Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.32
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Yet defendants across Latin America took advantage of judicial systems that considered
alcohol a mitigating circumstance in many crimes. As 20th-century evangelical sects that
preached abstinence as the route to wealth and marital bliss grew to unprecedented
numbers, traditional healers and biomedical practitioners continued to tout alcohols
medicinal value. In short, alcohol was a marker of social position and cultural identity, a
crucial component in community and state building, and a commodity around which
different cultural traditions, healing practices, and policing policies developed and
evolved.
Keywords: alcohol, gender, moonshine, nation-building, colonialism, race and ethnicity, class, health care, labor,
policing practices, religion, ritual
Alcohol has left an indelible mark on Latin America. Examining alcohol drinkways
(production, commerce, and consumption habits) sheds light on Latin Americas social,
economic, and political worlds.1 As much as any other commodity, alcohol shaped the
course of Latin American history. From the women who produced chicha (fermented
beverage generally made from fruits or vegetables) and beer in ancient Mesoamerica and
the Andes to the multinational companies that branded such products as tequila and rum
as national drinks with international appeal, alcohol helped to define people and nations.
Although its role and significance varied depending on historical contexts, alcohols
influence reverberated across the indigenous, colonial, and national periods in Latin
America. Roughly adhering to chronology, this interpretive article explores a few analytic
categories across time: access to alcohol (status, production, regulation, and
consumption), alcohol and power relations, drinking and social structure, and alcohol and
commerce. In contexts that ranged from religious rituals to reciprocal relations, alcohol
was a conduit through which power flowed in many pre-contact indigenous societies.
With the introduction of European technology and resources, the variety and potency of
alcohol expanded. Even as the social and cultural practices of alcohol consumption
changed over time, alcohol continued to have profound economic, social, and political
implications in the colonial and national periods in Latin America. Colonial
administrations and national governments sought to capitalize on the alcohol economy by
regulating and taxing it. Though difficult if not impossible to quantify, clandestine alcohol
production and sales emerged in response to official oversight. The vast resources and
varied personnel dedicated to stamping out that trade speak to its significance. Concerns
about the detrimental effects alcohol consumption had on social order and public health
buttressed authorities battles against moonshiners and bootleggers. In an indication of
how integral a part of the economy alcohol had become, it was both a commodity and a
currency. From midwives to magistrates, compensation regularly included liquor. So
integral had alcohol become to labor brokers strategies for entrapping workers on rural
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estates that according to contemporary observers, plantations would have failed without
alcohol.
As it flowed through local, national, and international economies, alcohol shaped social
relations. In many pre-Columbian societies, inebriation was a privilege reserved for
political and religious leaders. Suggestive archaeological evidence that quotidian
drinking was more prevalent in peripheral communities than those situated close to
capitals demonstrates the attenuation of power in indigenous empires. Access to alcohol
was also an indicator of an individuals class, ethnic, and gender identities. Depending on
the context, alcohol consumption could reinforce or upset social conventions. As often as
it facilitated community cohesion via rituals, customs, and celebrations, imbibing could
separate people (such as elites who were convinced their consumption of foreign liquors
in upscale saloons was far more civilized than the working-class and poor masses who
drank moonshine or frequented pulqueras) and catalyze conflict.
In response to political and intellectual elites concerns about public inebriation,
authorities arrested (mostly lower class) drunks for unruly behavior. Just as frequently,
intoxication enters the public record when defendants deployed it as an extenuating
circumstance. Although such strategies make delineating the connection between alcohol
and crime difficult, most scholars agree a causal relationship seldom emerges in the
empirical data. Assessing alcohols effects on health is also challenging. Whereas
authorities and medical professionals vilified alcohol for causing certain diseases, making
people susceptible to others, and spurring violence, traditional healers and even some
doctors prescribed it. In short, alcohol was a marker of social position and cultural
identity, a crucial component in community and state building, and a commodity around
which different cultural traditions, healing practices, and policing policies developed and
evolved.
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the Andes (where the majority of household pots were dedicated to alcohol) also point to
common consumption.
The many uses to which people put alcohol shed light on why its consumption was
common. Inebriation played a role in the cosmology of many indigenous groups. For
Mesoamerican religious and political leaders, pulque was a ritual drink. In addition to
helping people honor or connect with the gods, alcohol was also a source of nutrition.7
While some people depended on it as a substitute for water, many indigenous healers
praised alcohols curative powers. Aztecs deployed pulque for stomach problems,
constipation, diarrhea, and menstrual cramps.8
A symbolic and material manifestation of generosity and reciprocity, beer was the most
important intoxicant in much of the Andes. In one of the earliest records of the craft beer
industry, 13th-century, Xauxa elites brewed beer in their homes to enrich themselves and
attract others to their community. In other parts of the pre-Inca Andes, breweries
produced beer for large groups. At times tastes more than convenience shaped local
production; despite living at an altitude where maize agriculture was difficult, Tiwanaku
(3001000 CE) leaders imported corn from the valleys to produce their beer of choice.
Cadavers buried with special drinking cups suggest how ubiquitous beer consumption
was among the Tiwanaku. For the Wari (6001000 CE), molle or pepper beer became an
ethnic marker by which they could distinguish themselves from the peoples they
occupied. After the Inca conquest, the beer economy diversified as households shifted
from producing foodstuffs to producing alcohol.9
Widows and pregnant and nursing women notwithstanding, Andean and Mesoamerican
womens limited ability to consume alcohol stood in stark contrast to their central role in
its production. Although the female brewers who spit in corn concoctions to speed
fermentation dominated beer production, they reaped few of its benefits. As the Incas
strengthened patriarchal rule, they reciprocated mens public labor to the state with
alcohol and excluded women from the ceremonies in which men consumed it.10 Credited
with discovering how to extract sap from maguey, Mayahuel was a revered goddess.11 Her
elevated position among the pantheon of Aztec deities speaks to womens crucial
contributions to alcohol drinkways. Because Aztec rulers wanted to regulate production
and consumption, unlike their Andean counterparts, the women who produced pulque
were not allowed to sell it.12 Given womens varied and valuable roles in the Tenochitln
(today Mexico City) and other marketplaces, Aztec rulers may have excluded them from
alcohol commerce to limit their economic power.
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Colonial Consumption
Alcohol played a central role in the conquest and conversion of indigenous peoples. As
evident in the Portuguese soldiers and authorities who used alcohol to establish peaceful
exchanges with otherwise fierce indigenous groups in Brazil,13 the first Europeans to
arrive quickly recognized the social influence of alcohol. Informed by the drinking
traditions in Europe and the Americas, missionaries used alcohol to facilitate the
conversion of natives. To ensure they had a ready supply and to profit from an expanding
market, the Jesuits produced aguardiente, which (among other reasons) often put them at
odds with colonists who too sought to access and control indigenous peoples with
alcohol.14 In many ways, the central role of the Catholic Church in colonization paved the
way for tolerance of alcohol consumption in Latin America.15
Whereas colonists and missionaries alike pushed their own libations, they were
concerned about the influence of indigenous alcohol. With religion so closely tied to
politics in the colonial period, the Crown and Catholic church had an interest in
outlawing libations that strengthened local indigenous governance, community cohesion,
and customs. Such was the case when the Jesuits first encountered Tupinamb peoples
who inhabited much of coastal Brazil. When the missionaries realized that Tupinamb
feasts marked by binge drinking reconstituted their culture and buttressed their
autonomy, they sought to eradicate them. Unlike missionaries elsewhere that deployed
alcohol as a tool of conversion, Brazilian Jesuits preached temperance and abstinence in
an effort to convert Tupinambs and assimilate them into colonial society. The
persistence of Tupinamb cauim feasts into the 21st century hints at those early Jesuits
inefficacy.16 A similar standoff took place in Mexico where missionaries sought to
eradicate indigenous peoples consumption of pulque precisely because of its status as a
divine drink. Even as they preached sobriety as a Christian norm, Augustinian friars
encouraged the consumption of wine.17
With their knowledge of distillation (the process of vaporizing then condensing fermented
solutions to be collected as a purified liquid) and introduction of resources new to the
Americas such as sugarcane and grapes, Europeans dramatically altered the influence of
alcohol. As colonial officials used alcohol revenue to govern, alcohol took on political as
well as economic significance. Without displacing fermented drinks, distilled liquor
introduced new dynamics in the production and consumption of alcohol. Accustomed to
the Mediterranean tradition of drinking wine with meals, European colonists set the
stage for daily drinking. Common consumption spurred taverns and other drinking
establishments, which facilitated socialization that frequently contravened social norms.
