe situationof relatively
stableand establishedimagesand directions
of societalaspirationswas rapidlybreakingup. Now, in the mid-1980sit seemsthat
thereis globalconfusionaboutwhatconstitutes
the ideal-type
ofsocietalaspiration.If
ourdiagnosisin thisrespectis cogent,itwouldinexorably
follow-evenwithoutfurther
empiricalinvestigation-that
therehas to be "something"
resembling
whatParsonsanalytically
pinpointsas telicconcernofa trans-societal
kind.In otherwords,in a situation
in whichthereis verylittlestability
or security
in respectofwhatmightbe calledmodel
societies,then international
discourse,includingheavilypolitico-strategic
discourse,
oftentakesplace in termsofideas,howevertacitlyadheredto, concerning
the endsof
man.
- but notsole- reference
We maynowschematize
ourthinking,
withparticular
to the
emanationofhumanitic
concernin Westerncontexts.The mostbasicingredient
ofthat
processis the linkagebetweena situationof "anthropocentric
dualism,"havingto do
withthe relationship
betweenindividualsand societies,and a corresponding
situation
on a trans-societal
scale.Byanthropocentric
dualism(Schluchter,
1979),we meana human-centered
worldimageinvolvinga differentiation
of lifeintotwo realms.On the
234
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Society
0..
ofNationalSociety
Relativization
9 c
:3
Self
ofSocieties
V~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~3
Emergenceof S |
w EL
Anthropocentric
DualisticCosmos 0
WorldSystem
Identity
ofPersonal
Relativization
Crystallization
ofGlobal
Telic Concern
Mankind
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
235
societality."
However,we have seenthatHabermasdoes theorizethathumankindcan
and social-integrative
capitalizeon thespacecreatedby theveryseparationofsystemic
The hypotheticprocesses-to,in fact,transcend
them(in an "emancipatory"
direction).
ofsuch"capitalization"
allyempiricalcircumstances
has not,however,been spelled-out
His theory
byHabermasin theframeofwhatwe wouldcall thesociologyofthepossible.
ofan evolutionary
schemewhich,deliberately
dependslargelyon the"logic"
bracketing
involvesthebasicproposition
thatsocietalevolution
empirico-historical
contingencies,
runsin tandemwithan evolutionat thelevelofindividuals-specifically,
theemancipationof ego identity
fromstrictly
and an expansionof thepotential
societalconstraint
forindividual-moral
growth.9
We arguethatin themodernworldthereis takingplace a processwherebyconcerns
withindividualbeingaredifferentiated
fromdoing.This is not,letitbe emphasized,
the
as
of
same sayingthattheseaspects individuallifeare beingsegregated
fromeach other.
the modernWestern)worldthe
Rather,it is to arguethatin the modern(particularly
of individualinvolvement
in the collectivities
and rolecomplexesof
"happystupidity"
the"immortal
is increasingly
engine"ofbureaucracy
counterbalanced
byand interpenetrateswithconcernwithindividualmeaningfulness
at the leveloftheself.Essentialto
thatpointis thecontentionthateach aspect"needs"and reinforces
theother-emphaa level
sizingat the same timethatwe are speakingat a veryhighlevelof generality,
whichoverridesmanyempiricalnuancesand cuts-across
the arguments
of thosewho
have proclaimedthe demiseofeitherthe publicdomain(byencroachment
of thepersonalor ofdestructive
or thedemiseoftheprivaterealm(bythetentacles
gemeinschaft)
of the state)."0
Our majorproposition
at thispointis thatthereis an intimate
linkbetweenthedevel- themodeofindividual,
opmentofwhatmightbe calledasocietality
"mystical"
concern
withself-and the makingavailableof individualsforconcernwith"man."In a sense
thisfollowsthe line of argument
of thosewho have spoken,in reference
to the more
"advanced"societies,ofindividualsgrowingout ofthe nation-state
shell.On theother
hand,our own contentions
in thisregardfollowa Simmel-Durkheim
lineofreasoning.
Galtung's(1968)argument
restson thedetachment
oftheindividualfromnationalloyaltyin trans-or
cross-national
mode,via ideologiesofprofessionalism
whichare intolerant of nationalloyaltiesby virtueof cosmopolitanism
and the universalism
oftechnological-scientific
values. This we findto be unpersuasive,
certainlyinsufficient.
The
processofgrowing
out ofthe(state-centered)
societyis a muchmorediffuse
and "deep"
9Aswe havenoted,Habermas'emphasisuponmoralgrowthis,inourview,too constricting.
