THE HEART OF A CITY

TORONTOS SHIFTING CENTRE

By Christopher Lauzon1

INTRODUCTION
The epicentre of Torontos urban core has shifted almost immediately upon the
European settlement of York in 1793. Initially contained within a ten-block plan near
Adelaide and Sherbourne streets, settlement quickly drifted north and west towards Yonge
Street the newly established thoroughfare into the northern wilderness. Rebuilding after
the Great Fire of 1904 pushed the core further west still, while infill of the Toronto Harbour
pushed the waterfront south. By the 1920s, Old City Hall (then current and functional)
stood some 1.5 kilometres from Lake Ontario. This transient history, along with continuous
adaptations in economics, civics, planning, and technology have made it difficult to identify
a concise geographical core in contemporary Toronto.
In an environment of data saturation, determining the heart of a city may appear as
a soft pursuit, but it is a fundamental question whose answer is often illusive to urban
planners. This illusiveness is particularly strong in Toronto, a city of newcomers that
continuously reinterpret the citys contested history. Like the downtown of any city,
Torontos core must accommodate the complex agglomeration of commercial, civic, cultural,
institutional, recreational, and residential needs of its larger incorporation. Beyond these
typical requirements, there are additional realities imposed upon the city. As the most
populated jurisdiction in the country, Toronto must also house the primary financial
instruments of the country. As a provincial capital, it is also required to integrate the
legislative and bureaucratic needs of the province. It should not come as a surprise that
Toronto, by several magnitudes and with 1618 hectares, has the largest downtown district
of any city in Canada.2 Taken together, these compounded interests make the term heart of
the city difficult to quantify.
In defining downtown boundaries for their 2013 report, the Canadian Urban
Institute [CUI] remarked on the significant challenge of the task due to differences in
individual understandings of the limits due to personal experiences.3 As a result, the
districts remain broad with their own internal hierarchy some areas feel more
cosmopolitan than others. In pursuit of a more concise location, this paper will view the city
as a social construct continuously reinvented by its inhabitants. In order to navigate this
epistemology, inspiration will be drawn from the theories of psychogeography as explored
by the Situationist International movement in the 1960s. It will turn the problem of
individual understanding encountered by CUI into a method of investigation.
1

I would like to thank Rob Shostak (M. Arch 09) for his company and help during the experiment
portion of this paper.
2 Canadian Urban Institute, The Value of Investing in Canadian Downtowns (October 2013),
https://www.ida-downtown.org/eweb/docs/ValueInvCanDwtn13.pdf.
3 Ibid., 12.

BACKGROUND
Psychogeography developed concurrently in France and the United States during
the second half of the 1950s. Rooted in critical theory Marxism, the European variant is
strongly linked with the Situationist International [SI], an international organization of
social revolutionaries made up of avant-garde artists, intellectuals, and political theorists.
After several years of experimentation and refining in Paris, Guy Debord, a founding
member of SI, defined psychogeography as the study of the specific effects of the
geographical environment, consciously organized or not, on the emotions and behaviour of
individuals.4 Its employment and study, argued proponents, would eventually lead to a
reconfigured city free from rationalist (and capitalist) constraints.
The primary means of psychogeographical investigation was the drive, which
consisted of drifting and deliberately trying to lose oneself in the city. It was an activity with
lineage to the Surrealists during the interwar years, and also found precedent in
Baudelaires description of the 19th century flneur.5 What differentiated drive from its
predecessors was both a heightened sense of seriousness and commitment, and a careful
detachment from randomness the city would impart and guide the journey rather than
remain an inert body. The recommended length of a drive was a month, but could be as
short as a day. To help facilitate the experiment, intoxication was also encouraged.6 It is
from one such drift undertaken by Debord that produced the image most associated with SI
a clustered and detached map of central Paris reassembled with flowing arrows (Figure
1). It is a visual representation of a reinterpreted and nonconformist city.
An American variant of psychogeography also emerged entirely independent in the
Boston area in the 1950s and 1960s. Kevin Lynch, an American urbanist and MIT planning
professor, drew from his interest in childhood perceptions of the urban environment to
publish The Image of the City in 1960. According to Lynch, four motives drove the
publication; an interest in the connection between psychology and the urban environment;
fascination with the aesthetics of the city at a time when most planners dismissed them as a
matter of taste; wonder about how to evaluate a city; and a commitment to pay more
attention to those who live in a place to the actual human experience of a city.7 His
observations on mental maps, and how people use paths, edges, districts, nodes, and
landmarks to create them, are directly comparable to those espoused by Situationist
International. However, unlike the European variant, Lynchs theories were not wrapped in
Marxist dogma and did not promote anarchism. On the contrary, Lynch sought to rationalize
the irrational a more docile proposition that could be adopted by non-revolutionaries. It is
an amalgamation of Lynchs rationalism and the SIs experimental drive that that informed
the method used to locate the heart of Toronto.