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Elite men conversed with the poor and working-class women who served them drinks and
food; African and mulatto drinkers rubbed elbows with Spaniards in cantinas.18
Given that much alcohol was produced from sugarcane, the plantations of which
depended largely on slave labor, alcohol permeated the Atlantic slave trade and the lives
of Africans in Latin America. Brazilian cachaa (sugarcane brandy) played a central role
in the trafficking of slaves from Africa.19 Another by-product of sugar, grappa (a
fermented beverage) appealed to slaves, indigenous people, poor free people, and even
West Indies Company soldiers because it was as intoxicating as (but less expensive than)
wine. In a manifestation of how slaves made the best of their conditions, those who
worked on sugar plantations traded grappa to slaves without access to sugar production
who in turn traded it for foodstuffs. So integral to slave life and diet had aguardente (cane
liquor or rum) become that some governors refused to place any restrictions on its
commerce or consumption. On the other hand, African slaves penchant had for drinking
grappa and cachaa concerned authorities and plantation owners who believed
inebriation led to fights among slaves that frequently resulted in murder.20
For colonial regimes, alcohol was a doubled-edged sword. Governments came to depend
on alcohol revenue to support public works and to maintain social order particularly
during famine and other hardships. Yet as the alleged alcohol abuse among slaves
suggests, alcohol could also disrupt social order and public health. Suffering through a
drought that decimated maize harvests, Guadalajara (Mexico) residents benefited from
their officials ability to draw upon alcohol revenue to purchase and redistribute corn in
1650. Such advantages failed to sway officials and other colonists who were convinced
indigenous peoples were prone to alcohol abuse, which led to crime. The very commodity
that fueled government revenues engendered social ills.
With the exception of some native concoctions hallucinatory effects, distilled alcohol
radically altered the effects alcohol had on indigenous people. Historian David Christian
notes: Distilled drinks were to fermented drinks what guns were to bows and arrows:
instruments of a potency unimaginable in most traditional societies.21 For this and other
reasons in 1757, the Portuguese Crown prohibited colonists from trading aguardente with
indigenous villages.22 Because the beverage led to disorder, the Minas Gerais (Brazil)
government only allowed licensed mills to produce cachaa throughout the 18th century.
As the hundreds of mills in operation there attest, alcohol laws and practice seldom
coincided.23 As one explanation for such regulations, historian Juan Pedro Viqueira Alban
argues that Enlightenment ideas held by colonial elites in New Spain prompted them to
perceive a decline in morality and react to it with new laws aimed at controlling drinking
culture (and public behavior more broadly).24 Informed by a broader discourse that
blamed many social problems on alcohol, European chroniclers and Catholic priests
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tendency to exaggerate the damage caused by alcohol calls into question their
descriptions of indigenous drinking patterns.
Among Europeans and colonists, the association of indigenous people with alcohol abuse
fit into larger colonial narratives that depicted natives as savages who needed to be
civilized through conversion, miscegenation, or acculturation. Some colonial officials
deployed stereotypes about indigeneity, inebriation, and crime to obscure their own
shortcomings. Such was the case in 1692 when instead of admitting that egregious
government policies catalyzed an uprising that resulted in the conflagration of much of
Mexico City, officials blamed the destruction on drunk Indians.25 The ruses success
reveals the extent to which colonists feared that indigenous and African inebriation could
spur rebellion.26 Some research suggests alcohol consumption may have loosened
individuals inhibitions. In his analysis of a pattern of indigenous and mestizo assaults on
Spaniards, Aaron Althouse posits that inebriation emboldened subordinates to act out
their frustration with colonial oppression, exploitation, and disrespect.27 Suggesting a
similar effect in regards to gender hierarchies, most of the women accused of murder in
New Granada were allegedly drunk during the killing.28 As the Spaniards, mestizos,
mulattos, indigenous people, and Africans who shared the notion that inebriation
mitigated responsibility for their transgressions demonstrate, alcohol could liberate
people from social norms and soften punishment.29
Flying in the face of the Spanish Crowns efforts to maintain the separation of races,
Europeans, natives, and Africans shared recipes and drinks. At times, European
introductions replaced local concoctions.30 European reactions to Latin American
beverages ranged from addiction to abhorrence. Firmly rooted in the latter camp, in
1552, Francisco Lpez de Gmara claimed: There are no dead dogs, not a bomb, tha[t]
can clear a path as well as the smell of pulque.31 Withholding his judgment in the 1630s,
the English chronicler Thomas Gage described the Poqomam-Maya recipe for chicha that
included tobacco leaves, roots, and a live toad!32 Many colonial elites considered
indigenous drinks dangerous.33 As the Portuguese merchants who struggled to sell
French wine and brandy in Rio de Janiero learned, Latin Americans did not necessarily
embrace European stock either; for Brazilians, product quality drove demand.34 In turn,
Brazilian wine enjoyed enough popularity in Africa that it spawned a vibrant trade based
out of Luanda.35 Similarly, some Europeans embraced indigenous drinks and shared
taverns with their ethnic and class inferiors. Such was the case in southern Chile where
Spaniards praised indigenous chicha as better than wine.36 Examining the past through
the lens of alcohol demonstrates that Latin Americans frequently associated with each
other in ways that contravened social conventions.
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Social Relations
Positing that the type of liquor and the location of its production and consumption shaped
peoples perceptions, Taylor encourages scholars to think about the social meanings of
alcohol. Mesoamerican indigenous groups and Spanish colonists alike generally believed
that alcohol could maintain or alter social identities.52 The beverages one drank helped
to determine their identity.53 In Brazil where certain types of alcohol were associated with
barbarism, the social and ethnic distinctions of alcohol are evident in popular poems
(quadras) that reveal cachaa was shunned by educated whites but embraced by the poor,
indigenous people, and African slaves.54 Despite elite assumptions concerning taste,
cheap liquor fanciers also had standards. Consumers considered the cachaa distilled
directly from cane juice better than that distilled from mill renderings.55 Colonial
authorities sometimes used alcohol to reinforce or rearrange class and ethnic lines. In
Guatemala, Spaniards, mestizos, mulattos, and Negroes, but not Indians, could consume
Spanish and Peruvian alcohol.56 By enforcing the isolation of Indians and allowing the
fraternization of Africans and those of African descent with Europeans, such regulations
both encouraged and upset social hierarchies.
Diverse enough to serve as general stores and lodging houses, drinking establishments
taverns, cantinas, pulqueras, vinateras (wine and liquor shops), and other (often illicit)
establishmentsprovided venues for socializing, gossiping, and other forms of
exchanging information; at times, business and labor arrangements took place in them.
