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BOMBAY - AHMEDABAD

Seminarreise Herbstsemester 2008


18. Oktober - 27. Oktober 2008

Professur Wolfgang Schett


ETH Eidgenssische Technische Hochschule Zrich
Impressum
Seminarreise Herbstsemester 2008
Professur Wolfgang Schett
Departement Architektur
ETH Eidgenssische Technische Hochschule Zrich

Organisation, Programm
Franziska Manetsch
Lukas Meyer

Broschre
Deborah Wyss

Druck
Reprozentrale ETH Hnggerberg

bei den jeweiligen Autoren

Zrich, Oktober 2008


Organisation 3

Treffpunkt:
08.45 Uhr, Samstag, 18. Oktober 2008
Flughafen Zrich, Check-In 1, Meeting Point

Flugreise:
Samstag, 18. Oktober 2008
LX 154 09.55 Zrich 21.40 Mumbai

Organisation: Sonntag / Montag, 26./27. Oktober 2008


Lehrstuhl Prof. W. Schett G8 104 18.10 Ahmedabad 19.25 Mumbai
Departement Architektur LX 155 01.20 Mumbai 06.15 Zrich
HIL E 62.1
Wolfgang-Paulistr. 15 Hotels:
CH - 8093 Zrich Hnggerberg 18. - 22. Oktober 2008
T: +41 44 633 29 40 Hotel Gulf
F: +41 44 633 10 25 Kamal Mansion, Arthur Bunder Rd, Colaba
www.arch.ethz.ch/schett Mumbai 400 005
T: +91 022 2285 6672
Assistenten:
Franziska Manetsch 22. Oktober - 26. Oktober 2008
E: fmanetsc@arch.ethz.ch Hotel Riverfront
Opp. Museum, near NID, Paldi
Lukas Meyer Ahmedabad 380 007
E: lukas.meyer@arch.ethz.ch T: + 91 079 2657 7406
TeilnehmerInnen 5

Ballabio Fabrizio
Brgger Joshua
Gisler Luis
Haab Oliver
Hnni Laura
Inauen Rebecca
Lsser Katja
Lehmann Claudia
Lrincz Agnes
Mamane Keren Buffoni Aldo
Moshfegh Benjamin Egli Andrzej
Mosimann Andrea Ringli Kornel
Ritter Severin
Salvioni Anna Manetsch Franziska
Werder Vanessa Meyer Lukas
6 bersicht

EINFHRUNG
The Architecture of Kanvinde, Doshi, and Correa in Political and Social Context 9
Charles Correa 17
Balkrishna V. Doshi 18
Bimal P atel 19
Louis I. Kahn 20
Le Corbusier 21

BOMBAY 23
Entstehung von Bombay 25
Imperiale Architektur 33
Victoria Terminus F. W. Stevens 34
Taj Mahal Hotel Chambers and Finchley 35
Gateway of India G. Wittet 36
Prince of Wales Museum G. Wittet
Crawford Market W. Emerson 37
Banganga Tank 38
Haji Ali Dargah 39
Kanchanjunga Apartments Charles Correa 41
Salvacao Church Charles Correa 43
Nehru Planetarium and Centre J. M. Kadri 45
Hochhausbau in Bombay 47
Wohnhochhaus Belvedere Khareghat and Associates 48
Residence Antilia Perkins + Wills 49
Dharavi Slum 51
Stadtplanung Navi-Mumbai Charles Correa and Associates 55
CIDCO Lowcost Housing Raj Rewal 57

AHMEDABAD
Entstehung von Ahmedabad 61
Pols 67
Havelis 68
Bsp 1: Moti Rangila Pol 72
Bsp 2: Sankdi Sheri 74
Bsp. 3: Surdas Shets Pol 76
bersicht 7

The Old City 79


Jami Masjid Ahmed Shah 80
Sidi Sayyeds Mosque Sidi Sayyed 81
Chabutra - bird feeding places 82
Hathee Singh temple Seth Hathee Singh 83
nstitute of Indology Balkrishna V. Doshi 85
C.E.P.T. - School of Architecture Balkrishna V. Doshi 87
Premabhai Hall Balkrishna V. Doshi 91
Sangath Balkrishna V. Doshi 93
Amdavad ni Gufa Balkrishna V. Doshi, M. F. Hussain 97
Gandhi Sabarmati Ashram Charles Correa 101
Cricket Stadium and Sports Complex Charles Correa 103
Mill Owners Association Building Le Corbusier 105
Villa Sarabhai Le Corbusier 109
Villa Shodan Le Corbusier 113
Sanskar Kendra Museum Le Corbusier 117
I.I.M. - Institute of Indian Management Louis I. Kahn, Bimal Patel 121
Ahmedabad Management Association Bimal Patel 125
Sabarmati Riverfront Project HCP Design and Project Management 127
The House of the Architect Bimal Patel 129
Prathama Blood Centre Matharoo Associates 131

UMGEBUNG AHMEDABAD
Step-wells 133
Ruda Baoli step-well 135
Complex of Sarkhej-Roza 139

JAIN
Der Jaintempel 143
Satrunjaya temple city 145

ANHANG
Geschichte Indiens 149
Architektonisches Glossar 152
Kulinarisches Glossar 155
The Architecture of Kanvinde, Doshi, and 9
Correa in Political and Social Context
James Belluardo

The enormous changes that have transformed the world in the


last fifty years are especially evident in the situation of India. In
the period following its independence from British rule in 1947,
the nation was dominated by a strong belief in the ability of
technology to advance the cause of democracy. By the 1960s,
however, a disenchantment with scientific solutions had taken
hold in some segments of Indian society, and by the 1970s and
1980s a renewed interest in values rooted in the past came to
the fore. In recent years India has regained a new confidence in
science, this time without the idealistic underpinnings of the
earlier period. Throughout the postcolonial era, the work of three
architects in particular - Achyut Kanvinde, Balkrishna Doshi, and
Charles Correa - has both reflected and helped define and highlight
the social, cultural and economic issues the country has faced.

Politically, Indias major priority at the time of its independence


was the consolidation and transformation of the Indian
states into a modern nation. Once the British had left and the
subcontinent had been partitioned into India and East and West
Pakistan, the government was confronted with the need to
create a sense of national identity. In contrast to Pakistan, India
did not have a common religion as a basis for unity. Moreover,
the distinct characters of the many regions of the country
tended to militate against evolution of a common identity.

In the years following World War II, India occupied a


prominent place in the international community. The National
Movements successful use of a policy of non-violence to
achieve independence gave the country a moral authority,
and independent Indias policy of nonalignment, while seen
as a provocation by the great powers that had emerged
from the war, served to underscore the countrys autonomy
and made it a model for other former colonies gaining their
independence from the West. India benefited from policies
of the newly established United Nations, along with various
other agencies created at the time, that supported economic,
social, and political development to achieve universal parity.

The vision of Indias first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, guided


the nation into the modern era. With wa population of 350 million
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in 1947, India was the second largest country in the world after industrialized nations that had been devastated by the war would
China. Nehru wanted international recognition for his country be rapidly rebuilt and embark on great economic expansion. The
commensurate with its history and its potential for development, abstracted, universal vocabulary of modern architecture seemed
and he sought to harness Indias great resources to position it to offer a path to a future of prosperity and international amity.
alongside the United States, the Soviet Union, Europe, and China
in shaping the future. The new government made self-reliance These qualities of modern architecture offered India the
a major goal, to prove to the world and to the country itself possibility of meeting its own construction needs, as well
that Indias poverty and economic backwardness had resulted as participating along with the industrialized nations in the
from colonial rule. This was an important nationalist cause and commitment to progress. A great deal had to be built in India
it now had to be acted upon. Nehru created a centralized state within a short period of time; the sense of urgency left little
to launch India on a massive nationalized project of large-scale time for young architects to debate architectural issues or
industrial development that included the construction of dams, evolve a theoretical approach to design. The Modern Movement
mines, factories, and institutes of technology. Nehru believed offered India a vision of the future based on a functionalist
that communal unrest grew out of economic injustice, and that language that was free of colonial associations and of reference
the secular and socialist state, investing in technology, would to specific religious or ethnic traditions. The recent memory of
be able to erase both of these curses together. In post-colonial the agonizing partition of the subcontinent, and the demands
India, scientific knowledge was given priority over traditional of the secular state, called into question the value of Indias
learning, centers for scientific study and research were given architectural heritage for use in the present. Modern architecture
a privileged position in society, and engineers were accorded a seemed to promise exciting possibilities for the expression
high status. After centuries of colonization, in 1947 India was off of Indias newly formed identity, and its clean, efficient forms
to a fresh start. were easily understood by the technocrats who made decisions
for the state to advance industry, commerce, and science.
Although Mahatma Gandhi gave Nehru his support, their views
on Indias future differed sharply. Gandhi advocated a return to Achyut Kanvinde was to playa crucial role in making modern
the traditional values of the village. The goal of his emotional architecture an important part of Indian life. He had studied
appeal to tradition-tempered with social reforms on matters architecture at the JJ School of Art in Bombay - at independence,
such as attitudes towards the untouchables and sanitary habits- the only school of architecture in India - before being sent by
was to promote self-sufficiency at the local level. He believed the government in 1945 to study at the Harvard University
that industrial technology, and not just those who controlled Graduate School of Design, then headed by Walter Gropius.
it, was the root cause of Indias poverty. Despite the powerful Like Kanvinde, many Indian architects of his generation went
impact of Gandhis message, however, Nehrus vision ultimately to the United States for further education. While Englands
prevailed. To prosper, the nation was convinced, India would have former colonies often maintained close ties with the British,
to break with the past. especially in educating their elites, many Indian architects were
attracted to the very progressive architectural community in the
United States in those years. The attractiveness of the U.S. was
Modern Architecture and India enhanced by the fact that it was still perceived as a former colony
that had proved its greatness, an achievement India hoped to
Modern architecture spread rapidly throughout the world in the duplicate. Since President Franklin D. Roosevelt had supported
years immediately following World War II. Because its functionally Indias independence in spite of Winston Churchills opposition,
and structurally-determined forms and spaces made little and America was then promoting an anti-colonial foreign
reference to traditional architecture, it too represented a fresh policy, studying in the U.S. seemed all the more appropriate.
start. Using modernist forms and new construction technologies,
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Kanvinde returned to India in September 1947, barely a month references in architecture, Nehru pointed out that The past was
after independence, and immediately was assigned such major good when it was the present, but you cannot bring it forward
commissions as the Ahmedabad Textile Industrys Research when the world has changed into a technological period.
Association and the Physical Research Laboratory. Well equipped There would be no national policy to impose an Indian style.
with the language of modernism, Kanvinde, along with fellow
architects Habib Rahman and Jeet Lal Malhotra, introduced the Kanvindes decision to set up private practice in New Delhi
Modern Movement to India some years before the arrival of Le in 1955, with Shaukat Rai and (later) Morad Chowdhury, was
Corbusier and Louis Kahn.Strongly influenced by Gropius,Kanvinde propitious for the continuing role he would playas a strong
believed that the visual language of modern architecture was proponent of modernism. As the newly-formed Indian
based upon a scientific understanding that could be grasped by all government in New Delhi, guided by Nehrus centralization
cultures in the same way. They shared the midtwentieth century policies, became the major client for new construction, New
belief that science was at the core of all understanding, that its Delhi had quickly become the center of architectural activity.
appeal was universal, and that it was able to transcend cultural Although most building continued under the Public Works
boundaries. Science, through technology, could respond to the Department (PWD), a governmental agency inherited from the
needs of all Indians without privileging one group over another. British and dominated by engineers, commissions were also
given to architects in private practice. The office of Kanvinde
In the mid-1950s there was,however,some strong opposition to the Rai and Chowdhury received commissions for projects - many
Modern Movement in India. Among the leaders of the opposition to address Indias industrial possibilities - of large scale on tight
was Claude Batley, a British architect who continued as director of schedules that demanded an organized construction industry.
the JJ School. A campaign was mounted for a legislated national
style for architecture, based on traditional Indian motifs. While Traditional ways of building could not meet the needs
on the one hand the idea of a national style echoed approaches of a nation anxious to participate in a world undergoing
adopted in the Soviet Union and China, in India the notion that rapid industrialization. Kanvinde played a crucial role in the
decorative and compositional motifs were adequate to creation transformation of building from a manual trade to an organized
of a national style was characteristic of the British attitude industry based upon a new division of labor. He worked with
toward Indian architecture. The British had typically appropriated materials suppliers and major contractors to develop materials
compositional devices from Indias past for use on buildings and methods for large-scale construction, and he also was a critical
that were designed according to Western spatial concepts. figure in enhancing the status and defining the responsibilities
of architects. In 1974, Kanvinde became first member of the
Some young architects became aware of the proposed mandate newly-established New Delhi Urban Arts Commission, which
for a national style and were very disturbed by its implications. gave accredited architects sole authority to submit drawings
Kanvinde was able to arrange a meeting with Nehru in order for buildings. Legislation to establish the Commission was
to present his strong opposition to such action. Nehru listened. passed by Parliament as the result of efforts of Pilu Modi, an
architect who entered politics. Until that time, draftsmen and
In March 1959, in an inaugural address delivered to a conference engineers, as well as architects, were able to submit drawings
on modern architecture, Nehru aligned himself with the of buildings for approval by appropriate authorities.
modernist cause. At this important occasion, convened by
Kanvinde and held at the Lalit Kala Akademi in New Delhi, Throughout his long practice,which remains active today,Kanvinde
Nehru, in his only direct address to architects, stated,You has continued to deliver straightforward, well-constructed
cannot isolate architecture from the age, from the social buildings that meet the needs of his clients. He has remained
conditions, from the thinking, from the objectives and ideals committed to the noble values of modernism, and his work has
of that particular age. To those who favored using historical
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consistently avoided reference to historic forms. Although his sorts right after Indias independence, it now became a measure
professional life has been occupied with the building of Nehrus of Indias economic backwardness. A vast chasm existed between
vision for a modern India, his home life remains respectful of the industrialized and developing nations, now commonly
traditions from his familys humble origins. A true self-effacing referred to as the First and Third Worlds, with the Second World, or
modesty, stemming from Gandhis values, defines the man communist nations,keeping a respectable distance from theThird.
himself. In addition, it is through his inherent generosity that
a number of talented young architects, not necessarily sharing In addition, it should be noted that modern architecture in
his views, have received their first important commissions. India was not always successful. The process of standardization,
integral to the Modern Movement and central to the revitalization
In 1993, Kanvinde agreed to accept a pro bono commission to of Indias construction industry, never was fully accomplished
build the ISKCON temple complex for the followers of Srila in the decades following independence. In fact, the quality
Prabhupada in New Delhi. With a conscious and deliberate use of building construction had declined, so much so that by the
of symbols to express character in religious architecture, and 1960s modern architecture was seen by many as a formulaic
drawing inspiration from eleventh-century temples in Orissa, way of building cheaply and quickly. There were numerous
Kanvinde produced a design that is in marked contrast to all his examples of modern buildings in urban India that gave validity
previous work, but not inconsistent with his design philosophy. to this perception. Furthermore, a number of Indians saw the
At the ISKCON temple complex, a symbolic use of space, structure Modern Movement as a continuation of Western dominance, a
and elaborate decoration achieves its vital meaning in the present new form of cultural imperialism. Nevertheless, in those years
because it has been carried forward directly from the past. modernist architecture was officially regarded as representative
of the nations progress. This image was continually encouraged
Kanvinde has always been troubled by the use of traditional in order to attract foreign investment and aid, which many
forms in non-traditional buildings. For him form is not value-free; political leaders, Nehru among them, actively sought.
he believes that architects need to consider the religious aspects
of buildings that were created within a particular context. By the 1970s, serious questioning of modernisms validity
Kanvinde, like Nehru, has sought to keep the secular and religious and success had spread world-wide, along with doubts
realms separate. He sees the past as specific and as understood about the notion of progress itself, and dependence on
differently by various groups. It was this dilemma of specific advanced technology. As in the nineteenth century, many in
pasts that troubled the first generation of post-colonial Indian the West turned now to India as a repository of values that
architects who experienced first-hand the horrors of Partition. It had been ignored in the rise of industrialization. They looked
is also a current problem, with the open exploitation of religion to India to fulfill spiritual needs and to seek inspiration in
by political groups and the disturbing rise of sectarian violence. Gandhis teachings, which were central to Martin Luther
King and the civil rights movement in the United States.