Guy Debord, Internationale Situationnist, no. 1 (June 1958), 13-14.

Simon Ford, The Situationist International: A Users Guide (London: Black Dog Publishing, 2005), 34.
6 Simon Adler, The Situationist City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1998), 98.
7 Denis Wood, Lynch Debord: About Two Psychogeographies, Cartographica 45 no. 3 (2010): 190.
5

Figure 1
Guy Debord, The Naked City, 1958

METHOD
In order to navigate this epistemological position that cities are social constructs,
the theories of psychogeography as explored by the Situationist International and Kevin
Lynch will be appropriated. Since the centre of the city is open to interpretation by
different people, an equally open experiment was undertaken.
Google Maps, the undeclared digital authority in cartography, specifically pins the
central east edge of City Hall as Toronto. From this location five points were radially
distributed along a three kilometre radius. Beginning at each selected point, the author
initiated the experiment by asking a nearby but random pedestrian: Can you point me to
the heart of the city? The question, intentionally vague, was crafted to first provoke
interpretation of the phrase (What is meant by heart?) and then assign personal value to
the urban environment (a place of perceived importance). Upon receiving a response, all
relevant information was recorded. The direction gestured was followed according to the
immediate street grid for a distance of approximately 200 metres. This process was then
repeated on arrival at the new location.
A final destination was considered achieved when one of two conditions were
encountered: 1) a respondent confirmed the current location was the heart of the city; or
2) three consecutive respondents guided the author to double back. The final destination of
each experiment was noted as a possible central core of Toronto and subject to further
research. Analysis focused on historical perspective in order to place the location into the
narrative of the city and derive any economic, civic, or social justification for its selection.

Figure 2
Starting Points of the Experiment

RESULTS

Figure 3
Diagram of Experiment Results (November 27 and December 04, 2016)

Heart of the City Destinations:

1) Fort York 2) King/Bay 3) Dundas Square 4) Yonge/Bloor 5) New City Hall
Locations Mentioned and Frequency:
New City Hall (6)
Eaton Centre (2)
Dundas Square (4)
Financial District (2)
Union Station (4)
Queen/Spadina
Bloor/Yonge (3)
Fort York

