The Past and Present Society

Aoka and Buddhism

Author(s): Romila Thapar
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Past & Present, No. 18 (Nov., 1960), pp. 43-51
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society
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ASOKA AND BUDDHISM

THE

CULT

OF

ASOKA

HAS BEEN

POPULAR

IN

TWENTIETH-CENTURY

India. Duringthelasttenyearsit has increasedconsiderably.Not

only have AMokansymbolsbeen adopted by the Governmentof
is beingrelated
India, but muchof modernIndianpoliticalthinking
to Adokanideas. As is the case with all heroesof the past, the
moderndelineationis not alwayshistorically
accurate. The initial
is that of distinguishingbetween the man and the
difficulty
statesman.
This confusionis frequentin recent studies on the emperor
in whichtheevidence
AMoka,and is due in partto thecircumstances
about him becameknown. Priorto 1837,AMokawas largelya mere
name in the genealogiesof Indian kingsincludedin the ancient
texts,the Purdnas.1 We are told thathe belongedto the Mauryan
dynasty,was the grandsonof Candragupta,the founderof the
dynastyand thathe reignedforthirty-six
years. Candraguptabegan
his career in circa 321 B.C. He was thus a near contemporaryof

Alexanderof Macedon,and is believedas a youngmanto have met

Alexanderduringthe latter'scampaignin north-western
India.2
Furtherinformation
about the firsttwo Mauryanrulersis available
fromGreek and Latin sources3whichdescribethe close relations
between CandraguptaMaurya and Seleucus Nicator,who onthe
foundedtheSeleuciddynasty
at Babylon. There
deathofAlexander,
is littlereference
to Atokaand his work,in thepost-Mauryan
period.
A few inscriptionsof the twelfthcenturyA.D. referto him in a
generallyvaguemanner.
The emperorAdokain his lifetimeissued a seriesof edictsand
whichwereinscribedon rocksurfacesand on finely
proclamations,
polished sandstonepillars throughouthis vast empire. Most of
theseinscriptions
areinBrdhmi,
theearliestIndianscriptso farknown
As thescript
to havebeenusedforthewriting
ofSanskrit
andPrakrit.4
and
the
the
earlier
versions
centuries,
developed
changedthrough
it
becamearchaic.As no systematic
studyofthisscriptwasmaintained,
becameunreadable,
ofAtokatherefore
and theinscriptions
eventually
made no impressionon later writingof history. It was not until
1837thattheyweredecipheredby JamesPrinsep.
The emphasison theirBuddhistcontentcame aboutin a curious
the authoris describedas Devdnampiya
way. In the inscriptions,
Piyadassiradja,The Belovedof the Gods, the kingPiyadassi. The
to
referred
kingseldomused his personalname,Atoka,and generally

44

PAST AND PRESENT

of the kingPiyadassi
himselfbytheabovetitle. The identification
was made on thebasis of a comparisonwiththe Buddhistchronicles
ofCeylonin whichAMokais referred
to as Piyadassi.5 The discovery
both
in 1915 (and othersmorerecently),
of an inscription
containing
the identifithe title and the personalname, howeverconfirmed
cation. It is clear fromAMoka'sedicts that he was a Buddhist.6
Buddhist sources from Ceylon, Tibet and China contain fairly
detailed accountsof his life. The Adokanedicts weretherefore
on the basis of information
providedby thesesources.
interpreted
his lifeand activities
thatin reconstructing
It is indeedunfortunate
these and other religioussources were regardedas reliable and
evidence to that of his own inscriptions.The
complementary
Buddhistsources,naturally
wishingto takeadvantageofthefactthat
ofpiety,
Adokawas a Buddhist,madehimout to be a personification
a picturewhichis notendorsedbyhisowninscriptions.
In the studiesof Atoka he is generallydepictedas havingbeen
suddenlyconvertedto Buddhismas a resultof his remorseat the
on thepeopleof Kaliiigaduringhiscampaignin that
crueltyinflicted
to Buddhist
in
ninthyear of his reign. Conformity
the
country,
ethicsthen appears to become the sole concernof the king'slife.
Smith (the firsthistorianto write a monographon AMoka),has
describedhim as a monkand monarchat the same time.' This
has neverapproach,thoughnot acceptedliterallyby all historians,
thelessconditionedhistoricalanalysisof AMoka'sreign. Amongthe
moreextremeviewsis thatof FritzKern,who triedto examinethe
of
innerspringsofAMoka'sactionsagainstthetheologicalbackground
existencebothin thisworldand the afterlife,as well as of whathe
believesto be a widespreaddesire on the part of Indians of this
periodto become asceticsand to escape fromlife by othermeans.
He depictsat greatlengththe supposedconflictin the mindof the
kingwho wishesto freehimselfof earthlyties and yetis conscious
as a ruler to society.8 Adoka was certainly
of his responsibility
attractedto Buddhismand becamea practisingBuddhist. But his
was not an eccentricor suddenconversionas is clearfromhis own
edicts. Buddhismin the contextof societyas it was then,was not
just anotherreligion. It was the resultof a widespreadmovement
towardschangewhichaffectedmanyaspectsof life frompersonal
ofthe
beliefsto social ideas. Anystatesmanwithan understanding
new
an
with
such
to
terms
to
come
had
would
have
important
period
development.
are of twokinds. The smallergroupconsistsof
The inscriptions
ofthekingas a lay Buddhistto his church,theBuddhist
declarations