Taverns served important commercial functions. Entrepreneurial women sold food within
them.57 Cash strapped customers could buy drink and food on credit.58 Others pawned
goods for cash. In Chilean pulperas (store-taverns), merchants, muleteers, artisans,
farmers, soldiers and other locals came together to celebrate and commiserate.59 Owned
and operated by indigenous women, African slaves, mulattos, and even Spaniards,
Bolivian chicheras (chicha taverns) were melting pots of sorts where indigenous, African,
and Spanish men and women raised their glasses together.60 In addition to gambling,
dancing, music, and carousing, romantic pursuits were also common.61 For 18th-century
Mexico City, Michael Scardaville notes: The drinking house functioned as a reassuring
institution in a society subject to the anxieties of accelerating corn prices, periodic
epidemics, and job insecurity.62 As sites where ones accountability, vulnerability, power,
and identity, were contested, defended, and reconstituted, saloons had atmospheres that
ranged from happy to hostile. At times drunken excess could turn merriment into
violence, especially if one refused an invitation to drink. In colonial Mexico, such a
rejection was a declaration of superiority or hostility.63
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Even though colonial officials often attributed moral decline to drinking houses and the
loose women and lusty men they attracted, the Crown was too dependent on their
revenue to shut them down. It reluctance to do so can also be attributed to its sporadic
presence in most of its urban let alone rural colonies. In addition to concerns about
inebriation and cross gender socialization, governments feared watering holes were
hotbeds of social unrest.64 Concerned about socializing among indigenous people,
mulattos, and Africans, the Potos (in modern-day Bolivia) town council sought to close
chicharas.65 In the last half of the 18th century, Bourbon reformers in Mexico City
similarly policed pulqueras to circumvent and ideally transform the lives of the poor who
they considered dirty, criminal threats to public order and decency. To discourage
congregation, reformers outlawed seats and benches in pulqueras. To discourage vice,
they required lighting and mandated the removal of walls and thick curtains. That
taverns, pulqueras, and other poor and working-class drinking spaces largely ignored
such regulations and continued to thrive speaks not only to their popularity but also to
popular resistance to Bourbon reforms. Despite the presence of armed guards around it,
besotted individuals peed and defecated against the walls of the viceregal palace in
Mexico City.66
Elite assumptions about poor peoples consumption habits dovetailed with the arguments
of European intellectuals like Henry Fielding whose 1751 book An Enquiry into the
Causes of the Late Increase in Robbers attributed rising crime rates to alcohol abuse.
Convinced alcohol turned the hapless heads of the Indians, making them susceptible to
the most serious crimes, many colonial officials endorsed Fieldings thesis.67 Since
colonial law and courtrooms fueled perceptions of the relationship between alcohol and
crime, determining the causal effect of alcohol and crime is difficult. When drunkenness
became codified as an extenuating circumstance, defendants frequently deployed it to
countervail their culpability and alleviate their sentences. By clouding the premeditation
of a persons transgressions, inebriation served defendants well. Even as Taylor and
historian Victor Uribe-Uran noted a correlation between homicides and alcohol
consumption, they concur that alcohol was not a causal factor in most serious crimes.68
Whereas colonial officials warned against alcohols detrimental effect on crime and public
health, many Latin Americans extolled its curative powers. On many plantations,
Brazilian planters were convinced regular consumption of cachaa kept slaves healthy
and diligent. One Brazilian governor considered aguardente a basic foodstuff that
helped slaves bear with such a great labor, live healthier, and a longer time.69 African
and mulatto healers used alcohol in their curing practices. Like indigenous practitioners,
they were convinced it could restore good health. It could also be used as a purgative.70
Even doctors from the Real Protomedicato de la Nueva Espaa insisted that when used in
moderation, alcohol could be healthy and medicinal.
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As a social lubricant, alcohol helped rituals and celebrations to create community both
within and across ethnic groups. In the Andes, alcohol imbued personal relations with
notions of reciprocity, obligation, generosity, and trust.71 Long offered as a ceremonial
gift, alcohol reinforced and reshaped local knowledge, culture, and tradition.72 Carefully
choreographed and organized, many indigenous drinking rituals enhanced the social
prestige and political power of the elites who hosted them;73 they also catalyzed
communal drinking binges. Ritualized balch consumption helped Yucatec Mayas and
Lacandons to maintain their social and religious autonomy, particularly because
Spaniards (especially priests) considered the practice to be that of savages.74
As much as alcohol connected people, it could also divide them by catalyzing ethnic and
class stratifications and poisoning social relations. Spaniards who refused to drink beer
with Incas foreshadowed an ominous colonial enterprise and reflected European
prejudices about indigenous consumption. Alcohol did not simply fall along a European/
American divide, however. In colonial Mexico, indigenous residents of San Miguel
denigrated hacienda workers there who drank regularly.75 Such observations hint at the
rich potential for researchers interested in alcohols effect on social relations.
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pulperas (female tavern owners) who complained that unregulated competition was
unfair, Chilean colonial authorities responded to the growing informal alcohol economy
by dramatically reducing taxes to encourage all alcohol entrepreneurs to attain official
status. For women largely confined to the home and assumed by law to be incapable of
making commercial decisions, the opportunity to own and run a pulpera allowed them to
demonstrate their business acumen and advance their emancipation.79
Although women generally had greater freedom to drink after the Spanish invasions,
restrictions on their consumption circumscribed their behavior. In colonial Mexico, for
example, if a husband was drunk, his wife was expected to be sober. In turn, officials and
husbands punished wives who drank without their husbands consent. Even absent free
reign to drink, the expansion of public consumption as manifested in the florescence of
taverns (the entrance to which often was separated by gender) gave women greater
access to members of the community.80
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As the case of Brazilian cachaa demonstrates, alcohol identities changed over time.
Argentinean wine offers another example of this process. As European migration erupted
from the second half of the 19th century through the first half of the 20th century, the
wine industry enjoyed a robust domestic market. Since many families considered wine a
staple, like bread and meat, price and quantity were more important than taste.
Appreciative of its high alcohol content, heavy color, and viscosity, most consumers
diluted their wine with water to economize. PostWorld War II urbanization further
fueled the domestic wine market. So crucial to working-class life had cheap wine become
that the populist government of Juan and Eva Pern (and some of their successors)
advocated for and passed tax laws favorable to its provision. With the emphasis on mass
consumption, quality never emerged as a priority. Consumers used ice and soda water to
make wine more palatable. When the domestic market shifted to beer and other alcoholic
drinks in the 1960s and 1970s, wine producers faced a crisis.85 Many responded by hiring
foreign wine experts and investing in technology and such quality controls as oak barrels
for aging. Instead of mass production, vineyards adjusted to produce diverse high quality
wines. By the 1990s, Argentinean wines had gained an international reputation for
excellence. Even though Argentineans consumed 80 percent of nationally produced
wines, producers and consumers alike basked in the foreign affirmation of their products.