Theatre District
St. Lawrence Market
College Park
CN Tower

Lansdowne/Bloor
Old City Hall
Don Valley Ravine
Queens Park
5

ANALYSIS + DISCUSSION
FORT YORK
The inclusion of Fort York as a heart of Toronto came as a surprise. In expanding on
his reasoning, the middle-aged male pedestrian remarked that he resided in a condominium
nearby and that the fort was a place of both work (as a chef) and relaxation (in reference to
the open-air grounds). It was a fairly common justification among respondents and
describes a Neighbourhoodist view of the city a belief that a neighbourhood of personal
attachment was representative of Toronto, and thus the anchor of that neighbourhood was
also the heart of the city. Such respondents placed greater value on individual experience
rather than an extrapersonal or collective representation.
While an unexpected response, Fort York and the city have a complementary and
inextricable history. Constructed in 1793 under order of Lieutenant Governor John Simcoe,
the garrison at Fort York housed a naval fleet capable of protecting the western (and at the
time, only) entrance into the natural harbor that sheltered the new civilian settlement of
York some 4 kilometres east. During its earliest decades, Fort York provide an important
impetus for economic and social development of the small backwoods community that
would grow into the city of Toronto in 1834.
Fort York experienced long cycles of diminished military importance followed by
brief bolsters to encampment during periods of diplomatic tension with the United States.
Maintenance of the grounds and buildings followed a similar trajectory, with deterioration
accelerated after the construction of a new barrack to the west of the fort in 1841. By the
end of the nineteenth century the fort was in a state of poor repair (Figures 4 and 5). The
City acquired the fort in 1903, and eventually turned it into a historic site museum between
1932 and 1934 for the centennial of the incorporation of the city.8 By the 1970s, the
shoreline the fort once guarded had been infilled 500 metres away and was now contained
to a sliver of land flanked by the elevated Gardiner Expressway to the south and the citys
central rail corridor to the north (Figure 6). Reintegrating the fort into the urban fabric has
been an ongoing concern for the city, and has been the subject of many planning initiatives.
The opening of the Visitor Centre in 2014 (Figure 7) and the proposed Bentway and
Raildeck Park are recent efforts in this pursuit.
Fort York is an apt example of Torontos fluctuating, contested, and precarious
historical memory. 9 For many, the founding of Fort York is the founding of Toronto, and
thus the beginning of its history. It is a Eurocentric view, as it negates the centuries of
Aboriginal life along the shores of Lake Ontario prior to the eighteenth century. The
connection between Fort York and Toronto is a historical narrative comfortable in a city of
newcomers that can easily draw parallels to the first settlers of York and their own arrival
two centuries later.

8 Carl Benn, A Brief History of Fort York, last accessed 27 December 2016,
www.fortyork.ca/history-of-fort-york.html
9 Victoria Freeman, Toronto Has No History! Indigeneity, Settler Colonialism, and Historical
Memory in Canada's Largest City, Urban History Review 38 no. 2 (2010), 31.

Figure 4: Western entrance to Fort York (c.1899)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 70, Series 327, Subseries 1, File 5, Item 1

Figure 5: Fort York (c.1899)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 200, Series 376, File 5, Item 13

Figure 6: Garrison District (1991) Fort York beyond the Gardiner along the upper left.

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 200, Series 1465, File 40, Item 15

Figure 7: Fort York Visitor Centre (2014)

Source: Kerns Mancini Architects

DUNDAS SQUARE
The inclusion of Dundas Square (also know as Yonge-Dundas Square) would have
been unfathomable no more than twenty years ago. Although adjacent to the main entrance
of the Eaton Centre (Torontos main shopping mall) and with the heaviest pedestrian traffic
in the city, the area was wholly unremarkable throughout the twentieth century (Figure 8).
From the 1970s onwards, the main stretch of Yonge Street centred around what would
become Dundas Square (then occupied with buildings) was known for its unwholesome
reputation. Mild laissez-faire attempts at revitalization remained ad hoc and experienced
little success. In 1996, two additional solutions were proposed: a familiar gentle
regeneration-style solution was approved but was quickly superseded by a dramatic
expropriate-and-redevelop proposal (Figure 9). It is this plan completed in 2002 that
created the Dundas Square familiar to city residents today (Figure 10).10
To better the chances at approval, the developers of Dundas Square presented a
reworked history of Yonge-Dundas that elevated it to the historical commercial district of
the city. While plausible in its current condition, the intersection prior to the 1960s was
typical and far removed from the shopping districts along Queen Street to the south and
Bloor Street to the north. It was not until the arrival of the Eaton Centre in 1977 that
established the area as an significant retail district, but the malls inward design left the
neighbouring street life unchanged from its tawdry and raunchy disposition (Figure 11).11
Dundas Square proper is located on a parcel of land created in the 1920s after
forcing Wilton Street (east of Yonge) to bend north to connect Agnes Street (west of Yonge)
as an effort to create a new crosstown thoroughfare now known as Dundas Street (Figure
12).12 Upon successful purchase or expropriation of properties on the site in the late 1990s,
the buildings were demolished for a new civic square. Unbeknownst to most pedestrians
today, Dundas Square is the roof of a submerged parking garage.13 It is an early example of a
hybrid project with fused infrastructural and revitalization pursuits that is now a popular
strategy in contemporary Toronto planning practices.14 The relative success of the project
can be measured in its inclusion of this study, and it was a common answer given by
participants that identified as foreign tourists. Remnants of Yonge-Dundas seedy past
remain, but it is increasingly clear the area has broken from its historical narrative.

