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On The Sources Of The Qur'anic Dhul-Qarnayn

Islamic Awareness
Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 1st September 1999
Last Updated: 5th March 2006

Assalamu-`alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:

1. Introduction
Among Western scholars, the issue of Dhul-Qarnayn (the two-horned one) in Qur'an 18:82 had
been a source of great debate. The debate surrounds not only the identity of Dhul-Qarnayn but
also the sources of the Qur'anic story. Who was he? Was he really Alexander the Great?
Hammer-Purgstall held that Dhul-Qarnayn was one of the old kings of Yemen.[1] Graf took
exception to this view and cited the passages from Ephippus and Clement that referred to the
representations of Alexander as son of Ammon with horns. He concluded that the identity of
Dhul-Qarnayn is that of Alexander.[2] Graf's conclusions provoked the dissent of Redslob.
Redslob, citing the prophecy of Daniel in which the king of the Medes and Persians is interpreted
as the two-horned ram, proposed that Dhul-Qarnayn was Cyrus the Persian.[3] Beer held that the
Dhul-Qarnayn in the Qur'an had adopted the form of the long awaited Jewish redeemer or
messiah.[4] And others like Geiger have attempted to link Dhul-Qarnayn to Moses.[5] In the
Western scholarhip, the issue of Dhul-Qarnayn's identity was finally brought to a close by
Nldeke who established that Dhul-Qarnayn was none other than Alexander and the source of
the Qur'anic narrations was the Syrian Christian Legend ascribed to Jacob of Serugh (d. 521 CE).
Nldeke dated the Christian Legend to 514-515 CE.[6] A similar claim that identifies DhulQarnayn with Alexander was made by Newton and other Christian missionaries/apologists.[7]
Nldeke's position was accept by many scholars[8] until it was discovered that the internal
evidence of the Christian Legend suggested a post-Islamic date.
2. Dating The Christian Legend Attributed To Jacob Of Serug

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The dating of the Christian Legend was based on the study of its internal evidence. At the end of
the text there is a mention that on the passing of 826 years, the Huns will break forth and will
subjugate peoples:
And king Alexander fetched [an engraver] and inscribed upon the gate: "The Huns shall go forth
and conquer the countries of the Romans and of the Persians, and shall cast arrows with...., and
shall return and enter their won land. Also I have written that, at the conclusion of eight hundred
and twenty six years, the Huns shall go forth by the narrow way which goes forth opposite
Halrs, where the Tigris goes forth like the stream which turns a mill, and they shall take
captives the nations, and shall cut off the roads, and shall make the earth tremble by their going
forth. And again I have written and made known and prophesied that it shall come to pass, at the
conclusion of nine hundred and forty years,.... another king, when the world shall come to an end
by the command of God the ruler of creation.[9]
This passage is considered by all students to be of fundamental chronological importance. If we
compute according to the Era of the Seleucids, the successors of Alexander (i.e., from 311), then
826-311 yields a year of 515 CE; which was the date of the great Sabir invasion.[10] This
vaticinatio ex eventu (i.e. a prophesy or predication after the event) is prophesied in the Christian
Legend. Considering this vaticination (prediction or prophesy), Nldeke held the view that the
Christian Legend was composed about 515 CE.
What about the second prediction or prophesy of the inscription: the 940th year? The year 629
CE (i.e., 940-311) corresponds to the Greek Era of 940. Nldeke held it to be a genuine
vaticination (prediction or prophesy). He even admits that the Khazars, the allies of Emperor
Herakleios, invaded Armenia through the Caucasus in 627 CE. This date however, argues
Nldeke, did not refer to the beginning of the campaign (as the Legend would have us suppose),
but rather to the conclusion of a protracted Byzantine-Persian war. Therefore, in Nldeke's
opinion, the date 940 of the Greek Era (= 629 CE) is purely arbitrary, as it should naturally be in
the case of a genuine vaticination.
Hunnius has convincingly argued against Nldeke's sixth century dating of Christian Legend. He
showed that certain parts point to the Khazar invasion of 629 CE - i.e., seventh century.[11]
Czegldy, using Kmosk's thesis, also argued that the Christian Legend and metrical discourse of
Jacob of Serugh came into its final form after 628 CE and that this argument is conclusive:
... it is all the more regrettable that Kmosk's expositions, which settle the dispute, were not
published earlier than a few years ago, and even then only in extracts. Kmosk has a whole
series of arguments to prove that both the metrical Legend and the prose text of the same contain
unmistakable references to the war of Khosrav II and Herakleios. Hence both variants, in their
present forms, contain variant of the Legend that came into being as an adaption definitely after
628. Kmosk's arguments are surely conclusive. An adaption of this kind is a natural
phenomenon in apocalyptic literature: after the passing of the date foretold in the latest
vaticination, the subsequent adapters inserts new prophecies into the text.[12]