Investing heavily in advertising and other media, wine producers jettisoned the workingclass associations of wine to portray it as an elite beverage.86
Elsewhere in Latin America, some companies refashioned traditional drinks to embrace a
European or at least Hispanic identity. Such was the case with the Sauza Tequila Import
Company. Three generations of Sauza owners worked to distinguish tequila from pulque
and contrast the former as a drink of upper- and middle-class Hispanics with the latter as
one of poor and working-class Indians. That distinction informed their marketing strategy
in the United States and Europe too.87 Claiming tequila (and by extension its consumers)
best represented lo Mexicano, or being Mexican, was but one manifestation of what Tim
Mitchell calls patriotic alcoholization, which has deep historical roots in Latin America
where alcohol producers linked their products to nationalism.88
When entrepreneurs eager to follow the liberal economic model of export production
began looking to foreign markets, the international component of the alcohol trade
became more pronounced. In 1873, for example, the founder of the Sauza Tequila Import
Company, Cenobio Sauza (18731909) began exporting tequila from Mexico to the United
States.89 Like many of his counterparts, he considered foreign consumers crucial to
expanding profits. As neoliberal economics took hold in the second half of the 20th
century, international marketing campaigns eclipsed domestic advertising and put many
drinks out of reach of the poor and working classes.90 Even when economic systems
changed dramatically, alcohol companies continued to shape their nations. Bacardi Rum
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in Cuba offers one example of a company nimble enough to survive the transition from
capitalism to communism (among other machinations, the company advanced legislation
to cripple its main competitor Havana Club Rum and funneled CIA funds to paramilitary
mercenaries intent on overthrowing Fidel Castro) and powerful enough to influence
Cuban society and foreigners perceptions of the island nation.91 Of course, local
unregulated drinks too were part of international trade as the 19th-century Guatemalan
highland Mayas who transported and consumed comiteco (a type of aguardiente) from
Chiapas, Mexico, demonstrate. Taken as a whole, the globalization of Latin American
alcohol shaped national development and social relations.92
Government greed for alcohol revenue undermined political stability.93 As the Mexico
case demonstrates, alcohol entrepreneurs were formidable protagonists. Notwithstanding
the devastating economic effects of civil wars and foreign invasions, the very political
instability that contributed to the Mexican governments reliance on alcohol revenues
often compelled it to repeal alcohol taxes. As influential as the Sauza family and other
tequila producers had become, pulquera owners too enjoyed significant lobbying power,
which they wielded to mitigate or forestall government regulations. Even against the
backdrop of media campaigns aimed at discounting pulque, it remained a major player up
until World War II when beer became the fermented beverage of choice.94 An attempt to
counteract that preference in the 1960s by canning pulque for wide distribution failed. As
pulquera owners began catering to younger clientele in the 21st century, pulque has
made a comeback among educated middle- and upper-class Mexico City residents, who
have reappropriated it as a symbol of their rebellion against and embracement of
nationalism.95
Alcoholic Leverages
Strategies for controlling the production, distribution, and sale of alcohol varied over
time and by region. Though persistent in Central America, the colonial penchant for
establishing alcohol monopolies gave way to stamp taxes and tax farming in other parts
of Latin America as the 19th century wore on. In Venezuela, the government sold the
right to collect taxes to private individuals who could then keep the proceeds.96 A
different form of indirect taxation emerged in Mexico where the government
implemented a stamp tax on alcoholic beverages. Producers were taxed on an increasing
scale based on the percentage of alcohol content in their libations. In many nations,
fragmented geographies and heterogenous producers made collecting taxes difficult. As
historian Graciela Mrquez argues, Mexicos post-revolution reforms were aimed at
reducing the cost of collection by increasing tax efficiency and rationalizing the tax
burden.97
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clandestine still.108 Some producers and vendors operated in both the formal and informal
economies.
Even as the historical record (particularly oral histories) offers hints as to how wily
bootleggers avoided detection, the extent to which clandestine alcohol sales fed into
regional economic systems led to some ambiguity in the persecution of bootleggers. To
cut off the production and sale of moonshine would have eradicated an important source
of revenue flow and labor recruitment in local economies. The local collaboration and
complicity that ranged from corrupt authorities looking the other way to officials
establishing their own illicit operations was as much driven by personal interest as this
knowledge. In many areas, enforcement was spotty by design.
Whereas some communities such as the Tzoltils and Tzeltals of Chiapas (Mexico)
convinced local officials to permit the production, sale, and consumption of alcohol for
ritual uses, the pleas of others such as 19th-century Mayas in Western Guatemala fell on
deaf ears.109 Successful petitions were generally short lived and subject to political
manipulation. The Tzoltil and Tzeltal concession lasted only five years. When the state
reestablished an alcohol monopoly in 1949, the uprising was so virulent, it became known
as Posh [aguardiente] War. Stephen Lewiss analysis of it holds true for many parts of
Latin America where the culture of alcohol was so important: that any attempt to limit
its production and distribution had grave social consequences and promoted clandestine
production.110 Mayas too resisted government monopolies.111 One Guatemalan
governments attempt to regulate alcohol production and sale in the 1830s contributed to
an uprising that led to its downfall. Though wars related to alcohol were the exception,
the vibrant bootlegging and moonshining enterprises throughout the region stand as a
testament to the many ways people resisted states attempts to control the alcohol
economy. So interrelated were the legal and illegal alcohol economies that an increase in
the price of legal alcohol could stimulate clandestine production and sale.112
Whether motivated by sympathy, corruption, or personal interest, many politicians turned
a blind eye toward violations; some sold or consumed alcohol illegally. One such instance
was the great still in the town of Tecpn, Guatemala, rumored to be so large that it was
considered an urban legend by law enforcement, until they discovered just why it was
referred to as La Municipalidad in May 1931. Owned and operated by Tecpns town
council, the illegal still was discovered on the mayors land! Collusion between elected
officials, moonshiners, and locals was not uncommon. While some politicians used alcohol
to enrich themselves, others used it to buy votes. In an indication of how government
officials upset the state-building process, corrupt municipal and judicial officials in 20thcentury Mexico regularly flouted alcohol laws.113 Alcohol seeped into politics.
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Even as their intensity and efficacy varied by time and place, campaigns against
bootlegging were nearly universal in Latin America. By outlawing moonshine, the state
altered definitions of crime. By maintaining that cottage industry, bootleggers challenged
definitions of deviant behavior. To portray an image of efficacy, police gazettes and other
official sources celebrated successful raids.
Although a few moonshiners claimed they were unaware producing and selling alcohol
without a license was illegal, most defendants revealed knowledge of the law in their
savvy testimonies. Once arrested, moonshiners and bootleggers tended to reference their
poverty to explain if not excuse their transgression. Female defendants often deployed
the gendered language of vulnerability or motherhood in their defenses. Neither
destitution nor motherhood were extenuating circumstances in legal codes, but litigants
were wise to cite them. Judicial officials regularly reduced penalties for women whose
poverty was noteworthy. Widows raising children especially enjoyed success in
mitigating sentences and fines.114
Temperance Movements
Unlike moonshine campaigns, temperance movements gained little traction in Latin
Americas predominantly Catholic countries. Widespread lower-class consumption of
distilled alcohol (particularly moonshine because of its low price and allure of illegality)
sparked fledgling temperance movements. In nations with large indigenous populations,
efforts to curb alcohol consumption were linked to race. When the overtly Catholic
Ecuadorean administration of Gabriel Garca Moreno (18601875) discouraged excessive
alcohol consumption, it subtly associated inebriation with indigeneity. By suggesting that
the normally timid, cowardly indigenous people become violent savages with alcohol,
authorities portrayed indigenous people as unworthy of citizenship. Framing alcohol as
the root of all immoral behavior allowed Garca Moreno to deploy temperance policies
against priests, officials, and even entire regions critical of his centralized regime. If they
were known to have a penchant for inebriation, the government could purge impious
priests and authorities who did not fall in line.115 Not surprisingly, temperance movements
were pitted against alcohol producers. In late 19th-century Uruguay, a burgeoning winemaking industry marketed their product against the backdrop of Temperance Legions
informed by a combination of medical and moralistic critiques of alcohol.116 In contrast to
the fertile ground Protestantism provided for temperance in the United States (where
teetotalers like Neal Dow, who was known as the Napoleon of Temperance, decried that:
Portlands wharves groaned beneath the burden of West India rum), Catholicism
generally heralded a lenient attitude toward consumption. Of course, not all temperance
zealots were Protestant. Yet even as the Catholic Church warned against the dangers of
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alcoholism, the religious, ritual, and cultural uses of alcohol tended to buttress its
legitimacy and acceptance.117
In Mexico, early nationalist efforts to reduce alcohol consumption by prohibiting music,
gambling, or other entertainment that might encourage lingering in drinking
establishments mirrored those of the colonial period.118 By the turn of the century,
temperance campaigns emerged in response to reformers who warned: Alcoholism and
venereal disease represented the greatest evils.119 After the overthrow of Porfirio Daz in
1910, Mexican revolutionaries believed they could eradicate poverty, laziness, and
backwardness by controlling alcohol consumption.120 Decrying the domestic damage that
alcohol caused, women were frequently on the front lines of anti-alcohol campaigns,
which in Mexico was decidedly anti-clerical. Mexican anti-alcohol activists decried
Catholic festivals that encouraged people to drink.121 Encouraged by paternalistic
reformers who confined womens contributions to their traditional gender roles, women
pressured local leaders to shut down neighborhood cantinas and convinced their
husbands to abstain from drinking. Even though their husbands and local leaders often
resisted womens mobilization and few women assumed leadership roles in anti-alcohol
campaigns, many women embraced the opportunity to become public political activists.122
Warning that alcoholism was Among the greatest enemies of the race and future of
Mexico [because it] undermines the physical and moral forces of our men, disturbs
conjugal happiness, and destroys, with degenerate children, all possibility of future
greatness for the fatherland, Mexican President Emilio Portes Gil launched the National
Committee for the Struggle Against Alcohol in 1929.123 Perhaps because Gil and his
successors portrayed indigenous and poor men as particularly prone to alcoholism, some
rural communities in Chiapas declared themselves dry; a few even posted guards to keep
aguardiente out. Because they were overwhelmed with the various revolutionary
programs they were charged with implementing (and more than a few of them were
chronic drinkers), teachers enjoyed little success in convincing youths and other rural
Mexicans to abstain from drinking. As politically astute and sophisticated as they became
through the process, women in anti-alcohol committees were equally ineffective.124 Few
anti-alcohol advocates sought to tackle such socioeconomic factors surrounding
alcoholism as poverty, unclean drinking water, unemployment, and workplace abuse,
however. More popular than government efforts, Protestant evangelical sects that
preached abstinence as a path to increased wealth and improved domestic relations
caught on in the second half of the 20th century, particularly in Brazil and Guatemala.
