DRAFT

April 21,05
Chim Statecraft in the Provinces

Carol Mackey
California State University, Northridge

draft submitted for Volume: Foundations of Andean Civilization

CHIM STATECRAFT IN THE PROVINCES

Introduction
The study of a states regional centers is crucial to understanding its imperial goals. The
politico-economic strategies that originate in a states capital are manifested in the archaeological
and artifactual record. The broadening of a states influence and control can best be viewed by
assessing its strategies of expansion and incorporation both of which may be long term and
complex processes (Schreiber 1992, Sinopoli 2001). Expansion includes how a territory was
acquired, i.e., by military or diplomatic means, as well as a states motivation for establishing
control over a new region. The motives for expansion vary and may include political, ideological
or economic reasons (Schreiber 1992). In the Inka Empire, for example, economic control is
demonstrated by the introduction of or emphasis on certain crops such as maize in the Mantaro
Valley (Earle et al. 1987), the resettlement of the population (Earle et al. 1987; Stanish 1997) and
the reorganization of production (Costin and Earle 1989).
Incorporation refers to the permanent integration of territory, population and resources into a
states central political and economic organization. This includes the establishment or use of
infrastructure, (i.e., roads, storage areas or administrative centers), by the expanding power as well
as the administrators who controlled these centers. A discussion of incorporation should also
include a states mechanisms for control of the local population. The infrastructure established by
an expanding state reflects the level of political organization imposed by the conquered group
(Menzel 1959, Schreiber 1992). When political organization was sufficiently complex, only minor
changes were made to the existing infrastructure and indirect rule was the norm. Conversely, new
infrastructure was built by the conquerors when none had previously existed, or the old
infrastructure was destroyed.
The Chimor (AD 900/1000 to 1460), or the Chim as they are more commonly known,
formed the largest Andean empire to eventually contest Inka hegemony. Within their domain, the
Chim show the typical site-size settlement hierarchy of an early state (Wright and Johnson
1975). Archaeological investigations over the past 30 years, using size and complexity of
architecture, have established at least four ranks of sites above the village level. The first four
show standardized architectural elements that closely parallel the first rank site, the Chim capital
of Chan Chan. At the village level, state-founded settlements are set apart from other villages.
These latter sites were built and inhabited by farmers in locations selected by the ruling nobility
(Keatinge 1975, Moseley 1982)

Chan Chan, in the Moche Valley, is the primary or highest ranked settlement in the Chim
administrative hierarchy (cf. Moseley 1975). It is followed by three secondary or regional
centersFarfn, Manchn and Tcume (Heyerdahl et al.1995; Keatinge and Conrad 1983;
Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990), as well as a number of lower level tertiary and quaternary centers
such as Talambo in the Jequetepeque Valley and Quebrada Katuay in the Moche Valley (Figure
1)(cf. Castillo, Mackey and Nelson 1996, Collier 1955, Keatinge 1974, Keatinge and Conrad 1983,
Mackey 1987, Tschauner 2001). In the provinces Chim administrators staffed the regional
centers and often the levels immediately below them, while the residences of the indigenous or
local lords comprise the lowest tier.
In this article I compare the three regional centers--Farfn, Manchn and Tcume--focusing
on how and why they were established and the nature of their political and economic control.
Although the Chim only established three regional centers, the data are sufficient to establish
Chim political strategy in the provinces. Further, these centers are excellent case studies since
they were founded in a short span of time and two of the centersFarfn and Manchnwere
occupied long enough to document diachronic changes in Chim political strategy.
In addition to providing a general comparison of the sociopolitical structure of Chim
regional centers, this article will also review current assumptions about Chim expansion and
incorporation and discuss how, as a result of new research, these perceptions have changed or
have been re-evaluated. Before beginning the discussion of the regional centers, I will describe
the Chim capital, Chan Chan, given that its architectural canons and social organization are
pivotal in accessing the amount of influence exerted by the expanding state in conquered regions
and in determining the type of political control, direct or indirect, over the region. Like all
expanding states, Chimors regional policies varied, but certain principles of Chim statecraft are
apparent at all three centers
THE IMPERIAL CAPITAL AND THE THREE REGIONAL CENTERS
Chan Chan is located in the lower Moche Valley some 7 km north of the Moche River.
Established around A.D. 900-1000 it served as the center of Chim power until the Inkas
conquered it ca. A.D. 1460. The citys 6km2 core makes it one of the largest pre-Hispanic
settlements in South America, and its size and complexity dwarf all Chim provincial
settlements. Within 200 years of Chan Chans founding, the Chim consolidated their imperial
core, which embraced not only the Moche Valley, but also the Vir Valley to the south and the
Chicama Valley to the north. Several Spanish chroniclers (cf. Rowe (1948) claimed that Chim
political and cultural influence extended for over 1000 km along the coast from the Tumbes to
the Chilln Valleys. However, archaeological investigations over the past 30 years have shown
that Chim control was in fact more restricted and they only founded administrative centers
between the Casma and Leche Valleys (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990, Parsons and Hastings
1988, T. Topic 1990), with the heaviest occupation occurring in the valleys north of the Chim
capital (Figure 1).
The Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project, co-directed by Michael Moseley and the author from
1969 to 1974, established the basic Chim organizational principles. In a seminal article, Moseley
(1975) described the forms and spatial organization of the basic architectural units of Chan Chans

ten monumental compounds and their correlated functions. Research at Chan Chan distinguished
the structures on the basis of size, building materials and internal complexity. Klymyshyn (1982)
divided the nobility into two main divisions, the royalty and the non-royal elite. The elite, in turn,
can be divided into sub-classes, but for the purposes of this paper only the terms royalty and elite
(or non-royal nobility) will be used. These two major social classes are correlated to architectural
features found at Chan Chan, though it should be noted that the association is not as clear in the
provinces. Royalty resided in the monumental compounds (also called palaces or ciudadelas)
(Figure 2)(Day 1982, Kolata 1990), while non-royalty lived in smaller structures of varying size
and complexity that are collectively called elite compounds (Klymyshyn 1982). The evidence
shows that Chim society was governed through a hierarchically organized nobility, who were
separated from artisans and commoners. Ethnohistoric documents indicate that the division
between noble and commoner was legitimized by a north coast creation myth that recognized a
separate origin for each group (Moore 1996, Netherly 1976, Rowe 1948).
The organizational principals of Chim nobility have been derived from architectural
elements, their spatial organization and associated artifacts found at the capital. The architectural
elements include audiencias, storerooms, plazas and above-ground burial platforms. Audienicas,
are U-shaped multi-functional structures that served mainly as living and working quarters for
Chim nobility and their families (Andrews 1974, Kolata 1990, Topic 2003). Audienicas are the
most omnipresent architectural element found at the capital and administrative centers of all ranks
(Mackey 1987) and as such, they served as symbols of state authority (Keatinge 1982).
Storerooms, which consist of adjoining rooms with finished walls and floors as well as high entry
thresholds, were found in all the palaces (Figure 2)(Day 1982). There is a quantative difference in
the number of storerooms in royal palaces and in the smaller elite compounds. On average, the
royal palaces contained over 200 storerooms each (Klymyshyn 1987). Elite compounds at the
capital, as well as regional centers and the administrative levels below them, had only a fraction of
the storage found in the palaces. This reflects the different functions of monumental and elite
structures. Palaces secured and accumulated raw materials, staple goods and luxury items while
elite compounds and regional centers functioned as transshipment points and provided short-term
storage (Keatinge and Conrad 1983).
Chan Chans large plazas mainly functioned as settings for large-scale feasts and ritual
celebrations that were part of the reciprocal system noted for other Andean societies (Morris and
Thompson 1985, Moore 1997, Uceda 1997). Although best described for the Inka, reciprocity was
pivotal to the Chim political, economic and social system. This complex network involved trade,
the accumulation of goods, state production and the distribution of highly valued prestige items to
individuals within and outside Chan Chan (Moseley 1982, Morris 1998).
Like the sumptuary laws that governed which prestige items the nobility could use, other
rules dictated differences in mortuary facilities used by the royalty and elite. Only royalty could be
interred in aboveground burial platforms. These structures often reached 6 m in height and served
as the kings final resting place. In addition to their mortuary function, burial platforms also
symbolized the royal dynasty, the ancestors and the states religious and political power. Small
cells placed around the central tomb contained the bodies of women who were buried in the
platform at the time of the kings death (Conrad 1982, Pozorski 1971). Non-royalty were not
buried within their elite compounds, but rather in subterranean tombs located outside of the elite
compounds (Conrad 1982). As reflected in the architecture of the elite compounds, Chim non-