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This identification only gives us the date 628 CE as terminus a quo (a point of origin or a first
limiting point in time). The text gives no date by which to fix the terminus ad quem (a final
limiting point in time). Similarly Gero says:
Several features of the text [i.e., the Christian Legend] also occur in the Koranic narrative - the
famous horns of Alexander, the journey to the west and then to the east, and of course the central
theme of the gate, which will be opened at an apocalyptic Endzeit by divine command. But
although this has been proposed by Nldeke and often repeated since, the work also does not
qualify as a direct source for the 'two-horned' Alexander of the Koran, at least not in its present
form; recent investigations indicate an ex eventu knowledge of the Khazar invasion of Armenia
in A.D. 629.
The prose legend (neshn) was then in turn the literary source of the Syriac metrical homily
discourse attributed to Jacob of Sarug (sixth century) in the manuscripts. The poem, however,
was actually written in the seventh century, shortly before the Muslim conquest of Mesopotamia
and Palestine.[13]
Sir Wallis Budge indicated a long time ago that the Christian Legend had been re-worked and is
burdened with additions, and that this work is that of Jacob of Serugh is improbable:
This composition appears to be an abbreviated form of which known to us is that given in the
metrical discourse on Alexander attributed to Jacob of Serugh; both these works, in turn are
based upon chapters xxxvii-xxxix of the second book of Pseudo-Callisthenes according to
Muller's greek MS. C. The Christian Legend has been burdened with many additions, evidently
the work of the Christian redactor, which have no connexion whatever with the story. On the
other hand many passages, as, for example, the account of his descent into the sea in a glass
cage, have been entirely omitted. The names of the places which are given us freely in this
legend seem to indicate that it was drawn up at a very late period; that it is the work of Jacob of
Serugh is improbable.[14]
Recent extensive studies on the influence by Syriac Pseudo-Callisthenes on Qur'an 18:60-102
(which includes the story of Dhul-Qarnayn) by Wheeler have shown that it was the Qur'anic
commentaries and not the Qur'an that adopted the Alexander stories among other near eastern
stories to explain the verses 18:60-102. Wheeler's conclusion can be shown in the following
form:[15]

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3. Conclusions
It has been claimed by Nldeke and subsequent scholarship that the Qur'anic story of DhulQarnayn was borrowed from the Christian Legend attributed to Jacob of Serugh. Internal
evidence however shows that it was composed after 628 CE. Investigations by Hunnius, Kmosk
and Czegldy have conclusively shown that the writer had ex eventu (i.e., a prophesy or
predication after the event) knowledge of Khazar invasion of Armenia. The text provides no date
by which the terminus ad quem (a final limiting point in time) can be fixed.
It is not only important to know the dates of composition of the individual works that are used to
establish the theories of borrowing, but to also understand the difference between the Qur'an and
the Qur'anic commentaries.

