Book

review of H.E.J. Cowdrey: Popes and Church Reform

in the 11th Century. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing
Limited, 2000

Tijana Jurisic
Department of Civilizations and Forms of Knowledge
Universit di Pisa
jurisic.tijana@gmail.com

Introduction:

The purpose of this paper is to give a review of the second volume in the
Variourum Collected Studies series of articles: The Popes and Church Reform in the
11th Century. This volume is preparatory to and illustrative of the authors book Pope
Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford, 1998). The principal conclusion he had hoped to
establish in this book was that Gregory was a pope of deeper spirituality whereas
his major concern was the moralization of the western church and society, both
those in central Italy as well as those of the periphery of Latin Christendom, such as
Anglo-Norman lands and Scandinavia. The author provides us with articles, and
thanks to various contributors, in which there are discussed detailed examples of
Pope Gregorys attempts to promote the reform of the church which provoked
mixed reactions of other archbishops, clergy in general and other local kings. One of
the most important sources used for further study of Pope Gregory, which are
constantly mentioned throughout the articles as a very significant evidence of
current affairs, are his well-preserved letters and his correspondence with other
major figures to whom he was contemporary. These letters tell us about Gregory as
a person , his ideas and thought processes, as well as about the situation in the
priesthood in 11th century.

Volume edition concept and organization:

 This particular volume edition is in hardcover and consists of vii + 310 pages. It
comprehends of eleven chapters in the form of different articles. The articles in this
volume have not been given a new, continuous pagination. Instead, in order to avoid
confusion and facilitate use of these articles where these same studies have been
referred to elsewhere, the publisher decided to maintain the original pagination
wherever possible. Each article has been given a Roman number in order of
appearance. This number is repeated on each page and is quoted in the index entries
located at the end of the book (1-3). Grateful acknowledgement is made to many
contributors, publishers, journals and editors for their permission to reproduce the
10 articles included in this volume worth mentioning: Dr W. Kos, on behalf of Adolf
M. Hakkert (1); Dr James Hogg and Analecta Cartusiana (II); Dr Richard Barber, on
behalf of The Boydell Press (IV,XI); Dr Stefano Miccichie on behalf of Rubbettino
Editore (V); Dr Oswald Schnberg, on behalf of Herzog August Bibliothek
Wolfenbuttel and Verlag Harrassowitz (VI); Dr Giuseppe Zucchelli, on behalf of
Pontificio Ateneo Salesiano (VII); Prof. Claudio Leonardi, on behalf of Studi Medievali
(VIII): Dr W. Setz, on behalf of Monumenta Germaniae Historica (IX); Prof. Rigon, on
behalf of Herder Editrice e Libreria (X).

Chapters overview:

Name of the first article of the volume is Eleventh-Century Reformers Views of
Constantine (I) p. 63-91. In this article the main idea is how figure of Constantine
influenced development of the church in 11th century in terms of being ideological
leader thus, he is described as vir religiossimus Constantinus primus and his age
was epitomized as the pii Constantini tempora and those times were considered as
golden ages of an early church. In this chapter two things are presented: 1) Account
of the image of Constantine which was transmitted from his own age to that of
popes like Gregory VIII and Urban II and their supporters, and 2) Consideration how
as a consequence the later eleventh century reformers presented an emperor who
seemed to meet their standard of what an emperor should be and do. Constantine

was being depicted in art quite often in middle ages, but no work of art better sums
up the perception of Constantine then the Stavelot Tryptich in the Pierpont Morgan
Library, New York. In the Pope Leo IXs days at Rome is different revised version of
Constitutum Constantini began to be used according to which Constantinopole was
relegated as forth city bellow Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem. Most importanat
document from that period was Libellus (1053-1054) from where the idea of the
supreme earthly power was derived from Constitutum Constantini. 1 Anyhow, I
would like to stress the fact that the Libellus was concerned to establish the duality
of the powers of pope and the emperor and to vindicate the superiority of the pope.
Perception of Constantine after mid-1080s started to decline from the reasons which
are far from clear. The essential conclusion that readers should derive from this
chapter would definitely be that the perception of Constantine has been changing in
accordance with the requirements of the church and the peoples from the end of the
11th century.

