FINAL REPORT TRAFFIC STOP RACE DATA COLLECTION PROJECT IMPACT ON FRONT-LINE OFFICERS INTERVIEW STUDY Gregory Brown, MA Phillip Primeau, MA Independent Researchers 2 April 2016 © 2016 Gregory Brown and Phillip PrimeauTABLE OF CONTENTS ‘TABLE OF CONTENTS. LIST OF FIGURES.. LIST OF APPENDICES ... EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, INTRODUCTION, BACKGROUND... IMPLEMENTATION OF THIS PRESENT STUDY. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY... Score. RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS, DeMoGRapnic Daré DATA ANALYSIS. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION "TRAINING RESOURCES. ALTERATIONS IN HOW OFFICERS CONDUCT TRAFFIC STOPS.. Race PERCEIVED /NOT PERCEIVED AT TIME OF TRAFFIC STOP. ‘TRUST IN USE OF DATA COLLECTED AWARENESS OF RACIAL DYNAMICS IN POLICING. IMPACT ON ROLE AS A POLICE OFFICER . IMPRESSIONS ON RATIONALE FOR THE Ci CONTINUING-TO COLLECT RACE-BASED DATA semana RELEASE OF FINAL TSRDCP DATA AND REPORT. CHON OF RACE-BASED DATA, CONCLUSION. REFERENCES..EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This study's principal objective was to determine Ottawa Police Service (OPS) front-line officers’ behaviours in response to, and sentiments around, the collection of race data on traffic stops. This study evolved from the researchers’ initial discussions with OPS management and the Ottawa Police Association (OPA) in November 2014, Data collection commenced in March 2015, Data collection was completed in October 2015 and data analysis and the completion of a draft report were conchided in November 2015. This final report was completed on 2 April 2016. In terms of data, the objective of this study was to conduct in-cepth interviews with approximately 10% of the research population — which was identified as OPS officers serving in front line capacities and, therefore, those most likely to engage in traffic stops as part of their routine duties. This objective was achieved with a sample of 10.56% of the research population. Soliciting prospective participants for this study proved to be somewhat challenging. Three rounds of e-mailed invitations (and follow-up reminders) were sent to 54 randomly selected front- line OPS officers (matched by cadre numbers) at various intervals throughout the course of this study (a total of 162 front-line officers were solicited via private e-mail communications) in order to achieve the sample population of 57 front-line OPS officers (10.56% of OPS front line officers). A rigorous anonymity protocol was adhered to throughout this study, which afforded research participants with assurances that this study was being conducted independent of the OPS (their employer) and by external researchers in whom they could invest their trust. As a result, OPS front-line research participants were generally forthright and comprehensive in discussing their behaviours in response to, and sentiments around, their collection of rave data on traffic stops. The most relevant findings can be grouped into 9 major themes: © Training resources; ‘+ Alterations in how officers conduct traffie stops; ‘Rave perceived/not perceived at time of traffic stop; + Trust in Use of Data Collected; ‘+ Awareness of Racial Dynamics in Policing; Impact on Role as a Police Officer; + Impressions on Rationale for the Collection of Race-Based Data; * Continuing to Collect Race-Based Data, and ‘+ Release of Final TSRDCP Data and Report le to condense the study’s significant findings to a few sentences in this summary.LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1: NUMBER OF OFFICERS AVAILABLE TO THE STUDY BY FRONT-LINE ASSIGNMENT. Ficune 2: PARTICIPANTS LENGTH OF SERVICE WITH OPS AT TIME OF INTERVIEW Ficune 3: PARTICIPANTS RANK WITHIN OPS AT TIME OF INTERVIEW . FIGURE 4: GENDER OF PARTICIPANTS. FIGURE 5: RACE OF PARTICIPANTS ssn LIST OF APPENDICES APPENDIX I: MINUTES OF SETTLEMENT. APPENDIX Il LeteR OF UNDERSTANDING. APPENDIX Ili: RePoRT OF 23 MARCH 2015.. APPENDIX IV: NOTIFICATION E-Matt OF 13 FEBRUARY 2015 APPENDIX V: E-MAIL SOLICITATION SENT'TO FRONT-LINE OFFICERS.. APPENDIX VI: CONSENT FORM. APPENDIX VIL: FRAMING QUESTIONS FoR SeMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS. APPENDIX VIII: WoRKLOW PROCESS MAP...INTRODUCTION The Ottawa Police Service (OPS) is the agency primatily responsible for the provision of public policing services within the City of Ottawa. There are approximately 1,350 sworn police officers currently employed by the OPS and the population of the City of Ottawa is approaching | million in 2016 (883,391 in the 2011 census, as reported by Statistics Canada). The population of the of Ottawa is diverse; in simple terms, Ottawa is a multicultural and multiethnic contemporary city. As compared to most other large Canadian cities, Ottawa is somewhat unique, in that the city is expansive (covering almost 3,000 square kilometers) and comprised of significant urban, suburban, commercial, rural, and agricultural components, Ottawa is Canada’s sixth largest city and the OPS are Canada’s fifth largest municipal police service (Statistics Canada 2010). Racial, cultural, and diversity considerations in the policing of Western society are highly topical in contemporary socio-political discourse. To appreciate the significance of race and on ethnicity in 2016 for both public policing agencies and for the communities they police, practically any given day, one need only open a newspaper, watch a television news program, or access one of the multitude of web-based discussions on today’s policing. Issues of trust, legitimacy, accountability, transparency, and visibility and how they can be related to potential, perceived, or actual bias in the practices of police services and/or individual officers are ubiquitous in a variety of settings in which today’s policing are considered and understood. In other words, issues in the policing of Canadian society involving considerations of race, ethnicity, culture, and diversity are today a significant part of the contemporary policing landseape in most Canadian es. Leadership of both the OPS and the OPA recognize this reality, particularly as it applies to the policing of the City of Ottawa in 2016. In furtherance of gaining an understanding of front-line officer's views around an OPS initiative to collect agaregate data related to officers’ perceptions of race in police traffic stops, the OPS commissioned an independent research study in 2015. Ce doctoral researchers based in Ottawa, were retained by the OPS and completed this present study in November 2015. researchers Gregory Brown and Phillip Primeau, both PhD candidates in sociology andBACKGROUND In April 2012 the Ottawa Police Services Board (the governance body overseeing operations of the OPS) reached an agreement with the Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC), the terms of which included a requirement for the OPS to implement a protocol that would require all officers who conduct traffic stops to record their perception of the driver’s race — for a period of no less than two years.! The agreement emerged as a result of a complaint to the OHRC from an 18- year old black male, who alleged he was subject to a traffic stop by an OPS officer in 2005 primarily because of his race.? Pascale Demers, a communication officer with the OHRC, observed at the time, In the public interest, we advocated for race-based data