Somecognitive
and,particularly,
cathecticaspects(whicharecloselyboundup withnationaland ethnicloyalties)
ofidentity
formation
aredownplayedor seenas entirely
atavistic.Habermas'conceptionofindividualgrowthin a global
directionstandsin thetradition
ofMarx'suniversalistic
proletariat
and is onlyconcernedwitha formofpositivealienationfromstate-centered
societies.We, on the otherhand, have an imageof a morediffuse
state
ofalienation,including
negative
alienation.In otherwords,we tryto avoidtheutopiansim
ofbothMarxand
Habermas;even thoughour schemedoes ideal-typify
a stateof affairs
of"perfect"
balancebetweencommitmentto societiesand commitment
to mankind.That schematicpresentation
shouldnot,however,obscure
our viewthatthe routeto particularism-within-universalism
on a globalscale maybe one involvinga variety
of modesof detachmentfromsocietyperse. On negativeand positivealienation,withparticularreference
to Marx,see Gunneman(1979).
"0Wehave in mindherethe respective
arguments
of Sennett(1978) and Lasch (1979).
236
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
237
238
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
AND WORLDWIDERELIGIOUSRESURGENCE
HUMANITY,GLOBALIZATION,
239
to establishtheir
world-view
positionas thecivilreligionofAmerica(and Americancivil
revivalsin othersocietiesreligionas the civilreligionof the world).Fundamentalist
talkin Americacan
notablyIran-may be similarly
regarded.Moreover,civil-religion
be seenas an indirectacknowledgment
oftheseparationofchurchand
oftheliabilities
state.Societiessuchas Israel,Iran,and Pakistan- notto speakofthe"secularly
religious"
U.S.S.R. and someofitsallies- are"able"to conflatereligionand politics.Theiridentity
formation
is not"impeded"
at thesametimesocietieswithbytheconstitution.
However,
out hierocratic
differentiation
betweenthesacredand thesecularmay"suffer"
morein
the long-run.
The implication
of the increasing
concernwiththe legitimacy
of the worldorderof
societies(Meyer,1980:132-5)and withthe prospectsformankindperse raisesworld
civil-religion
problems.On the ostensibly
religiousfront,the mostobviousmanifestationofthelatterare,first,
theproliferation
oftheologies
in a numberofconofliberation
tinentaland sub-continental
contextsand, second,thegrowing
(and notunrelated)interestin worldtheology.
Bothofthese,butmostclearlythefirst,
aremanifestations
from
a Westernpointofviewof whatHabermas(1973:121)calls"therepoliticization
ofthe
biblicalinheritance
observablein contemporary
theologicaldiscourse,whichgoes togetherwitha levelingof [the]this-world/other-worldly
dichotomy.. . ." ("The idea of
God is transformed
... intotheconceptof a Logosthatdetermines
thecommunity
of
believers. . . 'God' becomesthe namefora communicative
structure
thatforcesmen,
on thepain ofa lossoftheirhumanity,
to go beyondtheiraccidental,empiricalnature
to encounterone anotherindirectly
. . ." (Habermas,1973:121).)12A good exampleof
the"leveling"
processofwhichHabermashas spokenis providedbythefuzzyboundary
betweensomeliberationtheologies,
on theone hand,and theostensibly
secular-moral
conceptionsof the maldistribution
of economicwealthand powerwithinand among
nationson the other.A morespecificexampleis the Moral Majorityinjunctionthat
it is a sin not to be politicallyactive.
The conjunction
ofsocietalcivil-religion
concernsandtheincipienceofworldcivil-religionproblems(Bellahand Hammond,1980:xiv)thuscomprises
the centerpiece
ofour
analysisof the place of religionin the globalizationprocess.Politicization
of theology
and religion,on the one hand, and the "theologization"
of politics,on the other,are
core featuresof thisconjunction.The globalizationprocessitselfraisesreligiousand
quasi-religious
questions.Theodical and eschatologicalquestions-orsuccessorquestionsto old theodicaland eschatological
queries-arehighon the agendaofglobaldiscourse.Religionis centeredin theprocessofglobalization
byvirtueofboththereligious
or quasi-religious
mattersraisedas a resultof universalistic
tendenciesinvolvingmankindand relationsbetweensocietiesandby theparticularizing
responsesto theuniversalistictendencies.In the latterregardthe internal-societal
development
offundamen12Weareunablehereto dealfullywiththesignificant
issueofthedegreeto whichthecommunicative
rationalitythatHabermasseesas inherent
in the"logic"ofsocio-cultural
psychological
evolutionis intrinsically
postreligious.
Foran argument
againstHabermas'claimthat,indeed,communicative
practicesupersedes
theinterpretativeand normativefunctions
of religion,see Davis (1980).The relevanceof thistheologicaldisputeto
sociologicalanalysisofthemodernglobeis certainly
not marginal.Our own viewis thatemergent
modesof
globaldiscourseare by old criterianeithersimplyreligiousnot simplysecular.Rathertheyare theologicalreligiousand secular.We interpret
Habermas'notionof the "linguistification"
of the sacredin thatlight.
240
SOCIOLOGICALANALYSIS
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