Second article in the volume is named The spirituality of pope Gregory VII (II), p.
1-22. In the introduction of an article, author decided to kindly present pope
Gregory VII as a figure of profound religious conviction and awareness and as an
outstanding calibre among medieval popes and how he plays epoch-making part in
political life of his time. Later he provides us with evidence of his personality and
ideas which lay in the letters of his. From these letters, two main themes have been
developed: 1) Seeking to imitate the love of Christ by being prepared to lay down
ones life for ones friends. This subject was developed in 1073. 2) Second theme
lays in his reflective and often use of holy scripture from which we find out that he
repeatedly quoted biblical citation and phrases. Also, from his lettering, article
author was able to understand the affinity in Gregory VIIs devotion to the Virgin,
which author drew parallel with is Gregorys kind writing to noble woman (to queen
Adelaide of Hungary, which was given as an example). He wrote to them advising
them to despise all the temporary and transitional and seek heavenly and eternal.
1

H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (Eleventh-Century
Reformers' Views of Constantine, I, pp. 81)

Spirituality od pope Gregory is also reflecting in the fact that he advises frequent
communication to some (to Pietro Damiani for example) as a part of daily
communication as a form of abstinence from lust and the wills of the devil. This
article also contains a description of his attempts to change and to deepen the
general understanding of penance.

The next article is called Pope Gregory VII and the Chastity of the Clergy (III), p.
269-302. The main aim behind this article is to present how 11th century church
reformers from all backgrounds agreed with Gregory VII to fight against two
heresies of that time: simony and clerical unchastity - active sexual relationships as
engaged by those in major orders including bishops, deacons, sub deacons One of
the man who was outstanding in these moral fights was Pietro Damiani. He was
strick to orders in Italy (popes, bishops, etc.). As for the woman of the clergy, they
could have not been legally married because if they had, they would have been
considered concubines. Considering this, article author also mentions Damianis
biblical arguments for this thought process: Because Christs natural body was
formed in the temple of Virgins womb. About Gregorys own opinion on this matter,
again, author draws from his letters to both, Italian bishop Albert of Aqui and bishop
William of Pavia. In brief, he forbid priests, deacons and all the clerks to have wives
or to live with a woman. Impact that pope Gregory VII made after his death is
reflected trough the pope Inocent II in 1139. who sought to consolidate his work, so
in the Second Lateran Council he forbade anyone to hear masses of those whom he
knew to have wives or concubines.

The main aim of the fourth article Simon Magnus in South Italy (IV), p. 77-90. is to
ask weather, despite the range and complexity of the evidence for the perception of
Simon Magnus by the 11th and 12th century Rome and Italy in general may have
played a special part in shaping and disseminating ideas about him. The first part of
the article is dedicated to discussion of perception of Simon Magnus in art through
the centuries and the changes in the ways in which he was being presented. In one
moment he was considered to be founder of Gnostic heresy and the first father of all
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the heretics. Most of the evidences of this, author drew from poems by Amatus
written in Montecassino in 1077-79. which suggest that Simon Magnus was
magician and life-long opponent of St. Peter. Simony in his work is described as
plague of Simon. Also his figure appears in Latin hymns, especially in hymns of
honor of St. Peter. To conclude, I would state that the character of Simon Magnus
was enforced as a campaign against simony which was quite wide-spread in the
circles of clergy in 11th and 12th century.

The Gregorian Papacy and Eremitical Monasticism (V), p. 33-54. is the name of fifth
chapter in the volume. As for the summary of this article, it is about the monastic
popes of the last quarter of the 11th century who came in contact with variety of
strict monastic and eremitical movements and persons. In the shaping of the ideals
and practices of these movements and persons, popes and their predecessors had
very little if any direct part. They had to accept them and use them as they
presented themselves. The popes sometime reacted with enthusiasm, and usually
with benevolent pragmatism. For example, author mentioned Gregory how he
showed himself well disposed towards individuals who adopted strict or eremitical
forms of the religious life. Most of the parts this chapter are dedicated to life and
work of Bruno, one of the most important figures who had influence in this matter.
He was born at Cologne a little before 1030. 2 Bruno established eremitical
community at la Grande-Chartreuse. After many years situation has changed. Pope
Urban II wrote to Abbot Seguin of la Chaise-Dieu charging him to restore community
ti its lands and to return Brunos act of retrocession. From that author of the article
concluded and wants to stress, that there can be no doubt about Urban IIs cardial
approval of eremitical life as Bruno established at la Grande-Chartreuse.