collection and we're very pleased the Ottawa Police Services Board agreed to do so... in our view, this helps the police with transparency and maintaining trust in the community. We feel the data collection is important to addressing concerns and perceptions in minority communities (Palermo 2012). In operationalizing the settlement, the OPS implemented a Traffic Stop Race Data Collection Project (TSRDCP) to operate under the direction of Inspector Pat Flanagan. A multidiseiplinary research team, based out of York University, was retained in November 2012 (on agreement between the OPS and OHRC) to assist with methodological considerations, research design, consultations (with the OPS and with community stakeholders) and, ultimately, to interpret the to the implementation of the TSRDCP, the OPS ating from the Project. In relati advanced that it, is committed to developing and maintaining the trust of the community it serves by providing responsive, effective and equitable policing to all residents, We are committed to the principle that all persons have the right to live and work in an environment that is free of police action based on racial bias and racial profiling (Ottawa Police Service 2015a). | Refer to Appendix I ~ Minutes of Settlement. 2 The complainant, Chad Aiken, alleged “a violation of his right to equal treatment with respect to services without discrimination because of age, colour, ethnic origin, and race.” Refer to Appendix II - Letter of Understanding,On 27 June 2013, after an initial testing phase, front-line officers with the OPS began recording their perceptions (by physical observation only — as opposed to making inquiries) of each driver’s race on all traffic stops and documenting whether or not the driver’s race was known prior to the officer’s decision to initiate a stop of the vehicle, Other information collected as part of the ‘TSRDCP study includes the location of the traffic stop, the reason for the traffic stop, the gender and age of the driver, and the outcome of the traffic stop (violation, warning, no action, ete.). This data is entered by officers through a specific TSRDCP study application that was installed through modifications to existing OPS mobile communications technologies. The participation of front- line OPS officers in this data collection is mandatory. Officers who are found to be not complying, or submitting incomplete data, are subject to supervisory intervention. Mechanisms within the TSRDCP protocol provide information on officer compliance with the requirement to provide complete data on each traffic stop that they initiate In March 2015 OPS management determined that data collection, as part of the TSRDCP, ‘would continue past the two-year minimum period agreed to in the original settlement between the Ottawa Police Services Board and the OHRC. In his report to the OPS Board, Chief Bordeleau advised, Based on initial research and consultation efforts, Ottawa Police officers will continue to collect race based data during the data analysis and report writing phase; however, the plan for fong term data collection will be determined after sufficient police and community consultation on the final report (Ottawa Police Service 2015b).° This extension of the TSRDCP and the accompanying mandatory training of OPS officers until 30 November 2016 was implemented by General Order of OPS Chief Bordeleau on 18 June 2015 (EX/ORD/2015-391). Refer to Appendix Il ~ Report of 23 March 2015.IMPLEMENTATION OF THIS PRESENT STUDY In November 2014 discussions were convened between OPS management (represented by Inspector Flanagan), the OPA (represented by President Matt Skof) and the authors of this study, Gregory Brown and Phillip Primeau, independent researchers. An agreement was reached and the researchers were retained by the OPS to undertake a relatively small-scale qualitative (interview) research study beginning in January 2015.‘ Deputy Chief Ed Keeley was identified as the OPS Executive sponsor for this present study. The identified purpose of this study was to inquire into front-line officers’ behaviours in collection of race data on response to, and their sentiments around, the Ottawa Police Service traffic stops since implementation of the Traffic Stop Race Data Collection Project (TSRDCP) in June 2013. In terms of the anticipated benefits arising from this present study, it was agreed that race and the collection of race-based data is an important issue affecting policing organizations, the community, police labour associations, and front-line officers (individually and collectively). Increasing the knowledge base around this issue provides benefit specifically to front-line officers by disseminating their views, as well as informing OPS policies more generally moving forward. Discussions between the independent researchers and TSRDCP personnel resulted in a consensus around ten (10) interview questions that would provide the framework for the semi- structured interviews. It was agreed that these questions constituted a guide to the interviews, which would allow for wide-ranging discussions and for participants to canvass matters with the researchers that were important to them, On 13 February 2015 e-mail communication, explaining this front-line interview research study, was issued to all OPS employees through the OPS master distribution e-mail list by the TSRDCP lead, Inspector Pat Flanagan’. Data collection for this present study started in March 2015 and was completed in October 2015, Data analysis and the preparation of a draft report were concluded in November 2015, The following section describes the methodology utilized for this study, as well as the process of data collection and preservation, * See Appendix VIII for an overview of the current project’s workflow process. * See Appendix IV.RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY This empirical study relies on qualitative (as contrasted with quantitative) data, Flyvbjerg (2001: 75) advances, “the choice of method should clearly depend on the problem under study and its circumstances.” It is the view of this study’s researchers that a quantitative instrument, such as a survey, would not capture the detailed and nuanced information around front-line officer's behaviours in response to, and their sentiments around, the TSRDCP. The voices of research participants, providing rich descriptions and a more complete understanding than simply numerie. representations, would not have been heard through a survey instrument. In this vein, this study employed semi-structured qualitative interviews. Qualitative research methods, such as interviews, adopt a hermeneutic perspective and do not rely on numeric representations as the unit of analysis, but rather on data that is assumed to be subjective and interpretive. Such research examines the phenomenon being investigated through the interpretation of subjective experiences — the meanings that research participants ascribe to their experiences (Denzin & Lincoln 2005; Porta & Keating 2008). In order to appreciate the breadth and prevalence of views across the research population, it was the position of the researchers that a sample consisting of 10% of the front-line OPS officers s and identified scope of this project. Would afford a sufficient understanding ~ given the objecti The Project Manager of the TSRDCP provided information, obtained from internal