ASOKA AND BUDDHISM

45

Samgha.9 These describehis own acceptanceof Buddhismand his

Here the somewhatintolerant
and
relationshipwith the
Sam.gha.
whollycredulousbeliever
appears,as in one inscriptionwherehe
proclaimsin no uncertaintermsthatdissidentmonksand nunsmust
be expelledfromthe Order. Anotherinscription
in a less fanatical
vein speaks of the variousscriptures
withwhichall good Buddhists
should be familiar. By far the most importantinscriptionsare
thoseof the largergroupwhichmaybe describedas proclamations
to the publicat large. This groupconsistsof the Major and Minor
Rock Edicts and the PillarEdicts.10 These inscriptions
explainhis
well-known
policyof Dhamma. (Dhammais thePrikritformof the
SanskritwordDharma,virtually
untranslatable
intoEnglish. It has
been variouslytranslatedas Morality,Piety, Righteousness,etc.
Since the precisenuanceof the wordcannotbe conveyed,I prefer
to keep it in the original.) It was in the conceptionof thispolicy,
seen in the contextof MauryanIndia, thatthetrueachievement
of
Adokalay. He did not see Dhammaas pietyresultingfromgood
deeds inspiredby formalreligiousbeliefs,but as an emphasison
socialresponsibility.
In the past historians
have generally
Adoka'sDhamma
interpreted
almostas a synonymforBuddhism,suggestingtherebythatAMoka
was concernedwithmakingBuddhisma statereligion. It is doubtful
if this was his intentionalthoughhe himself,as a firmbelieverin
Buddhism,was convincedthatit was thewayto personalsalvation.
The policy of Dhammawas a policy of social responsibility.It
aimed at buildingup an attitudeof mindin whichsocialbehaviour,
the behaviourofone persontowardsanother,was consideredofgreat
ofthedignityof man,
importance. It was a plea fortherecognition
and fora humanisticspiritin the activitiesof society.
In examiningthispolicyit is necessaryto analysethe conditions
whichgaveriseto it. It was in parta policywhichwas nurtured
in
themindofAdoka,butsincehe saw it largelyas a solutionto existing
problems,it is in thelightoftheseproblemsthatitstruevaluecan be
assessed. AMoka'sprivatebeliefsand his immediateenvironment
of
course had theirshare in mouldingthe policy. As a family,the
Mauryas did not conformto the acceptedreligionof most royal
familiesofthetime,Brahmanism. Candraguptais said to havebeen
a Jaina,and Bindusdrathe fatherof Adokafavouredthe Ajivikas.
Both of thesewerenon-orthodox
sectsand if anythingantagonistic
to Brahmanical
ideas. The teachingsof Mahdvira,whopreachedin
thesixthcentury
oftheBuddha,
B.C.andwhowasa nearcontemporary
came to be called Jainism. It began as a protestagainstcertain