Indeed, the number of converts swelled as a result of alcohol remediation programs.
Only sporadically applied, liquor laws had little effect. In most countries, states
dependence on alcohol revenues and corrupt officials undermined legislative initiatives.125
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Even when temperance measures were enforced, locals found ways to circumvent them.
When Merida officials shut down cantinas, working-class homes became the destination
of choice, which facilitated the participation of women. With the sale of alcohol prohibited
on Sundays, San Lunes or Holy Monday became the preferred day for inebriation and
disorder in the Yucatn.126 Paternalistic in the effort to free workers from alcohols grip,
liquor laws in Mexico were part of the broader goal of establishing a capitalist ethic. Even
where the goal was socialism, as historians William French and Barry Carr point out,
progress required the elimination of alcoholism.127
In addition to consumers opposition, producers and vendors complained temperance
movements threatened their livelihoods. If judicial records are any indication, many Latin
Americans produced and sold alcohol to escape poverty. As Gretchen Pierce and Aurea
Toxqui demonstrate, when including those who transported, sold, and served beer,
tequila, pulque, and other drinks, the number of people who stood to lose their jobs was
well over half a million.128 Because they were more nimble and mobile, smaller operations
found it easier to continue to produce through anti-alcohol campaigns than larger
operations such as the Sonora Brewery, which folded because of prohibition. The
increased unemployment and other reverberations from the Sonora Brewery closing its
does provided a cautionary tale about the negative intended and unintended
consequences that prohibition and temperance campaigns set in motion. For the smaller
illicit Mexican operations along the border, however, U.S. prohibition was a boon. For the
same reason authorities pursued moonshiners, many officials refrained from enforcing
temperance: the licit alcohol economy was too lucrative to allow anything to undercut
it.129
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Often grounded in European, urban elite lifestyles, cultural values informed observations
about alcoholic drinkways.133 Whereas Sarmiento portrayed Argentinean gauchos or
cowboys as prone to alcoholism and violence, 19th- and early-20th-century U.S. travelers
attributed Mexican laziness and stupidity and lack of ambition to alcohol
consumption.134 Foreign travelers who ventured into indigenous areas and tried local
libations were often shocked and dismayed. Exploring the Guatemalan highlands in the
1830s, John L. Stephens came upon a marriage being celebrated with dancing and
aguardiente that he characterized as an exhibition of disgusting revelry.135 Some forty
years later in 1874, Gilbert Haven described pulque as a disgustingly smelling and
tasting substance Rotten eggs are fragrant to its odor, and pigs swill sweet to its
taste.136
While many national and foreign elites denigrated working class drinkways, by the
mid-19th century Mexican authorities and intellectuals portrayed cafes where elites
enjoyed imported wines and liquors in the company of art or artists as sophisticated and
civilized. Such contrasts speak to the ways morality and enlightenment were linked to
class. In light of the disorder and dissipation in cafes and convivial atmosphere in
pulqueras, distinctions between drinking spaces were often more imagined than real.137
Discourses about class, race, criminality and alcoholism focused elite efforts on what they
perceived to be challenges to establishing order and progress. Such depictions contrast
sharply with that of the prominent 19th-century Mexican writer, poet, and liberal
politician Guillermo Prieto who portrayed suburban pulqueras as havens of shared
sociability among different social classes.138 The persistence of some pulqueras in cities
and the proliferation of others in suburban locales when urban regulations persecuted
them speaks to how important they were for poor and working-class clientele who
patronized them. In addition to contributing to the urbanization of rural areas,
pulqeueras provided a venue where traditional rural and often indigenous men and
women experienced the modernizing influences of urban life including capitalism,
liberalism, and industrialization.139 As the aforementioned distinct perceptions
demonstrate, competing perceptions of alcohol consumption and drinking spaces figured
prominently in nation building.
Like the church, governments were concerned about alcohols role in challenging
hegemonic notions and structures. Their addiction to alcohol revenue can be discerned in
the extent to which they pursued it despite the social problems associated with drinking.
Alcohol frequently left a wake that undermined politicians efforts to portray order and
progress in their nations. Scandalously drunk men and women evoked a sense of
disorder. Many politicians and authorities were convinced alcohol abuse contributed to
crime. In 1866, one group of Mexico City businessmen complained about pulqueras near
their shops because: premises next to the pulquera were invaded by many drunkards
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Gendered Drinking
The gendered, class, and ethnic aspects of alcohol offer windows into the social and
economic history of Latin America. As historian Heidi Tinsman points out, in addition to
conquering women and highlighting male camaraderie, drinking was a central component
of masculinity.148 Many men bonded over beverages in ways that enhanced their trust in
and intimacy with one another and opposition to their superiors. So engrained had
perceptions of alcohol consumption and inebriation become as part of mine workers
identities that social reformers in Chile considered eradicating alcoholism as crucial to
establishing more robust and stable male-headed families. Ignoring the dry law and
police vigilance, some miners consumed clandestinely. For some, drinking asserted their
manliness and opposition to the companys regulations and rules.149 Some anti-alcohol
advocates sought to disassociate drinking from masculinity. In late-19th-century Ecuador,
the Garca Moreno administration portrayed excessive alcohol consumption as a sign of
mens failings and weakness. Framed as a blow to their masculinity, men who diverted
money toward booze and beat their wives and children while drunk instead of providing
for and protecting them surrendered their patriarchal rights and privileges.150 Similarly,
anti-alcohol activists in Mexico framed sobriety as masculine; manly men were sober.151
As historians and anthropologists have proven, the gendered history of alcohol
consumption is varied. Matthew Gutmanns study of machismo in Mexico City
demonstrates that many men abstained from drinking and many others generally drank
far more responsibly than the: celebrated image of the Mexican proletarian male with a
bottle of tequila in his hand and a silly, satisfied grin on his lips.152 In contrast to the way
that men who drank together reconstituted masculine solidarity in colonial Mexico, the
increasing frequency with which men drank with women in bars and in their homes over
the course of the 20th century calls into question the assumption that drinking and
drunkenness are essential elements of Mexican masculinity.153 One 1923 study found that
80 percent of the girls as compared to only 70 percent of the boys between the ages of
eight and fifteen consumed alcohol.154 The growing corpus of studies of alcohol in Latin
America has contributed to what Gutmann calls degendering alcohol consumption.155
Although not necessarily to the extent of their male counterparts, women too consumed
alcohol and got drunk.156 According to Mexican criminologists, women who drank became
jealous, immoral, and bore illegitimate babies. For poor women the consequences were
allegedly even worse: prostitution, abortion, and venereal diseases.157 Such ominous
claims notwithstanding, over time women expanded the contexts in which they could
drink and imbibed in ways that increased their social mobility and satisfaction.158
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Page 25 of 47
detrimental health effects; inspectors who examined distilling equipment and serving
conditions did much to improve public health.