10

Beth Moore Milroy, Thinking, Planning, and Urbanism (Vancouver, UBC Press, 2009), 6-8.
Ibid., 58-59.
12 Ibid., 62-63.
13 Christopher Hume, Yonge-Dundas Square Has Helped Bring Toronto into 21st Century, Toronto
Star, May 31, 2013, accessed December 30, 2016,
https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2013/05/31/yongedundas_square_has_helped_bring_toronto_i
nto_21st_century_hume.html
14 Sherburne Common, completed in 2010, turned old industrial land into both a public park and
storm water treatment centre.
11

Figure 8: View of Dundas and Yonge Street at night from the 6th floor of Eaton's (1981)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 1526, File 9, Item 15

Figure 9: Illustration of Proposed Yonge-Dundas Square (c.1996)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 200, Series 1465, File 548, Item 16

10

Figure 10: View from Dundas Square towards Yonge-Dundas intersection. (2008)

Source: Brown + Storey Architects

Figure 11: View north along Yonge to Dundas during construction of the Eaton Centre (c.1978)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 2, Series 8, File 4, Item 14

11

Figure 12: Plan to connect Dundas Street West and East

Source: Daily Star, 1921, from Thinking, Planning, and Urbanism (2009)

12

YONGE AND BLOOR

The intersection of Yonge and Bloor streets was declared the heart of the city by two
middle-aged Canadian males visiting for the Grey Cup. The justification for their answer
referenced the website of their nearby hotel which claimed to be centrally located. Although
quite far north compared to other hearts, the notion of a central location in terms of
building density, street prestige, and public transportation.
Until the 1880s, Bloor Street was the northern limits of the city and was at one time
far removed from development largely contained south of present-day Queen Street. Its
distance made it a suitable location for Potters Field, Torontos first nondenominational
cemetery which interred over 6,000 bodies between 1826 and 1855 (Figure 13).15 By the
early 1880s the remains had been moved and the area was available for encroaching
development. Yonge-Bloor quickly became the central node of uptown Toronto, a
designation that lasted well into the 1920s as witnessed in the names of nearby cinemas
(Figure 14). The intersection also became a second home to banking institutions (a legacy
still true today) and starting in the 1920s, it gained prestige as the gateway into the luxury
shopping district now known as Mink Mile.16
Yonge-Bloors strongest connotation is as a transit hub, which was cemented with
the opening of the Yonge Subway in 1954 and the Bloor-Danforth subway in 1966 (Figure
15). The interchange stations are now the busiest in the transit system and have allowed a
greater building density not seen outside the Financial District.17 The recent push for highrise construction. including One Bloor East at 257 metres and One Bloor West planned at
304 metres (which, if built, would be the tallest building in Toronto) is also aided by its
distant from the CN Tower, whose superior height to nearby buildings is keenly protected.
While now considered apart of Yorkville, Yonge-Bloor has a distinct history and connotation
that lends itself to a plausible city centre.