46

PAST AND PRESENT

aspects of Brahmanism,the prevailingreligion. There was a

considerablestresson non-violenceto the extentof insistingthat
eventheaccidentalkillingofminuteinsectswas sinful. All creation
was said to functionin accordancewith a universallaw, thus the
powerof the gods (who werethe primemoversof the universein
Brahmanicalbelief)was greatlyreduced. In fact Mahivira rarely
refersto the gods in this capacitywhichhas led to Jainismbeing
describedas atheistic. The transmigration
ofsoulswas fundamental
to Jaina thinking. Like the Buddhists,the Jainas also aimed at
Nirvdna,or the "ceasingof beingreborn". The Ajivikamovement
wascontemporary
withJainism.This againtendedto be atheisticand
thattheactionsand eventsofone'slifecannotbe changed
maintained
since they are predetermined
by one's karma or destiny. This
was in conflictwiththe Brahmanicalbeliefthata man
determinism
couldimprovehislotin hisnextlifebybeingvirtuousand conforming
to Brahmanicallaws in his presentlife. These were considered
hereticalbeliefs,and it is therefore
notsurprising
thatAMokahimself
did notconform
to Brahmanicaltheoryand preferred
to supportthe
Buddhists.
The sixthcenturyB.C.in India maybe describedas a centuryof
questioning. The existenceof a varietyof sects concernedboth
withreligiousbeliefand philosophical
to a period
speculationtestifies
ofvigorousdebateand discussion. Not onlyweretheexistingvalues
questionedbut each newly developedtheorywas put througha
severetest of criticism. The uncompromising
materialismof the
Carvdkas
with
the
battled
early
metaphysicalsubtletiesof the
Upanisadic thinkers. The Brahmanicalstrongholdgraduallybuilt

up through the later Vedic period (from circa 900 B.C. onwards),

was beingattackedby thenew forces. The privilegesof thepriests

werebeingquestioned,so too theefficacy
of theceremoniesand the
ritualswhichtheyperformed.The castesystem,whichhad begun
to assume thefeaturesof its laterrigidity,
also came underattack,
a
often
not
in
direct
of
though
way."x Generallythe less fortunate
thefourcastestendedto favourthenewsectsas againsttheirprevious
the case withthe
allegianceto Brahmanism. This was particularly
thirdcaste, the vaiSyas. Though technicallyincludedamong the
(i.e. firstwiththeirnaturalbirthand the
highlyfavouredtwice-born
in the practicalmattersof dailylife
secondtimeon theirinitiation),
twocastes.12
ofthefirst
theytendedto be excludedfromtheprivileges
Buddhismwas, as it were,thespearheadofthesedissidentgroups.
It demandeda relaxingofthesocialrigidity
encouragedby thecaste
system. As it did not favourthe privilegesof the upper castes,it

ASOKA AND BUDDHISM

47

had a tremendous
appealamongtheothersectionsofsociety.13 The
ritualistic
side of Buddhismassociateditselfwiththe popularcults,
and the fertility
such as thoseconnectedwithtree-worship
cults.14
The conceptionof the "Middle Way" propagateda code of ethics
the practicalnecessitiesof dailylife
whichtook into consideration
and did not demandthe impossible. This must have provideda
workablesolutionto the manywho could not or did not have the
leisureto findsalvationthroughbecomingasceticsin the best of
Brahmanicaltraditions. Added to thiswas the factthat therewas
a large element of democracyin the organisationof Buddhist
monasteriesduringthis period.15 Thus Brahmanismwas seeking
to establishitselfwiththe rigidityin social ideas and emphasison
it in the earlycenturies
temporalcontrolwhichwereto characterise
A.D., whileat the same timethe dissidentgroupstriedto keep back
thisforce.
These religiousand socialtrendswererelatedto certaineconomic
naturewhichhad occuredin the centuries
changesof a fundamental
beforethe Mauryanperiod. The Aryaneconomyin
immediately
northernIndia, a semi-nomadicpastoraleconomyduringthe early
Vedic period (up to circa 9oo B.C.), was changingto a settled agrarian