Reassessing the Present and the Past Fortunately Nehrus policies, while emphasizing growth and
technology, had not sought to eradicate traditional culture, as
By the late 1960s, it was clear that Nehrus ambitions for India Chinas modernization policies had. While a clean line was drawn
had been overly optimistic. Europe and Japan had recovered from between the past and the present,crafts continued to exist and were
the destruction of the war. India, however, still lagged behind encouraged by state subsidies. Gandhis India of village culture,
in establishing a prosperous industrial state. Many problems, although marginalized by Nehrus vision, endured. This general
including a soaring population, illiteracy, territorial vastness, and atmosphere would lead to the attempt by many architects to use
isolation of communities, plus political corruption, prevented traditional forms and technologies for nontraditional buildings.
quick advancement. While the West had been seen as a partner of
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For many Indian architects, Bauhaus functionalism was made architecture of ambiguous spaces that seeks to activate the
obsolete by the example of Le Corbusier and later of Louis Kahn, psyche, while also providing a sense of security and well-being.
both of whom built major projects in South Asia during the 1950s
and 1960s. Le Corbusier sought to give India an architecture that Doshis first project that sought to integrate his studies
referred to its particular spirit, quite unlike the more scientific and was Sangath (1979-81), his studio west of Ahmedabad.
universal Bauhaus model. His sketchbooks, with their recording Sangaths organic formal values establish, through a process
of bulls horns, industrial cooling towers, vernacular scenes, and of abstraction, multiple associations and orderings that
miniature paintings, form a visual record of his wide-ranging build upon an understanding of what informed the past
observations in India. He showed architects how they could make and eschew overt references that would give the work
their own, rooted expression while using modernist language. an obvious Indian identity. In this work, Doshi succeeds
in transforming the past into something totally new. Sangath
Balkrishna Doshi, who worked on Chandigarh in Le Corbusiers also expresses Doshis understanding of the spiritual value of
atelier in Paris and oversaw construction of his buildings in craft, which he used to further develop a modern vocabulary.
Ahmedabad, adopted the masters method of making notations There is for Doshi, as there was for the traditional Indian
in sketchbooks, writing essays, creating study models, and architect, a unity of purpose in the thinking and the making
painting. His early works attempted to extend Le Corbusiers of architecture. Sangaths vaulted forms, set in a garden,
formal vocabulary. In a search for an architecture that would result in an evocative and sensuous architecture. This craft
have the most resonance for India, Doshi looked to Indias quality is closely tied to scale, and Doshis Gandhi Labour
past. But his focus was on space and how it was experienced, Institute (1980-84), located a kilometer away from Sangath,
not on the design motifs that had intrigued the British. which makes use of similar forms and materials, reveals the
limitation of craft production when adopted for large projects.
In the early 1970s, Doshi immersed himself in a deep study
of Indias religious practices and their meaning for the built Like Le Corbusier, Doshi has produced an oeuvre that covers a wide
environment. Doshi lamented the contemporary emphasis range of building types and scales. Prominent in his work is his
on the secular over the sacred, and sought to understand effort to understand and address the need to provide housing for
the basic principles that shaped Indian society. Architecture, Indias masses. In rural areas, poor people have traditionally built
he believed, should grow from a cultures roots; for Doshi their own shelters. When they migrate to cities, it is impossible
the meaning of space could only be discovered through an for the government to house all; many end up in squatter
understanding of the rituals that bring dignity to everyday settlements. Since the 1970s, non -governmental organizations,
life. Indeed, he maintained, the strength of Indias spirit would including the World Bank, have been involved in development
survive in the rituals of its people. In this way India could be a schemes to provide housing for Indias destitute. In an effort to
rich country; poverty is not the absence of material success of take care of the most urgent needs of sanitation and public access,
the West, but the loss of significant meaning in the present. programs providing sites and services have been implemented.
With an emphasis on quantity, they have mostly resulted in
While he rejected Nehrus clear distinction between the the stringing out of services along the most efficient route.
past and present, Doshi nevertheless felt that segments of
the past that were no longer viable should be discarded. Doshis settlement plan for Aranya, carried out with the Vastu-
He valued modernist architecture, but believed it should be Shilpa Foundation, seeks to expand the concept of sites and
adapted to an Indian way of life. Modern forms could renew services and create a new model for the architects role in
traditions and sustain the vitality of traditional values. Doshis housing, as the supporter of peoples initiative to build for
concern was not to create a style, but to support an ethos themselves. Through intelligent planning of the site, and through
that acknowledges Indias complexities. This led him to an the creation of mechanisms to encourage residents in their own
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efforts, the architect can structure space to address community and also recalled the Art Deco buildings featured prominently
issues and strengthen a social framework. Aranya is about creating along Bombays Marine Drive. This material provided a
social structures; for Doshi this is ultimately tied to his growth spirit to his work that was both modern and traditional,
as an architect through a deepening of social engagement. and emphasized his interest in shaping dramatic spaces,
rather than expressing structure or the construction process.
In his pivotal role as a founder, teacher and the architect
of Ahmedabads Centre for Environmental Planning and Over the last several decades Correa has evolved an approach to
Technology (CEPT), Doshi has profoundly affected the design that draws upon traditional Indian forms and ordering
way young Indian architects design and think about devices, which he uses to create buildings that are nonetheless
architecture. His friendships with internationally known unmistakably modern. Correas interest in the multiple meanings
architects such as Christopher Alexander, and CEPTs of architectural form was vividly illustrated in the architecture
exchange programs with schools in Zurich, Philadelphia, and exhibition Vistara, which he directed as part of the Festival of
Syracuse, have enabled many Indian students to become India in 1983. The Festival, which traveled to Europe, Japan, and
acquainted with diverse approaches to modern architecture. the United States, was launched by the government of India to
communicate the countrys cultural and spiritual values and to
Doshis project for the Bharat Diamond Bourse (1992-ongoing) display its rich craft heritage. It brought about a renewed respect
in Mumbai (Bombay) is the largest private undertaking in post- for genuine folk art both in India and abroad. Correas architecture
colonial India. Here he utilizes highly technological materials section presented a comprehensive survey of Indias architecture
to realize an architecture that aspires to be considered as an that included great monuments of the past, vernacular buildings,
equal to recent work in the industrialized world. It expresses colonial and modern works, including Le Corbusiers and
a confidence in the present that many Indians also share. Still, Kahns, and a selection of projects from Indias contemporary
the need for the past as a steadying influence amid the fast architects. Instead of being treated as a succession of styles,
moving events and uprooting of values in the present remains Indian architecture was seen as representative of three themes:
strong. While the outward appearance of the Diamond Bourse mandala, where architecture is an analogue to the cosmos,
may appear Western, it has a spatial quality that is not forced manusha, in which architecture is the measure of man, and
for the sake of visual gymnastics, but responds to the differing manthana, which involves the absorption of new myths into an
ways in which Indians and Westerners perceive and use space. existing construct.The continuity of myth, and its appearance and
reappearance in Indian design, he felt, allowed the development
of an architecture using concepts that guided the past.
A Different Approach to Past and Present
The culmination of Correas polysemous approach to
Another architect of particular importance to Indias maturation architecture is the Jawahar Kala Kendra, an arts center in Jaipur
in architecture and planning is Charles Correa. In his earliest (1986-1992). Using a modern structure to carry references to
projects, Correa, like many architects of his generation, the past, Correa employs a literal iconography that gives a
shows a debt to the work of Le Corbusier and Kahn. His brick clearly recognizable Indian identity to this work. The entrance,
and concrete clustered pavilions for the Gandhi Smarak the dome of which mimics a Buddhist stupa (traditionally a
Sangrahalaya (1958-63), for example, refer directly to Kahns form to be circumambulated, not entered), is decorated on the
Bath House for the Jewish Community Center in Trenton, New underside with a Jain cosmological diagram. This introduces
Jersey (1954-1959). By the late 1960s the use of exposed brick visitors to a building that juxtaposes the symbols of many
and concrete had become ubiquitous among Indian architects. different traditions. Correas architecture fosters in the observer
Correa had by then begun to favor smooth stucco surfaces. continuous changes of perception, produced by the use of forms
This expressed his growing interest in vernacular architecture and references in settings quite different from those in which
15

they were traditionally experienced. This approach acknowledges Landscape, Correa further developed his analysis. He drew
the constant reinterpretation of the past in the postmodern lessons for architects and planners from the inventiveness
world; it is also unsettling to some, who are uncomfortable with which squatters provide shelter for themselves.
seeing such literal references outside their accustomed contexts. Correa argued for disaggregation of the physical needs
of the city, in order to open the eyes of architects, planners,
In recent work Correa has tapped into the richness of India by and politicians to the importance of localized, small-scale
involving artists in his architectural projects. Generally they solutions. His book addressed the problems of Third World
are brought into the project to enliven stucco surfaces and cities in general, with an optimistic and urgent plea for
occasionally to make free-standing elements, such as the oversize transformation of the standard processes of urban development.
figures in a courtyard of his Inter- University Centre for Astronomy
and Astrophysics in Pune (1988-92). The most compelling Starting with his participation in a group of twelve international
example of the collaboration between architect and artist occurs architects invited by the United Nations and the government
at the British Council building in New Delhi (1987-92), executed of Peru to design low-cost housing in Lima in 1969, Correa
with the English painter Howard Hodgkin. Here, Hodgkins black has helped set up a dialogue among architects of the
shadows of a Banyan tree are projected in three dimensions to developing world. This has helped to shift the attention of
activate Correas symmetrical entrance facade. The application Indias architects from a predominantly Western bias. Today
of bold marble inlay refers to its traditional use in Mughal Correa continues his active participation in the international
architecture. As in the past, architecture and art are successfully architectural community. Frequently abroad, speaking at
integrated, to a degree that rarely occurs in modern buildings. conferences, delivering lectures, acting on juries and teaching,
he has worked to promote an international awareness of Indias
Correa has also played an important role in helping to shape particular situation in the modern world, and of the possibility
thinking about Indias cities. While significant economic of an architecture that is both modern and recognizably Indian.
progress has taken place in India since independence, gross Although much attention has recently focused on Indias
economic inequality remains. Massive influxes of poor people traditions, the nation is still involved with its project of
from rural areas into the cities have created tremendous modernization, which has built a powerful industrial force.
problems of shelter, sanitary services, and transportation. Modernism has taken root in India, even if not as completely
Nowhere is this more evident than in Bombay, Indias largest as in the West. However, it is no longer the overwhelming
city and commercial capital. Correa recognized early on that the and singular commitment that was defined by the West
primary requirement for any solution to this situation was the and appeared in the early years after independence.
development of the political will to confront it, and to change
the underlying patterns of land use that reinforced inequitable
development. In 1964, Correa, Pravina Mehta, and Shiresh India Now
Patel proposed the creation of New Bombay across the harbor
from the existing city, as a way to reduce the concentration of Over the past decade, structural adjustments in the Indian
job opportunities in the existing central business district that economy have created vast changes in the way of life of many
produced high land prices, and, accordingly, made the provision of its inhabitants. Nehrus ambition for self-sufficiency and the
of decent housing to much of the population impossible. From socialist goal of economic equality prevalent at independence
1971 to 1974, Correa served as chief architect to the government have given way to increasing participation in the world
authority established to implement the New Bombay plan, and marketplace. No longer is Indias economy seen as internal to
in that capacity elaborated his ideas for the reallocation of land the nation. A rising middle class, caught up in the international
uses and the creation of a new transportation infrastructure. mood of consumption, is creating a new national image
In direct, non-technical language in his 1985 book The New that links India with the most recent technological advances
16

taking place in the West and Asia. Cities such as Bangalore Modernism is a vital part of Indias contemporary character.
are positioning themselves within the highly competitive Its energies are not exhausted; its rigor and ability to cross
global market as new Silicon Valleys, and a very visible borders continue to be relevant. Today, the global and the local
segment of urban India is geared to capitalize on the nations have become inextricably intertwined; influences from East
gains in education, especially its achievements in science. and West are intermingled. All contribute to the fluidity that
has always been India, whose identity has never been fixed.
While the government remains active as a client for architects,
it no longer plays the dominant role that it did in the early years
after independence, when it was the major director of Indias vast
building program. Now, private developers have taken over this
role in order to meet the needs of the growing market. Both their
number and the number of architects have grown substantially.
In response to the demand for architects, numerous private
schools of architecture, many established by the construction
industry, have appeared in urban centers. Today there are
more than ninety schools of architecture in India, and most
graduating architects enter into private practice rather than the
governments Public Works Department. The Indian architecture
profession has indeed gained its independence from engineering.

As activists, Kanvinde, Doshi, and Correa have played major parts


in shaping the architectural profession and society. They have
helped to establish the multiplicity of roles that are possible
for architects in India today, prime among these being the
relationship to the countrys poor, especially in urban areas.
As practicing architects, each has gone beyond the formal
boundaries of the Modern Movement to evolve a personal
approach that acknowledges Indian traditions. For Achyut
Kanvinde, the past remains secure within the domain of the
home and religion, separate from the material world of the
state and the economy. This separate co-existence represents a
modern division of Indian life that was accepted at independence
to safeguard the new institution of democracy. Balkrishna Doshi
has endeavoured to bridge modern architecture to a lived and
unconscious India. He relies not upon images of the past and is
in fact confident that meaningful rituals can be best supported by
modern forms.His architecture is deepened by associations to local
customs. In the work of Charles Correa, the past and present stand
juxtaposed. Both have entered the imagination of this architect
who connects to a literate and self- conscious India. His strong
and dramatic modern spaces draw on traditional understanding
and supplement the past with a new set of associations.
Charles Correa 17

Correa began his private practice in 1958 in Bombay, after


receiving his architectural education at the University of
Michigan and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
In 1964-5 he prepared an alternate Master Plan (with
Pravina Mehta and Shiresh Patel) proposing New Bombay,
as a twin city to Bombay. From 1971-74 he served as Chief
Architect to CIDCO, the agency responsible for the planning
of New Bombay; in 1985 he became Chairman of the
National Commission on Urbanization for the Government
of India. His numerous honors include the RIBA Gold
Medal (1984), the Gold Medal of the UIA (1990), and the
www.charlescorrea.net Praemium Imperiale of the Japan Art Association (1994)
In his role as urban designer and theorist, Correa has
confronted the condition of constantly escalating
urbanization as the most urgent problem affecting
not only India but much of Asia. His pioneering work
on the planning of New Bombay entailed making
a bold response to the need for economical forms
of mass transportation and to the provision of new
work centers and viable forms of inexpensive low-rise
housing. Throughout his prolific writing Correa has
eloquently addressed the issues of ecology, urbaniza-
tion, and housing form. His polemical and compelling
book The New Landscape (1985) articulates his concerns
and proposals for the urbanization of the Third World.

Correas early work reflected the influence of Le


Corbusier, particularly through his use of bold inventive
Born 1930, Secunderahad, Andhra Pradesh forms that responded to the particular climate
and needs of India. The Kanchanjunga Tower, a tall
Charles Correa has responded to the challenge of addressing building for a hot-humid region, is a demonstration
the vastly diver-gent architectural tasks that confront modern of Correas early dictum form follows climate.
India. His wide architectural production ranges from major His later characterization of the climatic milieu of India,
public institutions to tne planning of cities, from laying out particularly his celebration of open-to-sky space, led
low-income settlements to the design of luxurious hotels. him away from his earlier, more technical preoccupations
From his earliest projects, Correa has taken an exploratory towards his current concern for integrating appropriate
approach, making continually fresh combinations out of tectonic form with ritual pathways and mytho-symbolic
the new and the old, the monumental and the folk, the iconography, particularly in the Jawahar Kala Kendra
inventive and the referential. His bold and dramatic composi- (1992). Through such an iconographic approach, Correa has
tions in form, color and space, combined with the incorporation attempted to resuscitate the sacred in architecture as a way of
of traditional iconography, have enabled him to make reconciling the language of modernism with the pervading
extremely rich interpretations of traditional Indian paradigms. and persisting sense of the spiritual in Indian culture.
18 Balkrishna V. Doshi

In 1962 Doshi acted as a founding member and the


first director of the School of Architecture and Planning
in Ahmedabad (1962), the first part of the Centre
for Environmental Planning and Technology (CEPT).
His design for the School of Architecture is an
interpretation of Le Corbusier and Kahn in a way that is
specific to India. He has maintained a long relationship
with CEPT and is greatly respected as a teacher.

The Indian Governments policy in the early 1960s


of regional industrialization afforded Doshi his
first opportunity to design new settlements at a large scale,
www.sangath.org which was the impetus for his study of the spatial patterns of
traditional Indian villages and towns. This period also marked the
completion of several monumental civic buildings, including the
Central Bank of India and Premabhai Hall, both in Ahmedabad. In
the early 1970s Doshi immersed himself in a study of traditional
Born 1927, Pune, Maharashtra Indian philosophy and ancient texts on architecture. The Indian
Institute of Management at Bangalore (1977-85) reinterprets
Balkrishna Doshi describes his approach to architecture as yogic, principles that have organized some of the great buildings of
that is, seeking the harmony of mans inner and outer needs, the past. Sangath (1979-81), his own studio west of Ahmedabad,
and binding the individual to the community. For Doshi, Indias exemplifies his deep concern for maintaining his Indian
greatness lies in its rituals, which continue to bring dignity roots while remaining committed to a modern vocabulary.
and meaning to everyday life through an intuitive response Sangath also provides space for the Vastu -Shilpa Foundation,
to environment. The contemporary emphasis on the secular which Doshi set up in 1978 to promote a rigorous inquiry
has lost touch with an awareness of the sacred. Through his into Indias past and present complexities. Through research,
understanding of the principles that have shaped society, Doshi publications and seminars, this organization continues to
finds inspiration for new forms that acknowledge tradition provide a multi-disciplinary understanding of the way in which
but reconsider it in order to keep it vital for the present age. architecture in a broad sense is relevant to the community.

Doshi was formed as an architect in Le Corbusiers atelier in Paris, The early 1980s brought Doshi to design a new township
where he worked on the new city of Chandigarh and the Millowners at Aranya, near Indore, which allows a built-in flexibility for
Association Building in Ahmedabad. He returned to India in 1955 individual expression within a community organization, and
to oversee construction on these works and in the following year at Vidyadhar Nagar, on the outskirts of Jaipur, which evokes
set up his own practice in Ahmedabad. His first commission, a cosmic order in its reference to the mandala, the same device
low- cost housing settlement for ATIRA (Ahmedabad Textile that inspired the historic citys 18th century plan. While Doshi
Industrys Research Association), was followed by the Institute remains committed to Indian tradition as the generator of
of Indology. Both were strongly influenced by the architecture form, his recent projects for the National Institute of Fashion
of Le Corbusier. In 1962, he was instrumental in bringing Louis Technology (1991-95) in New Delhi and the Bharat Diamond
Kahn to Ahmedabad in order to design the Indian Institute of Bourse (1992-ongoing) in Bombay welcome the use of
Management. Kahns work and presence had a great impact on highly technical materials at a time when many in India are
Doshis architecture, both in a theoretical and practical sense. anxious to participate more actively on the world market.
Bimal Patel 19

born 1961

studied and graduated Philosophy, Architecture, City and


Regional Planning, University of California, Berkeley, USA

since 1985 professional practise with Mis. Hasmukh C. Patel,


Architects and Planners, Ahmedabad

since 1996 Managing Director, Environmental Planning


Collaborative, Ahmedabad
www.hcp.co.in
since 2000 Director of HCP Design and Project Management
Pvt. Ltd., Ahmedabad

since 2001 Director of Geographis (India) Pvt. Ltd., Ahmedabad

has been awarded with the World Architecture Award, 2001, the
Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1992 and others

2002-2004 Member Board of Studies, Urban and Regional


Planning Programme, School of Planning, Center for
Environmental Planning and Technology, Ahmedabad.

2002 Member of the Justice J.U. Mehta Committee for


recommending reforms in the Building Regulatory System in
Ahmedabad.