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References & Notes

[1] F. v. Hammer-Purgstall, "Auszge Aus Saalebi's Buche Der Sttzen Des Sich Beziehenden
Und Dessen Worauf Es Sich Bezieht", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenlndischen
Gesellschaft, 1852, Volume 6, p. 506.
[2] K. H. Graf, "Ueber Den "Zweihrnten" Des Koran", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen
Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, 1854, Volume 8, pp. 442-449.
[3] G. M. Redslob, "Ueber Den "Zweihrnigen" Des Koran", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen
Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, 1855, Volume 9, pp. 214-223.
[4] B. Beer, "Welchen Aufschluss Geben Jdische Quellen ber Den "Zweihrnigen" Des
Koran?", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft, 1855, Volume 9, pp. 785794.
[5] A. Geiger, Judaism And Islam (English Translation Of Was hat Mohammed aus dem
Judenthume aufgenommen?), 1970, Ktav Publishing House Inc.: New York, pp. 135-136.
[6] Th. Nldeke, "Beitrge Zur Geschichte Des Alexanderroman", Denkschriften Der
Kaiserlichen Akademie Der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Classe, 1890, Volume
37, pp. 31; Theodor Noldeke, "The Koran", Encyclopdia Britannica, 1893, Volume 16, Adam
And Charles Black: Edinburgh, p. 600. This article was reprinted many times with slight
modifications. See T. Nldeke (J. S. Black [Trans.]), Sketches From Eastern History, 1892, Adam
and Charles Black: London & Edinburgh, p. 30. This article was reprinted and edited by N. A.
Newman, The Qur'an: An Introductory Essay By Theodor Nldeke, 1992, Interdisciplinary
Biblical Research Institute: Hatfield (PA), p. 9; Also see Theodor Nldeke, "The Koran" in Ibn
Warraq, The Origins Of The Koran: Classic Essays On Islam's Holy Book, 1998, Prometheus
Books, p. 43; Also see Theodor Nldeke, "The Koran" in C. Turner (Ed.), The Koran: Critical
Concepts In Islamic Studies, 2004, Volume I (Provenance and Transmission), RoutledgeCurzon:
London & New York, pp. 77-78.
[7] `Abdallah `Abd al-Fadi, Is The Qur'an Infallible?, 1995, Light of Life: Villach (Austria), pp.
84-86; R. F. Safa, Inside Islam: Exposing And Reaching For The World Of Islam, 1996, Creation
House: Orlando (FL), p. 71; M. Elass, Understanding the Koran: A Quick Christian Guide To
The Muslim Holy Book, 2004, Zondervan: Grand Rapids (MI), p. 99. Elass says that "the early
linkage, however, provides an embarrassment to later Muslim scholarship, for Alexander was a
pagan polytheist, and it would not do to canonize a heathen king as a true prophet of Allah." Not
surprisingly, Elass did not provide the source of early "linkage" leading to "embarrassment"; R.
Morey, The Islamic Invasion: Confronting The World's Fastest Growing Religion, 1992, Harvest
House Publishers: Eugene (OR), pp. 144-145. Robert Morey claims "one of the greatest errors in
the Quran concerns Alexander the Great, who is called Zul-qarnain."; N. A. Newman,
Muhammad, The Qur'an & Islam, 1996, Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute: Hatfield
(PA), p. 377. Quoting Nldeke and Schwally, Newman says that the "Qur'anic narrative is based
on Syriac Alexander the Great legend which appears to have been written in 515-516 AD";
Abdullah Al-Araby, Islam Unveiled, 2002 (10th Edition), The Pen Vs. The Sword: Los Angeles
5

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(CA), p. 44; D. Ali & R. Spencer, Inside Islam: A Guide To Catholics, 2003, Ascension Press:
West Chester (PA), p. 73. According to Daniel Ali and Robert Spencer, the Qur'an "claims that
Alexander the Great was a Muslim in the story of Zul-qarnain (Sura 18:89-98), whom Muslim
exegetes both ancient and modern identify as Alexander. Such appropriation of historical figures
might be understandable in the case of a figure like Abraham, but Alexander was not even a
monotheist."
[8] See for example: I. Friedlnder, Die Chadhirlegende Und Der Alexanderroman, 1913, Druck
Und Verlag Von B. G. Teubner: Leipzig, p. 278; J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, 1926,
Walter De Gruyter: Berlin & Leipzig, p. 111; A. R. Anderson, "Alexander's Horns", Transactions
And Proceedings Of The American Philological Association, 1927, Volume LVIII, pp. 110-111;
A. R. Anderson, Alexander's Gate, Gog And Magog, And The Inclosed Nations, 1932, The
Mediaeval Academy Of America: Cambridge, MA, pp. 29-30; C. C. Torrey, The Jewish
Foundation Of Islam, 1967, Ktav Publishing House, Inc.: New York, p. 35 and 125.; A. Jeffery,
The Koran: Selected Suras, 1958, The Heritage Press: New York, NY, p. 220, n. 9; J. A. Boyle,
"The Alexander Romance In The East And West", Bulletin Of The John Rylands University
Library Of Manchester, 1977, Volume 60, pp. 19-20.; M. S. Southgate, Iskandarnamah: A Persian
Medieval Alexander Romance, 1978, Columbia University Press, New York, p. 201; Ibn Warraq,
Why I Am Not A Muslim, 1995, Prometheus Books: Amherst, NY, p. 61; A. Rippin, Muslims:
Their Religious Beliefs And Practices, 2003, Routledge, p. 22.
[9] E. A. W. Budge, The History Of Alexander The Great Being The Syriac Version Of The
Pseudo-Callisthenes, 1889, Cambridge: At The University Press, p. 154.
[10] K. Czegldy, "The Syriac Legend Concerning Alexander The Great", Acta Orientalia
Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 1957, Volume 7, p. 246.
[11] C. Hunnius, Das Syrische Alexanderlied, 1905, Gttingen, pp. 21-24.
[12] K. Czegldy, "The Syriac Legend Concerning Alexander The Great", Acta Orientalia
Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, op cit., pp. 246-247. Czegldy also discusses Kmosk's
arguments concerning metrical discourse of Jacob of Serug in "Monographs On Syriac And
Muhammadan Sources In The Literary Remains Of M. Kmosk", Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae, 1954, Volume 4, pp. 35-36. For the discussion on the Syriac prose
legend refer to pp. 31-34.
[13] S. Gero, "The Legend Of Alexander The Great In The Christian Orient", Bulletin Of The
John Rylands University Library Of Manchester, 1993, Volume 75, p. 7.
[14] E. A. W. Budge, The History Of Alexander The Great Being The Syriac Version Of The
Pseudo-Callisthenes, op cit., p. lxxvii.
[15] B. M. Wheeler in "Moses Or Alexander? Early Islamic Exegesis Of Qur'an 18:60-65",
Journal Of Near Eastern Studies, 1998, Volume 57, p. 203.
Back To Sources Of The Qur'an
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o Story of Zulqarnain (AS)