OPS records, indicating that the ‘front-line’ complement of the OPS amounted to 541 personnel (of their 1,350 this swom police officers). ‘Front-line’ was identified, for the purposes of this study and organization, as those operational officers (Constables and Sergeants) assigned to: Patrol, District (both NHO - Neighborhood Officers - and Traffic), Traffic Escort and Enforcement, and the Direct Action Response Team. Patrol (Cst) | Patrol (Sgt) | District (Cst/ Sgt) | Traffic (Cst/Sgt) | DART (Cst/Sgt) 30 50 30 19 12 Figure 1: Number of Officers Available to the Study by Front-Line Assignment Within the OPS, all employees are identified with a ‘cadre’ (badge) number; which is a unique numeric identifier. In order to facilitate sampling of the research population by this study's research team, the Project Manager of the TSRDCP furnished the cadre numbers of all $41 ‘front-line? OPS operational officers, Random sampling of this research population was achieved through a systematic process designed to enable (and guarantee) participant anonymity and ‘arms-length’ positioning of the research from the OPS (the research participant’s employer). All 541 cadre numbers were entered into a computer-based randomizing program and a sample of 54 (10%) cadre numbers was extracted, Using the OPS database, one of the researchers then matched those randomly generated cadre numbers to officer’s names and e-mail addresses, E-mail solicitations were sent to those 54 front-line officers via their OPS e-mail accounts.° Reply communications were directed to an external and confidential e-mail address developed specifically for the purposes of this present study, accessible only to the researchers — opsfrontlinestudy@gmail.com. This randomization, solicitation, and communication process required multiple iterations, During each round, several weeks were allocated for a response, which recognized the inherent nature of front-line police work (shift work, rotating days off, annual leave, sporadic and limited opportunities to review incoming e-mail correspondence, etc.). Thereafter, reminder messaging via e-mail was initiated to ascertain whether the potential research participant was interested in participating in the study (or not). Three rounds of e-mail solicitations and reminder messaging, were required to achieve a research cohort of more than 10%, The first round of 54 initia solicitations were issued on 10 March 2015; the second on 20 April 2015; and the third on 29 August 2015, In total, ultimately 57 front-line officers were interviewed in this present study. Each research participant provided his or her consent to participate in the study and acknowledged their understanding of the protocol prior to their interview with the researcher.” Au Some officers expressed no issue with audio recording by the researcher while others did not feel recording of the interview was optional and at the discretion of the research participant. comfortable with this measure. In the latter case, the researcher took contemporaneous notes during the interview. The researchers enabled participants to decide on the location of interviews, attending whatever locations were most convenient to participants. Interviews were conducted in a variety of settings, at the discretion of the research participants, and with practical considerations in mind. Some were conducted within police facilities, while others took place in officer's homes, at coffee shops, restaurants, and some in stationary vehicles in parking lots. Interviews sometimes See Appendix V 7 See Appendix VIoccurred while an officer was on duty, before or after a shift, or on days off. Due to the nature of front-line police work, interviews occurred at various times. The researchers made themselves available days and evenings to accommodate officers’ schedules, As discussed, each of the semi-structured interviews involved the participant responding to ten (10) framing questions posed by the researcher.* These questions functioned as a general guide to the semi-structured interviews. Participants and researchers held conversations ranging from twenty (20) minutes to in excess of two (2) hours, At no time were participants asked to textually document their responses. In general terms, many interviews evolved into more elaborate discussions pertaining to the TSRDCP and other issues with contemporary front-line police work, broadly and also specifically in relation to the OPS. After the completion of each interview, the researcher compiled computerized word-processed notes detailing the responses of the participants to each question and other information disclosed throughout the course of the interview that was felt fo be relevant to the study. These interview notes contained no personal identifiers other than participants’ years of policing experience (in 5 year increments for anonymity considerations), rank, assignment within the police service, gender and race (as self-identified). All forms of notes, word-processed or otherwise, were not cross- referenced with, and were stored securely and separately from, the consent forms. All study materials were housed separately and in secure locations not associated with the OPS, All consent forms will be destroyed after a predetermined ime-frame following the release of the current report (in October 2016), The consent document, data collection protocols, as well as the storage measures adopted within this study, are consistent with the current Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans. Scope Scope for this study falls into three broad categories: participants, objects of analysis, and views expressed. In terms of participants, it is important to note that the present study did not engage community organization representatives or the public at large. The study focused strictly on front- line officers who have had experience with the TSRDCP. As a result, the observations that have been made herein are not reflective of a dialogical analysis involving different sets of stakeholders. * See Appendix VILLikewise, the current study does not advance that the findings are reflective of community members’ experiences of the TSRDCP. In the conclusion of this study’s report we will suggest that an avenue for future research around the TSRDCP could include multi-stakeholder relations and public sentiments regarding the collection of raced-based data by OPS As noted, this study probed (and this report documents) the opinions and actions of front-line OPS officers. As such, at no time does this report address the quantitative aspects of the TSRDCP stopped by OPS and considered within the TSRDCP data. While we (the independent researchers) venture into the theme of ‘race perceived’/‘not perceived’, we offer ~ ie, the number of motoris ‘qualitative analysis of officers” use of, and sentiments toward, the categories; not their quantitative input. Also falling outside the scope of this study is a comprehensive literature review around the collection of race-based data in other jurisdictions, situating this work in broader socio-political theory, or within other scholarly works related to policing and race considerations. Finally, while there is a sizeable cohort of OPS front-line officers who have participated in the present study (10.54% of the research population), the results presented should not be generalized (in the sense of statistical