For teetotalers, anything short of prohibition and abstinence was futile. Late-19th century
Brazilian doctors considered the abuse of alcohol beverages a true calamity
particularly among the lower classes.163 Mexican health officials decried alcohol as a vice
leading to cirrhosis, syphilis, tuberculosis, and other diseases.164 Deployed to help states
rule, statistics demonstrated alarming associations between alcohol and public health. To
cite a contemporary example, cirrhosis is one of Mexicos top five health problems
today.165 Alcohol consumption also had indirect effects on public health. Oral histories,
judicial records, and ethnographic studies suggest a relationship between intoxication
and domestic violence. Breadwinners who spent money on alcohol instead of the home
were especially hard on families living in poverty.
Alcohol also could contribute to health care and public health. Latin American indigenous
peoples routinely prescribed alcohol to cure fevers and other ills.166 Consumed as an
anesthesia, alcohol also could be a potent antidote for those dealing with the stress of
poverty or the trauma of war and violence. Given the reality of many rural Mexicans,
tequila producers claims that their libation was healthy and hygienic were not
necessarily hyperbolic.167 Even into the 21st century, some families depended on
fermented beverages as a substitute for water (since theirs was not potable), food, and
medicine.168
Conclusion
Alcohol and the people who produced, sold, and consumed it helped to shape
communities, colonies and nations in Latin America. Early archaeological evidence
suggests the intertwined nature of institutional and social structures relating to alcohol
during the indigenous era were even more apparent in the colonial and national periods.
Throughout those periods, the bonding agents that connected institutions and people
were power and its mirror expression, autonomy. Given that neither the Aztec nor Inca
empires could eradicate local consumption and production patterns, the survival of some
variation of those patterns into the colonial and national periods is not surprising. As
ritual consumption and production customs demonstrate, alcohol drinkways reconstituted
and revived communities under indigenous, colonial, and national rule. Alcohol
consumption could unite people (when, for example, different ethnicities, classes, and
genders frequented the same drinking establishments) or divide them (when, for
example, marketing campaigns targeted specific classes and racesand implicitly
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excluded othersfor their products). Ranging from a social lubricant to medicine and a
substitute for potable water, alcohol served many functions.
A crucial contributor to formal and informal commerce, alcohol revenue fueled national
budgets and local economies. With sugarcane harvested by African slaves providing the
primary ingredient for rum, alcohol flowed through many aspects of the colonial (and
national in Brazil where slavery continued after independence) economy. Whether as
payment or a recruitment tool, alcohol was intimately tied to other forms of labor. In
addition to shedding light on the way companies such as Bacardi Rum and Sauza Tequila
Import have shaped national trajectories, the study of alcohol reveals how lower-class
men and women improved their lot via the alcohol economylegal or otherwise.
Historical studies of clandestine alcohol enterprises offer insight into the attenuation of
state power and autonomy of marginalized people. Similarly, studying prohibition reveals
the countervailing gendered interests of women who produced and sold moonshine on
the one hand and those who emerged as the rank and file of prohibition movements on
the other. The moonshiners who pled poverty or vulnerability as exculpatory, the
perpetrators of violent acts who claimed they were drunk to mitigate their sentences, and
those arrested (legitimately or otherwise) for drunk and disorderly conduct are but a few
manifestations of the complex concatenations of alcohol and the law. As a commodity,
currency, and cultural icon, alcohol influenced Latin Americas past and historical
reconstructions. Still in its nascent stages, the historiography of alcohol is one of the
most exciting fields in Latin America.
Page 27 of 47
primarily on economics, specifically the production, sale, and taxation of pulque. Among
the first to study governments contradictory goals of controlling inebriation and profiting
from the alcohol economy, Taylor demonstrated the complex roles that alcohol played in
colonial Mexico. Even as indigenous consumers turned to alcohol to temporarily escape
their plight and privations, they also played upon Spaniards assumptions about their
penchant for alcoholism to mitigate their sentences in the courtroom and subvert colonial
rule beyond it. As he explores indigenous peoples shift from consuming alcohol primarily
in ritual contexts during the pre-Hispanic period to more widespread imbibing during the
colonial period, Taylor encourages scholars to examine the social meanings of alcohol.
Although Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion in Colonial Mexico Villages spawned rich
historiographical veins in the areas of violence, resistance, and rebellion, few historians
picked up the mantle of alcohol. Most historians who explored the role of alcohol did so
as part of broader social and cultural histories. Not until the turn of the 21st century did
historians begin to analyze alcohol as a primary subject of their research.
Building on Taylors work, Kendall Brown studied how alcohol shaped Bourbon rule in
Peru. Bourbons and Brandy: Imperial Reform in Eighteenth-Century Arequipa explores
how the sale and consumption of both imported and domestic alcohol influenced colonial
society in Arequipa. Ultimately, like their predecessors, Bourbons depended on alcohol
revenue to run the government even as they lamented and at times tried to pass
legislation to mitigate alcohols deleterious effects. In their anthology about Bourbon
rule, Jordana Dym and Christoph Belaurbe offer insight into how alcohol shaped late
colonial Central America. Bourbon attempts to control alcohol monopolies and other
aspects of the alcohol economy often were met with severe resistance.
In a study that offers rich descriptions of tavern life and the crucial role such watering
holes played in late colonial Mexican society and economy, Michael Scardaville
documented popular and proprietor resistance to Bourbon alcohol reforms in late colonial
Mexico. His article encouraged others to approach taverns as more than simply social
gathering places to reveal the complex social and economic relations that occurred in and
reverberated beyond them. urea Toxqui frames taverns as incubators of popular culture.
As much as governments wanted to regulate if not reform those spaces of socialization,
inebriation, and vice, they also depended on them as sources of revenue.
Alcohol was a double-edged sword for Latin American governments and entrepreneurs
alike. Many of Mexicos most successful colonial entrepreneurs engaged in pulque
production, trade, and sale though they refrained from running pulqueras themselves as
John Kizca demonstrates. Fearing a drop in productivity and obeisance, many large
businesses mirrored government regulations that sought to limit and in some cases
prohibit the consumption of alcohol (among their workforce).
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Spanning the colonial and modern eras, Frederick Smith demonstrates how integral rum
was to economic, political, and social relations in the Caribbean. Narrowing the
geographic focus, Tom Gjeltsen provides a journalistic exploration of how Bacardi Rum
shaped Cuban development and nationalism.
By the mid-20th century social scientistsparticularly anthropologists and sociologists
were turning their attention to alcohol. One of the first anthropologists to study alcohol
consumption in Latin America was Ruth Bunzel. Her pioneering article informed such
successors as Christine Eber who contrasted the social and ritual uses of rum with its
ability to facilitate the economic and political exploitation of indigenous groups.169 With
his research among Camba peoples in Bolivia, anthropologist Dwight Heath led the
charge to dispel the myth that Amerindians were extremely susceptible to alcohol and
alcoholism. By the 1960s, he and others pointed out that alcohol consumption generally
accompanied local culture and custom but seldom to the point where indigenous men and
women were consumed by or addicted to it. More recently, Barbara Butler explores how
Quechua speakers continued to gain some satisfaction and agency even as they shifted
from consuming alcohol mainly for ritual purposes to drinking it daily to escape povertys
privations.
With the postmodern and social history turn in the last decades of the 20th century,
scholars have used alcohol drinkways as a lens through which to examine gender, ethnic,
class, and race relations. Since the 1970s, the field of womens history has shed a bright
light on womens role in the production, sale, and to a lesser extent consumption of
alcohol. With few other options that allowed them to stay within the confines of their
gender roles, many working-class and some elite women turned to alcohol as a way to
support themselves and expand their mobility. Focusing on ethnicity and race, Pablo
Piccato and Virginia Garrard Burnett found that turn of the 20th-century elites in Mexico
and Guatemala associated indigenous and lower-class people with alcohol consumption
and crime. Such rhetoric contributed to policing practices that targeted indigenous
people and the poor for alcohol and other crimes. And yet a few exceptions
notwithstanding (most notably Lyman Johnsons study of honor and violence in colonial
Buenos Aires), most historians agree the evidence linking alcohol consumption to crime is
tenuous at best.