Home / Today's Paper / Opinion / Story of Zulqarnain (AS)
February 13, 2012
Print : Opinion

In my previous column I mentioned the information available in Surah Kahf about

Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS). I would now like to go into greater detail about the
invaluable book written by the Saudi scholar, Mr Hamdi bin Hamza al-Suraiseri
Al-Johani. The book contains more than 500 pages with useful drawings and
photos, and the information given would require many columns to discuss fully. I
am therefore limiting myself to the essentials.
History tells us that about 3,400 years ago (1392 BC) a child was born in the
grand palace of the Pharaoh on the banks of the Nile. The father was the most
powerful Pharaoh, Amunhotep III the same Pharaoh who wanted to murder
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Hazrat Musa (AS) and was drowned by the Almighty when he was chasing Musa
(AS) and his followers. The prince was named Amunhotep IV, but he changed his
name to Akhenaten after becoming king (Pharaoh) in 1360 BC. Allah had given
him the status of Prophet in 1362 BC and he was quietly following Wehdaniat
(monotheism). Once he felt powerful enough he publicly announced his belief.
His mother, Tiye, also believed in one God. After some time Akhenaten built a
new city, Akhetaton, in the centre of Egypt and forbade the worship of idols.
According to the Holy Quran, Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS), the name Akhenaten is
known by in the Quran, was a nice, religious person and Allah had sent him as a
messenger to his people, the Egyptians.
Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) lived in Akhetaton for about 12 years and then suddenly
he, his mother and all the inhabitants disappeared. This remains one of the
greatest secrets of Egyptian history. From 1342 BC on, Egyptian history opens a
new chapter.
In about 615 AD, Allah sent revelationsto our Holy Prophet (PBUH) with Surah
Kahf. Following Allahs command, Zulqarnain and his family and followers left
Egypt to visit the places of sunset and sunrise and to build the rampart between
two cliffs in China to protect the inhabitants from the attacks of the cruel Mongols
-the Horse People (discussed in Part I). The Holy Quran has not given any
further information about Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS), his mother and his followers
after the building of this rampart and the rest remains secrets of Egyptian and
Chinese history.
Mr Hamdi bin Hamza carried out extensive research and found that Yajouj and
Majouj consist of a sentence of six words in Chinese meaning inhabitants of the
Asia continent and inhabitants of the horse continent. In Chinese, Yajouj is
known as Yajouren and Majouj as Majouren. The author travelled extensively
throughout China, meeting many Chinese historians. He convincingly postulates
that when Musa (AS) and the Pharaoh were arguing about Allah Almighty,
Pharaohs son AkhenatenAkhenaton (Zulqarnain) interceded and tried to convince
his father and other people to believe what Musa (AS) was saying. None other
than a very important and influential person could intercede in such a discussion.
Hence, it must have been the son of the Pharaoh. History or the Quran do not
mention the departure or migration of Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS). It was most
probably on the command of Allah that he migrated to preach that there was only
one God, the All-Mighty, All-Powerful and All-Knowing.
The Quran says that Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) first went to the place where the sun
sets. The author has given convincing arguments that this place is the Maldives
Islands where there are hot sea currents. Anthropologists have also confirmed that
it was around 3,400 years ago that the first humans came to the Maldives. This
would coincide with the time when Zulqarnain (AS) reached there.
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According to the Quran, Zulqarnain and his party then left for the place where the
sun rises. The authors research convinced him that this was the Kiribati Islands in
the Pacific, thousands of kilometres east of Australia. There he found the Sun
Rise Hotel where, on Jan 1, 2000, representatives from international agencies
and many tourists had gathered to see the first rays of the sun rising on the new
millennium. These islands are now known as the Republic of Kiribati, with a
population of 100,000. Unfortunately, the inhabitants are very poor. I wish one of
the rich Arab countries would fix a yearly donation to these poor people. We
know that both the Maldives and the Kiribati Islands lie on the Equator where
sunrise and sunset times are more or less constant.
Mr Hamdi bin Hamza also visited the city of Zhenzhou in Henan County, China,
where he found a rampart forming a barrier between two steep mountains. It was
seven km long, 36 meters wide at the base, nine meters wide at the top and nine
meters high. Chinese historians mention it as being the First Great Wall.
When Zulqarnain (AS) reached Zhenzhou city (now a very important industrial
centre), the people there asked him to build a barrier between the mountains to
keep out the marauding Horse People (Mongols). For this they were willing to
make payment in goods. Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) politely refused to accept any
compensation, saying that the Almighty had provided him with enough resources
and manpower and that they should supply only the materials required. This
consisted of steel pieces (probably slag and pig iron). This he used to fill up the
space between the two mountains. He then asked them to heat the whole until it is
red hot (probably using coal which is found abundantly in the area). When it was
red hot, Zulqarnain (AS) asked them to bring earth (probably rich in metallic ore),
which was then poured onto the red hot iron, turning the whole into a compact,
solid mass.
Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) and his people were called Chu People by the Chinese,
meaning alien or outsider. Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) was accepted as their leader
and established a kingdom there. After about 200 years this became known as the
Chu Dynasty and it lasted for almost 800 years.
Mr Hamdi bin Hamza believes that Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) and his mother and
companions are buried in or near Zhenzhou city and he hopes that some day
archaeologists will find their graves in the same way as those being found in
Egypt 5,000 years after their burial.
May Allah Almighty shower His blessings on Mr Hamdi bin Hamza Al-Suraiseri
Al-Johani and his family for this excellent, noble work. Ameen.
Email: ali4drkhan@gmail.com