significance) to the entire front-line complement of the OPS. In a similar vein, the views expressed by participants should not be construed as representative of OPS ‘management or OPS policy.RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS ‘The following tables are intended to express (in visual format) the demographic details of the participants in this present research study. In general terms, participants had a variety of experience, expressed by years of policing service with OPS. Participants were predominantly white, male, and working, at the time of the interviews, at the Constable rank. A decision was made by the researchers to prioritize randomness and anonymity in the creation of the research cohort. This was accomplished by using cadre numbers, which do not contain demographie or personal identifiers. As such, the researchers had no subjective choice at the time of participant selection. Si larly, researchers did not correlate demographic or personal identifiers to the views expressed during interviews. The result of this random and anonymous process is that all views have been treated equally, regardless of research participant's demographic characteristics, Demographic Data Participants Length of Service with OPS # of Participants 1-5 6-10 1-15 16-20 21-25 26-30 Years of Service at Time of Interview Figure 2: Study participants length of service with OPS at time of interview. 12Participants Rank Within OPS # of Participants Constable Sergeant Rank at Time of Interview Study participants rank within OPS at time of interview Gender of Participants # of Participants Female Male Gender Figure 4: Gender of study participants 13 |Race of Participants Figure 5: Race of study participants’ ° Given the study's anonymity protocols and the relatively small number of OPS front-line officers engaged in this research study who identified as being of a race or ethnic origin other than White, Black, or Asian, the category ‘other’ has been used. This category ensures participant's anonymity while still providing nuance to the study's racial/ethnic origin demographics. 4DATA ANALYSIS Olson (2011: 77) guides, “...the objective of the analytical phase fof the research project] is to sift through all of the data.,.and use the links that run through these data sources to construct an answer to the research question.” Interview data in this study was analyzed through the lens of deductive strategies within the interactive paradigm (Kirby ef al. 2006; Miles & Huberman 1994), Qualitative interview data sets (the detailed interview notes for all 57 research participants) were considered using a hybrid, two-stage system of initial analysis and reflection, then formal coding and organization, prioritization, and categorization in relationship to. the project's principal objective: determining OPS front-line officers’ behaviours in response to, and sentiments around, the OPS? collection of race data on traffic stops. Coding of data was based on similarities and recurrent narratives, then the coding of these themes in an iterative process (Kirby et al. 2006; Miles & Huberman 1994; Noaks & Wincup 2006). Through the sharing and comparing of their analysis, both researchers identified the emergent themes that occurred frequently or were judged to be of particular importance to the issues under investigation in this study. A final coding of the data occurred following the validation of the themes uncover -d, While some of the themes that will be discussed are fairly obvious choices for inclusion, and determined almost from the start of the study as objects worthy of investigation, others were uncovered during data analysis. An example of the former was the theme of training, while an example of the latter is the theme of trust,FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION The data collected for the present study pointed to a multitude of recurring attitudes and opinions, which we have analyzed under umbrella themes. During the second phase of coding we narrowed the total number of themes to be explored from the data, retaining the most salient for this study's purposes, The following section provides an outline and a discussion of these themes," Training Resources Study participants were expressly queried concerning the level and the quality of training provided with regards to the TSRDCP, Our intent in probing the topic of training was twofold, ‘The first aim was to access the level of knowledge concerning the TSRDCP across officers directly involved in its practical application in the field. We also sought to shed light on the interpersonal dynamics underpinning the project. Asking how and from whom officers were trained revealed how knowledge is transferred between members. Taken together, the focus on training revealed that the highest levels of frustration with the TSRDCP came from officers who did not participate in, or did not take away the necessary information from, formal training sessions. - about the sufficiency or quality of the CPKN e-learning module and in« jn the broad theme of training most research participants expressed little to no concem ited that ongoing support from supervisors or peers, in instances where a sistance was necessary, was generally found to be sufficient in addressing technical problems related to the TSRDCP. A significant number of the study’s research participants expressed that during the initial roll-out phase of the TSRDCP some issues had surfaced. Modifications to the programming (including redeveloped drop-down menus) and the distribution of a ‘cheat sheet’ and/or ‘pocket guide’ resolved most issues related to data entry on the mobile terminals in the police eruisers.'* "As with any research project that involves sentiments and opinions, and multiple participants, extreme ot ‘outlier views will surface, For the purposes of this study, outlier views were excluded from analysis and do not form part of the thematic discussion. " Participants expressed that ‘pocket guides’ are useful tools for any future project that involves the on board computer system. 16A small number of officers indicated that their understanding from the CPKN training was that an officer is unsure about a person’s race, but they can see the person at the point the decision to effect a traffic stop is made, they should categorize the individual as ‘Latin’ rather than ‘unknown’ for the purposes of the TSRDCO data entry. It is unclear whether this is a misinterpretation of some officers from the information provided in training, an issue with the software, ot a directive given to front-line officers in error. Al A significant portion of the current study concerned itself with assessing whether front-line ions in how Officers Conduct Traffic Stops officers’ behaviours were affected by the TSRDCP. We have phrased this theme as alterations in how officers conduct traffic stops. The goal was to investigate changes in behaviour with regard to either the decision to initiate a traffic stop, or behaviours following the initiation of traffic stops. In order to assess these variables, we concentrated questions pertaining to changes in behaviour with officers who had previously conducted traffic stops without the TSRDCP in place, This allowed us to qualitatively assess the change and determine if, and how, behaviour linked to traffic stops had been affected. While this is not a quantitative study, it