2003 Prime Ministers National Award for Excellence in Urban


Planning and Design

2008 CED Distinguished Alumnus Awards, UC, Berkeley


20 Louis I. Kahn

Wohnverhltnisse, planten Wohnungsbau,


erarbeiteten Studien ber Stadteplanung
und Slum-Sanierung, erforschten neue
Konstruktionsmethoden usw.
1935 Einschreibung im American Institute of Architects.
Wird als Architekt selbstndig
1937 Beratender Architekt bei der Wohnungsbaubehrde
Philadelphias
1939 Beratender Architekt bei der Wohnungsbaubehrde
der USA
1941-42 Architekturbro mit George Howe als Partner
1942-43 Architekturbro mit George Howe und Oscar
Stonorov als Partner
1946-52 Beratender Architekt der Stadtplanungskommission
Philadelphias
1950-51 Schularchitekt der American Academy in Rom
Biographie 1959 Schlurssreferat am Zehnten CIAM-Kongrerss in
Louis Isidore Kahn wurde am 20. Februar 1901 auf der Insel Otterlo, Niederlande
Osel in Estland geboren. Seine Familie wanderte 1905 nach den 1960 Teilnahme an der Welt-Entwurfskonferenz in Tokio
Vereinigten Staaten aus. Am 17. Mrz 1974 starb er an einem 1961 Beratender Architekt der Stadtplanungskommission
Herzschlag in der Pennsylvania Station in New York, auf dem Philadelphias
Rckweg von einer Reise nach Indien. 1962 Jahresvortrag am Royal Institute of British Architects
Sein Leben war an Ereignissen reich. Im folgenden fhren wir in London
die wichtigsten Stationen seiner Karriere als Architekt und als 1968 Mitglied der Kunstkommission von Philadelphia
Lehrer auf.

Akademische Karriere
Ausbildung und berufliche Karriere 1947-57 Professor fur Architektur an der Yale-Universitt.
1912-20 Besuch der Central High School und der Hauptprofessor fur Entwurfskritik
Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. 1956 Professor der A. F. Bennis-Stiftung an der Schule fur
Erhielt zahlreiche Auszeichungen fr Zeichnungen Architektur und Planung, M.I.T.
und Gemld 1957 Professor fur Architektur an der Universitat von
1920-24 Universitt von Pennsylvanien, Bachelor of Pennsylvanien
Architecture. 1960 Vorlesungen an den Universitten Yale, Harvard,
1925-26 Im Bro von John Molitor, wo Kahn Entwurfs- von Kalifornien, Houston, North Carolina und an
Chef fr die Hundertfnfzigjahrfeier der der Tulane-Universitt. Fakul-ttsmitglied an der
amerikanischen Unabhngigkeit wurde. Princeton-Universitt.
1928-29 Reisen in Europa 1962 Vorlesungen in Philadelphia, Ontario und Chicago
1930 Begann im Bro von Paul P. Cret zu arbeiten 1966 Inhaber des Paul-Philippe-Cret-Lehrstuhls fur
1932-33 Organisator und Leiter der Architectural Architektur an der Universitt von Pennsylvanien
Research Group: Dreirssig arbeitslose Architekten 1971 Professor Emeritus des Paul-Philippe-Cret-Lehrstuhls
und Ingenieure untersuchten Philadelphias der Univer-sitat von Pennsylvanien
Le Corbusier 21

1922 Er publiziert seine stdtebauliche Konzeption in


Form eines Projekts einer Stadt fr drei Millionen
Einwohner, das Prinzip der Strahlenden Stadt.
Basis dieses Konzepts bilden die Trennung
von Auto- und Fugngerverkehr sowie die
Bebauung in Form von Growohneinheiten, in die
Versorgungs- und Dienstleistungseinrichtungen
integriert werden. Geometrische Grundformen
bilden ein wesentliches Element dieser
Entwicklung. Das Projekt wird weltweit kontrovers
diskutiert. Le Corbusier entwickelt die darin
enthaltenen Grundgedanken spter in zahlreichen
stdtebaulichen Projekten fr Algier, Antwerpen,
Bogot u.a. weiter.
1925 Auf der Pariser LExposition des Arts Dcoratifs
ist ein Pavillon Le Corbusier und seinen Freunden
gewidmet. Er wird LEsprit Nouveau betitelt.
1927 Le Corbusier beteiligt sich mit mehreren Entwrfen
am Bau der Stuttgarter Weienhofsiedlung.
1887 6. Oktober: Le Corbusier (eigtl. Charles Jeanneret) 1928 Le Corbusier ist Mitbegrnder der Congrs
wird als Sohn eines Designers und einer Internationaux dArchitecture Moderne (CIAM), die
Musiklehrerin in La Chaux-de-Fonds (Schweiz) ihre Tagungen bis in die 50er Jahre hinein abhalten.
geboren. ab 1929 Er ist als Stdteplaner in der ganzen Welt ttig
1900 Ausbildung als Graveur, Maler und Goldschmied an und errichtet bedeutende Grobauten wie das
der cole dArt in La Chaux-de-Fonds. Nachtasyl der Heilsarmee in Paris (1929-1933) und
ab 1904 Ausbildung zum Architekten an derselben das Schweizerische Haus der Cit universitaire in
Kunsthochschule. Paris (1930-1932).
1907-1911 Le Corbusier unternimmt eine ausgedehnte 1933 CIAM gibt in der Charta von Athen Leitstze fr
Studienreise durch Europa. Er arbeitet in den Stdtebau heraus.
zahlreichen Stdten, darunter Berlin, Dresden und 1936-194 Entwurf fr das Bildungsministerium in Rio de
Wien, in fhrenden Architekturbros. Janeiro.
1914 Er entwickelt ein Eisenbeton-Skelett-System 1943 Whrend des Zweiten Weltkriegs kehrt Le Corbusier,
Domino fr mehrgeschossige Bauten. Anhnger der franzsischen Vichy-Regierung, ins
Berufung auf einen Lehrstuhl der Kunsthochschule besetzte Paris zurck.
in La Chaux-de-Fonds. ab 1946 Nach dem Krieg weisen seine Bauten zunehmend
1917 bersiedlung nach Paris. skulpturale Formen auf.
1919 Grndung und Herausgabe der Zeitschrift LEsprit 1950-1954 Errichtung der Wallfahrtskirche Notre-Dame-du-
Nouveau. Haut in Ronchamp.
Er verffentlicht sein Manifest des Purismus. 1961-1964 Bau des Carpenter Center for Visual Arts der
Demnach ist das knstlerische Werk durch den Harvard University.
Umgang mit elementaren, geometrischen Formen 1965 27. August: Le Corbusier stirbt nahe Cap Martin bei
bestimmt. Nizza.
22

MALABAR HILL
Still relatively leafy and mostly populated by Jains,this is considered
to be the citys best address, though due to a surge in real-estate
prices, skyscrapers are fast replacing its bungalows. Outside the
Jain temple, however, life goes on, unaffected by these changes.
Every evening, local chefs really do hitch up their traditional
garb, squat under the banyan tree and contemplate the weather.
JUHU
Known for its endless beach, Juhu is also where most of
Bollywood finds itself, when not prancing around trees.
The contrast between the string of hotels and private
residences dotted along the beach and visiting hoi polloi, up
for the weekend, is testament to the extreme contradictions
that characterise modern Mumbai. Due east is Andheri,
where the international and domestic airports are located.
COLABA
Named after the Koli fishermen, the citys original inhabitants,
Colaba is Mumbais main tourist precinct and centre of the
modern city. The westward side of Cuffe Parade is home to the
citys bourgeoisie, and is full of hotels, restaurants, bars and
nightclubs that exude an international gloss. Only the Fort area
will satisfy any nostalgic yearnings for the old British Bombay.
Marine Drive allows one to regard Mumbai at its most ironic.
BANDRA
Mumbais MTV generation lives here in the new commercial
district and the Bandra Kurla complex, the stomping ground of
a new breed of yuppie. Currently the citys most favoured
suburb, with smart bars and a plethora of shops on Linking
Road, it indicates a marked shift in spending power. But
in the face of such rabid transformation, the bungalows
of Pali Hill have endured and remain well preserved.
DADAR
The residential quarters of Mumbais Maharashtrian population,
Dadar is also the stronghold of the local right-wing nationalist
party, the Shiv Sena. Shivaji Park, which was once famous as the
training ground of some of Indias greatest cricketers, is now a
platform for recruiting Hindu fundamentalists. Correspondingly,
Mahim, which is sandwiched next to Asias largest slum,
Dharavi, is where the citys Christian community collects itself.
BOMBAY 23

Einwohner 2005: 18,196 Mio.


Einwohner 2015 (Schtzung): 21,869 Mio.

Menschen pro qkm: 29 650 (am dichtesten besiedelte Stadt der


Welt; Berlin: 3850)

Anteil der Bewohner Mumbais, die in Slums wohnen: 54 %

Jhrliches durchschnittliches Pro-Kopf-Einkommen in Mumbai:


540 Euro

Platz in der Liste der lebenswertesten Stdte 2007: 151 von 215

Anteil der Bevlkerung Indiens, der in Slums lebt: 55 %

Landbesitzverhltnisse der Slums in Mumbai: privat 48 %,


Landesregierung 21 %, stdtisch 17,6 %, Zentralregierung 4,7 %,
Indian Railways 0,7 %, gemischt 7,7 %

Arbeitsweg in Mumbai: zu Fu 44 %; Zug 23 %, Bus 16 %;


eigenes Auto 2,7 %

Anteil Mumbais am BIP Indiens (geschtzt): 15 %

Anteil der 1-Personen-Haushalte: 1,1 % (Berlin: 51 %)

Anteil der Haushalte mit 8 oder mehr Personen: 3,2 %


Entstehung von Bombay 25

Imperial Ambitions Thane, to the north east of the islands, became an attractive
Portuguese explorers had already arrived in Goa in the 16th township of villages, temples and churches nestled between
century, on a mission to wrest control of the near-priceless spice lakes and coconut groves.
trade from the Arabs and win souls for Christendom. One of the For all the development, the Portuguese still didnt see much
first recorded visits of the Portuguese to Bombay was in 1508, trade potential in the area and it remained a backwater. Instead
when a ship halted briefly at Mahim Island while travelling to an it was their rivals, the British East India Company, who cast a
outpost at Diu in Gujarat. covetous eye over the area from their headquarters in Gujarat.
For the next two decades the Portuguese kept making short They considered it a perfect natural harbour for the Companys
visits to the islands and in 1532 they finally seized Bassein (now first Indian seaport. The main attraction of course was the
Vasai, just north of Mumbais municipal limits) from Sultan deep bay on the eastern waterfront overlooking the mainland.
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. From here the Portuguese took the The Surat outpost began pressing its London headquarters to
entire region, including the seven islands. At that time, the purchase the islands from the Portuguese. They finally got their
Arabian coast was a bustling region of trading ships and seaside hands on them in 1661, when they were given to King Charles
outposts. The Portuguese already possessed Goa, Daman and II as part of the dowry for his marriage to Portuguese princess
Diu, and Vasai became an important part of their maritime trade Catherine de Braganza. Apparently, Charles was not exactly sure
network. where his wedding present was; he initially thought that the
To protect their shipping routes, the Portuguese fortified the islands were somewhere in Brazil. In 1668, he leased the islands
islanded region, establishing cannon-equipped outposts at to the British East India Company for the sum of 10 pounds a year
Mahim, Sion, Bandra and of course in Bassein. It was around this and the Company quickly established a colony in and around an
time that the region got a new name - Ilha da Boa Vida, meaning existing Portuguese fort, which grew rapidly from 10,000 people
the island of good life in Portuguese. When the Portuguese first in 1661 to 60,000 by 1675.
came to the place they called Bandora, now Bandra, they found In 1687 the East India Company transferred its headquarters
an ideal spot: a strategically important point overlooking the from Surat to what the British now called Bombay.
sea, amply supplied with drinking water from nearby freshwater
springs. In 1640, they stationed a permanent garrison of troops Birth of a trade hub
here and built a small fort, which they called the Castella de Bombays early population mostly comprised Koli fisherfolk,
Aguada (The Water Point). Armed with a pair of cannons, the East India Company officials and migrants from Gujarat who
garrison kept watch over sea lanes crucial to Portuguese trading set up shop to service the outpost. Among the migrants were
interests. Anxious about the spiritual wellbeing of their troops, an emigre community of Iranian Zoroastrians known as Parsis,
they also built the Chapel of Nossa Senora de Monte (Our Lady who were to become a decisive commercial and political force
of the Mount) nearby and cut a road linking it to the fort. in Bombays development. That was foreshadowed earlier in the
Over the next 100 years the regions social history was shaped colonys history by the actions of a Parsi trader, Rustomji Dorabji:
by Portuguese religious, economic and political impulses just two years after the Company moved to Bombay, the outpost
and resembled other Portuguese outposts - including Goa was beset by a plague outbreak. At the same time, a nearby
and Daman in India and Malacca in Malaysia. Many village Africa-descended tribe called the Sidis launched an attack on the
communities from Mahim to Vasai converted to Christianity and colony from their base down the coast in Janjira (near present-
the landscape became punctuated with churches and chapels. -day Alibag). Despite the chaos caused by the plague, Dorabji
The Portuguese destroyed the Walkeshwar Temple, which was managed to raise an impromptu army from the local Kolis and
eventually rebuilt in 1715 by a wealthy Hindu trader. Over 350 repelled the Sidis in a counterattack - saving the colony and
years later, the Nossa Senora de Monte church - now known as killing the Sidi chief in the process.
Mount Mary: is still a place of worship. At the fort, only ruins That the size and influence of the Parsi presence was strong very
remain (now restored and home to a gorgeous amphitheatre). early in Bombays history is proved by the fact that a Tower of
26

Silence - a traditional Parsi funeral place, where bodies are left to


be consumed by vultures - was built on Malabar Hill in 1672.
In 1708 the first Parsi agiary (fire temple) was built - the Banaji
Limji Agiary - with a second in 1733. Two years later, the Parsis
set up a shipbuilding industry, which later became one of the
largest suppliers of ships to the British Royal Navy. A young Parsi
shipbuilder from Gujarat, Lowji Nusserwanji Wadia, was invited
to Bombay by the East India Company to build them ships, an
enterprise that led to the Wadia dynasty of shipbuilders.
The Parsis remained at the forefront of the citys development
and in 1777, its first newspaper, the Bombay Courier, was
published by Rustomji Keshaspathi. The citys main activity was
as an import-export hub: diamonds, tea, paper, porcelain, raw
silk, calicoes, pepper, herbs and drugs sailed out to Britain and
lead, quicksilver, woollen garments, hardware and bullion sailed
in. Bombays status was further boosted by an increase in cotton
trade with China after 1770, an exchange that continued over the
next century.
During this period the city saw a continuous migration of
traders from Surat, which further energised the economy. Some
historians suggest that the rise of Bombay as a successful
trading hub precipitated the decline of Surat, which soon lost
its cherished status as a major port. In subsequent years, the
islands began to attract many Gujarati traders (both Hindu and
Muslim), including Parsi shipbuilders from the mainland. Most
people lived in and around a fort at the heart of the colony,
originally built by the Portuguese and further developed by the
British. Known as Bombay Castle, it was essentially a walled
township in the area of the city today known as Fort. trade in 1813, encouraging even greater commercial expansion. A
A fragment of the fort wall still exists next to St Georges Hospital. few years later, a massive civil engineering project to reclaim land
By 1813, almost half of the 10,000 people who lived in the Fort from the sea was commissioned, its aim to fuse the disparate
area were Parsis. As it became more and more crowded and islands of Bombay into a single land mass. Over the next few
often prone to disease, its richer inhabitants began to move out decades, as the city took shape, a large middle-class population
to new townships beyond the walled city, building bungalows emerged that drove a huge demand for newspapers, schools and
and mansions in the citys first suburbs: Byculla, Mazgaon and colleges.
Malabar Hill. In 1822, Indias first Indian-language newspaper, the Gujarati
daily Mumbai Samachar, was published in Bombay. Still running
Shaping the city today, its the countrys oldest newspaper. The first copy of the
By the beginning of the 19th century, business in Bombay was Bombay Times (the forerunner of the Times of India) rolled
booming, so much so that in 1801 the British Government sent a off the presses in 1838. Grant Medical College was founded in
reporter to document the extent of the citys trade. His reports 1845 and within another 15 years, Wilson College and Bombay
convinced them to end the East India Companys monopoly on University were established. Other colleges like Elphinstone
27