villageeconomy. This was the naturalstep afterthe forestshad

becamethe general
been cleared and agrarianvillagecommunities
in
these
did notoccur
the
However,
Ganges
changes
valley.
pattern
thesub-continent.AreasintheDeccan
at a uniform
pacethroughout
forinstanceremainedat a pastoralstagefora longerperiod. The
new economyin the northern
regionbroughtwithit the institution
of bureaucracyin the rural officersand the tax-collectors.The
expansionof the agrarianeconomyat this stage acceleratedthe
realisationthat a single predominanteconomy facilitatedthe
evaluationof taxes. There was also muchto be gainedfromsuch
an economyby those who governed,since it would permitmore
fixingoftaxationsystems
easilythananyotherthealmostpermanent
of revenuein the formof taxes
and tax rates. The predictability
created a feelingof economicsecurity. These ideas are clearly
expressedin a text on policy which dates fromthis period, the
ofCandragupta.
byKautalyatheminister
Arthasdstra.It waswritten
is the ideal formof government
The authorassumesthatmonarchy
under
and elaboratesin greatdetailon theprocessesofadministration
such a system. State supervisionof practicallyeveryactivityis
advised. The rightofthestateto tax all possiblesourcesofincome
is claimed.
of an agrarianeconomy,the
Togetherwith the establishment

48

PAST AND PRESENT

pre-Mauryanperiod saw the openingup of tradeon an extensive

scale. This also resultedin theincreasing
importanceofthe Vaisyas
whoformedthemajority
ofthetradersand merchants. The material
oftheVaisyasthrough
tradestrengthened
theirposition
improvement
in urban life and fannedtheirresentment
againstthe unjustified
of guildsushered
privilegesof theuppercastes. The establishment
in a new factorin urbansociety. Citylifecameto dependon them
to a highdegreeand thesociallymorefavouredhad now to contend
withneighbourwitha newopposition. Trade developedinternally,
of
ing countriesand withthose across the seas. The penetration
Aryancultureinto south India increasedduring this period and
followedthe various trade routes. These were usuallyalong the
rivervalleys. The volumeof tradealongtheoverlandroutesacross
and Persiato theMediterranean
modernAfghanistan
ports,increased
these
settlers
For
the
Greek
routes,who were
along
many
greatly.
desertersfromAlexander'sarmyand others,this east-westtrade
becamea highlylucrativebusiness. Regulartradewas also conducted
betweenBroach on the west coast of India, and Babylon.16 The
of ideas must also have accompaniedthe trade in
communication
spices,textiles,preciousstonesand gold.
Up to a pointtheseeconomicfactorsassiscedin the evolutionof
the politicalpattern. The Mauryanperiod saw the impositionof
imperialcontrolover an extensivearea of small kingdomsand
republics. During the reignof A4oka,the empireincludedalmost
of India and partsof Afghanistan.This
the entiresub-continent
new featureto Indian politics.
was
a
comparatively
imperialsystem
the Nandas,had ruledan empirefora short
The previousdynasty,
period,butit was notnearlyas extensiveas thatoftheMauryas,nor
did it includesucha varietyof peoplesand cultures. The Mauryan
to theGangesvalleyand itsneighbourhood,
empirewas notrestricted
wherethepopulationwas eitherAryanin cultureor was acquainted
with Aryanculture. It includedmore diverseelements,manyof
whom were throwntogetherfor the firsttime. The hub of the
regionofMagadhain modernBihar.
empirewas thehighlyAryanised
howeverwere quite foreignto each other. The
The extremities
cosmopolitanIndo-Greekregionof Gandhfrain the north-west,
culturefromthe Dravidian
belongedto an almosttotallydifferent
with
south. The size and scope of the imperialstructure,
together
led to the emergenceof a political
of its constituents,
the diversity
form that placed an overwhelmingemphasis on governmental
and authority.
machinery
It would seem thatthe people of the Mauryanempireneeded a

ASOKA AND BUDDHISM

49

or divergent
focus or some commonstand forall these conflicting
forces,somethingthatwould draw themtogetherand give thema
have greatersuccess
feelingof unity. Such a focuswouldnaturally
of MauryanIndia
if supportedby the emperor,since the structure
investedcontrolin the ruler at the centre. In fact the empero
himselfwas the authorof a movementwhich aimed at this very
A4okaconcentrated
object. In seekinga groupofunifying
principles,
on the fundamentalaspects of each issue, and the resultwas his
policy of Dhamma.