is important to stipulate that in relation to changes in jate, conduct, ot resolve traffic stops, a majority of research participants (more ments of the TSRDCP have not directly resulted in alterations of their traffic stop behaviour. That said, the race-based data collection did how officers ini than 50%) indicated that the data collection requit have other effects for officers, including how they think about traffic stop statistics and the areas which are patrolled by OPS. For example, a participant revealed: The [TSRDCP] has not affected what I am doing or made me think about an issue that was never there in the first place. But it does bring up a point. I work in a pretty mixed area, but I would feel a lot of pressure if I was assigned to work in an area that was heavily Black. I would be very worried about how my stats are going to look and if in the future this is going to be linked to oversight and discipline. This sentiment was echoed other study participants who spoke of second guessing themselves before initiating traffic stops of a non-White drivers. This hesitation to initiate traffic stops of non- White drivers was extended by several study participants to include discretionary stops of drivers and pedestrians. These forms of modifications were principally cognitive, affecting actual practices only sometimes, and on a non-recurtent basis for the most part. However, a number of the study's research participants did report modifications to their previous traffic stop behaviours 7‘on a more profound level. We felt it necessary to examine how and under what conditions traffic stop behaviour was directly affected by the TSRDCP. With regard to those officers who did disclose a change, one participant expressed, Officers are hesitating doing T-stops because they don't want to be the guy who is found to have pulled over more [visible minority] people than the stats say they should be pulling over...Like driving through [a high-crime area of the city] and thinking, [ already pulled over 3 [visible minority persons] today so I can't do anymore...this is helping the people who hate the police and who are breaking the law...What we are training officers to do is to think about staying cout of trouble rather than to do proactive good police work. Ina similar vein, another OPS officer expressed that the TSRDCP has not changed her traffic areas of ve with colleagues who wor stop practices but in discussing the impact of the igher concentrations of visible minorities than are found in most other the city, where there are locations around the City of Ottawa, several officers have expressed that they are avoiding traffic and diseretionaty stops of persons who are perceived to be of a visible minority because, as the officers expressed it, They are wary of getting a reputation from their stats as being a racial profiler. A lot of officers would rather not get involved than have to deal with the fallout from the [visible minority] community if their numbers are interpreted the wrong way. Another study participant expressed another interrelated consideration, [The TSRDCP] has changed me. When I pull over a car and realize they are a minority Luse my discretion more — [1] give them a warning. To be able to give a warning keeps me from having complaints that I am stopping people because they are Black. Some participants discussed the fear of being reprimanded as being linked to a corresponding shift in their behaviour. Another example comes from a study participant, who expressed, The [TSRDCP] has had no impact on my traffic stops but it does impact on how I charge people I stop. I'm a lot more worried about how they are going to look ‘at the charge disposition stats than the initial stop stats, so visible minorities with me get a lot more breaks than they did before. If the [TSRDCP] shows that police charge minorities more often than White people for the same traffic offence I don’t want to be part of that conversation, This offering ‘breaks’ to visible minorities was expressed as a change in behaviour that was initiated with the TSRDCP, not a change in how officers generally view racial minorities in Ottawa,Race Perceived/Not Perceived at Time of Traffic Stop With few exceptions, research participants advanced that at the time of the decision to initiate a traffic stop, the race of the driver (or other occupants, for that matter) of the vehicle was most often unknown, Participants often cited the vast distance at which vehicles are targeted by modem radar devices during speeding enforcement and/or that a significant amount of traffic stop decision-making takes place while following behind a vehicle or during periods of darkness. Most often, these environmental and tactical factors make clear observation of the driver impossible at the point when a decision is made to initiate a traffic stop. Officers frequently cited expressions similar to “I target the behaviour, not the driver” or “I pull people over for the infraetion, not for who they are.” For example, one study participant expressed: When we are doing laser [radar] enforcement it is from hundreds of meters away and so 99% of the time we can’t even see what colour the driver is. It is about behavior. Even with cell phone enforcement, you are looking at the cell phone in the hand not the colour of the hand. In addition to the sentiment that behaviour is the target of traffic stops, two other dominant perspectives emerged during the interviews with the study participants, Some officers indicated that despite perceiving the race of the driver at the point of traffic stop initiation they would, nonetheless, indicate (for the purposes of the TSRDCP) ‘race not perceived” in logging the traffic stop information into the computer terminal. These participants most often felt that collecting such data was irrelevant to the decision to initiate the traffic stop — and therefore they essentially opt-out of the requirements of the TSRDCP data collection protocol. While this may appear to be a training issue, we contend that the subjectiveness of the categories ‘race perceived/not perceived” might be linked to observed differences in how the categories are understood among officers. Some officers seem to understand these categories literally; while others have internalized them conceptually as an abstract representation of police work. As such, study participants articulated that race should not, or does not, factor into traffic stop deci , even if the race of the driver or occupants was observed. For example, a study participant expressed, From when I started [on the OPS], traffic stops are about your bad driving, not ‘your colour Several participants also expressed a lack of knowledge around how exactly race was to be part of the traffic stop process. One study participant was candid in his bewilderment, 19What is the point of asking race perceived at all? When do we perceive race? At what moment does it count, when we put the lights on? Before? After? I don't now. ‘The second dominant perspective to emerge from the study’s interviews is around outcomes of traffic stops — with many participating officers expressing that the outcome of a traffic stop is entirely dependent on the attitude of the driver, expressing views such as “artinde dictates disposition.” In these cases, officers felt that the ‘race perceivedinot perceived’ categories were ivelevant, citing that