15

Risa Barking and Ian Gentles, Death in Victorian Toronto, 1850-1899, Urban History Review 19
no. 1 (1990): 16.
16 Eric Arthur, No Mean City, 3rd edition (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 218.
17 Toronto Transit Commission, 2015 Operating Statistics, accessed December 31, 2016,
https://www.ttc.ca/About_the_TTC/Operating_Statistics/2015/Section_One.jsp

13

Figure 13: Development near Bloor and Yonge in 1842

Source: 1842 Cane Topographical Plan of the City and Liberties of Toronto

Figure 14: West side of Yonge south of Bloor note Uptown Cinema (1975)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 1526, File 2, Item 11

14

Figure 15: Passengers wait for a subway train in the newly opened Bloor-Yonge station (1966)

Source: City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 1567, Series 648, File 201

15

KING AND BAY (THE FINANCIAL DISTRICT)

A young male photographer claimed the northwest corner of King Street and Bay
Street was the heart of Toronto. No explanation was given, but the corner identified is the
site of Torontos tallest building First Canadian Place, completed in 1975 by Bregman +
Hamann Architects (Figure 16). King-Bay is also the traditional epicentre of Torontos
Financial District, home to financial institutions, corporate headquarters, prestigious law
offices, and the Toronto Stock Exchange. By 1900, Bay Street was an auxiliary district for
Yonge Street, which had overtaken the original town of York as the new centre of the city.
Bay Street was thus home to industrial shops, factories and warehouses, many of which had
been constructed after the loosening of fire laws in the 1870s.18 The Great Fire of 1904
devastated most of the area and largely ended manufacturing downtown (Figure 17). From
the literal ashes of the fire, a new district emerged; one shaped by new building
technologies (steel-frame construction, elevators, and the high rise tower) and those that
could afford it (national banking institutions) (Figure 18).
The Financial District grew in height and density, especially during the 1970s. With
the new taller construction, street life was pushed underground into the rapidly expanding
PATH network. Despite all the wealth, architecture, and density, the neighbourhood (largely
due to a lack of residential areas) has never developed an identity found elsewhere in
Toronto neighbourhoods.19 Indeed, with the development of the Southcore neighbourhood
bordering the central lakefront to the south, the intersection of Bay and King is increasingly
view as a northern limit, rather than the epicentre, of a shifting district.20 Its high rise
architecture is a difficult legacy to usurp, and so remains the heart of the city to some.

18

Barbara Sanford, The Political Economy of Land Development in Nineteenth Century Toronto,
Urban History Review 16 no. 1 (1987): 27.
19 Christopher Hume, Toronto Financial District a Neighbourhood Without an Identity, Toronto
Star, July 23, 2013, accessed December 31, 2016,
https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2013/07/23/toronto_financial_district_a_neighbourhood_with
out_an_identity_hume.html.
20 Garry Marr, Bay and King No More? Heart of Torontos Financial District Moving South to Union
Station, Study Says, Financial Post, July 22, 2015, accessed January 1, 2017,
http://business.financialpost.com/news/property-post/torontos-financial-district-is-adding-a-newaddress?__lsa=52b3-d870.

16

Figure 16: Intersection of King and Bay with First Canadian Place beyond. (c.2015)

Source: Toronto Financial District BIA

17

Figure 17: Insurance map showing the extent of the damage cause by fire in 1904

Source: Atlas of the City of Toronto by the Chas. E. Goad Company, 1904

18

19

Source: Atlas of the City of Toronto by the Chas. E. Goad Company, 1913

Figure 18: By 1913, most of the area affected by the 1904 fire had been rebuilt note the presence of banking offices.