0
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Page 11 of 22

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Kamila Hyat

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Imtiaz Alam

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Saleem Safi

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How the left was lost

Shahzad Chaudhry

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Iftekhar A Khan

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Challenges ahead

Zarefah Baroud
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ALEXANDER THE GREAT:

15

Page 16 of 22
http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/1120-alexander-the-great
By: Isaac Broyd, Kaufmann Kohler, Israel Lvi
Table of Contents

In Jewish Legend:

Samaritan Intrigue.

The Ten Questions of Alexander to the Sages of the South (Tamid, 31b et
seq.):

Alexander's Journey to the Regions of Darkness (Tamid, 32a):

The Amazons (Tamid, ibid.; Pesi. ix. 74. 74a etseq.; Lev. R. xxvii.; Tan., Emor,
6; ibbur Ma'asiot):

The Gold Bread (ibid.):

King Kaia and His Judgment (Yer. B. M. ii. 8c; Gen. R. xxxiii.; Pesi.; Lev. R.;
Tan., Emor, as above):

Alexander at the Gate of Paradise; the Eye:

Alexander's Ascent into the Air (Yer. 'Ab. Zarah, iii. 42c; Num. R. xiii.):

Alexander's Descent into the Sea (Ps. R. 103; compare Pseudo-Callisthenes, II.
xxxviii.):

The celebrated conqueror of the East, 356-323 B.C. By introducing Hellenic culture into Syria
and Egypt, he had probably more influence on the development of Judaism than any one
individual not a Jew by race. Yet, curiously enough, there are no personal details which connect
him with Jewish history, save that after the siege of Tyre, 332 B.C., he marched through Palestine
unopposed, except in the case of Gaza, which was razed to the ground. He is mentioned by name
only in the Apocryphal I Macc. (i. 1-8, vi. 2). It is supposed that the Book of Daniel alludes to
Alexander when it refers to a mighty king that "shall stand up, that shall rule with great
dominion," whose kingdom shall be destroyed after his death (Dan. xi. 3). The vision of the
"fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly," devouring and breaking all in pieces
(ibid. vii. 7), may also be an allusion to Alexander.
The only historical event connecting Alexander the Great with the Jews is his visit to Jerusalem,
which is recorded by Josephus in a somewhat fantastic manner. According to "Ant." xi. 8, 4-6,
Alexander went to Jerusalem after having taken Gaza. Jaddua, the high priest, had a warning
from God received in a dream, in which he saw himself vested in a purple robe, with his miter
16