it mattered less the race of the driver than the driver’s attitude. Much like the officer who feels that race does not inherently play a factor in initiating a traffic stop, these officers expressed that it was attitude, not race, which was an important factor during traffic stop resolution, Trust in Use of Data Collected Prior to conducting interviews, the theme of trust in the use of data collected as part of the ‘TSRDCP was not identified as a potential area worthy of investigation. However, during the initial phases of this study, the theme of trust was disclosed by interview study participants in almost every interview. We (the researchers) felt that trust was an important element to investigate further and incorporated the theme into data coding and analysis during the second phase of coding activities, Issues related to the theme of trust almost always touched on the sentiment that the data collected would or could have an impact on officers’ employment. These officers expressed that they deployed a series of tactics to evade entering race-based data, or entered data knowing that it ‘was incorrect. Examples of this type of failure in trusting the use of data collected included some officers performing traffic stops ‘off the books’. These ‘stealth’ traffic stops are accomplished by not officially being logged onto a traffic stop through the onboard computer system in the police vehicle, thereby not ‘officially’ registering the traffic stop and, as a result, not engaging the mandatory reporting requirement of information for the TSRDCP. Of this group of research participants, some indicated that these ‘off the books* traffic stops are performed when the officer becomes concerned about the possible development of a pattern that might be interpreted as stopping an inordinate number of non- White persons over a period of time, such as on a particular shift or over the span of several shifts. Similarly, some officers acknowledge not initiating a traffic stop in circumstances where the race of the driver is observed in advance of the decision to initiate a traffic stop and it is 20determined that the driver appears as a visible minority. In other words, the officer would ordinarily stop that motorist for the behaviour observed, however the officer makes a conscious and calculated decision to not engage in the a traffic stop, given that they have observed that the motorist in question is a non-White individual. This strategy is employed by these officers to manipulate their traffic stop ‘numbers’ to avoid a situation where it may appear that they are stopping disproportionate numbers of non-White persons over a period of time. Pethaps more problematic, is the admission by some officers that they are misrepresenting the data entered into the TSRDCP. Officers in this group of study participants express that they are seeking to avoid the perception that they are stopping disproportionate numbers of non-White persons over a period of time. The mistrust emerges from a perception that the data will be used to target their professional integrity, when in fact they feel external factors are resulting in high ‘amounts of traffic stops involving non-White drivers. The misrepresentation of data takes the form of indicating that the race of the driver is ‘known’ (as well as in circumstances where it was not actually known at the time of the decision to initiate a traffic stop) and that the person’s race has been perceived by the officer as ‘White’ — despite the officer’s actual perception of the involved individual as non-White. This strategy is suggested by some officers as a way to counter accusations of engaging in ‘racial profiling’.'* Officers who revealed that they engaged in this type of data ‘correction’ (as they would interpret their actions), sustained this rationale by stating that environmental, demographic, or tactical elements were to blame for their above average level of traffic stops involving non-White drivers, and that entering false data was a simple way to correct, ratios, We must note here that the officers we spoke to had never seen the data that they entered into the TSRDCP, as far as we could ascertain their willingness to deploy this strategy was a result of personal interpretation. Some officers express concern around the demographics of the geographic part of the city they police and how their ‘statistics’ may be perceived in a negative light, The mistrust in how data will be used comes from a sentiment that their professional integrity will be tainted by race-based data collected as part of the TSRDCP. As expressed by a study participant, ' Katz-Bannister and Carter (2004; 93) define ‘racial profiling’ as “police-initiated behaviors that are the primary/sole product ofa citizen's race/ethnicity, rather than behaviorallegal cues.” aiWhere I do a lot of my work is almost all Black. Who do you think Lam going to be pulling over for traffic stops? Who are doing all of these gang shootings? So, who am I going to be pulling over to check on suspicious behaviour and for gang associations and weapons? reness of Racial Dynamics in Policing Awareness of the racial dynamics in policing emerged as a theme while coding interviews, but ‘was also very much a part of the wide-ranging discussions that the researchers engaged in with study participants. It was unavoidable to talk about race relations and their considerations in policing when inquiring about race-based traffic data, Some officers expressed a keen awareness of the socio-political issues at play within the TSRDCP. These officers understood the significance of collecting race-based data and expressed a desire to improve relationships between the OPS and the various diverse communities the force serves. These officers expressed optimism that the ‘TSRDCP could serve as a building block for broader discussions about race and policing in Ottawa, Some pat ipants echoed this sentiment, adding that the TSRDCP could empower the force to begin to have frank discussions around race and bias. One participant articulated this point succinctly, saying that “falking about race forces us to question ourselves and can show our own biases.” Conversely, some study participants expressed that they were unable to comprehend any of the reasons advanced, to their understanding, in underpinning the decision to collect race-based data on traffic stops in Ottawa, These officers questioned the significance and importance of the TSRDCP and cited disagreement concerning how racial dynamics are perceived versus how they actually play-out while conducting front-line police work. These officers often spoke of eriminal history and low income/high crime areas of the city, as well as the misplaced and confusing integration of racial dynamics in society, erime, and political considerations. An example of a view related to this sentiment is the following thoughts of a study participant, Some people, a very small minority of political people, want to make it seem like we have issues like the big U.S. cities, but we do not, These are special interest ‘groups with too much time on their hands looking for controversy where there is none. ‘A number of participants expressed critical sentiments towards the TSRDCP due to their perception that race-based data collection was done to, as one participant said, “appease” certain communities. These officers articulated a clear demarcation