More recently a few edited collections have brought together scholars to examine what
alcohol tells us about subjectivity, power, hegemony, resistance, ethics, economics,
politics, and culture. Some authors like Jose C. Curto, who demonstrates the critical role
Brazilian wines played in Africas alcohol trade, explore how Latin American drinks have
shaped histories abroad.
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What makes studying alcohol challenging is that its social meaning (particularly in
indigenous communities) and economic significance are often elusive. With moonshining,
bootlegging, and corrupt officials, determining the extent to which alcohol lubricated
local economies and undermined national ones is difficult. To be sure, alcohol profits
contributed to national treasuries, but the extent to which it influenced state formation is
hard to pinpoint.
In this burgeoning field, a number of areas are ripe for future scholars. For example, the
role that local vendors and community leaders played in making alcohol readily available
demands closer examination as does the study of how integral and essential alcohol was
to indigenous and Afro-Latin American life. These and other topics promise to be rich
lines of inquiry.
Further Reading
Brown, Kendall W. Bourbons and Brandy: Imperial Reform in Eighteenth-Century
Arequipa. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986.
Bruman, Henry J. Alcohol in Ancient Mexico. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press,
2000.
Bunzel, Ruth. The Role of Alcoholism in Two Central American Cultures. Psychiatry 3
(1940): 361387.
Butler, Barbara. Holy Intoxication to Drunken Dissipation: Alcohol among Quichua
Speakers in Otavolo, Ecuador. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006.
Carey, David, Jr., ed. Distilling the Influence of Alcohol: Aguardiente in Guatemalan
History. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2012.
Curto, Jos C. Enslaving Spirits: The Portuguese-Brazilian Alcohol Trade at Luanda and
Its Hinterland, c. 15501830. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2004.
Eber, Christine. Women and Alcohol in a Highland Maya Town: Water of Hope, Water of
Sorrow. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000.
Garrard-Burnett, Virginia. Indians Are Drunks and Drunks Are Indians: Alcohol and
Indigenismo in Guatemala, 18901940. Bulletin of Latin American Research 19.3 (July
2000): 341356.
Gjelten, Tom. Bacardi and the Long Fight for Cuba: The Biography of a Cause. New York:
Viking, 2008.
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Hames, Gina. Maize-Beer, Gossip, and Slander: Female Tavern Proprietors and Urban,
Ethnic Cultural Elaboration in Bolivia, 18701930. Journal of Social History 37.2 (2003):
351364.
Heath, Dwight B. Drinking Patterns of the Bolivian Camba. Quarterly Journal of Studies
on Alcohol 19 (1958): 491508.
Heath, Dwight B. Alcohol Use in Latin America: Cultural Realities and Policy Implications.
Providence, RI: Center for Latin American Studies, Brown University, 1987.
Heath, Dwight B. Historical and Cultural Factors Affecting Alcohol Availability (and
Consumption) in Latin America. In Legislative Approaches to Prevention of AlcoholRelated Problems: An Inter-American Workshop. Edited by Alan K. Kaplan, 127188.
Washington, DC: Institute of Medicine, National Academy Press, 1982.
Hernndez Palomo, Jos Jess. El aguardiente de caa en Mxico, 17241810. Seville:
Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1974.
Hernndez Palomo, Jos Jess. La renta de pulque en Nueva Espaa, 16631810. Seville:
Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevilla, 1979.
Jennings, Justin, and Brenda J. Bowser, eds. Drink, Power, and Society in the Andes.
Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009.
Kizca, John. The Pulque Trade in Late Colonial Mexico City. The Americas 37.2 (1980):
193221.
Lacoste, Pablo. Wine and Women: Grape Growers and Pulperas in Mendoza, 1561
1852. Hispanic American Historical Review 88.3 (August 2008): 361391.
Mateu, Ana Mara, and Steve Stein, eds. El vino y sus revoluciones: Una antologa
histrica sobre el desarrollo de la industria vitivincola argentina. Mendoza, Argentina:
Editorial de al Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, 2008.
Mitchell, Tim. Intoxicated Identities: Alcohols Power in Mexican History and Culture.
New York: Routledge, 2004.
Piccato, Pablo. El paso de Venus por el disco del sol: Criminality and Alcoholism in the
Late Porfiriato. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 11.2 (Summer 1995), 203241.
Pierce, Gretchen, and urea Toxqui, eds. Alcohol in Latin America: A Social and Cultural
History. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014.
Page 31 of 47
Snchez Santir, Ernest, ed. Cruda realidad: Produccin, consumo y fiscalidad de las
bebidas alcohlicas en Mxico y Amrica Latina, siglos XVIIXX. Mexico City: Instituto
Mora, 2007.
Scardaville, Michael C. Alcohol Abuse and Tavern Reform in Late Colonial Mexico City.
Hispanic American Historical Review 60 (1980): 643671.
Smith, Frederick H. Caribbean Rum: A Social and Economic History. Gainesville:
University Press of Florida, 2005.
Taylor, William B. Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979.
Toxqui, urea. Taverns and Their Influence on the Suburban Culture of Latin
Nineteenth-Century Mexico City. In The Growth of Non-Western Cities: Primary and
Secondary Networking, c. 9001900. Edited by Kenneth R. Hall, 241269. Lanham, MD:
Lexington Books, 2011.
Notes:
(1.) A special thanks to Karen Racine for suggesting I write this piece and for her helpful
feedback on it. I also want to thank Bill Taylor, Tom Pergman, and the two reviewers for
Oxford University Press whose comments and critiques on early drafts of this essay
greatly improved this version. While this essay focuses on consumption, alcohol was also
used for fuel. See for example, Warren Dean, With Broadax and Firebrand: The
Destruction of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1995), 294, 298.
(2.) Henry J. Bruman, Alcohol in Ancient Mexico (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press,
2000).
(3.) Anton Daughters, Of Chicha, Majas, and Mingas: Hard Apple Cider and Local
Solidarity in Twenty-First-Century Rural Southern Chile, in Gretchen Pierce and urea
Toxqui, eds., Alcohol in Latin America: A Social and Cultural History (Tucson: University
of Arizona Press, 2014), 243.
(4.) William Taylor, Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979), 2833; Sonia Corcuera de Mancera,
Entre gula y templanza: Un aspecto de la historia Mexicana (Mexico City: Fondo de
Cultura Econmica, 1990), 61.
(5.) Corcuera de Mancera, Entre gula y templanza, 62.
Page 32 of 47
Page 33 of 47
(18.) Frederick H. Smith, Caribbean Rum: A Social and Economic History (Gainesville:
University of Florida Press, 2008), 640; David T. Courtright, Forces of Habit: Drugs and
the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 930.
(19.) Jos C. Curto, lcool e Escravos: O comrcio luso-brasileiro de lcool em Mpinda,
Luanda e Benguela durante o trfico atlnticode escravos (c. 14801830) e seu impacto
nas sociedades da frica Central Ocidental (Lisbon, Portugal: Vulgata, 2002); Azevedo
Fernandes, Liquid Fire, 46; Joseph C. Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and
the Angolan Slave Trade, 17301830 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988); Luiz
Felipe de Alencastro, O Trato dos Viventes: Formao do Brasil no Atlntico SulSculos
XVI e XVII (So Paolo, Brazil: Compahnia das Letras, 2000), 307325.
(20.) Azevedo Fernandes, Liquid Fire, 4849, 52.
(21.) David Christian, Alcohol and Primitive Accumulation in Tsarist Russia, in Erik
Aerts, Louis M. Cullen, and Richard G. Wilson, eds., Production, Marketing and
Consumption of Alcoholic Beverages since the Late Middle Ages (Leuven, Belgium:
Leuven University Press, 1990), 33.
(22.) Azevedo Fernandes, Liquid Fire, 57.
(23.) Dean, With Broadax and Firebrand, 174.
(24.) Juan Pedro Viqueira Albn, Propriety and Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico, trans.