royal nobility enjoyed fewer economic, social and political advantages than royalty. The
residences of the non-royalty were smaller, contained fewer audiencias and storerooms and had no
aboveground burial platforms (Klymyshyn 1982).
At the height of its power, Chan Chans population included no more than 30,000 inhabitants
(Moseley 1975, Topic 1990). Although retainers lived in perishable structures within the palaces,
the majority of the population comprised full-time artisans divided into different ranks (Topic
1990). Their primary occupation was to weave fine cloth and produce luxury items, of gold,
silver, and wood that established and legitimized the status of the resident nobility and other elites.
The artisans lived in cane-walled housing located within and around the citys core. In spite of its
urban veneer, Chan Chan mainly consisted of hierarchically organized nobility served by retainers
and a large artisan class (Day 1982).

THE REGIONAL CENTERS

After consolidating the valleys in the imperial core, the Chim expanded their territory north
and south of the capital. From around AD1300 to 1400 they established regional centers at Farfn,
Manchn and Tcume, in roughly that order (Figure 1). The following discussion focuses on the
level of political complexity that existed in the conquered regions prior to the Chim arrival and
the facilities they constructed. The architecture of the regional centers helps us determine the
political control exerted by the empire and the degree to which the Chim shared power with local
elites.
Farfn: The Jequetepeque Valley
Previous Occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley
The Jequetepeque Valley, located some 120 km north of the Moche Valley, was described by
Cieza de Len as one of the most fertile valleys on the north coast (Cieza [1551] 1984). Farfn is
located in the center of the valley, adjacent to agricultural land and close to the intersection of two
ancient routesthe north-south coastal road and the east-west road to the highlands, home of the
Cajamarca polity. The site curves around the mid-valley range dominated by Cerro Faclo, its
highest peak, which functioned as a lookout and most likely acted as a geographic marker for the
site.
Prior to Chimu conquest, the Jequetepeque Valley was culturally and politically affiliated
with the Lambayeque polity, a complex, non-state society, that wielded its influence over several
north coast valleys from the Chicama to Piura Valleys (Shimada 1990, 1995 (Figure 1). The core
of the Lambayeque culture lay to the north of the Jequetepeque in the Leche Valley (Shimada
1990)(Figure 1). Pacatnamu, located at the rivers mouth, served as their nucleus of power in the
Jequetepeque Valley. Although its role was primarily ceremonial, as indicated by its more than 50
plus truncated adobe mounds, it also had residential and administrative functions (Donnan and
Cock 1986). Pacatnamu controlled the valley through a hierarchy that included at least two
settlement levels below it.
Contemporaneous with Pacatnamu was a Lambayeque administrative center located at the
site of Farfn. Recent excavations (Mackey and Juregui 2002, 2003) have identified an area of
1.5 km containing the remains of four separate perimeter walls suggesting that at least four large

Lambayeque compounds once occupied the site. The Lambayeque settlement also included two
cemeteries and a ceramic workshop (Figure 3). The best-preserved compound (called Compound
III by Keatinge and Conrad [1983]) is linked stylistically to the architecture of Pacatnamu.
Farfns Compound III contains many of the features found at Pacatnamu, such as altars, small
east-west facing mounds with ramps at both ends, and concillios or low, U-shaped platforms
(Donnan 1986). When Pacatnamu fell to the Chim army in the 14th century, the Chim ignored
Pacatnamu and made Farfn their regional headquarters. They did not reuse any of the
Lambayeque compounds at Farfn, and prior to building new administrative structures they razed
the Lambayeque compounds to their foundations either covering them or placing fill to level the
area before building anew.

The Chim Occupation of Farfn

Previously, it was believed that the Chim had built all of Farfns six compounds (Keatinge
and Conrad 1983), but archaeological investigations by the Farfn Project over the last six years
have revealed that the Chim built only three of the compounds: II, IV and VI1 (Figure 3). The
architecture in Compounds II and VI is well preserved, while only a portion of Compound IV
remains. The internal features and spatial patterns of the two extant compounds recall the
architectural features of Chan Chans palaces; a plaza, audiencias, storerooms and burial
platforms. If we compare Compound II, ca AD 1300, and Compound VI, ca AD 1400, we can
clearly see that these elements recurred during the Chim occupation of the site (Figure 4). The
feature that associates both Compounds with first rank royal administrators is the above ground
burial platforman architectural feature associated only with royalty (Conrad 1982, Moseley
1975, Pozorski 1971). Unlike Chan Chan, however, each compound contains only two audiencias,
the living and working areas of the nobles, indicating that few administrators resided there.
Although the area allotted to storage was small, it was sufficient to host state-sponsored rituals and
feasts, one of the centers main administrative functions. Evidence for brewing chicha (corn beer),
is associated with feasting, although no further evidence of production has been found associated
with the Chim occupation of Farfn. Neither Farfns architecture nor excavated ceramics
suggest that the Chim shared power with Lambayeque lords at this regional center.
Manchn: the Casma Valley
Previous Occupation of the Casma Valley
The Casma Valley lies some 300 km south of the Moche Valley (Figure 1) and is composed
of two river systems, the Casma and the Sechn. Before the Chim conquest in the late 14th
century, the Casma polity controlled the valley from the large, 1 km2, hillside settlement of El
Purgatorio. The site includes terraces, cemeteries, small domestic structures and a number of
freestanding and agglutinated compounds (Tello 1956, Vogel and Vilcherrez 2004). Although
both the nature and size of the Casma polity is still being investigated, its influence apparently
reached as far north as the Chao Valley (Vogel 2003) and possibly as far south as Huarmey
(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990, Wilson 1995). Within the Casma and Sechin Valleys there existed
a settlement hierarchy of at least two settlement levels below El Purgatorio (Mackey and
Klymyshyn 1990). When the Chim conquered Casma, they disregarded El Purgatorio and located
their political center at Manchn.
1

Compound III is Lambayeque in affiliation, while Compounds I and V were built during the Inka occupation.