between police administration and front-line police work. They expressed that the TSRDCP was an administrative project that had 22very little bearing on front-line work. One study participant expressed this sentiment by saying that the TRSDCP was “good from a higher political level, stupid from a cop level and not useful.” ‘These sentiments were inextricably linked to officers’ perceptions of police-community relations. While there were a variety of views attached to why the collection of race-based traffic stop data had been initiated, a popular sentiment was that the TSRDCP could, as one participant said “put a damper on things.” The main goal of the project for the participants was perceived as a public relations exercise — an attempt to enhance public perception concerning racial dynamics and policing and appease a small group of politically-active community members. Impact on Role as a Police Officer ‘A majority of research participants in this study indicated that the TSRDCP has not had any significant impact on their professional duties or the way they saw their role as police officers. However, a significant number of officers expressed concer that the attention to race and policing in Ottawa is having an impact on some of their colleagues; some officers have changed how they perform front-line police work as a result. Some officers indicated that race now plays a significant part in how they respond to interactions. One officer expressed this concern as follows, I watch my P’s and Q’s..This kind of scrutiny over what we do on the streets reminds me that we can always be targeted for recording and criticism so I am careful what I do and say. Some guy, no matter his race, might be being a complete asshole and I would normally have responded a certain way but now I think about it~ and respond calmly and professionally. As discussed previously, other officers stated that they felt the requirement to collect race-based data on traffic stops resulted in a shift in how they patrol certain areas of the City of Ottawa, The officers in this group of study participants indicated that they routinely avoid certain areas in their patrol zones that they perceive contain higher concentrations of the visible minority population — seeking to avoid any suggestion of bias in their policing (and the attendant risks of such allegations) through avoidance of interaction with persons from these geographic areas of the city. ‘These views and outcomes of the TSRDCP amongst some study participants were tempered with optimistic expressions of the impact of the collection of race-based data from others. Several participants expressed that the TSRDCP could serve as a mechanism to enhance awareness of the need for community-based policing. These participants elaborated on the need to balance enforcement activities with education, stating that the TRSDCP could have this effect on officers.Officers in this group of study participants cited the benefits in issuing warnings to motorists as part of the education aspect of policing and in bettering relations with the publ wtionale for the Collection of Race-Based Data It was found that there were essentially two understandings among this study's participants Impressions on Ri about the rationale of the OPS behind the TSRDCP. One group of officers advanced that there could be valid issues with OPS and racial considerations in the policing of Ottawa and therefore it is best to identify whether these issues actually exist. The second set of views reflected a sentiment of resentment for being asked to collect race-based data and the associated feeling of a latent accusation of racial prejudice. Related to the first set of views, one officer expressed, “I don't think bias impacts on who officers stop, at least in what I've seen in my career. But then again bias is a subconscious thing.” Most participants who agreed with the need to collect race-based data spoke of the importance of information. One participant expressed, Information, any information, is good. Policing needs to be transparent. I’m not sure that this study is doing anything for me as an officer, I can’t see my own data to know what Lam doing or how I might need to change my practices. For the Service, no one can probably tell yet, Although when the report comes out it is hard to see how that could be good for the Service, For the community, sacred ‘rust in the police is important, If this helps restore that then itis a good thing. Restoring public trust through the collection of race-based data was seen to be an important element for some participants. However, others felt that the collection or race-based data was an inappropriate mechanism to accomplish the goal of restoring public trust. One participant said, There's no evidence to suggest we have racist officers or behaviours. This was one [allegation, which led to the TSRDCP]. I’ve never seen even one hint of that in my career with OPS. This paints us as all with the brush of being potential racists. From one questionable episode we launched into this massive issue and where will it end? It is almost like we have admitted we have racist officers. Associated to this feeling of resentment was the idea that the data collected cannot be reflective of actual police practices. One participant expressed this view by saying, I don't see any benefit to this from any perspective. For the community, they don't have a clue what we do so how can [the TSRDCP] results help them understand policing? When this is over you will see that the data can be interpreted in a lot of ways and the racial activists and politicians will figure a way to say it demonstrates that there is a racial issue in policing. Similarly, another experienced front-line officer articulated, 24What is going to be important is how they can figure out from the numbers where each officer was doing that work. Ottawa is diverse but that diversity is concentrated in certain places. A lot of those places is where there are the most gangs, drugs, and shootings. That might sound bad, but it’s a fact that any crime ‘analyst in the OPS would show you in 10 seconds. If you spend 90% of your time in those neighbourhoods guess who you are going 10 be pulling over? If the mindset is that that the police are racially profiling then it’s going to look like the mimbers prove that an officer is doing that. That would be a mistake. Also, when they decided to flood those neighbourhoods with extra officers to stop all the gang shootings what does that do to the overall numbers across the city? You've got more officers in minority neighbourhoods and less where there are no minorities to be pulled over anyway. In this same vein, another officer cautioned, With interpreting the information it is important to break it down by specific zone or even narrower geographic units, They will need a baseline measure for the race data of the people who live there and how many drive. And, they will need to know how many police officers worked there and for precise amounts of time. Continuing to Collect Race-Based Data While interrogating the question of continuation of data collection for the TSRDCP, a polarization emerged regarding the prolongation of race-based data collection by the OPS. Approximately half of the officers strongly believe the collection should be completed on the agreed date, while the other half feels that it should