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that had the golden plate on which the name of God was engravedon his head. Accordingly he
went to meet Alexander at Sapha ("View" [of the Temple]). Followed by the priests, all clothed
in fine linen, and by a multitude of citizens, Jaddua awaited the coming of the king. When
Alexander saw the high priest, he reverenced God (Lev. R. xiii., end), and saluted Jaddua; while
the Jews with one voice greeted Alexander. When Parmenio, the general, gave expression to the
army's surprise at Alexander's extraordinary actthat one who ought to be adored by all as king
should adore the high priest of the JewsAlexander replied: "I did not adore him, but the God
who hath honored him with this high-priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this
very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I
might obtain dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea,
promising that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians."
Alexander then gave the high priest his right hand, and went into the Temple and "offered
sacrifice to God according to the high priest's direction," treating the whole priesthood
magnificently. "And when the Book of Daniel was shown him [see Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5-8, 20-22,
xi. 3-4], wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks [
] should destroy the empire of the
Persians, he supposed that he was the person intended, and rejoiced thereat. The following day
Alexander asked the people what favors he should grant them; and, at the high priest's request, he
accorded them the right to livein full enjoyment of the laws of their forefathers. He, furthermore,
exempted them from the payment of tribute in the seventh year of release. To the Jews of
Babylonia and Media also he granted like privileges; and to the Jews who were willing to enlist
in his army he promised the right to live in accordance with their ancestral laws. Afterward the
Samaritans, having learned of the favors granted the Jews by Alexander, asked for similar
privileges; but Alexander declined to accede to their request. The historical character of this
account is, however, doubted by many scholars (see Pauly-Wissowa, "Realencyklopdie," i. col.
1422). Although, according to Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 4, quoting Hecatus), Alexander
permitted the Jews to hold the country of Samaria free from tribute as a reward for their fidelity
to him, it was he who Hellenized its capital (Schrer, "Gesch." ii. 108). The Sibylline Books (iii.
383) speak of Alexanderwho claimed to be the son of Zeus Amonas "of the progeny of the
Kronides, though spurious."
In Jewish Legend:

All the accounts which the Talmud and Midrash give concerning Alexander MuKdon (the
Macedonian) are of a legendary character. Some of them pretend to be historical, as the
following Baraita in Yoma, 69a (identical with Megillat Ta'anit, iii.):
"When the Samaritans had obtained permission from Alexander to destroy the Temple in
Jerusalem, the high priest Simon the Just, arrayed in his pontifical garments and followed by a
number of distinguished Jews, went out to meet the conqueror, and joined him at Antipatris, on
the northern frontier. At sight of Simon, Alexander fell prostrate at his feet, and explained to his
astonished companions that the image of the Jewish high priest was always with him in battle,
17

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fighting for him and leading him to victory. Simon took the opportunity to justify the attitude of
his countrymen, declaring that, far from being rebels, they offered prayers in the Temple for the
welfare of the king and his dominions. So impressed was Alexander that he delivered up all the
Samaritans in his train into the hands of the Jews, who tied them to the tails of horses and
dragged them to the mountain of Gerizim; then the Jews plowed the mountain [demolished the
Samaritan temple]."
Samaritan Intrigue.

It is evident that this account wrongly assigns to the times of Alexander an event which occurred
two centuries later, in the reign of John Hyrcanus I. It must therefore have been written at a late
period, when the memory of historical incidents had become confused. The legend presents a
striking resemblance to the narrative of Josephus ("Ant." xi. 8, 1 et seq.). The point of the fable
is the honor conferred by Alexander upon the high priest and the cause thereof; and, furthermore,
the contrast between his good-will to the Jews and his hostility to the Samaritans. Both the
narrative in the Talmud and that of Josephus are derived from an "Apology" of the Jews which
aimed at discrediting the members of the Samaritan sect. It is even possible that this apology, as
Bchler thinks ("Rev. t. Juives," lxxxvi. 1), had its origin in Alexandria, where the attitude of
Alexander was of decisive importance in the eyes of the Greek public:
"In Gen. R. (lxi., end) the Samaritans are accused of playing a rle equally despicable with that
imputed to them in the above legend. When Alexander advanced toward Jerusalem, they
informed him that the Jews would forbid his entrance to the Holy of Holies. A Jew, Gebi'ah ben
Kosem [identical with Gebia ben Pesisa, a legendary character], asked the king, on the hill of the
Temple, to remove his shoes and to put on the slippers ornamented with precious stones that he
had brought for him, lest he should slip on the pavement of the Temple. Alexander complied with
the request, and thus avoided a violation of the rabbinic law. When they arrived at the Holy of
Holies, Gebi'ah said to the king, 'We are not permitted to proceed farther' (neither we nor you).
'When I have left the Temple,' replied the king, 'I will straighten your hump' (Gebi'ah signifies
humpback). 'If you do,' answered Gebi'ah, 'you are a great physician, and deserving of high
remuneration.'"
This anecdote is one of those naive inventions of which many are found in Midrash Ekah
Rabbati, and which aim at exhibiting the ingenuity of the Jews in repartee. Alexander is made to
play merely the part of a stage-king.
The same Gebi'ah appears in a narrative of quite a different type. Alexander is here represented
as the great conqueror to whom the nations appeal for arbitration of their differences:
(Sanh. 91a, Gen. R. l.c.).