The Chim Occupation of Manchn

Manchn is located on the west side of the Casma River in the southern margin of the valley
not far from the ancient north-south coastal road and a route to the highlands that terminates near
the modern town of Huars. This intrusive settlement, which covered some 60 ha, was built on
sterile soil or on fill used to level the area. Manchns architecture and spatial organization differs
markedly from that of Farfn. The site includes three distinct architectural styles; (1) five freestanding Chim adobe compounds, located mainly in the southern portion of the site; (2) four
agglutinated adobe compounds in the local Casma style, occupying the northern portion; and (3) an
area of cane-walled structures that housed part-time artisans, located between the free-standing and
agglutinated compounds (Figure 5). The individuals who lived in these temporary structures
produced a variety of goods, including low-grade copper items, fine and utilitarian textiles and
large quantities of chicha or corn beer (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990, Moore 1981).
The five Chim constructions are freestanding adobe compounds that served residential and
funerary functions (Nos. 5,6,7,8 and 9, Figure 5). The compounds vary in size though none are as
large as those at Farfn. Compound 6 is built according to Chim architectural canons established
at Chan Chan. The compound contains two small patios, one niched; and two audiencias, set sideby-side, that are associated with a group of six storerooms (No.6 Figure 6). Compounds 5 and 8
may also have served as residences, but poor preservation makes it impossible to be certain.
Burials were placed in separate funerary structures in subterranean tombs (Mackey and
Klymyshyn 1990). Manchn was staffed by lower level non-royal administrators as evidenced by
the small size of the residential compound and the placement of the tombs in separate belowground
structures.
Contemporaneous with the Chim compounds were four agglutinated structures that
correspond to the Casma style (Fung and Williams 1977). These agglutinated compounds
contained patios, generally with low platforms at their southern ends, and residential or storage
rooms set along the patios eastern edges (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990) (Figure 5). The largest
and most complex of these structures is Compound 1. This compound contains the majority of
residential rooms as well as two small mounds. In its center is has a large plaza (some 160 x 85m)
that contains 65 round adobe columns. This columned patio was not part of the original structure
and evidence of red paint and Late Horizon ceramics indicate that the Inka remodeled this area
when they occupied Manchn (Figure 5).
Within the site, the presence of two architectural and ceramic styles--local Casma and
Chim--implies shared or joint rule (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). The Chim may have relied
on the larger plazas in the local lords agglutinated compounds and hosted feasts and celebrations
jointly. Plazas in agglutinated Compounds 2 and 3 (Figure 5) contained buried chicha jars as well
as offerings (Mackey field notes 1982).
Tcume: the Leche and Lambayeque Valleys
Pre-existing Occupation in the Leche Valley
Even after the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley and the Chim occupation of Farfn, the
northern Lambayeque core area continued to thrive as an independent political entity for 50 to 70
years. Toward the end of the 14th century the Chim conquered Tcume, the last capital of the

Lambayeque polity, located in the Leche Valley (Heyerdahl et al. 1995). Established ca. AD 1100,
Tcume was located on the coastal plain just south of the Leche River. This immense center
covered some 150 ha, and was dominated by 26 truncated mounds (Heyerdahl et al. 1995)
(Figure 7). In the Lambayeque Valley to the south of Tcume, survey results indicate a welldeveloped political hierarchy as evidenced by at least two settlement levels below Tcume
(Tschauner 2001).

The Chim Occupation of Tcume

Tcume provides the first and only example of the Chim reoccupation of the capital of a
subjugated polity (Table 1). This is also the first time that the Chim reused pre-existing
structures remodeling at least two Lambayeque monumental structures (Figure 7-Nos. 1 and 4)
while other platforms were left intact and continued to be used by local Lambayeque lords
(Heyerdahl et al 1995). However, the new constructions recall Lambayeque rather than Chim
architectural canons (Heyerdahl et al 1995). For example, archaeologists did not find Chim
audiencias in any of the remodeled areas at Tcume. The Chim did, however, add one important
feature in the southwestern margin of the site: three small compounds (Figure 7 Nos.5a-c), one of
which, 5-c, contained an above-ground burial platform. Since this key feature distinguishes
royalty from non-royalty at Chan Chan, it is probable that one of Tcumes Chim administrators
was of royal rank. Evidence for production during the Chim occupation of Tcume is found in a
workshop located in Compound 5-a (Heyerdahl et al 1995) rather than in cane-walled structures.
Summary
In sum, the Chim adhered closely to the architectural forms and functions established at
Chan Chan and maintained these features both diachronically and geographically. This is
especially apparent when we compare the floor plans of the compounds from Chan Chan, Farfn,
and Manchn (Figures 2,4 and 6) (Table 1). North of Chan Chan, in particular, the Chim
preferred to install members of the royal family as administrators, as shown by the use of aboveground burial platforms at Farfn and Tcume. Only at Manchn did non-royal nobility rule. In the
Jequetepeque and Casma Valleys, the Chim disregarded the pre-existing capitals (Pacatnamu and
El Purgatorio) and built in other areas within the valley. Only at Tcume did the Chim occupy
the Lambayeque capital and built on or remodeled the existing platform mounds. Manchn and
Tcume, the regional centers most distant from Chan Chan, witnessed some craft production and
all of the centers produced chicha (corn beer) for feasts and celebrations (Table 1).
When the Chim moved beyond their imperial core they conquered areas with pre-existing
complex polities and a well-established infrastructure. According to the model posited by Menzel
(1959), we would expect to see few changes in the built environment and indirect political control
since the polities were of sufficient complexity to meet the needs of the Empire. Nevertheless, the
Chim maintained some degree of direct rule in all the regional centers. Although Chim
authority was most evident at Farfn, Chim political control was also present at regional centers
that had joint rule, such as Manchn and Tcume. Variables such as local resistance, a perceived
threat to the empire, proximity to transportation routes or demand for resources could account for
the variations in Menzels model and the imposition of a stronger imperial presence (Menzel 1959,
Schreiber 1992). These and other variables will be examined below in greater detail.

Table 1 Chim Regional Centers

SITE

EXPANSION
INCORPORATION
Nature of Conquest
Rank of Administrator
Shared Production
Co-opt Intrusive Construction Burial Platform Audiencia *Control

Farfn

Terrain

No

New

Yes

Yes

Yes
New
No
Yes
Manchn No
Remodel/New Yes
No
Tcume Structures No
*This indicates only at the regional center, not in the lower level valley centers.