be continued. A minority of voices did not really have any major issues with it continuing or ending, either way. Many research participants indicated that they would like to have an understandable and auticulated rationale for the continuation of race-based data past the required period stipulated in the Agreement. As one study participant said, “You set a deadline to stop something, so why are ‘you continuing it? Get that report done, see if there is an identified need to collect this information, and then, if there is, collect i.” Another study participant expressed a similar view, articulating, “What is the purpose to keep doing this? Does it make a difference? They must have enough numbers afier two years? We just get told to do it.” These sentiments were also part of broader discussions about internal communication and what participants felt is a long-running rift nnect between OPS management and front-line officers. of Final TSRDCP Data and Report Exploring the thoughts and ideas of front-line officers concerning the TSRDCP data and release of that report (detailing the quantitative analysis of the TSRDCP) was an aspect that we (the 25researchers) had anticipated being an important component of this study’s interview sessions. What was less anticipated was the fay of views held by officers of the OPS. The various views included anticipation that the release of the final TSRDCP report will be, as one officer declared, ‘a disaster” for the police service. This group of study participants feel that if the data suggests a disproportionate number of non-White motorists are being stopped by OPS officers, then the service will be accused of engaging in systemic racial profiling practices; whereas if the data suggests an underrepresentation of non-White motorists in OPS traffic stops, the service will be charged with fabricating misleading data to cover up systemic racial profiling practices. One participant put it rather succinetly, “They should know what they are getting themselves into. No matter what the data ultimately says the OPS is going to be blasted by the media and the usual critics.” Other research participants expressed that the report would be beneficial for stakeholders s that are served by the OPS, involved, including the media, the OPS, and the various communiti These study participants expressed that regardless of what the data shows, the fact that the OPS undertook the study is a testament to a desire to advance and modemize the way policing is conducted in Ottawa and to engage in important dialogues highly relevant to today’s policing of society. Related to the release of the TSRDCP report, many study participants expressed that they would like the opportunity to receive the major findings in advance of its public release and for OPS ‘command staff to attend to front-line officers to discuss any potential issues prior to public release ‘One participant expressed the view, They should give us on the road a heads-up in case there might be some backlash from the public, like there was from the cellblock thing. We should get advance notice and the Association a chance to have input before it is released 10 the public. Some officers also suggested that it would be appropriate and diligent of OPS to engage in community consultation with stakeholders involved in the TSRDCP prior to the major public release of the report, 26CONCLUSION This study's objective was to examine OPS front-line officers’ behaviours in response to, and sentiments around, the collection of race-based data on traffic stops. Fifty-seven (57) front-line officers were engaged in the study through semi-structured interviews, eliciting a variety of views. ‘This report highlighted the most salient of these responses under the following umbrella themes: * Training resources; * Alterations in how officers conduct traffic stops; * Race perceived/not perceived at time of traffic stop; + Trust in use of data collected; * Awareness of racial dynamics in policing; + Impact on role as a police officer; ‘+ Impressions on rationale for the collection of race-based datas * Continuing to collect race-based data; and * Release of final TSRDCP data and report It was an inescapable conclusion throughout the research process that many front-line OPS officers are not particularly enthusiastic about participating in research interviews. The number of officers who ultimately participated in the study from the research solicitations sent by e-mail was less than 33%. Those who outright declined to participate were less than 20% of the 164 solicited throughout the process. The balance of officers solicited who did not participate simply failed to respond to both the initial solicitation and then the follow-up e-mail. Some officers who declined to participate provided some qualitative insight into this situation. Interviews take a not insignificant time commitment and many officers lead very busy lives, on and off the job. Further, some expressed a sense of resignation or futility, in that participation in a study around issues in their work with OPS would fall on ‘deaf ears’, as they suggest has been the result of previous initiatives that have asked for input from the rank-and-file (je. the tenure promotional process). Many study participants expressed that they would like to have the ability to review their ‘TSRDCP ‘stats’ through some computer-based mechanism that they could access directly. Those study participants who made this suggestion were curious about how the demographics of the persons they are engaging through traffic stops compares with the demographic composition of the general public in the area in which they do their front-line police work. A significant number of study participants expressed that if the objective of the TSRDCP is to assess ‘racial profiling’ then the project is targeting the wrong front-line police behaviours, It was 7suggested by officers advancing this observation that traffic stops would not be where this practice, if it does exist, is exposed. Rather, it is with discretionary traffic or ‘street’ encounters, for the purpose of the officer investigating something that they consider to be ‘suspicious’, where any ‘racial profiling’ issues would be revealed. 28REFERENCES Denzin, N. & Lincoln, Y. (2005) The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Flyvbjerg, B. (2001) Making Social Sciences Matter. New York: Cambridge University Press, Katz-Bannister, A. & Carter, D. (2004) Racial profiling. In (Thurman, Q. & Giacomazzi, A., eds.) Controversies in Policing: 93-100. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson Publishing. Kirby, S., Greaves, L. & Reid, C. (2006) Experience Research Social Change: Methods Beyond the Mainstream, Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, Miles, M. & Huberman, M. (1994) Qualitative Data Analysis, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Noaks, L, & Wincup, E. (2006). Criminological Research: Understanding Qualitative Methods. London: Sage. Olson, K. (2011) Essentials of Qualitative Interviewing. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press. Palermo, T. (2012) Race-based data collection: Is it a good thing? Crimesense, Fall: 28-35. Porta, D. & Keating, M. (2008) Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences. ‘Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. 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