NEW CITY HALL AND CIVIC SQUARE (NATHAN PHILLIPS SQUARE)

Google would agree with the choice of City Hall and Nathan Phillips Square as the
heart of Toronto (Figure 19). Much like Fort York, the site has a contested history. The site
was once located in a corner of St. Johns Ward (The Ward), a central Toronto
neighbourhood best known as an immigrant slum at the turn of the twentieth century
(Figure 20). The area was first settled in the 1830s by fugitive and freed American slaves,
but were later joined by Jewish and Italian newcomers. As these groups became established,
they moved out of the Ward and further west (to what is now Kensington Market and Little
Italy, respectively), and the area slowly transformed into the citys first Chinatown.21
Due to its cheap land value, central location, and the political marginalization of its
residents, the Wards residential neighbourhood was slowly consumed by large scale
institutions (primarily hospital and research facilities) and then by the city itself.22 In 1947
a planning report identified the site as ideal for the construction of a new city hall.23 In 1954
the city awarded a commission to design the new city hall to three local architectural firms,
which returned the following year with a conservative, limestone-clad Modernist building
(Figure 21). The infamous design proved widely unpopular, and prompted Mayor Nathan
Phillips to scrap the commission and hold an international design contest.
From eight finalists, the design by Finnish architect Viljo Revell was selected as the
winner (Figure 22) and quickly became the embodiment of a new and confident Toronto.24
Nathan Phillips Square was planned in collaboration with landscape architect Richard
Strong, a designer often overlooked when considering the ongoing narrative of the public
plaza. As stage and backdrop, City Hall and the Nathan Phillips Square are inseparable
elements. Together they blend civics, leisure, and tourism and offers an escape from the
loud capitalism that encompasses Dundas Square. A city hall, regardless of place, will always
be a contender for heart of the city.

21

John Lorinc, Introduction, in The Ward: The Life and Loss of Toronto's First Immigrant
Neighbourhood, ed. John Lorinc, Michael McClelland, Ellen Scheinberg, and Tatum Taylor (Toronto:
Coach House Books, 2015): 12-15.
22 Ibid., 22.
23 Richard White, Planning Toronto: The Planners, The Plans, Their Legacies, 1940-80 (Vancouver: UBC
Press, 2016): 191.
24 Christopher Armstrong, Civic Symbol: Creating Toronto's New City Hall, 1952-1966 (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2015): 6.

20

Figure 19: A view of City Hall and Civic Square shortly after opening day. Old City Hall is on the right. (1966)

Source: Canadian Architect, https://www.canadianarchitect.com/features/1003730157/

Figure 20: A view of the Registry Office in the Ward (1912) now occupied by a playground on the west side of City Hall.

Source: The Ward: The Life and Loss of Toronto's First Immigrant Neighbourhood

21

Figure 21: Illustration of the rejected 1954 proposal. The plans would later be reused for the Imperial Oil Building.

Source: Unbuilt Toronto: A History of the City that Might Have Been

Figure 22: Photograph of Viljo Revell winning proposal for City Hall.

Source: The Ward: The Life and Loss of Toronto's First Immigrant Neighbourhood

22

CONCLUSION
This paper should be viewed as an initial foray into a much larger pursuit. Treating
urban environments as a historical landscape navigated by individual perception follows
the spirit of a long lineage of urban and architectural theory. The Situationist International
saw city streets as the battleground and its inhabitants unknowing combatants in a modern
revolution against capitalism. Drifting in a drive was both a means of awakening the
masses and simultaneously reconfiguring the city into an egalitarian social order. Kevin
Lynch and other early American psychogeographers were much less political in pursuits,
focusing their interests on perception and how it could offer a rational order to urban
planning. In an attempt to map the current position of Torontos urban epicentre(s), the
drive was modified to pursue the rationalism required for such an undertaking.
Five results were provided. Two were intersections, a peculiar uninhabitable
nonplace that could only correspond with the surrounding district. Fort York revealed the
importance of the neighbourhood in the Toronto psyche, which can invoke a multitude of
hyperlocal and personal hearts across the city. Dundas Square encapsulated recent trends
in city planning, and how the mental maps of tourists can differ from long-term residents.
City Hall and Nathan Phillips Square represent a traditional civic-focused heart, but one that
should not underestimate the success and history of the site itself in Torontos recent
history. As a patchwork of evolving, often contested spaces, determining the hearts of
Toronto revealed more about its people than its places.

23

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24

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25