No

No

Yes
Yes

Yes
Yes

THE DYNAMICS OF CONQUEST

EXPANSION
The territorial expansion of an empire involves policy decisions at the highest level and
reflects the states underlying objectives for expanding its domain. Expansion is composed of two
interrelated aspects. The first focuses on the strategies used in the conquest of a new territory and
whether this is accomplished by military or diplomatic means. How a new territory is absorbed
into an empire influences future relationship with the local population and is a major determinant
in the type of rule to be used. Many ancient empires opted to use diplomatic strategies (DAltroy
1992); evidence for such negotiated settlements is apparent in the blending of indigenous and
imperial styles of architecture or pottery. The second aspect concerns the motives for expansion.
Conrad, for instance, suggests that the royal institution of split inheritance fueled territorial
expansion. In this scenario, each new Chim king inherited only rulership, but not lands or
revenue forcing the new kings to obtain new lands (Conrad 1981,1982). Direct evidence for why
expansion occurred is often difficult to demonstrate, but related data, such as the location of
regional centers or the clustering of lower-level imperial centers, can provide an indication of an
areas importance
The Nature of the Take-over
The confrontation between the Lambayeque polity and the advancing Chim Empire is
indicated not only archaeologically but is also supported by ethnohistorical evidence. The
chronicle of Antonio de la Calancha ([1638] 1977) mentions a Chim army under the command of
General Pacatnamu, the only reference to a specific valley conquest and a military figure. The
account speaks of a fierce battle by the Chim to win the valley (Conrad 1990). The submission of
the Lambayeque polity in the Jequetepeque Valley in the early 1300s led to the fall of Pacatnamu
(Donnan and Cock 1987). The Chim did not settle there, but instead occupied the Lambayeque
administrative center at Farfn (Mackey and Juregui 2003)
The violent conquest is evident in the subsequent Chim building program at Farfn. They
razed the existing Lambayeque compounds to their fieldstone foundations. The first Chim
administrative compound to be built, Compound II, was erected over the destroyed remains of a
Lambayeque compound. Recent excavations below the floor of Compound II, revealed four
bodies, all females, lying on top of the Lambayeque foundations (Mackey and Juregui 2004).
One of these women, Burial 3, had clearly been sacrificed--the rough fiber rope around her neck
suggesting strangulation (Figure 8). The physical characteristics of the females, such as the typical
9

Lambayeque fronto-occipital cranial deformation (Nelson, pers. comm.), as well as the artifacts
that accompanied them, indicate that they were affiliated with the Lambayeque culture.
The current evidence makes it difficult to determine the exact nature of the Chim takeover of Tcume. The archaeological evidence points to an aggressive rather than a peaceful
subjugation of the northern Lambayeque capital. In their occupation of Tcume the Chim leveled
the major portion of two monumental platforms to build their structures. Further, the platforms
they occupied served as the capitals emblematic structures, Huaca Larga, as well as the adjacent
Huaca 1 (Figure 7). The occupation of Tcumes principal huacas clearly symbolized the
imposition of Chim power and authority. The Chim, however, did mitigate this by building in a
style that favored local, rather than imperial, architectural canons. They also allowed elite Tcume
lords to continue residing in some of the other platforms indicating collaboration. Ceramics
included Chim as well as local styles (Heyerdahl et al. 1995).
In contrast, the conquest of the Casma Valley appears to have been negotiated by
diplomatic means. The Chim chose to locate their regional capital in a neutral, previously
uninhabited area (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). The spatial organization of the site shows a
clear division between the contemporaneous structures of the local lords and those of the Chim
nobles. The Chim occupation did not result in a blended architectural style, as previously thought
(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990), since each polity maintained its own cultural identity in
architecture and artifacts. Nonetheless, the architectural symbolism suggests shared authority.
Casma fine wares were no longer produced under the Chim occupation, when Chim vessels
replaced the local, high status forms, although Casma Incised utilitarian wares continued to be
manufactured (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990).
Motivation for the Take-over
There are myriad reasons for the expansion of states into new territories, including
political, economic and ideological motivations. Early states often expanded for economic reasons
(DAltroy 1992, Schreiber 1992), but they were also motivated by ideological concerns, either as a
primary reason or to legitimize their conquests (Conrad and Demarest 1984). Although politics
played a leading role in Chim expansion, ethnographic and archaeological evidence favor
ideological and economic concerns.
The motivation for expansion may help to explain the
asymmetry in the distribution of Chim provincial centers (Figure 1).
The area north of Chan Chan, far northern Peru and perhaps modern Ecuador, played an
important role in Chim mythology and ideology (Mackey 2001). The legendary founder of the
Chim dynasty, Tacaynamo, was said to have come from the north to the Moche Valley on a balsa
raft (Rowe 1948:18-20). The myth stresses that he was a foreigner and had to learn the language
and culture of the people in the Moche Valley. It would appear that the northern area, as well as
its products and resources, assumed mythic importance to the Chim and may have justified their
expansion.
Many resources used to manufacture luxury objects are found north of the Moche Valley,
such as arsenical copper, gold, and Spondylus (Shimada 1995). The strategic location of the
Jequetepeque Valley allowed the Chim to control access to all these resources. To the north the
Lambayeque polity had a long history as an intermediary with Ecuador in the Spondylus trade

10

(Heyerdahl et al 1995, Shimada 1995), a shell that was important in funerary rites and in the
confection of many portable prestige items (Conrad 1982, Pillsbury 2003). The Jequetepeque
Valley also served as a gateway to the Cajamarca region, home to an important highland polity.
During Chim times, agricultural goods from the Jequetepeque Valley were probably exchanged
with the Cajamarca region, just as they were during the Inka period (Cieza 1984 [1551]), for gold
arsenical-copper and camelid fiber (Shimada 1990, 1995). These resources were used by Chim
artisans to produce cloth and works in metal for Chan Chans burgeoning elite. The luxury goods
produced at Chan Chan served as gifts, ensuring the cooperation of local lords as the empire
expanded (Moseley 2001). Cajamarca proved crucial not only for its resources, but also as a
political ally against the Inka (Rowe 1948).
Even though the Chim gained access to valued resources when they conquered the
Jequetepeque Valley, the Lambayeque political core at Tcume controlled other highland routes to
secure metal ores as well as Spondylus (Heyerdahl et al 1995, Shimada 1995). Although several
authors have suggested that the Chim controlled the Spondylus trade (cf. Moseley 2000) Chim
administration of this valued item may not have occurred until after the conquest of Tcume and
may have been a major impetus for the conquest of the last Lambayeque capital.
The Chim motivation for the subjugation of the Casma Valley is not as apparent as the
conquests north of Chan Chan. Although administration at Manchn is seen as a collaborative
ruling effort, the Chim may have viewed the Casma polity as a threat. In addition, the Chim
may have wished to establish alternative routes to the highlands, since the Casma Valley is a
gateway to the Callejn de Huaylas and the source of highland resources. Textile production was
important at Manchn (Moore 1985) and camelid fiber may have been exchanged with the
highlands as evidenced by camelid fiber excavated in Manchns craft production area. Finally,
once Manchn was established as the southern provincial capital, it marked the Chim frontier and
may have been used as a staging area for exploration farther south.
Summary
Chimors emphasis on the northern portion of its domain offers insights into expansion
policies in this area and the strong Chim presence at Farfn and Tcume. Farfn stands apart
because of the evidence of a violent take over and the lack of shared power. The Chim may have
competed with the Lambayeque for scarce and valued goods. They may even have had to confront
the Lambayeque when they consolidated their imperial core in the Chicama Valley, since there
was evidence of a large Lambayeque cemetery at Huaca Cao Viejo in the El Brujo Complex
(Glvez and Briceo 2001). In contrast, the Chim appeared to favor a peaceful or negotiated
settlement in the southern regional center of Manchn. Perhaps they viewed the south as less
strategic to the empire; although, Manchn did become the imperial symbol of Chimors southern
frontier. The data reinforces the argument that resource extraction and control of trade routes
fueled Chim expansion to the north, which was in turn legitimized by the far norths important
role in Chim mythology and ideology.
INCORPORATION OF NEW TERRITORIES INTO THE IMPERIAL REALM
One of the main concerns of all expanding states is the incorporation of new territories
into the states political and economic organization. Failure to do so may result in internal and
external causes of dissolution. Incorporation, like expansion, includes many interrelated aspects