College and St Xaviers went up within a decade. Both the Urbs prima in Indis
new media and colleges were largely patronised by children By 1845, the basis of a modern city had been created with
of Gujarati merchants and traders, the indigenous Christian land covering 170 square miles - a complex landscape of fields,
populations and Maharashtrians. Middle-class suburbs sprung coconut groves and outsize colonial structures, of cosmopolitan
up in the new neighbourhoods of Kalbadevi, Girgaum, Gowalia enclaves and sleepy villages. Bombay was the starting point of
Tank, Mohammed Ali Road, Thakurdwar and Walkeshwar. Indias first passenger railway line in 1853, connecting the city to
By the middle of the 19th century, the knitting together of Thane in Maharashtra.
Bombays islands through land reclamation was nearly complete. In the 1860s the British began a construction programme,
Causeways linked Bombay, Sion, Salsette and Colaba; Mahalaxmi erecting architecture that was designed to signal to the natives
and Worli were joined; and in 1845, Mahim and Bandra were that they were here to stay - a direct response to the Indian
connected by the Mahim causeway thanks to a rich Parsi - Lady uprising of 1857. Victoria Terminus, the Prince of Wales Museum,
Avabai Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy - who paid Rs 157,000 for it. Legend Bombay University, the General Post Office, the Old Customs
has it that she prayed at several religious sites for the survival of House, Elphinstone College, the Public Works Department
a sick child. When the child recovered after she prayed at Mount Building - all were begun in the 1860s. With typical imperial
Mary Church, Lady Avabai built the causeway to allow more hyperbole, they began to refer to Bombay as urbs prima in Indis
devotees access to the Virgin Mother without having to take a - the first city of India.
ferry. In 1864, The Bombay, Baroda and Central India Railway (later
As the physical landmass came together, Bombays political and merged with other railways to form what is now the Western
commercial links with the Empire were tightened. A regular Railway) were extended to Bombay, boosting the flow of cotton
steamship service between the city and London was established from the hinterlands. Cotton now dominated trade through
in 1843; fifteen years later, direct British Government control of Bombay. Raw cotton from Gujarat was shipped to Lancashire in
the Indian colony was established after the First War of Indian England, processed into cloth and then shipped back via Bombay
Independence (the Sepoy Mutiny) in 1857, which led to all of the to be resold in the Indian market. Although cotton trading was
East India Companys formal political powers being handed to the citys main activity, businessmen began to recognise that
the Crown. spinning the cotton themselves could make bigger profits. In
1854 a Parsi, Cowasji Nanabhai Davar, opened the first cotton
mill, The Bombay Spinning Mill.
It was met by vociferous opposition from Lancashire mill owners
anxious to avoid the outsourcing of the cotton spinning
business, and was only pushed through thanks to the influence
of the British manufacturers of the cotton looms. In 1870, around
13 mills were in operation in Bombay. The shipping of raw cotton
was still the main engine of the citys economy, however, and
it received a massive boost when the American Civil War broke
out in 1861. The war forced global markets to look for alternative
sources of cotton for the booming textile industries of Britain
and other countries in Europe. Bombay consequently became
the worlds foremost cotton supplier, with money pouring into
the city until the war ended in 1865.
Within a year of the wars end, however, most of the companies
were liquidated and many speculators went bankrupt. In spite
of this, the city continued to grow, using the wealth generated
28

during the boom to make itself over by shifting more and more
into cotton spinning. The citys strategic location as a trade hub
was given a further boost with the opening of the Suez Canal in
1869. By 1895 there were 70 mills in the city, rising to 83 in 1915
before stagnating in the global recession of the 1920s. Despite
continued British political control, Indian families owned most of
Bombays cotton mills. In 1925, only 15 mills were British-owned,
and even then the management was mostly Indian.
With the growth of the mills, Bombays population rapidly
increased as thousands of Maharashtrians migrated to the
city to work the looms. The workers, usually male, initially
lived in hostels and dormitories but eventually the chawl - a
tenement still in use today in which each family has one room,
with all sharing a common verandah and toilets - emerged as
basic housing for workers and their families. The workers settled
close to the mills, with new neighbourhoods springing up in
Byculla, Lalbaug, Parel and Worli. These neighbourhoods were team was called, and made up of, The Rest), never failing to
often referred to by one name - Girangaon - the Village of Mills. make headlines in city newspapers.
It was a dynamic cultural space and spawned generations of The British maintained their control in the city through a
writers, poets and dramatists in Marathi and Gujarati. As the city paradoxical combination of a reputation for fairness and a
grew, more land was reclaimed and more roads, causeways and shameless policy of divide-and-rule. In the 1880s, the commander
wharves were built. The population had already increased from of the Bombay police was a British superintendent named
13,726 in 1780 to 644,405 in 1872. By 1906 it had become 977,822. Charles Forjett, who was greatly admired by Indian residents for
The British continued to develop the citys infrastructure, with his harsh treatment of corrupt policemen and for conducting
innovations such as the drainage system that continues to serve regular operations against the Parsi mafia who controlled
the city today. It was in 1860 that piped water began to flow to the illegal liquor business in the Falkland Road region. The
the city from Tulsi and Vihar lakes, and in 1870, the Bombay Port British were concerned about the power of religious festivals
Trust was officially formed. The Princess Dock was built in 1855, to encourage a desire for political independence, and tried to
followed by Victoria and Mereweather Dry Docks in 1891 and regulate them, albeit tentatively.
Alexandra Dock in 1914. The nationalist and freedom fighter Lokmanya Tilak saw the
same potential and transformed the Ganpati festival, once
Tholerate thy neighbour celebrated on a small, domestic scale across Maharashtra,
From its early beginnings, Bombay had been a vibrantly diverse into a large-scale, outdoor event. He brought his supporters to
city of Europeans and Indians from across the subcontinent, and Bombays beaches, ostensibly to immerse idols of the elephant-
by the 19th century, the lines between communities had been headed Ganesha in the sea as per tradition, and then gave fiery
drawn - but an uneasy tolerance prevailed. Europeans socialised speeches about their political responsibilities and the dream
amongst themselves in sports clubs, with cricket as the main of swarai (self-government). The British were checked from
recreation. The Bombay Gymkhana was set up in 1875, exclusively interfering too much in religious issues by the lessons of 1857,
for Europeans, spurring other communities, including Muslim, in which a rumour about rifle cartridges being made with pig
Hindu and Parsi, to set up their own gymkhanas, all in a line by and cow fat (thereby offending both Muslims and Hindus) had
the sea along Marine Drive. A friendly rivalry developed between sparked an army rebellion that nearly lost them the colony.
them; with a regular Pentangular cricket tournament (the fifth The British left Tilak largely alone and mass immersions during
29

the Ganpati festival continue to this day, with its freedom-- 19th century, when bubonic plague broke out, possibly carried
movement origins largely forgotten. by rats on grain ships from Hong Kong. Thousands fled the city
Instead of direct action, the British responded to such challenges and Indian and foreign ports quarantined all goods arriving from
to their authority with the same divide-and rule-policy they Bombay, with ruinous consequences for the citys economy. The
had used all over the country - by playing Hindus and Muslims tragedy was compounded by the failure of the monsoon in
off against each other. It was hardly difficult for the British in 1899, leading to one of Indias worst-ever famines. The British
Bombay, a city where communities were already naturally authorities responded to the catastrophe by setting up a City
divided into different enclaves. With so little official thought Improvement Trust to encourage the development of the
put into planning residential neighbourhoods for the poorer suburbs and relieve pressure on the southern part of the city.
or even middle-class populations, the only support network for By the beginning of the 20th century, the first outlines of the
those looking for homes or the means to build them came from character of modern Bombay had begun to emerge. By 1906, the
within their own ethnic groups. As the city became increasingly citys population had topped one million. It quickly became a hot-
politicised, communal riots began to plague Bombay for the first bed of the new politics that would lead to Indian Independence,
time. fired up by Mahatma Gandhis return from South Africa in 1915.
Gandhi took a house called Mani Bhavan in Gamdevi, from
A new century where he began to rally citizens to the cause. Prominent Bombay
Bombay was still a city among other Indian cities. But in 1875, businessmen, traders, workers and professionals became his
the basis for its current status as Indias economic capital was votaries. Technological innovations that had slowly emerged in
established with the Bombay Stock Exchange - then referred the West were implanted in Bombay in rapid order, with the first
to as the Native Share and Stockbrokers Association. As the transmission lines of the Tata Power Company criss-crossing
cream of Indias professional talent flooded into the city, the citys skyline in 1915. In 1926 the first motorised bus service
political movements began to flourish. Political ferment saw the started between Afghan Church and Crawford Market. The first
establishment of the Indian National Congress - the first Indian electric train started in 1927, an intercity service from Bombay to
political party - in 1885 at the Gokuldas Tejpal College in South Pune and Igatpuri. A few years later the first electric commuter
Bombay. train (still known in Mumbai as EMUs - Electric Multiple Units)
By this time a lack of adequate urban planning was causing rolled out. In 1932, the Parsi industrialist JRD Tata flew the first
large parts of the city to choke from over-congestion, a problem scheduled airmail flight from Karachi to Bombay via Ahmedabad,
that became disastrous just a few years before the end of the landing his single--engined de Haviland Puss Moth on a grass
strip at Juhu Aerodrome.
The Lumiere Brothers Cinematographe showed four silent short
films at the Watsons Hotel in Bombay in 1896, charging an entry
fee of one rupee. It was a phenomenon that the Times 0f India
described at the time as the marvel of the century, and quickly
fired the imaginations of a generation of Indians. The Indian film
industry was born in Bombay a few years later. A man named
HS Bhatavdekar filmed the citys first documentary in 1899, of
a wrestling match, which he showed across the city to general
acclaim. The first full-length feature film, Raja Harishchandra,
was made in 1913 by Dadasaheb Phalke and shown at Bombays
Coronation Cinematograph. By 1920, the Indian film industry
was fully formed, with Bombay at its heart. By 1931 about 207
films were being made every year.
30

Bombays western bay in the 1880s....

...and in the 1990s.


31

Growing the pains to set themselves apart from the mainstream Hindi film
After freedom at midnight gave birth to independent India on industry. They began to make realist and neo-expressionist
15 August 1947, Bombay continued to expand beyond the suburbs films with strong elements of social commentary.
of Mahim and Bandra - erstwhile Portuguese areas - swallowing City authorities made few infrastructure improvements in
up everything as far north as Mankhurd, Mulund and Dahisar. the 1970s and 80s, despite the alarmingly rapid growth in
The city became the capital of Bombay State, a political creation the citys population. The largest was a plan to create New
that included the whole of what are now the two separate states Bombay (now known as Navi Mumbai) - a parallel city across
of Gujarat and Maharashtra. In the following years Bombay the harbour on the mainland, built to decongest the island
became a battlefield for political movements based on language city. It began slowly, faltered, and even today has yet to live
groups, mainly its Gujarati- -and Marathi-speaking populations. up to its original aims.
The Samyukta Maharashtra Andolan was a major political force The Shiv Sena continued to rise throughout the 1980s, thanks
of socialists, trade unions and artists that fought fiercely for the to the decline of the Left and increasingly visible corruption in
formation of an independent state for Marathi-speaking people, the Congress. It was a political combination that proved to be
with Bombay as its capital. They finally achieved their wish and lethal, culminating in the horrendous Bombay riots of 1992-
Bombay State was split into two in 1960, but only after 105 of 93 - incidents that were in fact state-sanctioned and party-
the movements supporters had been shot dead by police during sponsored pogroms against Muslims. The violence erupted
tumultuous political protests around Flora Fountain earlier the after the Babri Mosque was razed by Hindu militants in the
same year. A memorial at what is now called Hutatma Chowk city of Ayodhya, in the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.
commemorates the dead with an eternal flame. Hundreds of Muslims were killed by Hindu fundamentalists
Bombays politics in the 1960s and 1970s remained dynamic during the riots. On 12 March 1993 came Black Friday, when
and dominated by the Left, with the working class mill areas 13 bombs exploded in one day at locations across the city,
of central Bombay as a Communist heartland. But a splinter of including the Bombay Stock Exchange and the Air India
the Samyukta Maharashtra Andolan morphed into a nativist Building.
movement - the Shiv Sena (Army of Shivaji), which won Two hundred and fifty-seven people were killed in what were
continued influence with its Right-wing anti--outsider politics revenge attacks by a Muslim group for the slaughter two
in the face of growing slum encroachment by immigrants from months previously. The riots and bombings were a shattering
outside the city. During the 1970s the city overtook Calcutta as blow to Bombays self-image as a cosmopolitan, secular
the most populous city in India. city s had avoided the communal violence that afflicts
A lack of political will, cushioned by a healthy economy benefiting other Indian cities. It paved the way for the Shiv Senas rise
from cheap labour, allowed slums to proliferate on a scale to power at both city and state levels and, in 1995, they
that had never been seen before. In the process, the Shiv Sena changed the official name of the city to Mumbai. Since then,
fired the imagination of the working class, displacing the old Mumbai has been the victim of sporadic terrorist attacks,
dominance of the Left. Its founder, a former cartoonist named Bal most recently in July 2006, when bombs tore through the
Thackeray, came to dominate the citys political landscape using first class compartments of seven commuter trains on the
a combination of brutal mafia-like force and a string of local Western Line, killing more than 200 people.
election victories. The decline of the textile industry contributed (Text: Time Out Mumbai, 2008)
to this political shift and, after a catastrophic mill workers strike
in 1982-83, the century-old cotton-spinning industry effectively
died in Bombay. With its passing, the mill workers lost their key
position in the citys economy and politics.
The 1970s and early 80s were an exciting decade in the citys
cinematic history, with the emergence of filmmakers determined
Imperiale Architektur 33
34 Imperiale Architektur

Victoria Terminus (Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus)


Frederick William Stevens

Dr Dadabhai Naoraji Road


Bombay

1878-87

The two main railway stations in Mumbai, were projects where


the British Empire could show their prestigious standing
in India. Frederick William Stevens designed both of them.
Victoria Terminus now Chattrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) has
a European flavour mixed with Indian traditional styles. The
architect was 30 years old when he started this structure. In the
10 years that it took to complete the structure, it became the
most majestic Victorian-Gothic building in India.
Imperiale Architektur 35

Taj Mahal Hotel


Chambers and Frichley

33 Nathalal Parekh Marg


Bombay

1904

The founder of the Tate Empire, J.N.Tata, built the Taj Mahal
Hotel. It was one of the better hotels in British India. The central
dome is Italian in style but the domes at the four corners are
Indian. At present, there is an annexe built at the rear which
cannot compare with the oldt structure.
36 Imperiale Architektur

Gateway of India
George Wittet

Apollo Bunder Road


Bombay

1911-24

Gateway of India, the entrance to the port town of Bombay,


was built in 1911, to commemorate the arrival of the British
monarchs, King George V and Queen Mary. The most prominent
architect in Bombay at the time, George Wittet, designed it
blending the Hindu and Muslim architectural style of Gujarat.

Prince of Wales Museum


George Wittet

Regal Circle
159 Esplanade Road
T 22844519

1914-1937

The foundation stone of the Prince of Wales Museum was


laid when King George V was still the Prince of Wales. The
centre of the building was finished in 1914 and the wings were
completed in 1937. It is in the Indo-Sarancenic style and has a
concrete dome.
Imperiale Architektur 37

Crawford Markets
William Emerson

North of Victoria Station


Bombay

1867

In the rapidly growing city of Bombay, the traditional pedlars


and small local markets had been unable to handle the
increased demand for fresh meat products and vegetables.
The building of the Crawford Markets was an important step
towards providing good produce. The new market halls were
well received, and because of their high turnover are still
considered today, alongside the supermarkets and specialist
shops of the inner city, as a particularly attractive location for
retail traders.
38 Banganga Tank

B G Kher Marg / Walkeshwar Rd


Malabar Hill, Bombay

12th century, rebuilt 1715

Here the paradox of traditional life coexisting with unbridled


modernization is all too vivid. Near the edge of the Arabian Sea
at the southern tip of Malabar Hill, several small, crumbling,
stone-turreted temples and flower-garlanded shrines surround
a rectangular pool of holy water in an area of looming modern-
day skyscrapers and encroaching urbanization. Ritual bathers
who come here believe the mossy waters have healing powers
and originated from a natural spring created by an arrow shot
by Rama (the hero of the Ramayana), who rested here while on a
mission to rescue his beloved Sita from the demon kings abode
in Lanka.
The source of the spring is said to be an underground offshoot
of the Ganga, and the waters are considered just as sacred as
those of the great river itself. In the shadow of one of present-
day Mumbais most prosperous neighborhoods, Banganga
continues to function as an out-of-time devotional hub, its
tolling bells and mantra-chanting pujaris drawing devotees to
worship the divine.
Haji Ali Dargah 39

Off Vatsalabai Desai Chowk


Malabar Hill, Bombay

1431

The Haji Ali Dargah is a mosque and dargah (tomb) located on an


islet off the coast of Worli in Mumbai. It is believed that praying
at the dargah helps fulfill ones wishes.
The dargah was built in 1431 by a wealthy Muslim merchant and
saint named Haji Ali who renounced all his worldly possessions
before making a pilgrimage to Mecca. Legend has it that Haji
Ali died on his way to Mecca and his body, in its casket, floated
back to Mumbai. However, some believe that Haji Ali drowned
at the place where the dargah stands today. As many as 40,000
pilgrims visit the shrine on Thursdays and Fridays.
The dargah is built on a tiny islet located 500 yards from the
coast, in the middle of Worli Bay, in the vicinity of Worli. The
islet is linked to the city precinct of Mahalakshmi by a narrow
causeway. This causeway is not bound by railings, and is lashed
by the sea during high-tide. Therefore, the dargah is accessible
only during low tide. This 500-yard-walk on the causeway, with
the sea on both sides, is one of the highlights of a trip to the
shrine.
The whitewashed structure occupies an area of 4,500 metres,
and an 85 foot (26 m) tower is the architectural highlight of the
edifice. The tomb within the mosque is covered by a brocaded
red and green chaddar (tomb cover sheet). An exquisite silver
frame supports it. The main hall has marble pillars embellished
with coloured mirror work: blue, green, yellow chips. The ninety-
nine names of Allah are also written on the pillars.
Most of the structure is corroded due to saline winds blowing
from the surrounding sea. It was last repaired in the 1960s, but
civil engineers say the structure is beyond further repair. The
Dargah Trust is awaiting permission to raze the structure and
rebuild it with Makrana marble, the same marble used to build
the Taj Mahal.
Kanchanjunga Apartments 41

Charles Correa

72 G Deshmukh Road
Bombay

1970-1983

The twenty-eight story Kanchanjunga apartment tower is


oriented east-west in order to catch the prevailing breezes,
and to open up to views of the Arabian Sea on one side and
the harbor on the other. Unfortunately these are also the
directions from which one receives the hot sun and the heavy
monsoon rains. Traditional bungalows solved this difficulty by
wrapping a protective verandah around the main living area,
thus affording two lines of defense against the elements.
Kanchanjunga is an attempt to provide comparable layers of
protection in a high-rise apartment building. Each of the 32
luxury apartments is thus equipped with deep garden terraces
designed to shield the dwelling from the sun and the rain.
There are four different interlocking apartment types, varying
from three to six bedrooms in size. The ingenious interlocking
pattern is expressed externally through the shear walls that
serve to sustain the cantilevers. The 21-meter-square plan of
the 84-meter-high tower produces a proportion of 1:4, which,
together with the unique silhouette, has a striking effect on the
skyline of the city. The minimalist end walls of the tower are
cut back so as to open up the double-height garden terraces at
the corners, thus revealing through the shear walls, lined with
colored tiles and the brightly painted soffits, the nature of the
complex spatial organization within the body of the tower.