Sonya Lipsett-Rivera and Sergio Rivera Ayala (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources,
1999)
(25.) William F. Connell, Because I Was Drunk and the Devil Had Tricked Me: Pulque,
Pulqueras, and Violence in the Mexico City Uprising of 1692, Colonial Latin American
Historical Review 14.4 (2005), 369401.
(26.) John Chuchiak, It Is Their Drinking that Hinders Them: Balch and the Use of
Ritual Intoxicants Among the Colonial Yucatec Maya, 15501780, Estudios de Cultura
Maya 24 (2003), 154.
(27.) Aaron P. Althouse, Drunkenness and Violence in Colonial Michoacn, in Pierce
and Toxqui, eds., Alcohol in Latin America, 82.
(28.) Victor Uribe-Uran, Colonial Baracunatanas and Their Nasty Men: Spousal
Homicides and the Law in Late Colonial New Granada, Journal of Social History (Fall
2001), 51.
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(29.) Komisaruk, Labor and Love in Guatemala: The Eve of Independence (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 2013), 241.
(30.) Daughters, Of Chicha, Majas, and Mingas, 248.
(31.) Bruman, Alcohol in Ancient Mexico, 71.
(32.) Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies, (London: A. Clark, 1677), 93.
(33.) Jos Orozco, Tequila Suaza and the Redemption of Mexicos Vital Fluids, 1873
1970, in Pierce and Toxqui, eds., Alcohol in Latin America, 189.
(34.) Bill Donovan, The Aores and Commerce to Brazil as Viewed Through the
Correspondence of Francisco Pinheiro, in Avalino de Freitas de Meneses, ed., Portos,
escalas e ilhus no relacionamento entre o ocidente e o oriente: Actas do congress
internacional comemorativeo do regress de Vasco da Gama a Portugal (Ponta Delgada,
Portugal: Comisso Nacional para as Comemoraes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses e
Universidade dos Aores, 2001), 290292.
(35.) Jos C. Curto, Enslaving Spirits: The Portuguese-Brazilian Alcohol Trade at Luanda
and Its Hinterland, c. 15501830 (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2004).
(36.) Daughters, Of Chicha, Majas, and Mingas, 243.
(37.) Christophe Balaubre and Jordana Dym, Introduction, in Jordana Dym and
Christophe Balaubre, eds., Politics, Economy, and Society in Bourbon Central America,
17591821(Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2007), 7; Jordana Dym, Bourbon
Reforms and City Government in Central America, 17591808, in ibid., 85; Miles
Wortman, Government and Society in Central America 16801840 (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1982), 144.
(38.) Curto, lcool e Escravos, 103104, 123200; Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in
Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 143144.
(39.) Alvis Dunn, A Sponge Soaking up all the Money: Alcohol, Taverns, Vinateras, and
the Bourbon Reforms in Mid-Eighteenth-Century Santiago de los Caballeros, Guatemala,
in David Carey Jr., ed., Distilling the Influence of Alcohol: Aguardiente in Guatemalan
History(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2012), 7195.
(40.) Wortman, Government and Society, 2122.
Page 35 of 47
(41.) Francisco de Santiago, Teogena indgena mosca. Autos en razn de prohibir a los
caciques de Fontibn, Ubaque y otros no hagan las fiestas, borracheras y sacrificios de su
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(57.) Toxqui, Breadwinners or Entrepreneurs? 106109, 112.
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(73.) Chuchiak, It Is Their Drinking that Harms Them, 146147.
(74.) Chuchiak, It Is Their Drinking that Harms Them, 152, 156.
(75.) Taylor, Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion, 41.
(76.) Christine Eber, Women and Alcohol in a Highland Maya Town: Water of Hope,
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(98.) Courtwright, Forces of Habit, 146147; Fallaw, Dry Law, Wet Politics.
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(100.) Wells and Joseph, Summer of Discontent, 159.
(101.) David Carey Jr., Engendering Mayan History: Kaqchikel Women as Agents and
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(102.) Gretchen Pierce, Pulqueros, Cerveceros, and Mezcaleros: Small Producers and
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(103.) June D. Hahner, Poverty and Politics: The Urban Poor in Brazil, 18701920
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(104.) Wells and Joseph, Summer of Discontent, 169.
(105.) Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation:
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Press, 1994), 145.
(106.) Hahner, Poverty and Politics, 33, 214.
(107.) Justin Wolfe, The Everyday Nation State: Community & Ethnicity in NineteenthCentury Nicaragua (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 4579; Reeves, Ladinos
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(108.) Lewis, La Guerra del Posh, 19511954, 130.
(109.) Jan Rus, The Comunidad Revolucionaria Institucional: The Subversion of Native
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(110.) Lewis, La Guerra del Posh, 19511954, 115. Translation by the author.
(111.) Eber, Women & Alcohol in a Highland Maya Town, 31.
(112.) Lewis, La Guerra del Posh, 19511954, 128.
(113.) Fallaw, Dry Law, Wet Politics, 4849; Ben Fallaw, Crdenas Compromised: The
Failure of Reform in Revolutionary Yucatn (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2001),
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Chiapas, 19101945 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), 102, 104105,
115; Jocelyn Olcott, Revolutionary Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico (Durham, NC:
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Undeserving Patriarchs? ; scar Ivn Calvo Isaza and Marta Saade Granados, La ciudad
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(130.) Matthew Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho: Being a Man in Mexico City (Berkeley:
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(131.) Chuchiak, It Is Their Drinking that Hinders Them, 138.
(132.) Daughters, Of Chicha, Majas, and Mingas.
(133.) Pablo Piccato, El paso de Venus por el disco del sol: Criminality and Alcoholism
in the Late Porfiriato, Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 11.2 (Summer 1995), 235.
(134.) W. E. Carson, Mexico: The Wonderland of the South (New York: Macmillan, 1909),
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(135.) John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan,
Vols. 12 (New York: Dover, 1969), 145.
(136.) Gilbert Haven, Our Next Door Neighbor: A Winter in Mexico (New York: Harper
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(137.) Piccato, El Paso de Venus por el Disco del sol, 211212, 218220; Deborah
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(138.) Guillermo Prieto, Memorias de mis tiempos (Mexico City: Editorial Porra, 1985),
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(139.) urea Toxqui, Taverns and Their Influence on the Suburban Culture of Late
Nineteenth-Century Mexico City, in Kenneth R. Hall, ed., The Growth of Non-Western
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(140.) Toxqui, Taverns and Their Influence on the Suburban Culture of Late NineteenthCentury Mexico City, 257.
(141.) Wells and Joseph, Summer of Discontent, 157.
(142.) Virginia Garrard-Burnett, Indians Are Drunks and Drunks Are Indians, Bulletin of
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Highlands of Western Guatemala, The Museum Journal 21.1 (1930), 540; Connell,
Because I Was Drunk and the Devil Had Tricked Me; Lacoste, Wine and Women;
Piccato, El paso de Venus por el disco del sol, 203241.
(143.) Wells and Joseph, Summer of Discontent, 153.
(144.) Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho, 39.
(145.) Wells and Joseph, Summer of Discontent, 170; OConnor, Helpless Children or
Undeserving Patriarchs? 68; Carey, I Ask for Justice, 125, 127, 151.
(146.) Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho, 193195.
(147.) Kirsten Weld, Paper Cadavers: The Archives of Dictatorship in Guatemala (Durham,
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(148.) Heidi Tinsman, Partners in Conflict: The Politics of Gender, Sexuality, and Labor in
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(149.) Klubock, Working-Class Masculinity, Middle-Class Morality, and Labor Politics in
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(150.) OConnor, Helpless Children or Undeserving Patriarchs?
(151.) Pierce, Fighting Bacteria, the Bible, and the Bottle, 505, 511512.
(152.) Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho, 174.
(153.) Stern, The Secret History of Gender, 173.
(154.) Pierce, Parades, Epistles, and Prohibitive Legislation, 153.
(155.) Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho, 17, 177178, 190193, 245246.
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