11

and is affected by how a new territory was acquired--harsh military action or peaceful means.
Crucial to the question of political integration is the administrative structure at the regional
center, within the surrounding valleys, and the process by which the local elites were
incorporated into the imperial system.
Political Control at the Three Provincial Centers
Farfn served as the administrative flagship of the Chim Empire. The largest of the
regional centers, it was the most architecturally similar to the capital, exhibited the most direct
political control and had the longest occupation. This show of authority and imperial strength
may reflect the fierce battle with the Lambayeque polity to take over the Jequetepeque Valley.
Tcume, the last center to be established, did not adhere strictly to Chim architectural canons,
although the conquest is symbolically illustrated by the occupation of two of its largest platform
mounds. Tcume also underscores how direct control varied at regional centers because the
Chim allowed Lambayeque lords to continue residing on some monumental platforms
(Heyerdahl et al 1995). Farfn and Tcume both contain Chim style burial platforms,
indicating the royal rank of the administrators. Provincial burial platforms may have served
primarily as emblems of the Chim god-king and state and a focal point for ceremonies rather
than as mortuary structures. Platforms at Farfn (Compound VI) (Mackey and Juregui 2002)
and Tcume (Compound 5a) (Heyerdahl et al 1995) were empty, suggesting that the noble
administrators wished to be buried with their lineage at Chan Chan.
In contrast, Manchn demonstrated another variation in political control. This large center
with its local and Chim style adobe compoundsgraphically illustrates that the Casma polity and
the Chim shared rule. The absence of an interior above-ground burial platform supports the
notion that Manchns administrators belonged to the lower level nobility. Instead, burial facilities
were situated within freestanding adobe structures that contained subterranean, prepared tombs
(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990).
Provincial administrators shared similar responsibilities. First, they passed on decisions
made at the capital to the newly established regional settlement hierarchy and controlled these
lower-ranking centers. Secondly, the provincial administrators were crucial to the reciprocity
system that played a major role in incorporating the outlying territories of the empire (Morris
1998). The administrative centers contained sufficient storage for commodities, such as maize for
chicha, to host the large-scale feasts and ceremonies so integral to reciprocity. The Chimu
provincial administrators were linked by kinship, by noble ancestors and by the reciprocity system
to the capital and probably spent as much time at Chan Chan as they did in the provinces. The
gifts bestowed on the noble administrators at the capital reinforced their status in the provinces.
They may also have been directly responsible for transporting as well as bestowing luxury goods
on the local elites. The highly prized gifts cemented the position of the provincial Chim nobility
and gave the local lords access to status goods through new levels of distribution (Schreiber 1992).
Although the majority of luxury goods came from Chan Chan, administrators did have
some access to goods produced in the provinces. Distance from the Chim capital may have been
the major variable in regional production given that workshops existed at Tcume and Manchn,
the two centers farthest away from the capital. Artisans at Tcume produced beads from Spondylus
while craftsmen at Manchn manufactured fine textiles in addition to utilitarian objects (Heyerdahl

12

et al 1995, Moore 1985). In addition to a limited amount of manufactured items, the nobles of
Manchn had access to a cache of more than 30 Spondylus bivalves wrapped individually and
placed in a woven bag under the floor of a funerary structure (Figure 5, No.9). This suggests that
Manchns nobility distributed the shells for ceremonies and funerary purposes.
Chim Control of Lower Level Centers
Just as the Chim delegated noble administrators to the regional centers, they also imposed
some level of control within the surrounding valleys. The valleys that contain centers ranked
below the provincial centers are found north of the capital, and reflect the empires highest
investment in terms of personnel, and economic gain. The Jequetepeque Valley boasted two
Chim centers that rank below Farfn. The earlier center, contemporary with Compound II at
Farfn, was Talambo or La Calera de Talambo (Keatinge and Conrad 1983), located at the valley
neck overlooking the Jequetepeque River. This small stone compound, with one audiencia faces
the maximum elevation canal that once carried water from the river northward (Keatinge and
Conrad 1983). The Algarrobal de Moro, contemporary with Compound VI at Farfn, is situated in
the northern portion of the valley near a river with an intermittent water supply. Like Farfn, this
center mimics Chim architectural canons. It has several audiencias, six storerooms and no burial
platform, indicating that it housed lower-level Chim nobility (Castillo et. al.1997). In the
Lambayeque Valley, just south of Tcume, the Chim imposed an administrative level below
Tcume. The Chim co-opted the Lambayeque (Late Sicn) center of Ptapo and built three other
Chim structures near the important Taymi Canal. The new structures were built in highly visible
locations on hills along the valley margin. Several of these centers incorporated Chim
architectural features such as baffled doorways and audiencia variants (Tschauner 2001). The
ceramics associated with both the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque Valleys lower level centers
conform mainly to Chim rather than to local styles.
The settlement patterns in the southern portion of the empire were quite different. Some
settlements in centers within the Sechn and Casma Valleys that rank hierarchically below
Manchn were originally hypothesized to have been either built or co-opted by the Chim
(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). In fact, several of these centers are earlier, such as Laguna II, or
later (Chim-Inka), such as Pueblo Pobre (Koschmieder and Vega-Centeno 1996). Until more
excavations are carried out, it appears that previous hypotheses regarding lower level
administrative centers built or co-opted by the Chim will remain untested. They did, however,
build a state planned rural village at Santa Cristina. Situated at the mouth of the Casma River, this
residential settlement constructed of cane walled architecture, controlled a vast tract of ridged
fields and saltpans designed to reclaim wetlands in the aftermath of a 14th century El Nio event
(Moore 1991).
Chim Relationships with Local level Lords
Even though the Chim imposed a second level of administrative centers below the level of
the regional centers in the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque Valleys, Chim provincial policy did not
generally disrupt the lowest hierarchical level, (i.e., the pre-existing indigenous centers), and
allowed them to remain in place (Sapp 2002, Tschauner 2001). Sapp notes that local lords
continued to occupy their elite residences such as Cabur in the Jequetepeque Valley. Although this
residence was remodeled in Chim times, its architecture is mainly Lambayeque in style and did
not emulate the dominant Chim style. Ceramics included mostly Lambayeque utilitarian wares