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"The Arabs accuse the Jews of illegally withholding the heritage of their ancestor Ishmael; the
Canaanites complain of having been wrongly deprived of their territory; and the Egyptians claim
indemnity for the vessels that the Israelites had taken from them on leaving their country. Gebi'ah
meets all these charges with great success: against the Egyptians he proves that it is they that are
indebted to the Jews, whom they had exploited without paying them for their work, and
Alexander was fully satisfied with the refutation"
Coin with Aramaic Inscription.

These pretended discussions, similar to those reported to

have taken place between the Samaritans and the Jews
before Ptolemy Philometor (Josephus, "Ant." xii. 1,
10; xiii. 4, 4), are the echo of the accusations against
the Jews by pagan readers of the Bible at Alexandria.
These imputations were taken up later by the Gnostics,
who were the pupils of the Alexandrians, and especially by the Marcionites. Tertullian replied to
Marcion, who had brought the same reproach against the Bible for the "larceny" committed by
the Jews, by repeating the words of Gebi'ah; he even mentions the discussions between the Jews
and the Egyptians ("nam et aiunt ita actum per legatos utrinque; gyptiorum quidem
repetentium vasa; Judeorum vero reposcentium operas suas, et tandem vasis istis renuntiaverunt
sibi gyptii"; "Adversus Marcionem," ii. 20).
Another group of legends is of a more popular character; they have nothing specifically Jewish,
and are connected with the general legendary tales of Alexander. They may be given as follows:
The Ten Questions of Alexander to the Sages of the South (Tamid, 31b et seq.):

This account is written in certain parts in a classical Aramaic, proving that it was borrowed from
some written record; it is quite analogous to the conversations which, according to Plutarch
("Life of Alexander"), Alexander was reported to have had with ten gymnosophists who had
rebelled against him; there the account continues with ten questions, some of which are identical
with those of the Talmud. This episode seems, therefore, to be the fragment of a non-Jewish
narrative, parallel with that of the Greek historian.
Alexander's Journey to the Regions of Darkness (Tamid, 32a):

Alexander makes a journey into the region of darkness riding on young Libyan asses. There he
stops at a fountain, which reanimates a dead fish that he has dipped into it. The same story is
found in Pseudo-Callisthenes, II. chaps. xxxix.-xli. (version B). The legend as reproduced in the
Talmud is the popular altered form of a later period.
The Amazons (Tamid, ibid.; Pesi. ix. 74. 74a etseq.; Lev. R. xxvii.; Tan., Emor, 6;
ibbur Ma'asiot):
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Alexander comes to a place which is inhabited only by women. They say to him: "If you kill us,
people will accuse you of murdering women. If we kill you, people will say: Behold a king who
was overcome by women!" This is the well-known story of the Amazons, but reduced to its
simplest expression. In the PesiKta the town inhabited by the women is called k artagene,
derived by folk-ety-mology from the Aramaic arta (town) and the Greek (woman).
The Gold Bread (ibid.):

Alexander asked the Amazons for bread, and they brought him, on a golden table, a loaf of gold
bread. "Do you eat gold bread?" the king then said. "Well, if your desire be for ordinary bread,
could you not get it in your own country without coming hither?" answered the Amazons. This
satire on the ambition of conquerors recurs frequently in Jewish legends. It does not appear in
Pseudo-Callisthenes and in the accounts derived from it; but is found in Plutarch's essay on the
virtuous deeds of women. Pythes, a rich Greek in the times of Xerxes, who forces his fellow
citizens to work for him in a gold-mine, is served by his wife with gold bread to demonstrate the
absurdity of his greed. This moral is connected with Alexander also in another form: instead of
the Amazons it was the king Kaz ia who gave the lesson to Alexander.
King Kaia and His Judgment (Yer. B. M. ii. 8c; Gen. R. xxxiii.; Pesi.; Lev. R.; Tan.,
Emor, as above):