Section showing the interlock of 3, 4, 5, and 6 bedroom units


Four bedroom unit: entrance level, upper level
Three bedroom unit: entrance level, upper level
Salvacao Church 43

Charles Correa

West Gokhale Road


Bombay

1974-1977

Charles Correas Salvacao Church in Bombay, according to him is are all square, as are the open spaces - the square being the
a return to original principles. The architect felt that originally most secular divine shape. All the various areas, both covered
the design of churches was based on the concept that there and open, interconnect horizontally, so that the space - and the
were three crucial periods in the life of Christ : a) The Baptism, breeze flow unobstructed across the site.
b) The Public Life and c) The Crucifixion. Liturgically these found The covered spaces are protected by concrete shells, in the
expression in ; a) The Baptismal Font and Confessionals, b) The shape of truncated pyramids. These give the church the
Pulpit and the Altar, and c) The Tabernacle. In early Christian appearance of a temple complex with gopurams and shikharas
churches the plan clearly reflected these concepts. Later on, rising heavenwards. Western churches have tended to use
churches became one generalised space in which all the various spires and towers to achieve the desired verticality, whereas
elements were congregated together. Therefore this church is the Indian religious spaces have tended to use more monolithic
the modern Indian derivative of the original Christian church. structures. The shells act as giant flues where the hot air rises
Here the essence is the ritual and then the constants and the and exits through a vent at the top, thus drawing in fresh air
local influences are used to determine the form. from the courtyards around.
The underlying influence in Correas architecture is the belief
that in warm climates, people have a very different relationship Charles Correa in this church therefore deliberately moves away
to built form. He says, The monumental temples of south from the cruciform plan, the spires, the cross and the closed box
India are experienced not just as gopurams and shrines, but as and other traditional identity markers, but still makes sure that
a movement through the great open - to - sky spaces that lie the church ethos is not lost in the building. Although, it seems
between them . This led him to deviate from the traditional that in his effort to rationalise it is visible that a statement is
(Gothic) church plan, which resulted in a series of interlocking made with this building and the forms that are generated. The
courtyards and covered spaces. This pattern allows any activity building is extremely emotive and moving and in secular vein
either to take place in the open, or under cover - depending on but the effort of the architect to stamp the building is also
the weather. The covered spaces are the liturgical elements and visible.
Nehru Planetarium and Centre 45

J. M. Kadri

Dr Annie Besant Road


T 2496 4676

1977

Inaugurated in 1977 by Indira Gandhi, the Nehru Planetarium


and Centre were conceived as a testament to national pride
and scientific knowledge, and dedicated to Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru, one of the architects of independent India. The squat
planetarium building (overleaf) is the perfect complement
to IM Kadris striking circular tower. The complex houses the
Discovery of India Expo, which draws its inspiration from
Nehrus monumental book of the same name. Spread over 14
galleries, the exhibition bravely attempts to enlighten viewers
on everything India has stood for through the ages. The Centre
is also the venue for the annual Harmony art show, which seeks
to bring together a wide range of Indian contemporary art.
Hochhausbau in Bombay 47

Building blocks
Himanshu Burte, architect

One expects great cities to have great architecture, but his way, he would just turn off the rain. Modern architecture, as
Mumbai clearly reveals how misplaced such expectations every novice knows, needs a clean slate of a wall (in any colour
are. For long the focus of Indias modernist aspirations, the as long as its white), outsized voids and surprising scatters of
city still has very little to show for itself by way of great windows placed just right. But the driving rain compels chhajjas
modern architecture. If youre a liberated enthusiast who to be placed over all windows, and since most buildings in Mumbai
finds the accidental (and always in progress) collage of are apartment or office blocks, their unrelenting profusion
urban form deeply intriguing, then this is the city for you. defeats any possibility of composition. In the typical Mumbai
Mumbai has always been hot, rainy and ridiculously expensive building this either leads to monotonous clutter or severe
(at least in terms of real estate). It has also always been in a continuous bands. Some architects give up the fight and simply
hurry, and on the make. Like much else, its architecture has been dont put in any chhajjas at all. It is then left to the middle class
shaped by these mental, meteorological and monetary drivers. desperados behind the windows to fashion their own weather
Not unsurprisingly, Bollywoods prodigious output holds a protection using the detritus of the local industrial economy -
steady mirror to Mumbais culture of building. Both are driven steel angles, wonky aluminium sheet, tar and prayer. Thats how
by numbers and both make up in quantity what they slur over in the city gets its DIY appearance, the look of incessant enterprise.
quality. Both the world of real estate and that of film production The tight footprint teaches you to push the envelope overhead.
also fancy themselves as industries on the flimsiest of pretexts One of Mumbais great contributions to the modern Indian
and routinely attract the interest of the underworld. What they architectural argot must surely be the box grill. Fixed to the
have produced, actually, are exceptionally buzzing ambiences chhajja above and to the walls on three sides of the window, the
that, when you go close, pixelate intriguingly into blocks box grill is a pouch that the room pushes out over the street (if not
upon blocks (films or buildings), each tattier than the other. for a law that restricts chhajjas to a depth of around 2.5 feet, we
Two pixels - the chhajja (weathershade) and the balcony - tell would have entire room-cages projecting out of otherwise legit
us much about the way rain, money, law and desire have given buildings). Its contents begin with potted plants, but run through
Mumbai its face. Its unlikely that any element has troubled the bored students, broken tricycles and study tables. In many homes,
modern Indian architect more than the chhajja. If he could have this is the only alcove you can carve out of a city mean about space.
48 Hochhausbau in Bombay

Wohnhochhaus Belvedere
Khareghat and Associates

Sane Guruji Marg


Mahalaxmi, Bombay

2000

Das Hochhaus Belvedere enthlt auf mehr als 40 Geschossen


sowohl vier- als auch fnf-Zimmer-Appartements und alle sechs
Geschosse ein Appartement mit zwei Ebenen. Pro Geschoss
gibt es zwei Wohnungen mit jeweils einem Hauptzugang
und einem Nebeneingang direkt zur Kche, einem wichtigen
funktionalen Aspekt im indischen Haushalt. Ein Gstebereich
wird nahe dem Haupteingang angeordnet, whrend die
Familienrume im hinteren Teil liegen. Wohnraum und
Elternschlafzimmer erhalten Verglasungen zu beiden Seiten
und damit auch die Mglichkeit von wichtiger Durchzugsluft
im berwiegend heien Metropolklima Indiens. Das Gebude
steht auf einem Podium, einem Eingangsplateau, das im
Untergeschoss die Tiefgarage aufnimmt. Ein offenes, aber
pyramidenfrmig berdachtes Schwimmbad gilt als baulicher
Kontrapunkt und steht den Bewohnern zur Verfgung.
Die Form des Gebudes resultiert aus seiner Lage und der damit
verbundenen Ausrichtung: Die Kontur eines Kreisbogensegments
der Ausblickseite zur Kste hin erzeugt eine eindeutige Vorder-
und Rckseite. Hinten wird - davon deutlich abgesetzt - ein
Rechteckblock angefgt, von einem Treppenrund der Mitte
zweigeteilt. Dieser Block der Rckseite verweist auf die klare
Orthogonalstruktur des Inneren, die rckseitige Treppe, und
ein Einschnitt an der Hauptfront auf Symmetrie und Aufbau
des Grundrisses. Rhythmus und Dimension der Balkon- und
Fensterffnungen wurden sorgfltig auf das Gesamtvolumen
abgestimmt, kein autonomer Formalismus beherrscht
die Fassaden. Die Disziplinierung behlt die Oberhand.
Hochhausbau in Bombay 49

Residence Antilia
Perkins + Will

Altamount Road
Bombay

im Bau

Es war einmal eine Zeit, da staunte der Normalbrger, als sich


Bill Gates ein Haus fr 97 Millionen Dollar baute. Das war, bevor
Indien zur Weltmacht aufstieg und Inder die Forbes-Liste der
Reichsten erstrm-ten. Verglichen mit den neuen indischen
Multimilliardren erscheint Gates geradezu bescheiden.
Mukesh Ambani etwa, der Chef des grssten indischen
Privatuntemehmens Reliance Industries und mit einemVermgen
von 43 Milliarden Dollar der fnftreichste Mann der Welt, lsst
sich in Mumbai gerade ein 27-stckiges Haus fr 2 Milliarden
Dollar bauen. Die nach der mythischen Insel Antilia benannte Villa
wird die erste milliarden-schwere Privatresidenz berhaupt sein.
Wenn das 170 Meter hohe extravagante architektonische
Wunderwerk im kommen-den Jahr fertig ist, stehen Mukesh und
seiner Frau Nita mit ihren drei Kindem 40 000 Qua-dratmeter
Wohnflche zur Verfgung. Die ersten sechs Stockwerke
dienen als Garagen fr die Familie und ihre Gste. Es folgen
Kino, Swimmingpool, Fitnesscenter, Yoga-Studio, Ballsaal, ein
Schnee-Raum und ein mehrst-ckiger grner Erholungsraum
nach dem Vorbild der Hngenden Grten von Babylon.
Gekrnt wird der moderne Palast mit einem Helikopterlandeplatz
und einer Pan-oramaterrasse, von der aus die Familie die Sicht
ber die indische Wirtschaftsmetropole und den weiten Ozean
geniessen kann. Stren knnte sie dabei einzig der Blick auf die
weit-lufigen Slums der Stadt, in denen fast die Hlfte der 12
Millionen Einwohner Mumbais wohnen und mit weniger als
zwei Dollar am Tag auf kleinstem Raum auskommen mssen.
(NZZ vom 11.Juni 2008)
Dharavi Slum 51

Dharavi, ein Elendsviertel mitten in Mumbai, ist Heimat Einkommen. Sie stellen mit zwanzig Mitarbeitern Billigkopien
und Arbeitsplatz fr mehr als eine halbe Million Menschen. von Markenprodukten wie Handtaschen und Lederjacken her, die
Und fr andere eine Geschftsidee. sie in ganz Mumbai verkaufen. Raj hat einen Fernseher, ein Handy
Britta Petersen solche Konsumgter unterscheiden ihn nicht von der
Mumbaier Mittelschicht. Doch sein bescheidener Wohlstand ist
Nach Dharavi kommt man nur langsam. Der vermutlich bedroht, denn die Stadtregierung mchte Dharavi modernisieren.
grte Slum Asiens liegt mitten in Mumbai, das bis 1995 Ursprnglich lag der Slum am Rand Mumbais, aber die schnell
Bombay hie. Mitten im tglichen Verkehrschaos, eingepfercht wachsende Stadt hat ihn eingeschlossen. Jetzt erstreckt
von zwei wichtigen Eisenbahnlinien, der Western und er sich ber knapp zwei Quadratkilometer direkt neben
der Central Railway. Auf dem Weg dorthin passiert man dem Finanzdistrikt Bandra Kurla in bester Innenstadtlage.
stattliche Gebude im Kolonialstil, Palmen und weitlufige Das weckt Begehrlichkeiten. Land ist teuer in Indiens
Rasenflchen, auf denen Jugendliche Kricket spielen. Vor Finanzmetropole, und die Mieten fr gute Wohnungen
gut hundert Jahren fischten hier Fischer in einem groen und Bros gehren zu den hchsten der Welt. Es gibt noch
Mangrovensumpf. Heute leben zwischen 600000 und eine 2500 andere Slums in Mumbai, viele davon kaum mehr als
Million Menschen in Dharavi; genauere Zahlen hat niemand. Mllhalden am Rande der Stadt, in denen es den Menschen
Je nher Dharavi im dichten Stadtverkehr rckt, umso dsterer meist viel schlechter geht. Insgesamt leben rund 55 Prozent der 18
wird das Bild. Grauer und grauer werden die Huser, bis sie Millionen Einwohner Mumbais in Slums. Wir haben nichts gegen
nur noch wie ein Patchwork aus Wellblechplatten erscheinen, Entwicklung, sagt Raj Khandari, aber nicht so, wie die Regierung
das allein Glaube und Hoffnung zusammenhalten. Auf dem sich das vorstellt. Man htte zuvor mit uns sprechen mssen.
Brgersteig einer Brcke hat sich eine Grofamilie eingerichtet. Werden die Plne realisiert, wird Dharavi, das bisher aus ein-
Dicht nebeneinander sind Planen gespannt, unter denen bis zweigeschossigen Gebuden besteht, komplett abgerissen.
Menschen schlafen. Frauen waschen in Plastikeimern Wsche. In Die bescheidenen Htten aus Stein wurden teils schon Anfang
der Mllhalde neben den provisorischen Unterknften spielen des letzten Jahrhunderts gebaut und nie modernisiert. Neuere
nackte Kinder. Die Pfade zwischen den Behausungen sind sogar Wellblechkonstruktionen kamen hinzu, die Probleme blieben.
fr die kleinen Autorikschas zu schmal. Dharavi ist die Hlle. Was Flieendes Wasser gibts in den Husern nicht und nur primitive
nicht bedeutet, dass man sich hier nicht huslich einrichten kann. Gemeinschaftstoiletten. Siebenstckige Hochhuser sollen
Raj Khandari, 28, steht vor einem Stapel gegerbter Schafshute die Htten ersetzen, in ihnen soll jede Slumfamilie umsonst
und sortiert sie nach Qualitt. Ich bin sehr glcklich mit eine Wohnung von etwa 20 Quadratmeter Gre zugewiesen
meinem Geschft, sagt der junge Mann mit dem offenen bekommen. Was dann an freien Flchen brig bleibt, kann die
Gesicht und den leuchtenden Augen. Mit seinem Vater betreibt private Entwicklungsgesellschaft Gewinn bringend verkaufen
er eine Lederverarbeitungswerkstatt, die der Familie schon oder vermieten. Schon heute kostet eine Htte von 20
in dritter Generation gehrt. Hei und dunkel ist es in dem Quadratmetern n Dharavi umgerechnet 22 000 Euro. Experten
Raum, die Maschinen sehen aus, als stammten sie aus dem rechnen damit, dass der Preis fr eine
Industriemuseum. Raj ist ein Kastenloser, ein Unberhrbarer Wohnung auf 27 000 Euro steigen wird.
wie jeder, der in Indien ewas tut, das die Hindus als unrein Der Gegensatz zwischen Dharavi und Bandra Kurla knnte
betrachteten: Wsche waschen, Toiletten putzen, Tiere nicht grer sein. Whrend in dem Finanzviertel junge
schlachten und eben auch Leder verarbeiten. Laut Verfassung Banker in dunklen Anzgen ber breite, geteerte Straen in
ist das Kastensystem abgeschafft, dennoch stehen die glitzernde Brotrme eilen, stehen Parviz Develiya, 18, und
Unberhrbaren oft noch am Rand der Gesellschaft und finden sein Freund Gohul Amit, 17, unter einer blauen Plastikplane,
keine anderen Jobs. Raj, der verheiratet ist und eine kleine auf die der Monsunregen einprasselt. In wenigen Minuten
Tochter hat, geht es vergleichsweise gut. Zwar lebt er im Slum, hat der Regen die dsteren, unbefestigten Gassen des Slums
direkt ber der Werkstatt. Aber die Familie hat ein regelmiges in Schlammlcher verwandelt. Kleine Kinder kommen nackt
52

Teig in das heie l gleiten. Ein Groteil des Salzgebcks,


das die Hndler in ganz Mumbai verkaufen, wird in Dharavi
hergestellt. Parviz wrde am liebsten gar nicht in Dharavi
arbeiten, sondern Ingenieurswissenschaften studieren. Aber so
recht glaubt er nicht daran,dass das klappt.So ein Studium ist teuer
und es ist schwer, einen Platz zu finden, sagt er. Wahrscheinlich
wird er eher als Tpfer arbeiten, so wie sein Vater. Die rund 2000
Tpfer, die von Dharavi aus ganz Mumbai und den umliegenden
Bundesstaat Maharashtra mit ihren Waren beliefern, gehren
zu den schrfsten Gegnern der Modernisierungsplne. Wenn
das durchkommt, knnen wir uns nur noch den Strick nehmen,
schimpft Arvind Prajapatti Wadel. Doch der 38-Jhrige macht
nicht den Eindruck, als wrde er es so weit kommen lassen.
Ein Karikaturist hat die Stimmung in Dharavis Tpferviertel
Kumbharwala treffend eingefangen: Seine Zeichnung zeigt, wie
wtende Tpfer den leitenden Architekten der Stadt, Mukesh
Mehta, mit tnernen Wurfgeschossen aus ihrem Viertel treiben.
Das hier ist unser Leben, sagt Arvind Wadel und deutet auf
den Brennofen, aus dem dichter, beiender Rauch steigt. Die
primitiven fen werden mit Abfllen aller Art befeuert eine
Praxis, die die Regierung aus Gesundheitsgrnden stoppen
will. Bharti Parmar hat gerade wieder ein paar Tpfe fertig
gemacht. Die 21-Jhrige stellt sie auf eine Mauer im Hof zum
Trocknen. Das Tpfern ist ein Familiengeschft, in dem jeder
anpackt. Ich habe von Kind auf gelernt, Tpfe zu machen,
sagt Bharti. Ich kann mir gar nichts anderes vorstellen. Die
Frauen sind dafr zustndig, den Ton von Steinen und anderen
Verunreinigungen zu befreien und zu bearbeiten. Fr Bharti
steht fest, dass sie spter einen Tpfer aus der Nachbarschaft
heiraten wird. Andere Zukunftsplne hat sie nicht. Die Tpfer
sind eine starke Lobbygruppe, weil ihnen im Gegensatz
aus den Husern gelaufen. Sie nutzen die Gelegenheit, im zu vielen Slumbewohnern, die erst in den letzten Jahren
dichten Regen zu duschen, ein Bad haben sie zu Hause nicht. illegal nach Dharavi gezogen sind, das Land gehrt, auf dem sie
Parviz und Gohul halten nichts von den leben und arbeiten. Mein Grovater ist in den Zwanzigerjahren
Modernisierungsplnen. Da wollen nur einige aus Gujarat hierhergekommen. Unsere Familie hat sich alles
Leute Geld machen, und unsere Jobs sind weg, sagt Parviz. Aus eigenhndig aufgebaut.m Das kann man uns nicht einfach
der gegenberliegenden Htte weht der Duft von frittiertem mwegnehmen, emprt sich Arvind Wadel. Trotz der harten
Gebck herber. Zwei Mnner kommen herausgelaufen, um Arbeit von drei Generationen hat seine zwlfkpfige Familie
die drauen aufgestapelten Pakete voller Knabbereien vor dem es jedoch nicht geschafft, etwas Geld zurckzulegen. Wir
Regen zu retten. In dem dsteren kleinen Raum, dessen Wnde verdienen gerade mal so viel, dass wir alle satt werden, sagt
vom offenen Feuer schwarz geworden sind, arbeiten fnf Wadel. Wenn sie ihre Werkstatt verlieren, stehen sie vor dem
junge Mnner. Einer steht an einem riesigen Wok und lsst Nichts. Schauen Sie sich das an, sagt Wadel und zeigt auf
53