Title of the succeeding article is The Papacy and Berengarian Controversy (VI), p.
109-138. Before I start to briefly summarize it, I would like to mention that this
2

H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (The Gregorian Papacy
and Eremitical Monasticism, V, pp. 44)

chapter begins with word of an author who gratefully thanks to members of the
Colloquium for the valuable points that were raised during the discussion of this
paper. Also, throughout the whole article there are numerous abbreviations used in
the footnotes. Moreover on the subject matter, the discussion in the article is about
the role in the Berengarian controversy of the popes who were actively involved:
Leo IX, Victor II, Nicholas II, Alexander II and Gregory VII and the reform of the
papacy that they ruled. I would define Berengarian controversy as an opinion of
Berengar and bishop Eusebius-Bruno of Angers that the consecrated bread of the
eucharis was not the body of the Christ but only its shadow and figure. For example
Berengar testified to Leos consistently anti-Berengarian position throughout his
pontificate. Important event mentioned in the chapter is that, at Vercelli, Leo has
denounced him in sacrilegiously as a heretic. In year of 1050, as a response,
Berengar wrote to Leo: By no means holy and by no means a lion from the tribe of
Judah which testifies anger toward him. Under the pope Alexander II (1061-1073),
both at Rome and Anjou, circumstances have changed (in comparison to the
situation before - under pontificates of Victor II and Nicolas II) so far as Berengar
and his cause was concerned. In Rome most determined advertisers of Berengarian
movement were removed from the scene. But from the letters of Berengar it is
suggested that Alexander presented a friendly face to the idea. But generally, accept
that between 1061. and 1073. , Berengars teachings were formally accepted in
Rome. As a reference to the letters in Alexanders name suggests that his
compositions were sometimes written, not for dispatch, but as a local anti-
committal propaganda. Gregory VII manifestly adopted more complex approach
which was more tentative and even sympathetic than did his predecessors from Leo
IX to Alexander II: dispassionate orderliness and moderation.

The Gregorian reform in the Anglo-Norman lands and in Scandinavia (VII), p. 321-
352. This comprehensive article was published in Rome in 1989. Brief summary of
the seventh chapter will be the following: The Norman province of Roven belonged
to the French church. It was proclaimed by pope Gregory the Great (who
understood that papal mission was to teach the way of God to all peoples) that in
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remote lands the key figures were and should be the kings. Pope Gregory VII took a
similar view. The Gregorian papacy, therefore dealt with Anglo-Norman lands and
with Scandinavia from motives that were once pastoral and political. The objectives
of Gregorian reform in those lands is the best defined through letters of pope
Gregory VII to the kings and their families. Article author draw an apparent
conclusion that four objectives exist: that the king was instructed by God with an
office of kingship, and that He was supposed to exercise a stewardship and was an
instrumentalist in Gods hands. Second objective would be that kingdoms should be
brought to follow the admonitions of the apostolic see and should be serviceable to
it. The main idea is contained in the line: Kings should cleave to the Roman church
like sons to their mother3 And that was the way the church argumented their
authority over distant kings. Third point is that Gregory sought to promote
communication by all practicable means between the apostolic see and distant
kingdoms. Kings should keep him informed about their realms by sending regular
letters and such messengers as might be useful. he required them to permit
archbishops and bishops to pay visits. Forth point was that kings should protect
poor and vulnerable and that they should secure and moral discipline of the clergy.
There is also a given example of that: The Swedish kings were to seek respect and
obedience towards priests and especially bishops; Harold of Norway was first to see
that churches were protected and then to ensure reverence for the priestly order.
Gregory also wanted the kings help in building up liturgical and pastoral zeal and
promoting Roman standards and usages. In the article there is mentioning of letters
to Harold IX of Denmark, duke William of Normandy, king Swein II of Denmark, St.
Cnut of Denmark and authors commentary of them. Gregory in letters regarded him
as redoubtable foe of simony. My own opinion and conclusion of this chapter would
be that the higher ecclesial organization of Scandinavia slowly developed as Gregory
and Danish kings had intended ecclesial unity which provided a basis of political
unity, and, by protecting the church, the king argumented their authority.
3

H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (The Gregorian Reform
in the Anglo-Norman lands and in Scandinavia, VII, pp. 324)

 8th chapter in the volume is Pope Gregory VII and the Bishoprics of Central Italy
(VIII), pp. 51-64. This particular paper was read at the meeting in Spoleto of a
European Congress of Medieval Studies and it was appropriate to present it on light
that can be shed upon the pontificate of Pope Gregory VII by what is known of how
he dealt with the bishoprics of Central Italy which were in direct subjection to the
jurisdiction of the pope as bishop of Rome. Those bishoprics were at least 64 small
ones situated between the provinces of Ravena and Milan to the north of Capua and
Benevento to the south and it was collectively referred as Roman ecclesial
province. Most of the data in this article are concerned with those bishoprics which
certainly or probably existed as such in the second half of the eleventh century. They
are based upon G. Schwartz, Die Besetzung der Bistmer Reichsitaliend unter den
schischen und salischen Kaisern mit den Listen der Bischfe, 951-1122, together with
Italia Pontificia, ed. P. F. Kehr in 10 volumes. In the eight paragraph of the paper it is
exemplified how Gregorys letters show that he regularly required that candidates
for bishoprics should be known to him, and that this was a means by which he
secured his authority over bishops. At times, Gregory was much concerned to
expand and to intensify his authority, and upon occasion he used bishops to further
his plans. And besides mainland bishoprics, he wished to extend the effective rule of
the apostolic see from the mainland to the islands which lay in the west as well. Such
as Sardinia and Corsica. Whereas Sardinia was only one of the three destinations
which, in 1080, Gregory threatened with sanctions both spiritual and military.