It is apparentthatthe principlesof Dhammawere acceptableto

peoplebelongingto anyreligioussect.'7 The policywas notdefined
in termsofrulesand regulations. It seemsto havebeendeliberately
leftvaguein details,and onlythebroadpolicyis given,whichwas to
mouldbehaviour. Of the basic principles,the one on whichA4oka
laid most stress and which he repeated frequentlywas that of
toleration. Toleration accordingto him was of two kinds: a
tolerationof people themselvesand also a tolerationof people's
beliefsand ideas. He sums it up as follows:
considerationtowards slaves and servants,obedience to mother and
".
father,generositytowards friends,acquaintances and relatives,and towards
priests and monks .. ."
"But the Beloved of the Gods does not consider giftsor honour to be as
importantas the advancementof the essential doctrineof all sects,. . . Its
basis is the control of one's speech, so as not to extoll one's own sect or
disparagethatof anotheron unsuitable occasions .. . On each occasion one
should honour anotherman's sect, forby doing so one increasesthe influence
of one's own sect and benefitsthatof the otherman; while by doing otherwise
one diminishesthe influenceof one's own sect and harmsthe otherman's ...
Thereforeconcord is to be commended,so thatmen may hear one another's
principles .. ."

Anotherprinciplefundamental
to the practiceQf Dhammawas
non-violence. AMokadid not insistupon it as a religiousprecept
liketheBuddhistsand Jainas,butbecauseviolencewas notin keeping
withsocial behaviour. The practiceof non-violence
consistedboth
in therenunciation
ofwarand conquestbyviolence,and in a restraint
on thekillingof animals. But his was not a stubborninsistenceon
completenon-violence. He did recognisethattherewereoccasions
whenviolencemightbe unavoidable,as forinstancewhenthemore
primitiveforesttribeswere troublesometo his officers.In a very
movingpassageon thegeneralsuffering,
physicaland mental,caused
by war,he declaresthatin adheringto Dhammahe willnotconquer
in
by forcein the future. Withoutdoubtinghis sincereintentions
thismatter,
it mayhoweverbe pointedout thattherewas littlein the
leftforhim to conquerin the sub-continent.He
way of territory
also statesthathe would preferhis descendentsnot to conquerby

50

PAST AND PRESENT

force,but if they should have to, then he hopes that it willbe

conductedwitha maximumof mercyand clemency.
The policyof Dhammaalso includedmeasureswhichtodaywould
be describedas "social welfare". The emperorclaimsthat:

"On the roadsI have had banyantreesplanted,whichwill give shadeto

beastsand men. I have had mangogrovesplantedand I have had wells
dug and resthouses built everynine miles. . And I have had many
fortheuse of beastsand men. But this
watering
placesmadeeverywhere
and indeedtheworldhas enjoyedattention
benefitis important,
in many
kingsas wellas fromme. ButI havedonethesethingsin
waysfromformer
orderthatmypeoplemightconform
to Dhamma".