den stinkenden offenen Abwasserkanal direkt vor dem Haus. sollen. Sogar eine Fortbildungsakademie fr die Handwerker
Die Regierung schafft es nicht einmal, so etwas zu beheben. ist eingeplant. Nach Mehtas Schtzungen wird Dharavis lokale
Unsere Kinder haben stndig Durchfall und andere Krankheiten. Wirtschaft nach der Modernisierung 2,14 Milliarden Euro im Jahr
Jetzt behaupten sie, es werde uns allen besser gehen, wenn umsetzen gegenber bisher 300 bis 400 Millionen. Dennoch sitzt
die Huser abgerissen werden. Ich glaube kein Wort. das Misstrauen der Slumbewohner gegen die Regierung tief. Ich
Der Mann, der so viele verrgert, sitzt in einem Bro mit Blick habe mit Mukesh Mehta gesprochen, sagt Raj Khandari. Er hat
aufs Meer in Mumbais Nobelviertel Bandra. Mukesh Mehta, vorgeschlagen, dass wir unser Land verkaufen und wegziehen.
Architekt und offizieller Regierungsberater, ist genervt, wenn er Aber das ist doch absurd, wo sollen wir denn sonst unsere
auf den Widerstand gegen seine Plne angesprochen wird. Es Lederwerkstatt aufbauen? Wir knnen uns doch ein anderes
gibt einige Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen, die viel Geld im Grundstck in Mumbai gar nicht leisten. Auch sein Vater sagt:
Ausland damit machen, dass sie die Armut vermarkten und diese Warum knnen wir unser Land nicht selbst modernisieren?
Leute aufhetzen, schimpft er. Doch 80 Prozent der Bewohner Die Antwort ist offensichtlich. Es geht um zu viel Geld in Dharavi.
von Dharavi befrworten meinen Plan. In einer Animation Mehr als hundert private Entwicklungsgesellschaften haben
zeigt er, wie Dharavi nach der Sanierung aussehen soll: breite sich laut Mukesh Mehta auf die Ausschreibung zur Sanierung
Straen, Hochhuser, Schulen, Krankenhuser, Parkanlagen. des Slums beworben. Wir brauchen enorme Summen, das
In der Tat untersttzen viele Bewohner Dharavis die knnen wir nicht aus der Stadtkasse bezahlen, sagt Iqbal
Modernisierungsplne vor allem die, deren Htte kleiner als Chahal, Geschftsfhrer der Slum Rehabilitation Authority.
20 Quadratmeter ist, sie erwarten sich eine Verbesserung ihrer Insgesamt zwei Milliarden Euro soll das Projekt kosten. Er
Lebensverhltnisse. Vaishali Ashok, 32, etwa wohnt seit zwei sieht in dem Entwicklungsplan eine Win-win- Situation fr
Monaten in einem der bereits fertigen Hochhuser. Ich bin alle. Die Entwickler verdienen Geld, die Stadt muss nicht
glcklich hier, die Wohnung ist wirklich besser als vorher, sagt die zahlen, die Slumbewohner erhalten bessere Wohnungen.
Hausfrau. Sie hat nun ein gekacheltes Bad und eine gekachelte Sozialaktivisten wie Simpreet Singh von der National Alliance
Kche. Im Wohnzimmer stehen ein Fernseher und sogar ein of Peoples Movements halten dennoch das Misstrauen der
Computer. Allerdings ist Vaishali tagsber allein. Erst abends, Slumbewohner fr berechtigt. Die indische Regierung hat in
wenn alle Familienmitglieder von der Arbeit zurckkommen, den vergangenen Jahren permanent die Armen enteignet, um
stellt sich heraus, dass Dharavi auch nach der Sanierung kein die Reichen profitieren zu lassen, sagt er. Er weist darauf hin,
Weltklasse-Vorort sein wird wie Mukesh Mehta es gern dass nach offiziellen Regierungsangaben 57000 Familien in
formuliert. Denn wenn zwlf Menschen auf 20 Quadratmetern die Sanierungsmanahmen einbezogen werden sollen. Dabei
schlafen mssen, ist die Wohnung voll. Die Familie meines geht man davon aus, dass eine durchschnittliche Familie
Schwagers schlft auf dem Boden in der Kche, erklrt Vaishali. fnf Mitglieder hat. Bei 600 000 Einwohnern wrde damit
Dort stehen aber schon zehn volle Wassereimer, die die Familie gerade mal die Hlfte der Bewohner von Dharavi eine neue
braucht, um sich morgens zu waschen. Flieendes Wasser oder Wohnung erhalten. Der Rest wird obdachlos, sagt Singh.
gar eine Dusche gibt es auch in der neuen Wohnung nicht. Oder wohnt mit zehn und mehr Personen in den kleinen
Wir untersttzen den Entwicklungsplan, weil er besser ist als Wohnungen wie Vaishali Ashok und ihre Familie. Welche
alles, was die Regierung vorher vorgelegt hatte, meint Prashad Auswirkungen dies auf die geplante moderne Infrastruktur
Anthony von der christlichen NGO Proud, die seit 1979 in dem wie Strom- und Wasserversorgung sowie Pltze in Schule
Slum arbeitet. Allerdings fordert auch er, dass Gewerbetreibende und Krankenhusern hat, vermag derzeit niemand zu sagen.
wie die Tpfer und Lederverarbeiter separat behandelt werden. Und klar ist auch: Eine Lederwerkstatt mit zwanzig Mitarbeitern
Die wirtschaftlichen Aktivitten drfen auf keinen Fall gestoppt und Maschinen wie die Raj Khandaris und seines Vaters kann
werden, sagt Anthony. Laut Mukesh Mehta ist das auch gar man in einem der neuen Hochhuser auf keinen Fall betreiben.
nicht vorgesehen. Er zeigt seine Plne, in denen Industriegebiete Ich wei einfach nicht, wie es weitergehen soll, sagt Khandari.
ausgewiesen sind, in die die Gewerbetreibenden umziehen Wenn ich an die Zukunft denke, blicke ich in ein schwarzes Loch.
54

Planungen fr Neu-Mumbai, ehemals Bombay, ist das natrlichen Grenzen stiess.


Wirtschafts- und Finanzzentrum Indiens mit einer Schon 1964 machten Charles Correa mit seinen Kollegen Pravina
Bevlkerungszahl von derzeit etwa zwlf Millionen Einwohnern. Mehta und Shiresh Patel gegenber der Stadtverwaltung von
Tglich wchst die Metropole um viele tausend hoffnungsvolle Bombay Vorschlge, nicht weiter nach Norden zu expandieren,
Zuwanderer aus berwiegend lndlichen Gebieten. Die sondern das durch eine Meeresbucht abgesonderte Ostareal fr
besondere Topografie Mumbais als lang gezogene Halbinsel eine Stadterweiterung zu nutzen mit dem Ziel, New Bombay zu
machte die stndig notwendige Erweiterung der Stadtgrenzen grnden. Erst 1970 stimmte die Regierung schlielich dem Plan
nur in eine Richtung, nach Norden hin, mglich. Britische zu und startete mit Landkufen stlich der alten Stadt Bombay.
Kolonialmachtbestrebungen bestanden vor 200 Jahren in der Groe Brckenverbindungen erlaubten dann die direkte
Metropolisierung eines eher zurckgezogenen Stdtchens auf Verknpfung mit dem alten Zentrum, so dass dem eigentlichen
Grund seiner hervorragenden Lage als Hafen-Umschlagplatz. Ziel eines neuen Wirtschaftszentrums mit einer neuen
Doch erst 50 Jahre spter begann der Aufstieg Bombays, als in Stadtstruktur nichts mehr im Wege stand. Die Gesellschaft fr
den Wirren des amerikanischen Brgerkriegs der amerikanische Stadtentwicklung City and Industrial Development Corporation
Baumwollexport ausblieb. So geriet die indische Baumwolle (CIDCO) wurde gegrndet, der CharIes Correa von 1970 bis
in den Blickpunkt des Weltinteresses und Bombay in den 1974 als Chefarchitekt vorstand. Ihr Ziel war es, in New Bombay
Mittelpunkt der Warenverschiffung. Das rasante Wachstum mindestens vier Millionen Menschen anzusiedeln, dadurch
begann, der Hafen erweiterte sich zum grten Indiens, und der Ausbreitung von Notunterknften entgegenzutreten
mit der schnellen Stadtexpansion entstand das Problem und gengend neue Arbeitspltze zu schaffen. Zwei zentrale
der Wohnungsnot mit ihren wuchernden Siedlungen der Aspekte standen dabei im Vordergrund: Schaffung von
Notunterknfte. Das damalige und heutige Zentrum Mumbais Wohnraum und Einrichtung von Massentransportmitteln.
befindet sich am sdlichen Ende der Halbinsel, dort, wo sich das Ein Teil von Neu-Mumbai ist heute das sdliche Subzentrum
Geschftsleben entwickelte und wo die Bevlkerungsdichte und Ulwe, von dem Correa einen stdtischen Bebauungsplan
die Bodenpreise am hchsten sind. Aus diesem Missverhltnis vorlegte. Hier sollte wirkliche Stadtplanung vorgenommen
einer extremen Ausweitung des Stadtareals, aber einer Fixierung werden, wobei britisch-koloniale Planungen in Alt-Bombay
des Wirtschaftzentrums, resultierten Mumbais groe Probleme durchaus zum Vorbild gereichten: In Zusammenarbeit mit der
der langen Transportwege. Stundenlange Fahrzeiten mit den CIDCO wurde ein Bebauungs- und Nutzungsplan entwickelt
Schnellzgen mussten in Kauf genommen werden, um an den und Bebauungsstrukturen, -hhen und Straenbreiten etc.
Arbeitsplatz zu gelangen, ein Umstand, der irgendwann an seine festgelegt. Der Entwurf von 1000 Wohneinheiten fr 350.000
Stadtplanung Navi-Mumbai 55

CharIes Correa and Associates

Neu-Mumbai (Maharashtra)

im Bau

Einwohner wurde in Angriff genommen. Dabei sollte jede


Einkommensgruppe bercksichtigt und Kosten-Nutzen-Faktoren
in Kategorien aufgestellt werden, beispielsweise fr niedrige
Einkommen Lehm- oder Bambushuser, fr mittlere Einkommen
Huser in Mauerwerkskonstruktionen und fr hhere
Einkommen Appartementwohnungen. Die Komplexitt von
Stadt als urbanem Organismus sollte auch den Faktor Flexibilitt
erwgen, mit einem Spielraum fr das natrliche Wachsen.
Urbanitt als ein dem menschlichen Mastab angemessenes
Ambiente hatte folgende Faktoren zu bercksichtigen: Vielfalt
von Wohnraum in Abhngigkeit von stadtrumlicher Dichte,
Strukturen wie Nachbarschaften und Quartiere, ffentliche
Bauten und Bereiche, dazu gehrten auch gengend Grn- und
Freiflchen und Transportmittel mit ausreichenden Stationen.
Ch. Correa entwickelte fr Ulwe eine stdtische Struktur, die
die angedeutete Komplexitt und Flexibilitt enthielt, die aber
gleichzeitig strikte Vorgaben fr eine Bebauung vorsah, um
dem indischen Wildwuchs vorzubeugen: stdtische Blocks
als Gliederungsstruktur mit einer Festsetzung der Bauhhe,
der Geschosse und der Straen- und Rckfassaden und einer
Festsetzung der Nutzung in Abhngigkeit von der Lage innerhalb
der Stadt. Ein stdtisches Zentrum sah Verwaltung, ffentliche
Bauten, Grnbereiche und Transportanbindungen von Bussen
und Bahnen vor. Diese ehrgeizige fest gefgte - dem indischen
Freigeist eigentlich widerstrebende - Ordnungsstruktur befindet
sich seit mehreren Jahrzehnten im Bau.
CIDCO Lowcost Housing 57

Raj Rewal and Associates

Neu-Mumbai (Maharashtra)

1993

Dieses Bauprojekt der City and Industrial Development


Corporation (CIDCO) des Staates Maharashtra reprsentiert
ein komplexes, spezifisch indisches Problem: das Schaffen von
Unterknften fr Menschen mit niedrigstem Einkommen.
Es handelt sich dabei grundstzlich um Wohnbauten, die
niemals Eigentum der Bewohner werden knnen, da es den
dort lebenden Menschen in den meisten Fllen nicht gelingt,
ihre Einkommensgrenzen zu verndern. Das Verbleiben in
einer gesellschaftlich fest umrissenen, eindeutig definierten
sozialen Schicht ohne Hoffnung und Chance auf Verbesserung
liegt zumeist in mangelnder schulischer und beruflicher
Ausbildung begrndet. Im hinduistischen Sozialsystem
spielen jedoch auch andere Faktoren eine wesentliche Rolle,
besonders die Angehrigkeit zu einer jahrtausendealten
Sozialstruktur aufgrund von Geburt, dem Kastenwesen. Ein im
Altertum ursprnglich die Gesellschaft mit Berufsstnden klar
ordnendes, stabilisierendes System degenerierte im Laufe der
Jahrhunderte zu einem unwrdigen, menschenverachtenden
Klassensystem. Trotz groer Anstrengungen der indischen
Regierung, dieses System teils mit Gewalt zu durchbrechen und
den Benachteiligten bessere Aufstiegschancen zu garantieren,
bleibt diese Geiel fest im Bewusstsein der Menschen verankert.
Das Bro von Raj Rewal wurde beauftragt, am Rande eines
groen Planungsgebiets von Neu-Mumbai, einem derzeit in
Entwicklung befindlichen neuen Stadtareal stlich der alten
Stadt Mumbai, Unterknfte fr Bewohner mit 1000 Einheiten
zu planen. Wie bei allen stdtebaulichen Planungsprojekten
kam es trotz eines uerst geringen Budgets nun darauf an,
nicht nur das Allernotwendigste an Raum zu schaffen, sondern
vor allem auch ein zwar einfaches, aber dennoch qualittvolles
Lebensumfeld zu entwickeln. Der schwierige Balanceakt
59

zwischen konomie und Ambiente konnte nur gelingen, gemeinsam zu nutzende Flchen beinhalten. Ein Dorf besteht
wenn sorgfltig kostengnstige, aber nachhaltig wirksame in Indien aus einer Ansammlung von Pltzen, Hfen, Loggien,
Baumaterialien verwendet wurden, sich der Planungsvorgang Terrassen und Balkonen, ber die kommuniziert wird und der
nicht zu aufwndig gestaltete und ein einfach zu realisierendes lebensnotwendige Austausch erfolgt. Rewal bercksichtigt
Prinzip die Umsetzung erleichterte. Das Bro Rewal entwarf diese diese Faktoren in groem Umfang und integriert diese Zonen
Bauaufgabe als hoch verdichtete Struktur. Zum einen entstand in seine Architektur. Er entwickelt eine Art Baukastensystem mit
sie aus Grnden eines eng begrenzten Planungsbereichs, kubischen Grundelementen, die als Gestaltprinzip ein Spektrum
zum anderen aber, um eine stdtebaulich wirksame grtmglicher Variation zulassen und damit beinahe universell
Auenraumqualitt zu erreichen, die an eine gewachsene einsetzbar werden: Einzelblcke werden ber Hfe verkettet,
drfliche Bebauung erinnerte. Diese Wohnzellen als Module oder Module mit engen Zwischenrumen dicht aneinander gestellt,
Molekle (Rewal) bestehen aus ein bis drei Raum-Einheiten Gruppenblcke mit Hfen als Quartiere ausgebildet. Hier wird
in einer Gre von 18, 25, 40 und 70 qm. Sie verfgen ber ein Thema konsequent eingehalten und virtuos umgesetzt,
notwendigste Sanitreinrichtungen und besitzen Wassertanks wobei nicht allein Effizienz im Vor-dergrund steht, sondern die
auf den Dchern fr eine stete Wasserversorgung, immer Schaffung von rumlichem Reichtum eines Lebensumfeldes.
noch keine Selbstverstndlichkeit im eher lndlichen Indien. Es entsteht eine nicht nur baukrperlich, sondern auch
Die wichtige Frage stand im Raum, welche preiswerten und materialmig vollkommen homogene Struktur, ein Entwurf
dauerhaften Materialien innerhalb eines sehr eingeschrnkten aus einem Guss, und dennoch eine hchst differenzierte
finanziellen Rahmens nachhaltig wirksam sein knnten. Es Wohnanlage mit komplexer rumlicher Vielfalt. Dazu trgt
wurde die Materialkombination aus Hohlbetonsteinen, Rauputz, sowohl die unterschiedliche Geschossigkeit der Huser bei, denn
handgeformten Terrakottafliesen und rtlich vorhandenen die Staffelung reicht von einer bis zu vier Ebenen, als auch die
groben Granitsteinen fr die Sockel gewhlt. Sie kann dem Neigung des Gelndes. Eine Hanglage dynamisiert die rumliche
harten Monsunklima standhalten und erzeugt eine akzeptable und baukrperliche Ausdehnung und steigert das Bild eines
Patina. Auch die Elektrifizierung der Gesamtanlage wurde lebendigen Organismus, der jederzeit erweiterbar scheint. In der
gewhrleistet, nicht nur in den Wohnungen selbst, sondern Homogenitt drckt sich die Gesamtheit der Planung aus, denn
ebenfalls im ffentlichen Raum. Um eine sichere, aber auch damit wird klar, dass es sich um einen ganzheitlichen Entwurf
preiswerte Fuwegeverbindung im Inneren der Bebauung handelt. Kein knstliches Vervielfltigen der Einzelhuser wird
zu ermglichen, wurden Straen an die Peripherie verbannt. vorgenommen, kein Wachstum vorgetuscht, und so gewinnt
Von dort ist allseitig die Erschlieung gegeben, leicht kann ein dieser architektonische Ansatz seine volle Glaubwrdigkeit.
Durchfiltern durch das System der Baugruppen erfolgen. Mit Rewal fhrt ein Konzept in groer Konsequenz vor, dessen
dem Konzept eines stark verdichteten Wohnquartiers kommt Gesamterscheinung nichts Nostalgisches besitzt: Aus der
Rewal der Tatsache der enorm hohen sozialen Interaktion im Notwendigkeit zur Reduzierung wurde eine abstrakte und damit
indischen Alltag entgegen. Die Menschen leben nicht nur in eindeutig moderne, ihrer Zeit verpflichtete Gestalt geboren.
den Husern, sondern pflegen intensive Kontakte zu Nachbarn,
Freunden und Mitbewohnern beinahe rund um die Uhr. Die
ffnung der Huser in den Auenraum ist daher wichtiger
Bestandteil der berlegungen zur stdtischen Verdichtung.
Dichte ist zumeist kein aus der Not geborener Umstand,
sondern ein wichtiges Lebenskonzept. Und daher heit
stadtrumliches Bauen, Innen- und Auenraumqualitt mssen
Hand in Hand gehen, da sich Wohnen zum groen Teil auf der
Strae abspielt. Bei der Planung der Verkettung der Molekle
wurde deswegen grter Wert auf Verbindungen gelegt, die
1 Sarkhej
2 Jami Masjid
3 Tomb of Rani Spiri
4 Calico-Museum of Textile
5 Sidi Sayed Mosque
6 Adalaj step-well
7 Dada Harir step-well
8 Shet Hathisingh temple
9 National Institiute of Design
10 Vishala
11 Pol Area
12 Villa Sarabhai
13 Villa Shodan
14 Sanskar Kendra Museum
15 Mill owners Association
16 I.I.M.
17 Sangath
18 Gandhi labour Institute
19 C.E.P.T. - School of Architecture
20 L.D. Institute of Indology
21 Premabhai Hall
22 Hussain-Doshi Gufa
23 Gandhi Ashram
AHMEDABAD 61