13

and some Chim vessels. The same is true in the Lambayeque Valley where local elites continued
to reside on platform mounds on the valley floor, apparently retaining their traditional positions
and responsibility for day-to-day operations in the valley (Tschauner 2001). Within the Casma and
Sechn Valleys it also appears that the Chim did not disrupt the valleys preexisting settlement
patterns or the local hierarchy (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990).
Chim administrators had other sources of production to draw upon in the conquered
valleys. Tschauner (2001) offers compelling evidence for an independent ceramic workshop in the
Lambayeque Valley, where local potters produced ceramics, some in late Chim style. Similar
pottery facilities may have existed in other valleys with provincial centers although they have yet
to be identified. The provincial centers all used Chim style pottery and it is unlikely, given the
distance from the Moche Valley, that it would have been imported to these distant centers. Chim
style wares were distributed to local lords within the valleys and were, no doubt, imbued with
status because of their association with the ruling Chim. Cabur also offers evidence for Spondylus
production as demonstrated by hundreds of pieces of cut shell perhaps destined to be made into
jewelry and beads (Sapp 2002). The duties associated with production gave local level lords
continued positions of responsibility within the new administrative hierarchy.
The Time Frame and Territorial Limits of Chim Expansion and Incorporation
The consolidation of the imperial core (the Moche, Chicama and Vir Valleys) took place
after the founding of Chan Chan ca. AD 900 (Moseley 2001). Keatinge dates the establishment
of Chimu rural administrative centers within the imperial core from ca. AD 1050 to AD 1300
(Keatinge 1974, Pozorski 1987:117). As we re-evaluate the chronology of Chim expansion, we
will look at the phases of expansion, their time frames and the geographical limits of the empire.
Although the Spanish chronicles suggest two phases for Chim expansion (Keatinge and Conrad
1983, Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990, Rowe 1948, T. Topic 1990), the archaeological evidence
points to three (Table 2 and Figure 1).
Stages of Expansion
The first stage of expansion beyond the imperial core was to the north and took place in
approximately AD 1310 (Table 2). Although Keatinge and Conrad (1983) posited that Farfns
Compound II was built in AD 1200, several scholars (Donnan and Cock 1986, Sapp 2002)
maintained that this occurred at a later date. Based on the radiocarbon assays from Pacatnamu
that date falls around AD 1310 to 1340 (Donnan pers. comm.). Wooden spindles excavated with
one of the sacrificed bodies atop the destroyed Lambayeque walls, directly under Farfns
Compound II, have been dated to between AD 1220 to 1310 (with 2 Sigma calibrations), which
also supports the later date (Figure 8)(Mackey and Juregui 2004). The architectural features of
Compound II also support the radiocarbon assays. First, the floor plan and the spatial
organization of Compound II resemble the tripartite divisions of the later compounds at Chan
Chan (Figure 2). In addition, the morphology of Compound IIs audiencias does not conform to
the early forms of Kolatas architectural seriation for Chan Chan (1990:126-127). These two
audiencias show a blend of features (bins and niches, with bins on the back of the audiencias)
that correspond to those found in Laberinto and Grand Chim, ciudadelas that date to between
AD 1100 to AD1300, rather than to early types (Figure 9).

14

The second stage of expansion took place 300 km south of Chan Chan, double the distance
to Farfn (Table 2). The radiocarbon assays as well as the architecture and the ceramics suggest
that Manchn was established after Farfn.2 The Manchn date of AD 1305 +/- 75 years indicates
that it was founded between AD 1230 and 1380 (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). Based on its
comparison with Farfn (Compound VI at Farfn dates to AD 1400), I argue for the later
establishment of Manchn. The ceramics as well as the audiencia sequence (Kolata 1990:126127) support this claim. The audiencias at Manchn contain six niches, similar to those found in
Chan Chans late ciudadelas and this type does not occur earlier than AD 1350.
The third phase of expansion targeted the region north of the Jequetepeque Valley to the
Lambayeque capital of Tcume. The Chim may have had to divide the conquest of the
Lambayeque region into two phases because of the hostilities between the two cultures or the need
to maintain access to the far north trade routes. Nevertheless, this last conquest took place after the
establishment of Farfn. The dates given for the Chim conquest of Tcume range from AD 1350
to1400 (Donnan 1990, Heyerdahl et. al. 1995, Shimada 1990, and T. Topic 1990). The lack of
audienicas at the site makes it impossible to use Kolatas sequence, but Chim ceramics suggest a
date closer to AD 1400 (Table 2).
Table 2. Approximate Time Line of Chim Conquests
AD900 to1300
AD 1310
AD1350-80
Consolidation
of Farfn
Manchn
Imperial Core

AD1400
Conquest of Tcume

The Extent of the Empire

The Spanish chronicles indicate that the Chim Empire extended along the north coast from
Tumbes in the north to the Chilln Valley in the south (Rowe 1948). In other publications
Klymyshyn and I suggested differences between the areas the Chim consolidated, which we
assume stretched from the Leche Valley in the north to the Casma Valley in the south, along with
other areas where Chim ceramics occur but lack an apparent administrative hierarchy (Mackey
and Klymyshyn 1990). These latter valleys lie north of La Leche and south of the Casma Valley
(Figure 1), and may have been connected to Chimor through trade or marriage alliances, although
they were never part of the Chim imperial system (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990, Parsons and
Hastings 1988). To date, this hypothesis has not been challenged and it appears that Chim
administrative centers did not exist in areas beyond the imperial limits.
An examination of archaeological research within the imperial limits of the Chim Empire
raises further questions. Although it had been assumed that the Chim had contiguous occupation
in each of the valleys from Leche to Casma, this has not proven to be the case (Mackey and
Klymyshyn 1990, Parsons and Hastings 1988, T. Topic 1990). The Chim Empire occupied its
territories asymmetrically with a marked emphasis on the northern portion of the realm. In the
southern portion, with the exception of the Vir Valley (Collier 1955) and possibly the Nepea
Valley (Proulx 1973), there is no evidence for Chim networks of administrative centers such as
those documented to the north of the capital. Although it is not unusual for expanding states to
2

Vogel (2003) states that Cerro la Cruz, in the Chao Valley (south of Vir), a frontier settlement of the Casma
Polity, was occupied until AD 1300 and there is no Chimu presence prior to that date.