King Kaz ia (ruler of a country situated behind the "Dark" mountains) invited Alexander to hear
a lawsuit. The plaintiff declared that he had bought a piece of land and found in it a treasure; he
wanted to return the treasure to the original owner, since, he claimed, he had bought the field
only. The defendant replied that he had sold the field with everything that it contained. Then the
king inquired of one of them: "Have you a son?"; of the other, "Have you a daughter?" "Marry
them, and let the treasure be theirs." Alexander laughed at this judgment. "Is my decision a
wrong one?" inquired the king. "No; but in our country we would have put the two parties to
death and confiscated the treasure." "Do you have rain in your country?" "Yes." "And have you
animals also?" "Yes." "Then it is surely for their sake and not for yours that the rain falls and the
sun shines upon you." This satirical account seems to be of Jewish origin, although it is, in part,
based on a popular thememarriage as the solution of a lawsuit (compare a Cambodian tale in
"Revue des Traditions Populaires," xv. 133). The Jewish form of the fable was embodied in the
"Dicta Philosophorum" of Abu al Wafa Mubashshir ibn FaKih (1053-54), a work which was
translated into Spanish, Latin, English, and French (see Knust, "Mittheilungen aus dem
Eskurial," Tbingen, 1879). In other Arabic texts the trial takes place before David and Solomon
(Weil, "Biblische Legenden," p. 215). The anecdote seems to have been brought to Europe by a
priest in 1083 ("Chronique de l'Abbaye de St. Hubert"; Pertz, "Monumenta Germanica,
Scriptores," viii. 599).
Alexander at the Gate of Paradise; the Eye:

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The Talmud (Tamid, 32b) concludes with this narrative: Alexander arrived at the gate of paradise
and asked that it be opened to him. "Only the just can enter here," came the reply. "I am a
renowned king; present me with something." A little ball was given to him. He put it in a scale;
and it outweighed all the gold and silver in his possession. In his astonishment he turned to the
rabbis, who explained to him that it was an eyeball, which could never be satiated; but if covered
with a handful of dust (buried) it would weigh nothing. This satire on greed, or the ambition to
acquire wealth, seems likewise to be genuinely Jewish. This allegory, as it appears in the Talmud,
is reproduced in better shape in "Alexandri Magni Iter ad Paradisum," a little work of the twelfth
century, which has even preserved traces of its Jewish origin. In this it is an old Jew, of the name
of Papas, who lectures the king. Both forms of the legend are evidently connected with a lost
original.
Alexander's Ascent into the Air (Yer. 'Ab. Zarah, iii. 42c; Num. R. xiii.):

This appears to be a reminiscence of a narrative in Pseudo-Callisthenes (II. xli.).

Alexander's Descent into the Sea (Ps. R. 103; compare Pseudo-Callisthenes, II.
xxxviii.):

In the Middle Ages the Jews confined themselves to translations of the romance of Alexander
from the Arabic or the Latin, particularly in the form which it had received in the "Historia de
Proeliis." A Hebrew translation of this work, made by an unknown writer after an Arabic version,
was edited and published by Israel Lvi under the title "Toledot Alexander" (Life of Alexander),
Paris, 1887. Another translation from a Latin text, by Immanuel ben Jacob de Tarascon, exists
only in manuscript. A recension, the origin of which has not yet been clearly ascertained, was
surreptitiously included in certain manuscripts of the Josippon (perhaps by Judah Mosconi).
Another romance of Alexander, quite different from the rest, was written by a Jew in the west of
Europe before the thirteenth century; it was published by Israel Lvi in Steinschneider's
"Festschrift." Some portions of the legend were known to scholars by the Hebrew translation of
"Sod ha-Sodot" (Secret of Secrets) and of "Musare ha-Filosofim" (Dicta of the Philosophers),
containing whole chapters touching upon the legendary life of Alexander.
Bibliography:

Rev. t. Juives, iii. 239 et seq., iv. 279;

Steinschneider, Hebr. Uebers. pp. 894-898;

Nldeke, Beitrge zur Gesch. des Alexander-Romans, in Denkschriften der

Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Classe,
xxxviii. ch. iv., Vienna, 1890;

Frnkel, in Z. D. M. G. liv. 322;

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Jew. Quart. Rev. iv. 635;

Bacher, Nizami's Lehen und Werke und der Zweite Theil des Nizamischen
Alexanderbuches, pp. 63 et seq., Leipsic, 1871.

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