Ahmedabad has had the good fortune to remain the capital of Maneknath and Kamnath, which mark points north and south
Gujarat from the fifteenth century to almost the present day of the Ramnath shrine (in Manek Chowk area, and south of
with only occasional gaps, The growth of the city is examined Raipur Darwaza, respectively). The present Kamnath temple
here from the perspective of historical archaeology which dates only from the Maratha period; however, archaeological
considers the results of excavations from salvage archaeology in relics in the compound are much older. They include eleventh-
the light of epigraphy, literary references and toponyms. twelfth century sculptures of a two-armed Surya figure and
a fragmentary Navagraha panel. When these sculptures are
Prehistory correlated with similar relics at Dhalh-ni Pol in Raipur, Sarangpur
Archaeological explorations in the Ahmedabad region have and other sites, it is clear that the area delimited by Sarangpur
revealed the presence of Late Stone Age tools at various sites, on the east, Ramnath on the west, Kamnath on the south, and
including Vatva to the southeast. Though the expanding city has Maneknath on the north may define the ancient extent of
destroyed a good part of the prehistoric landscape, including Ashaval. We assume that it is within this area that the main
numerous archaeological sites, the study of bones and tools found population of the city was concentrated.
at similar sites indicates that cattle breeding were practised in Our inference about the location and size of Ashaval is
the Ahmedabad area by people of the Stone Age as they moved supported by a reference to Pinchumandarka Tirtha (now near
in search of good pastures. The shallow lakes at the base of the Panchanath Mahadeva temple southeast of Ellis Bridge)
the sand dunes at Thaltej on the west bank of the Sabarmati noted in the Padma Purana. In the area of present-day Bhadra,
suggest that this was one suitable prehistoric pastoral campsite. several stone images of Surya have been recovered from the
Similarly situated campsites elsewhere indicate that these Stone northeastern bastion of Gaekwads Haveli, and the Panchanath
Age cattle breeders preferred higher areas; shepherds tending Mahadeva temple. These images testify to the historical validity
goats and sheep still tend to avoid low and humid places for of the references in the Padma Purana. They also suggest that
their animals. Elevated sites overlooking the landscape may have Surya was worshipped at Ashaval from the eighth century
been additional vantage points for these first occupants of the onwards. Further sculptures ranging up to the thirteenth century
region. According to our chronological studies, these Stone Age have also been discovered in other parts of the city.
settlements date back to before the second millennium B.C. The AI-Biruni and several twelfth-century Jain writers refer to the
problems of the disappearance of this culture are not yet fully activities of Ashaval, which was evidently a well-known and
understood. prosperous city during the fourteenth-century Tughluq period. It
was at Ashaval that Tatar Khan proclaimed the independence of
Ashaval the Gujarat Sultanate in 1403.
The next stage in the habitation of the Ahmedabad region is
indicated by finds on the eastern bank of the Sabarmati. Relics are Karnavati
scattered in several spots, including Sarangpur, Raipur, Raikhad, According to Merutungacharya, a fourteenth-century Jain writer,
Bhadra and Saptarshi Ara. According to the available evidence, it Karnadeva, the Solanki ruler of Anahilvada-Patan, conquered
appears that the earliest habitation was known as Ashaval. This Ashaval and built another capital nearby which was named after
town was about two days journey from Cambay (Khambhat) him, Karnavati. While this particular reference seems to be a later
according to the eleventh-century Persian historian Al-Biruni. ln insertion into Merutungacharyas text, it does preserve the local
the eighteenth--century history of the city, the Mirat-i Ahmadi, historical tradition about the growth of Ahmedabad. According
the temple of Ramnath is supposed to have existed before the to this tradition, Karnadeva established another settlement near
establishment of Ahmedabad. Our examination of the Ramnath Ashaval in the later part of the eleventh century. This reference
shrine in Devnisheri in Mandvi-ni Pol near Manek Chowk does not indicate the precise location of the new town, but
indicates that this shrine was already in worship from about the several possibilities may be postulated: Karnavati may have
tenth century. This temple is related to two other Natha temples, coincided with Ashaval; the two cities may have been adjacent;
62

or, Karnavati may have been located at another site which we down to the river on the north and south sides, and uneven
identify with the area south of Calico Mills in Behrampur. (In the land to the east. Original portions of the stone fort erected by
seventeenth century, during the Mughal period, a new suburb Ahmad Shah are still to be seen as a north-south wall between
was laid out in the south of the city, also named Ashaval; there Manek Burj on the south and Nehru Bridge on the north; the Tin
is, however, no connection between the two Ashavals other than Darwaza was probably the easternmost extent. The delimited
the coincidence of their names, possibly intended to continue area is about five hundred metres by eight hundred metres,
the tradition). almost the same size as the earlier royal centre at Anahilvada.
An interesting stone inscription mentioning Karnavati and Bhadra was a rectangular zone, with open ground on the east,
Stambhatirtha was obtained from Saptarshi Ara, an elevated and a palace complex with a royal mosque on the west. The
site on the south side of the city overlooking the Sabarmati. mosque and parts of the fort wall along the Sabarmati seem
Our archaeological investigation of this area has revealed relics to be original foundations; the Tin Darwazas stonework, for
dating back to the twelfth-century Solanki period. Here there is example, is typical of fifteenth-century construction. Most of
a small Shiva temple with a broken linga of black stone similar the other parts of Bhadra have undergone considerable change;
to that on which the epigraph mentioned above is inscribed. This the other original monuments are either destroyed or buried to
suggests that the inscription may indeed refer to the Saptarshi a depth of about two and a half metres.
Ara site. Other architectural fragments going back to the Solanki Around the Bhadra enclosure were scattered other settlements,
period are strewn all around. We note that Stambhatirtha, a such as that with Haibat Khans mosque as its focus, a short
name by which this area is generally known, is a toponym found distance to the south. Other than the older settlement of
at other elevated sites elsewhere in the region. The thirteenth- Ashaval, suburbs such as Bhanderipur were already in existence.
-century Sanskrit drama Hamirmadmardana suggests that Outside Tin Darwaza the most important area was that of
Karnavati was situated on the Sabarmati, thus confirming our Manek Chowk which included the Jami Masjid. This became the
archaeological findings. The extent of the ancient settlement nucleus of the new market that developed towards the north
eastwards can be traced to Behrampur, where a fine eleventh- and east, eventually engulfing older Ashaval. The royal cemetery
century Hanuman image has been discovered. Other old of Ahmad Shah and his successors was immediately to the east
carvings were also found in the Ganganath Mahadeva complex of the Jami Masjid.
in Behrampur, and also at Chandola.
Karnavati was short-lived, since its existence as a military Growth of the City
outpost against the rulers of southern Gujarat, at whose hands As first laid out, Ahmedabad extended up to the Jami Masjid and
Karnadeva eventually suffered defeat, became unnecessary in present-day Ratan Pol to the northeast. Hathi Khana, the royal
the succeeding period. While these changed circumstances elephant stables, located in the busy area of Ratan Pol, was an
meant the decline of Karnavati, Ashaval continued to flourish. important landmark in this zone, which was on the outskirts of
the city. The Golwad, or workers quarters, was also located here.
Establishment of Ahmadabad To the east was Dhikva; the word dhik comes from dhenk,
After Ahmad Shahs succession to the throne of the new which signifies a system of drawing water for the small gardens
Sultanate he abandoned the old capital of Anahilvada-Patan, cultivated by the Vagharis.
where he evidently felt increasingly unsafe. Since he had The planning of the royal enclosures, the Jami Masjid and
supporters at Ashaval, Ahmad shifted his new capital there, and the markets between Manek, Chowk and Tin Darwaza was a
rapidly developed a new royal residential settlement. As it was significant achievement of the first Sultanate rulers. Since the
the practice at this time to call capitals after their royal founders, city was essentially developed as a royal capital, its nucleus was
Ahmedabad was adopted as the citys name. The site chosen for the palace. Around this settled varous merchants, especially
the new palace was the elevated plain of Bhadra on the east bank dealers in arms and manufacturers of luxury goods. Beyond
of the Sabarmati. Originally this had nalas (streamlets) running this inner commercial ring was another zone of markets around
63

on the west bank of the Sabarmati. Here there were at least


one thousand shops, and in all of these were traders, artisans,
craftsmen, government servants and military people, both Hindu
and Muslim, until quarrels and mismanagement ruined them.
The present author has observed these Puras in flourishing
condition, and stately buildings in them, but now they are
in ruins, perhaps they will be soon forgotten, save for a few
mosques and gates.
The combined evidence of these different writers indicates that
Ahmedabads Puras were independent settlements that grew
up around the royal centre, with their own dynamics of growth,
decay and regeneration. In this respect their urban character
was that of independent satellites. To further investigate
the history of these Puras we need to examine their surviving
mosques, tombs, gates and step-wells. Our toponymical analysis
of the names of these Puras reveals the existence of one hundred
and forty-three such settlements in the Ahmadabad region.
A further source of information is the Jain temples described by
Lalitsagar, an early seventeenth-century writer. This authority
suggests that areas such as Kalupur and Sarangpur were at the
time also considered suburbs of the city.

The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries


The most important public work in Ahmedabad in the middle
of the fifteenth century was the great tank at Kankariya laid out
the Jami Masjid. Toponyms like Dhalgarwada, Salapasa Road, by Qutubuddin. This was built by constructing a dam wall across
Patwasheri and Danapith, which are still common in this area, a natural monsoon stream; upon this dam the later Armenian
indicate the original commercial occupation of the inhabitants. tombs and the present-day Kankariya gardens were laid out.
Once Ahmedabad was firmly established as the Sultanate The stream supplied water to the great polygonal tank which
capital, numerous amirs settled in the neighbourhood. These marked the southernmost limit of the capital at this time.
noblemen generally preferred to live beyond the confines of While the growth of Ahmedabad during this period is not well
the city where, at a safe distance, they could develop their own known, we infer that the absorption of parts of older Ashaval was
suburban settlements. These settlements were known as Puras; achieved on the east and south, and that the city had expanded
but they were also called after their noble founders. Sometimes in other directions on the north. Beyond this, Bhanderipur
they were known with the suffix ganj, such as Nurganj and formed a distinct suburb in the east.
Muradganj. Abul Fazl noted that Ahmadabad was: a noble The reign of Mahmud Begra (1458-1511) was important for the
city in a high stage of prosperity situated on the bank of the development of the city. Suburbs such as Sarangpur, Kalupur,
Sabarmati..., It has two forts outside of which are 360 quarters Dariyapur on the east, and possibly also Shahpur on the
of a special kind which they call Pura, in which all the requisites north, developed around the original urban nucleus; Tranlimdi
of a city are to be found. separated Kalupur from the main town. These Puras were
In later times, the writer of Mirat-i Ahmadi quotes an earlier mainly developed by the amirs of Mahmud and those of his
Persian work, Tazkirat-ul Mulka, which describes Usmanpura son, Muzaffur II; other Puras were also laid out further away.
64

Our analysis of place names suggests that by the beginning of


the sixteenth century, the extent of Ahmedabad was marked by
Bhanderipur, and partly by Sarangpur and Kalupur. By the mid-
1520s the area within the semi-circle of the fortification walls
was fully occupied by a dense population. The period after about
1535 was not conducive to growth due to political instability.
As to the construction of the city walls, there are several
interpretations: the first postulates that they were the work of
Ahmad Shah; the second, that they were built by Mahmud Begra.
A local Bhavai folk drama, Lalji Maniar No Vesa, dating from about
the eighteenth century, presents yet a third interpretation, that
the walls were laid out after the attack on the city, possibly in
1582. Our archaeological investigation and examination of the
fort wall itself confirm the information given in the drama. It is
now clear to the writers that only after the siege of Ahmadabad,
and the reconquest of the city by Akbars armies, was the outer
line of the city fort constructed. It is interesting to note that
according to this view, the walls were erected by the Mughal
conqueror to protect himself against the defeated, but still
threatening, local authorities.
The fortifications firmly delimited the peripheries of the main
city, and from this time onwards the urban Dattem was firmly and the alignments on the south, east and north were altered,
established. The nucleus of the city continued to be Bhadra and that on the south side was repaired. Manek Burj had a new
and Manek Chowk, which constituted the twin political and use as a head-water for the water channels for Azam Khans
commercial centres of the capital. The growth of Ahmadabad Caravanserai and possibly the Karanj. Gardens and hamams
from its initial rectangular enclosure into its distinctive semi- were laid out here, while new buildings were erected elsewhere
circular shape known as Dhanukudil, curved like a bow, is a in the city.
phenomenon known also in other cities, such as Surat. One of the outstanding monuments of Jehangirs period was a
As a result of the fortifications, the road system developed palace constructed in 1618 in Shahibagh as famine relief work;
rapidly; this is revealed by the Khanjehan, Raikhad, Ganesh Bari another structure dating from 1637 is the sarai of Azam Khan
and Khanpur Darwazas which lead down towards the Sabarmati. in Bhadra. Our toponymical investigation has revealed that
The Delhi and Jamalpur Darwazas indicate the major north- present-day Khadia became Akbarpura; this name survived up
south axis; the Mudia, Raipur, Shahpur and Dariyapur Darwazas to the nineteenth century, but is now little known. Although
formed a subsidiary network; the Kalupur, Sarangpur and Astodia Ahmadabad remained merely a provincial town under the
Darwazas opened to the east. While the city grew by stages, and Mughals, it was well maintained. European travellers of the
was never a planned effort at any single moment, the different period, such as Sir Thomas Roe and Thevenot, were impressed by
Puras and internal areas continued to develop independently. the size and arrangement of its facilities.
The next century, however, witnessed a decline due to the
The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries weakening of Mughal authority, and many of the suburbs and
During this period of relative political stability, the fortified town even parts of the inner city were abandoned and ruined, as noted
experienced a growth in prosperity. Bhadra was extensively by the writer of the Mirat-i Ahmadi. The Maratha conquest
repaired, and its fortifications were renovated. The modern gate of Ahmadabad in 1757 marks the beginning of the Gaekwad-
65

Peshwa era. These rulers did not contribute to the expansion of The Modern Era
the city as did their Mughal predecessors; they followed their In 1817 the British ousted the Marathas from Ahmedabad. With
own policy of erecting temples and housing themselves and its basic goal of economic exploitation, the East India Company
their retinues in Bhadra. They converted older buildings to new developed the city into the military and administrative centre of
uses, and repaired some earlier religious structures. The Hajira-ni the region. Bhadra was transformed, and structures were also
and Hamam-ni Pols, both in Khadia, and other localities in the altered; several churches were erected. The most substantial
walled city were developed at this time. contribution of the British was the establishment in 1830 of the
military headquarters northeast of the city. The cantonment
was located on the fringe of Asarva. In 1861 the railway was laid
near Kalupur as a development of transport facilities.
The immediate effect on the city was the opening up of roads
leading to the railway station. For this purpose, the Prem and
Panchkuva Darwazas were created by piercing the fortification
walls (in 1864 and 1871, respectively). The development of railway
offices, staff quarters and other facilities in this zone dates also
from this period. The next important effect on traffic was the
concentration of wholesale markets near the station. The growth
of mechanized industries and workers quarters in the eastern
suburbs transformed this area into an industrial zone. The
first textile mill was established in 1861; many more appeared
soon after. Other changes in the city took place on the western
bank of the Sabarmati. The building of the wooden bridge, later
replaced by the Ellis Bridge after 1875, encouraged a steady flow
of traffic, westwards. Residential developments and educational
institutions, in particular; were established in this area.
After the First World War, there was an accelenition of suburban
development in Ahmedabad.
The old walls were mostly pulled down after 1922, and thereafter
the city was no longer constrained in its outward growth. After
Independence, industrial and residential growth has increased
phenomenally. The construction of multi-storeyed apartments
and high-rise office buildings in concrete, brick, steel and glass
has now dramatically changed the skyline. Such large-scale
activity is accompanied by increasing clusters of dense slums in
low-lying and open areas. At the present moment Ahmedabad
is expanding rapidly as it once did in the fifteenth century, but
with the difference that overcrowding and uncontrolled growth
has created serious problems of environmental pollution. It is
to be hoped that future planning will recognize the historical
importance of the city and the legacy that still survives in the
form of traditional residential quarters as well as the monuments
themselves.
POLS 67

Ahmedabad

After the communal riots of 1714, Ahmedabads population


sought greater security by living together in closely associated
groups within pols. The typical pol is a small residential unit
consisting of a single street with a group of houses. It is a
kind of micro-neighbourhood, usually protected by a gate at
the entrance. These pols developed further as the process of
densification continued; today they are a special feature of
old Ahmedabad. Traditionally, the main considerations for
living within a particular pol were the religion and caste of the
inhabitants. Compact housing clusters with dead-end streets
formed distinctive residential patterns. The pols were even self-
sustainable over a period of time since each house had its own
storage for water and food grain, a tradition that continues
today.