15

leapfrog across unconquered territory (Bauer and Covey 2002, Sinopoli 1996), how did the Chim
govern the southern portion of the empire and how did they pass through these valleys to reach
Casma? (Figure 1). The lack of a Chim presence in these intervening valleys suggests either
indirect rule or the approval or assistance of peoples living in these valleys under the rule of the
Casma Polity.
Summary
Even though the subjugated regions all had complex political systems prior to the Chim
conquest, the Chim maintained some degree of direct rule and invested considerable labor in
building administrative facilities. The Chim may have employed indirect rule in areas inside as
well as outside their imperial limits where no evidence of imperial consolidation is found. The
architectural elements (audiencias, plazas, storerooms and burial platforms) that symbolized
Chim administration and power were employed at the regional centers. Noble administrators,
royal governors in the north and non-royal nobility at Manchn, who had access to sufficient staple
goods to provide for the large-scale feasts and ceremonies, ruled the Chim regional centers,
although each regions indigenous lords were granted considerable autonomy.
Recent
investigations have shown that production facilities did exist at or near the regional centers, but
these facilities were capable of only producing small amounts of goods, leaving Chim nobles
dependent upon the political economy of the capital for the majority of their luxury items.
The consolidation of the Chim core took place over a three hundred year period, while the
states expansion was relatively rapid, occurring during an 80 to 90 year period. New radiocarbon
assays and a re-evaluation of the existing data on expansion indicate three stages rather than two.
The expansion northward and the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley probably occurred 100
years later than first estimated. Major differences are also apparent between the area actually
integrated into the empire and the territory suggested in the Spanish chronicles. The imperial area
is smaller, from La Leche in the north to the Casma Valley in the south, and was not contiguously
occupied as was once thought. There is a definite asymmetry between Chim settlement patterns
to the north as compared to the south of their capital, Chan Chan.
Conclusion
This study has proposed an alternate model to that proposed by Menzel (1959) who posited
that when conquest occurred in polities that were sufficiently complex, the expectation was that the
conquering polity would institute indirect rule. Yet the Chim incorporated areas with complex
political organization, maintained some degree of direct rule and installed their own administrative
facilities in spite of existing ones. Explanations such as local resistance, a perceived threat to the
empire and proximity to transportation routes may account for the stronger imperial presence.
However, indirect rule, based on alliances of marriage or exchange of goods, may have existed in
some of the unincorporated areas both within and outside the imperial limits. New radiocarbon
dates indicate that the first phase of expansion, to the north, took place at least 100 years later than
previously thought, ca. AD 1310. In spite of some variation in their regional policies, certain
principles of Chim statecraft were apparent at all three regional centers.
The first principal of Chim expansion strategy centered on the acquisition of resources
staple commodities and especially highly prized exotic materials. The valued resources, used in the
manufacture of luxury items manufactured at Chan Chan, are mainly found to the north of the
Chim capital, an area that correlates with the highest density of Chim administrative centers.

16

The second element of Chim policy, closely related to the first, was the reliance upon the
reciprocity system as a means of incorporation of distant areas and maintaining control over
provincial administrators. Luxury items were bestowed on Chim nobility to legitimize their
status and they in turn used similar goods to cement their relations with indigenous lords by
providing them with prestige items mainly obtained at the capital.
The third and possibly most important part of Chim provincial strategy was the policy to not
disrupt the preexisting settlement patterns or the local hierarchy in any of the valleys associated
with the regional centers. This provided the perception of continuity and of some autonomy. The
Jequetepeque Valley is the best example of provincial strategy since the Chimu controlled this
valley for at least 150 years until the arrival of the Inkas. During that time it appears that the
Chim sought political stability rather than assimilating conquered peoples into the empire since
architecture and artifacts remained in the local style.
The upper ranks of the settlement hierarchy, however, showed some variation in the
integration of local level lords in spite of the idea that Chimu rule was characterized by this
practice. A reexamination of the data shows that the practice of shared rule existed at only two
regional centers-- Manchan and Tcume--while the lower level Chimu nobles, just below the
paramount centers in the Jequetepeque, (i.e., Talambo), and Lambayeque Valleys, (i.e., Patap),
apparently did not share control. It was only the indigenous elite centers that continued to show
autonomy in the subjugated areas.
Future research may reveal new scenarios in valleys settled by the Chim, but the data
outlined here reflect our present knowledge. It should be noted, however, that in spite of new
interpretations, many of the state policies presented by Moseley (1982) for the Chim capital, such
as centralization of economic goods at Chan Chan, rule through a hierarchical administration and
the importance of the reciprocal system, have been reaffirmed by recent research and have been
shown to be operative in the provinces.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Bauer, Brian and R. A. Covey
2002
Process of State Formation in the Inca Heartland (Cuzco, Peru).
Anthropologist 104(3):846-864.

American

Castillo, Luis Jaime, Carol Mackey, Andrew Nelson

1997 Informe Preliminar: Campana 1996 del Proyecto Complejo Arqueolgico de Moro.
Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima
Cabello Balboa, Miguel
1951 Miscelnea antrtica: una historia del Per antiguo. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San
Marcos. Instituto de Etnologa, Lima.
Calancha, Antonio de la
1974-83 [1638] Cornica moralizada del Orden de San Augustn en el Per. Trascripcin,
Ignacio Prado Pasto. Crnicas del Per, 4-9. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima.
Cieza de Lon, Pedro de

17

1984 [1551] La Crnica del Per. Edited by Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois. Crnicas de Amrica.
Historia 16, Madrid.
Conrad, Geoffrey W.
1981 Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and the Expansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires.
American Antiquity 46(1):3-42.
1982 The burial platforms of Chan Chan: some social and political implications. In Chan Chan:
Andean desert city, edited by M. Moseley and Kent Day, University of New Mexico Press,
Albuquerque.
1990
Farfn, General Pacatnamu, and the Dynastic History of Chimor. In The northern
dynasties: kingship and statecraft in Chimor, edited by Michael Moseley and Alana CordyCollins, pp. 195-226. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.
Conlee, C., J. Dulanto, C. Mackey and C. Stanish
2004
Late Prehispanic Sociopolitical Complexity. In Andean Archaeology, edited by H.
Silverman, Blackwell Publishing, Cornwall.
Costin, Cathy and Timothy K. Earle
1989
Status Distinction and Legitimation of Power as Reflected in Changing Pattern of
Consumption in Late Prehispanic Peru. American Antiquity 54: 691-714.
Covey, Alan
2000 Inca administration of the Far South Coast of Peru. Latin American Antiquity 11(2):119138.
DAltroy, Terence
Provincial power in the Inka Empire. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington.
Day, Kent C.
1982 Ciudadelas: Their Form and Function. In Chan Chan: Andean desert city, edited by M.
Moseley and K. Day, pp. 55-66.University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.
Donnan, Christopher B.
1986 The Huaca 1 Complex. In The Pacatnamu Papers, Volume 1, Fowler Museum of Cultural
History, Los Angeles
Donnan, Christopher and Carol Mackey
1978 Ancient burial patterns of the Moche Valley, Peru. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Earle, Timothy, Terence DAltroy, Cristine Hastorf, Catherine Scott, Cathy Costin, Glenn
Russell and Elsie Sandefur
1987 Archaeological field research in the Upper Mantaro, Peru, 1982-1983: Investigations of
Inka expansion and exchange. Monograph XXVIII, Institute of Archaeology, University of
California, Los Angeles.
Fung, R. and C. Williams Len