He attackedin no uncertaintermswhathe describesas "useless

ceremoniesand sacrifices",
held as a resultof superstitious
beliefs,as
forexamplethosewhichwere meantto ensurea safejourneyor a
froman illness. These werethestock-in-trade
ofthe
quickrecovery
lowerorderof priestswho exploitedtheirpositionin orderto earn
moneyon the side.
In orderto implementthispolicyA4okainstituted
a categoryof
officers
knownas theDhamma-mahdmattas
officers
of Dhamma).
(the
forpublicisingDhamma,actingas thereporters
Theywereresponsible
of thekingand moregenerally
forbringingthekingand his governmentin touchwithpublic opinion. They seem graduallyto have
ofDhamma,withextensive
developedintoa typeofpriesthood
powers
of interference
in thelivesof the people,thusto a degreenullifying
theirverypurpose. Theywerealso senton missionstoneighbouring
countriesand to variousHellenickingdomsin thewest. Adokawas
so convincedof the successof his Dhammaand of his attemptsat
encouragingIndian societyto adjust itselfto the changes,thathe
mightbe of help to
appears to have believedthathis own efforts
otherrulerselsewhere.
Despite the factthatthe reignof Adokabroughtthirtyyearsof
(as is evidentfromarchaeologipeace,and markedmaterialprosperity
to
cal remains),nevertheless
Aioka did not succeed in attempting
unite the empireor producelarge scale enthusiasmfor Dhamma.
to his own
The reasonsforthisare many. Some maybe attributed
andhislaterself-complacency.
suchas hisearlyover-enthusiasm
faults,
Otherslay outsidethe scope of Dhammaand mustbe soughtin the
patternof Indian polity. In evaluatinghis contributionit can
be said to his creditthathe understoodtheproblemsof his
certainly
the
factorin a societycomposedofunits
need fora unifying
i.e.,
age,
thathis solution,
at variouslevelsof development. It is unfortunate
thepolicyofDhamma,was too vague,and perhapstoo idealistic.
School of Oriental and AfricanStudies, London

Romila Thapar

ASOKA AND BUDDHISM

51

NOTES
F. E. Pargiter,Dynastiesof theKali Age (London, 1931), pp. 26 ff.
Plutarch,Life of Alexander,lxii.
3 These accounts may be found in the worksof the followingwriters,Strabo,
Arrian,Megasthenes, Diodorus, Ptolemyand Pliny.
4 A few inscriptionsin the north-westof India are inscribed in Kharosthi,
a script derived fromthe Persian Aramaic. In 1958 a bilingual inscriptionin
Greek and Aramaic was discovered near Kandahar in Afghanistan.
5 Dipavamsa, ed. Oldenberg (Pali Texts Soc., 1879), vi. I.
6 Jules Bloch, Les Inscriptions
d'Asoka (Paris, 1950), pp. 145-6.
7 V. Smith, Asoka, 3rd edn. (Oxford, 1920).
Kern, Asoka (Bern, 1956).
The literal meaning of Samnghais "society" or "assembly". It was the
officialtitle adopted for the Buddhist Order of monks.
10 The firstgroup consists of the Schism Edict, Bhabra Edict, Rummindei
pillar inscription and the Nigalis'gar pillar inscription. (Bloch, op. cit.,
pp. 152-158). The larger and more importantgroup consists of the Major
and Minor Rock Edicts and the Pillar Edicts. (Bloch, op. cit., pp. 90-151,
and pp. 161-172).
xxThe caste system divides society into four main castes. The highest
caste is that of the brahmans or priests. This is followedby the khatriyas,
the
aristocracy,also referredto as the warrior caste. The third in rank are the
vailyas whichincluded the merchants,land-ownersand the wealthiercultivators.
The fourthcaste was that of the fiidras,generallythe poorer peasants and their
counterparts in urban centres. Beyond this four-fold division were the
outcastes and the unmouchableswho were considered impure owing to the
nature of their professions. A Hindu is born into a particular caste and no
amount of social or economic improvementcan change the caste in a person's
lifetime.
12 AitereyaBrahmana (AnanddSramaSanskritSer., Poona 1896), vii. 20.
13 Evidence for these attitudes is available fromthe Jataka
stories. These
were currentin the Buddhist period and later, and reveal a detailed picture of
societyat the time.
14 This is clear fromthe incorporationof cult symbolsin the earliestexisting
Buddhist art at the sites sacred to the religionsuch as Sanchi and Bharhut.
15 The rules regardingthe Order in the Vinaya
point to this.
16
Pi.taka
in a numberof sources:
These routesand tradeconnectionsare mentioned
Arthasdstra,ed. G. Sastri (Trivandrum, 1924-5); Strabo, Geography,xv. I. 50;
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India (London, 1903), pp. 103 ff.; W. W. Tarn,
HellenisticCivilisation(London, 1927), Pp. 211 ff.
17 In this discussion of Dhamma, the sources are the Edicts mentioned in
note Io above.
2