The following article is Death-bed Testaments (IX), pp. 703-724. Historians
havent devoted enough attention to the death-bed testaments by which leading
figures in the period of reform of papacy made pronouncements, admonitions, and
dispositions which their followers and contemporaries recorded and circulated.
Their principal importance in connection with medieval forgery is that they offer
insight into the mental outlook that made modern observer might deem to be
falsifications - described as the pious modification of events or documents in the
eyes of contemporaries unfortunately morally acceptable. In authors opinion, a
death-bed is what is most likely to be found in only the material prepared at a
8

distance from persons with hostile purposes. In this article there are presented the
testament studies. They have mutually been compared and contrasted, and facts
supported by authors such as A. Ronconi, H. Fuhrmann, P. W. Edbury and many
others. Those studies are: of three popes, Leo IX, Gregory VII and Victor III, two
monastic superiors, St Bruno and abbot Hugh of Cluny, and two English kings,
Edward the Confessor and William the Conqueror. In order to summarize the
chapter I will quote the fragment of authors penultimate paragraph in the paper:
The evidence that has been considered illustrates the variety of material to be found
in 11th century and 12th century accounts of the death-bed testaments of the great.
Behind them lay a centuries-long tradition of what was appropriate in them; it
guided the dying in what they said and also those who immediately or subsequently
recorded it.4 The greatest value to the historian of death-bed testaments is that
they illustrate how, in the interests of upholding and underlying and permanent
moral order, a death-bead testament might be adapted in its substance or in its
circumstances.

The brief review of penultimate and final chapter, I decided to compound in one
single passage, primarily due to their common central themes and its main figure -
Archbishop Lanfranc, the celebrated Italian jurist who renounced his career to
become a Benedictine monk at Bec in Normandy. So the 10th chapters name is
Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury (X), pp. 439-500. Whereas the next
one is The Enigma of Archbishop Lanfranc (XI), pp. 129-152. The purpose of the first
mentioned study is to examine Lanfrancs relations with popes of his time with
whom he is known to have dealings or who had dealings with him - Leo IX, Nicholas
II, Alexander II, Gregory VII, Urban II and the antipope Clement III. These events
cove the period from the year 1030 (when Lanfranc left Italy to establish himself as
a teacher at Avranches) to the year of 1089 - the time of his death. This paper is
slightly longer in volume in comparison to other articles of the volume edition and
in addition to it, appended notes are provided for the readers to gain better
4

H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (Death-bed Testaments,
IX, pp. 722)

understanding of what they are reading as well as the immediately available

evidence. Whereas, the latter chapter, mostly debates Lanfrancs actions throughout
the lifetime, questioning his relations with other significant figures of spiritual and
secular parties, his motivations and aspirations. To the author of this paper, The
Letters of Lanfranc served as one of the main sources for the study.

Conclusion:

H.E.J. Cowdreys main points are presented, explained, and supported through
series of articles of which the main influential figure is Pope Gregory VII in
particular given time and area. In these articles, I could notice that, in every single
one of them, Gregory and his work was depicted in positive connotation. All the
articles are associated, in a sense, by outlining principles and connections in the
circles of the clergy in 11th century. By providing us with evidence, authors main
goal is that the reader should gain deeper understanding of events and
phenomenons of that time. As for those evidence, the main emphasis is on letters
and correspondence, which is, in my modest opinion, most important because it
gives us a direct insight into many events and they help us understand them
thoroughly. All the connections between the claims and evidence are made clearly
and logically. From the technical organization perspective, chapters lack continuous
pagination and chronological order. Chapters are not really related in any way
besides the main theme and focus of the volume edition which is already contained
in its title.
The conciliar approach to implementing papal reform took on an added
momentum during Gregorys pontificate. The short way I would interpret this is to
conclude that the reform of the Church, both within it, and in relation to the Holy
Roman Emperor and the other lay rulers of Europe, was Gregory VII's life work. It
was based on his conviction that the Church was founded by God and entrusted with
the task of embracing all mankind in a single society in which divine will is the only
law; that, in his capacity as a divine institution, he is supreme over all human

10

structures, especially the secular state; and that the pope, in his role as head of the
Church under the patrone commission, is the vice-regent of God on earth, so that
disobedience to him implies disobedience to God: or, in other words, a defection
from Christianity.

11