18

1977 Exploraciones y Excavaciones en el Valle de Sechin, Casma. Revista el Museo Nacional

XLIII. Lima.
Glvez, Csar Mora and Jess Briceo Rosario
2001
The Moche in the Chicama Valley. In Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Per,
edited by Joanne Pillsbury, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
Heyerdahl, T, D. Sandweiss, and A. Narvez
1995 Pyramids of Tcume: the Quest for Perus Forgotten City. Thames and Hudson, New
York.
Keatinge, Richard W.
1974
Chim rural administrative centers in the Moche Valley, Peru. World Archaeology
6(1):66-82.
Keatinge, Richard and Geoffrey Conrad
1983
Imperialist expansion in Peruvian prehistory: Chim administration of a conquered
territory. Journal of Field Archaeology 10 (3): 255-283.
Klymyshyn, A. Ulana
1982 Elite compounds in Chan Chan. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by M.
Moseley and K. Day, pp. 119-143, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Kolata, Alan
1990 The urban concept of Chan Chan. In The northern dynasties: kingship and statecraft in
Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 107-144. Dumbarton Oaks,
Washington, DC.
Kosok, Paul
1965 Life, land and water in ancient Peru. Long Island University Press, New York.
Mackey, Carol
1987 Chim administration in the provinces. In The origins and development of the Andean
State, edited by J. Haas, S. Pozorski, and T. Pozorski, pp. 121-129. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
2001 Los dioses que perdieron los colmillos. In Los Dioses del Antiguo Peru, Tomo 2.
Banco de Credito del Peru, Lima
Mackey, Carol and Csar Juregui
2002 Informe Preliminar de Proyecto Arqueolgico Farfn. Instituto Nacional de Cultura,
Lima.
2003 Informe Preliminar de Proyecto Arqueolgico Farfan. Instituto Nacional de Cultura,
Lima.
2004
Informe Preliminar de Proyecto Arqueolgico Farfn. Instituto Nacional de Cultura,
Lima.

19

Mackey, Carol and Alexandra Klymyshyn

1990
The southern frontier of the Chim Empire. In The northern dynasties: kingship and
statecraft in Chimor, edited by Michael Moseley and Alana Cordy-Collins, pp. 195-226.
Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.
Menzel, Dorothy
1959 The Inca occupation of the South Coast of Peru. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
15:125-142.
Moore, Jerry D.
1981
Chim socioeconomic organization: preliminary data from Manchn, Casma Valley,
Peru. awpa Pacha 19:115-128.
1991 Cultural responses to environmental catastrophes: post-El Nio north coast of Per Latin
American Antiquity, 2(1), pp.27-47.
1996 Architecture and power in the Ancient Andes. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Morris, Craig
1998 Inka Strategies of Incorporation, and Governance. In Archaic States, edited by Gary M.
Feinman and Joyce Marcus. pp 293-309. School of American Research, Santa Fe.
Morris, Craig and Donald Thompson
1985 Hunuco Pampa: An Inca city and its hinterland. Thames and Hudson, New York, N.Y..

Moseley, Michael E.
1975 Chan Chan: Andean alternative of the preindustrial city. Science 187:219-225.
1982
Introduction: Human Exploitation and Organization on the North Andean Coast. In
Chan Chan: Andean desert city, edited by M. Moseley and K. Day, pp.1-24, University of New
Mexico, Albuquerque.
2001 The Incas and Their Ancestors. Thames and Hudson, New York.
Netherly, Patricia
1976 Local level lords on the North Coast of Peru. Cornell University, New York.
Parsons, Jeffrey R. and Charles M. Hastings
1988
The Late Intermediate Period. In Peruvian Prehistory, edited by Richard Keatinge.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Pillsbury, Joanne
1996
The Thorny Oyster and the origins of empire: implications of recently uncovered
Spondylus imagery from Chan Chan, Per
2003 Luxury Arts and the Lords of Chimor. In Latin American Collections: Essays in Honour
of Ted J.J. Leyenaar, editor, E. de Bock, Leiden, pp. 67-77.
Pozorski, Thomas

20

1971 Survey and Excavations of Burial Platforms at Chan Chan, Peru. B.A. thesis, Harvard
University.
1987
Changing priorities within the Chim state: the role of irrigation agriculture. In The
origins and development of the Andean state, edited by J. Haas, S. Pozorski and T. Pozorski. pp.
111- 120, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Proulx, Donald A.
1973 Archaeological Investigations in the Nepena Valley, Peru. Department of Anthropology,
Research Project No. 13. University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Rowe, John H.
1948 The Kingdom of Chimor. Acta Americana 6, pp. 26-59.
Sapp, William D. III
2002 The impact of imperial conquest at the palace of a local lord in the Jequetepeque
Valley, northern Per Department of Anthropology, University of California at Los Angeles
Schreiber, Katharina
1992 Wari Imperialism in Middle Horizon Peru. Anthropological Papers of the Museum of
Anthropology, 87. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Shimada, Izumi
1990 Cultural Continuities and Discontinuities on the Northern North Coast of Peru, MiddleLate Horizons.In The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor,
edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 297-392. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C.
1995 Cultura Sicn: dios, riqueza y poder en la Costa Norte del Per.
Fundacin del Banco Continental para el Fomento de la Educacin y la Cultura, Lima.
Sinopoli, Carla M.
1996 The archaeology of empires. Annual Review of Anthropology 23:159-180.
2001
Empires. In Archaeology at the Millennium. Edited by Gary M. Feinman and T. D.
Price, pp 439-471. Kluwer/Plenum, New York.
Stanish, Charles
1997 Nonmarket imperialism in the prehispanic Americas: The Inca occupation of the Titicaca
basin. Latin American Antiquity 8:195-216.
Tello, Julio C.
1956 Arqueologa del Valle de Casma. Culturas: Chavn, Santa o Huaylas Yunga y Sub-Chim.
Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, Lima
Topic, John
1982 Lower-class social and economic organization at Chan Chan.
In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by M. Moseley and Kent Day, pp. 145-175,
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
1990
Craft production in the Kingdom of Chimor. In The northern dynasties: kingship and
statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 145-175.

21

Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.

Topic, J. and M. Moseley
1983 Chan Chan: a case study of urban change in Peru. awpa Pacha, 21, pp. 153-182.
Topic, Theresa L.
1990
Territorial expansion and the kingdom of Chimor. In The northern dynasties: kingship
and statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 177-194.
Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC.
Tschauner, Hartmut
2001 Socioeconomic and political organization in the Late Prehispanic Lambayeque sphere,
northern North Coast of Per. Department of Anthropology, Harvard University.
Uceda, Santiago
1997 Esculturas en miniatura y una maqueta en madera. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la
Luna 1995, edited by S. Uceda, E. Mujica, R. Morales, pp. 151-176 Universidad Nacional de
La Libertad, Trujillo.
Vogel, Melissa
2003 Life on the Frontier: Identity and Sociopolitical Change at the Site of Cerro la Cruz, Peru
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia.
Vogel, Melissa and P. Vilcherrez
2004 Informe Final de Proyecto El Purgatorio, Valle de Casma. Instituto Nacional de Cultura,
Lima.
Wilson, David J.
1995 Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Casma Valley, north coast of Peru: preliminary
results to date. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society v. 3(1-2).

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31