The geometric form of the pols varies throughout Ahmedabad.


There are areas where the pol has a definite rectilinear pattern,
but in most parts of the city an organic pattern prevails. As far
as scale is concerned a strong consistency can be observed. It is
safe to conclude that the street of the pol has been the most
dominant form of community space in Ahmedabad throughout
the centuries. Some of the oldest pols are Mhurat Pol, Mandvi-
ni-Pol and Lakha Patel-ni-Pol, all concentrated in the central part
of the walled city. Although these pols are becoming congested
due to overpopulation, we may still discern a sense of pride in
their residents.
68 HAVELIS

Ahmedabad

House Form
While the layout of most houses in old Ahmedabad conforms house since these are usually built around it. A slight change
to a general pattern, we can see how they have been adapted in level may signify the transition between the chowk and its
to different circumstances. Typologically, most houses are surrounding areas. Not only are the social and family needs
deep, with a narrow frontage that opens onto a narrow satisfied by the chowk, this part of the house also responds to
street. Along its longer sides, the house shares walls with the climatic needs. Since it signifies the outside realm within the
adjoining properties. Normally, the house occupies the entire confines of the house, the facades that surround the chowk
plot of land available to the owner. This has resulted in a very receive particular attention; their decorated elements are often
densely built environment, made somewhat porous by the a showpiece for the family. The verandah-like space called the
streets and the courtyards within the houses. This has added parasal that often surrounds the chowk is also used as another
greater importance and meaning to the courtyards, also to the zone of family activities. Among the rooms of lesser importance
thresholds connecting the houses with the streets. A threshold is the ordo used both for storage and for sleeping. House roofs
is the transition between inside and outside, and is therefore are mostly sloping, but those portions which are flat (agasi) are
elaborate both in conception and in detail, though small in scale. used for sleeping outside during the summer nights, and also for
This element is invariably accompanied by a platform known drying and spreading out articles in the open.
as the otla. Depending upon the community, the otla can be an While there are no major differences in the forms of houses used
extremely busy area where several activities are carried on, or by various community and caste groups, certain details do vary.
it may function just as an entrance, as can be observed in the Muslim houses, in particular, have been somewhat improvised
houses of certain Muslim communities. and adjusted. Two major differences occur due to the need for
The major components of Ahmedabads traditional houses privacy and to the different eating habits that influence the plan
are identified by their particular names rather than by their organization and space utilization of the house. Whereas cooking
functional allocations. There is no living room, dining room itself is given a lot of importance in Hindu and Jain houses,
or bedroom as such. The nomenclature is basically Gujarati, resulting in more elaborate and often larger kitchens, a typical
the local language, and is common for the houses of all three Muslim house, even in wealthier households, has a smaller
major communities. Naming these elements begins at the and simpler kitchen. Dining is an important, almost ritualistic,
street level with the otla. This entrance platform often has a activity in Muslim homes, resulting in more space for eating.
row of columns supporting a facade which projects outwards Privacy for women has created two distinct zones in Muslim
as one moves upwards to the different floors. The otla is like residences. This results in a kind of living-entrance area in the
a preamble to the actual threshold, which is called the umro. front of the house where visitors are welcome; for the family and
Besides accommodating the extended activities of the house, closer relatives, though, a living room at the rear of the house is
the otla has great ritual significance for Hindus since religious more commonly used. In all houses, irrespective of community
activities take place there. However, when a Muslim family type, the stairway is invariably close to the entrance.
uses a similar house, the otla loses its significance because the
activities extending outwards from the house are limited due to
notions of privacy.
The front area of the house is a reception space, a kind of sitting
room sometimes called the baithak. The inner part of the house,
the courtyard or chowk, is the most important element. It is
this central open space that controls all the other spaces of the
69

Statik und tragende Elemente


Die mehrgeschossigen Stadthuser waren bis in die Zeit nach
1900 alle nach hnlichen Konstruktionsmustern erbaut:
Tragende Bestandteile waren hauptschlich massive Holzstnder.
Die Bereiche zwischen ihnen waren durch tragende Backstein-
oder nichttragende Holzwnde ausgefacht. In der lndlichen
Architektur mit meist nur einem Geschoss nahmen die aus
dicken sten oder dnneren Baumstmmen bestehenden
Stnder das Dachgewicht auf. Ausfachungen auf dem Land
sind aus Lehm, Lehmziegeln oder aus mit Lehm verstrichenem
Rautengeflecht.
Die in der Gujarati-Architektur in verschiedenem Zusammenhang
blichen Sulen zeigen die Grundidee der Gewichtsbertragung:
Ziegel liegen auf Dachsparren bzw. Platten liegen auf
Bodenbalken, auf Bindern, welche das Gewicht auf Balkenlager
und von diesen auf Kapitelle bzw. Sulen ableiten. Auskragende
Bauteile, oft ber die gesamte Lnge der Strassenfassade
laufend, werden durch einfache oder reich geschnitzte Streben
auf die tragenden Stnder abgesttzt. Dabei fllt auf, wie
grosszgig diese Sttzen dimensioniert sind bzw. wieviele pro
Laufmeter vorhanden sind. Der Plan zeigt zwei Schnitte durch die
Tragkonstruktion einer Aussenwand: die traditionelle um 1700,
die auf dem Plan transitional genannte, der ebergangszeit
zugehrige, um 1900. Die traditionelle Variante ist etwas
schlichter, die Holzschnitzereien weniger ppig. Und doch ist
das Grundmodell beibehalten worden: ein bodentragender
Balken liegt auf der tragenden Sule auskragend auf und
bietet dem oberen Stockwerk damit frei nutzbaren Raum. Der
Balken wird durch eine schlichte Strebe auf die tragende Sule
abgesttzt. Beim spteren Haus erfolgt die Absttzung der zwei
auskragenden Geschosse erst im Erdgeschoss.

Schnitte durch die Aussenwand


links: transitional
rechts: traditional
70

Sulenformen
Die auf der gegenberliegenden Seite abgebildeten Sulen
stammen aus verschiedenen Epochen:
C-4 ist eine traditionelle Sule aus dem 18. Jahrhundert. Sie
besitzt kein Kapitell, sttzt aber durch eine fein geschnitzte,
massive Strebe den vorkragenden Teil des Obergeschosses.
Die drei Sulen C-1, C-2, C-3 sind von kolonialer Formensprache
beeinflusst und zeigen sogar klassizistische Formen. Sule C-1 ist
die klassische indisch-islamische Sule aus der spten Maratha-
Zeit, also aus dem Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts. Sie sttzt eine
grssere Geschosshhe ab als die frheren und spteren Sulen.
In der Stadt Ahmedabad und in ganz Gujarat ist diese Sule
weniger verbreitet als in andern Teilen Indiens.
C-2 und C-3 bringen im Zuge der Angleichung an den herrschenden
europischen Geschmack klassizistische Grundformen, ppige
Kapitelle und eine neuartige Oberflchenbehandlung.
Erst das Aufkommen der zentralsymmetrischen Grundrisse und
der Materialien des 20. Jahrhun-derts, wie Doppel-T-Trger aus
Eisen und vorgespannte Betontrger, vernderten das Bild der
tragenden Sulen vollstndig.
71
72

Bsp.1: Moti Rangila Pol

Huser wie dasjenige gegenber wurden in Ahmedabad bis in


die 1920er Jahre hinein gebaut. Dieses Haus gehrt zum Quartier
Shahpur und ist nicht lter als 150 Jahre. Es steht in der Moti
Rangila Gasse. Das Wort moti heisst von hherem Status,
was sich in den ausgearbeiteten Details im Hausbau zeigt.
Der Stall und Vorratsraum wurde hier zum Zweiten Hof, von
draussen durch die Haustre abgegrenzt und innen gegen den
Innenhof hin offen. Vom Innenhof aus ist die Kche und das
Wassertopfregal Panihara zu erreichen. In einem Winkel ist der
Hausgott untergebracht, statt nur in einer Nische. Die innere
Veranda, die auf den Innenhof hinausgeht, ist in diesem Beispiel
viel reichhaltiger ausgestattet. Sie lebt von der Unterscheidung
zwischen tragenden und nichttragenden Konstruktionshlzern.
Wie blich ist der Hausteil zur Gasse hin niedriger als der hintere,
wobei dieser ber den drei Vollgeschossen einen Dachboden mit
immerhin zwei Metern lichter (Giebel)Hhe aufweist.
Durch die Lage der verschiedenen Treppen kann das Haus je
nach (wechselnden) Bedrfnissen von verschiedenen Familien
bzw. Mietern bewohnt werden; welche Rume zu einer Einheit
zusammengefasst werden, richtet sich im konkreten Fall von
mehreren Miets- bzw. Benutzerparteien nach den Bedrfnissen
bzw. den getroffenen Abmachungen.
Solche Huser in ihren Gassen bzw. in ihrer Husergruppe
bieten kleinrumiges Leben, kleinmassstbliche Formen, enge
und schattige Gassenrume, Kontinuitt und Gleichfrmigkeit
der architektonischen Formen und gleichzeitig berraschende
Erweiterungen des Gassenraums, die kleine Pltze formen, sie
bieten eine grosse Palette verschiedener ffentlicher, halbprivater
und privater Nutzungen.
73

2. Obergeschoss
1.Obergeschoss
Erdgeschoss
Schnitt
74

Bsp.2: Sankdi Sheri

Die traditionellen Stadthuser reicher Kaufleute, Beamter und


anderer wohlhabender Familien heissen Haveli und rangieren
statusmssig gerade unterhalb eines kleinen Prinzenpalasts.
Diese stdtischen Wohnhuser sind grundstzlich gross an
Volumen, stehen manchmal frei oder sind nur einseitig angebaut
und weisen reich geschnitztes Holzwerk auf. Ein Haveli ist ein
Prestigebau und hat Teil am Eindruck, den eine Familie oder eine
Gemeinschaft gegen aussen machen will.
Diese Art Gebude knnten als eigener Haus-Typ angesehen
werden, der aus dem Pol-Haus entwickelt worden ist. Dazuge-
kommen ist ein grosser Innenhof (C) mit der Mglichkeit, ihn
allseitig mit Rumen zu umgeben. Das ganze Haus steht auf
einem weit hheren Sockel: der Sockel zum an der Strasse
Sitzen hat seine eigentliche Funktion verloren und dient nur der
Reprsentation. Seine dem hohen Status angepasste Funktion
hat die Eingangshalle (EH) bernommen, Dem Wohlstand
angepasst, sind alle Dekorationen reicher ausgefhrt; bei vielen
aber nicht allen - Gebuden dieses Typs kommt an der Fassade
im zweiten Obergeschoss ein Balkon hinzu.
Die traditionellen Havelis hatten bescheidenere Vorgnger; erst
seit Beginn der Indo-Islamischen Zeit kennt man die Art Havelis,
wie sie heute in den Stdten anzutreffen sind.

Die Plne zeigen ein Haveli einer angesehenen Ahmedabader


Familie, das mitten in der Altstadt gegenber einer Reihe
hnlicher, wenn auch weniger reicher Gebude liegt, die alle
innert 25 Jahren entstanden waren. Das abgebildete Haus
stammt aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts und steht wohl
an der Stelle eines Vorgngerbaus. Heute wird das Gebude
teilweise als Schule benutzt.
Die Mischung traditioneller (hoher Sockel, hohe Sulen,
typische Gujarati-Tre) und importierter Fassadenelemente
(durchgehender Balkon im 2.0G, Balkongelnder, Sulenformen)
macht das Haus zu einem guten Beispiel der bergangszeit.
75

Der Grundriss respektiert die Tradition bis auf die oben erwhnte
Eingangshalle (EH). Das Gebude besitzt einen Innenhof (e),
umgeben von einer umlaufenden Veranda, und einen Zweiten
Innenhof (P). Daran schliesst der erste (Familien)-Raum (R)
und der unterteilte private Wohnraum (R) an. Sdlich des
Innenhofs liegen eine Reihe kleiner Rume: die in den Service-
Hof erweiterte Kche (K), Vorratsrume (R), der Puja-Raum
(PR), der dem tglichen Morgengebet dient, sowie der Raum,
in welchem das Wassertopfgestell (PY) steht. Diesen kleinen
Servicerumen gegenber liegen ein Wohnraum (R), ein Bad
(Bt) und eine Toilette (T) im europischen Stil. Die Eingangshalle
(EH) ist Empfangsraum und Verteiler: Familienmitglieder
und Verwandte drfen durch die Tre in den Innenhof (P&C)
eintreten, aussenstehende Gste und Geschftsfreunde werden
ber die innere Freitreppe in den formellen Empfangsraum im
1.OG gebeten.
Das 1. Obergeschoss zeigt die formelle Empfangshalle (MH)
mit kleinen Nebenrumen sowie einen grossen Privatraum des
Hauseigentmers an der Rckwand des Hauses samt eigener
kleiner Terrasse (Tr) ber der Kche. Von der Freitreppe aus kann
bei Bedarf die formelle Empfangshalle (MH) via Balkon (B),
Lagerraum (SR) und weiteren Privatraum umgangen werden. So
stsst man in den schmalen Korridor vor, der die Empfangshalle
mit dem riesigen (zeremoniellen) Familienraum (FR) verbindet.
Das 2. OG zeigt sehr deutlich die Trennung in halbffentlichen
und privaten Teil: Im halbffentlichen gruppieren sich Rume (R) -
frher wohl Gsterume - um die beiden Hallen. Davon durch die
Terrasse (Tr) getrennt lag eine weitere, der Familie vorbehaltene
Halle mit darber stehendem Dachboden (At). So werden die
Terrassen, zu raumbildenden und -teilenden Formen.
1.Obergeschoss
Erdgeschoss
Schnitt
76

Bsp.3: Surdas Sheths Pol

Das auf den Plnen dargestellte Haus ist ein typisches Beispiel
fr die Verschmelzung der traditionellen und der kolonialen
Architektur. Es wurde zwischen 1900 und 1930 erbaut.

Die Grundrisse folgen eng dem typischen Muster; Balkone und


Terrassengelnder in den oberen Stockwerken weisen auf den
kolonialen Einfluss. Das Haus hat einen Vorgngerbau ersetzt;
deshalb wurde der Grundriss zwischen die umliegenden Ge-
bude eingepasst. Zurzeit wird das Erdgeschoss von einem Mieter
bzw. seiner Familie genutzt, whrend die oberen Stockwerke
von der Eigentmerfamilie bewohnt werden. Daher sind auch
zwei Kchen (im EG und im 1. OG) vorhanden. Bemerkenswert
sind die sorgfltigen und grosszgigen Dekorationen sowie das
Holzschnitzwerk.
77

3. Obergeschoss
2. Obergeschoss
1.Obergeschoss
Erdgeschoss
78

1 Mosque of Ahmad Shah 10 Swaminarayan temple


2 Mosque of Dastur Khan 11 Shet Hathisingh temple
3 Mosque of Sidi Sayed 12 Dada Harir step-well
4 Mosque of Rani Rupavati 13 House of M.G. - Agashiye
5 Jami Masjid 14 Premabhai Hall
6 Tin Darwaza 15 Sanskar Kendra Museum
7 Tomb of Ahmad Shah 16 National Institute of Design
8 Rani ka Hazira ( tombs of the queens) 17 Villa Shodan
9 Mosque of Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah 18 Mill owners Association
The Old City 79
80

Jami Masjid
Ahmed Shah

near Teen Darwaja


Ahmedabad

1423

Built in 1424 by Bhamani ruler Ahmad Shah I (1411-1442), the


Jami Masjid of Ahmedabad was probably the largest mosque
constructed on the Indian subcontinent at the time. Conceived
as a part of the emperors grandiose urban vision, the mosque
lies to the south of a royal processional way that travels eastward
from the Maidan-i Shah and the triple gateway known as Teen
Darwaza. To the east of the mosque are the tombs of Ahmed
Shah, his son and grandson. A further adjacent enclosure, Rani
Ka Hazira, houses the tomb of the Shahs queen and other royal
ladies.
Built over many years, the mosque complex is centered on a
vast paved courtyard that is about seventy-five meters long
and sixty-six meters wide. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (1414-15) gives
detailed measurements of the mosque. The courtyard is entered
from three gateways, one at the center of each side. There is a
long rectangular ablution tank in the center. It is wrapped by
a colonnade on three sides, with the prayer hall occupying the
western side. The prayer hall is rectangular and covered with five
domes. The domes are carried on two hundred and sixty columns,
which divide the space into fifteen bays or, three rows of five
square bays, each with a dome and decorated mihrab along a
the qibla wall. Its courtyard faade has a stepped roofline, with a
tall portal at its center. The north and south chambers, which are
the lowest, open onto the courtyard through five pillared bays
of unequal size. The taller central chamber is flanked by two
shorter archways and is entered from the tall arched portal with
a final bearing dome. Perforated stone screens are pierced into
the pillars of the two framing bays. The portal is framed by two
columns, which are the remains of two lofty minarets (shaking
minarets) whose shafts were destroyed by the earthquakes of
1819 and 1957.
81

Sidi Sayyeds Mosque


Sidi Sayyed

near Rupali Cinema, Lal Darwaja


Ahmedabad

1572-1573

Located near Lal Darwaza in Ahmedabad, the Sidi Sayyad Mosque


is world renowned for its intricate stone carvings, especially for
its ten unique and splendid semi-circular tracery windows. The
tracery resembles the famous silver filigree work, depicting the
intricate intertwining of the branches of a tree. Constructed
in 1572-73 by Sidi Sayyad, a salve of Ahmed Shah, the mosque
presents a fine example of Indo-Saracenic architecture.
The interior of the Sidi Sayyad Mosque is uniquely divided into
15 areas with differing inner dome-style. The mosque has a total
of ten intricately carved stone windows. Two of them (western
windows) have unmatched exquisite naturalistic patterns
and the remaining eight have jail workmanship of square grid
pattern. Their popularity can be assessed from the fact that the
wooden models of the western windows have been kept in the
museums of New York and Kensington.
82

Chabutra - bird feeding places

Ahmedabad

Chabutra is a unique cultural institution of Gujarat reflecting the


benign attitude of Gujarties as peace lovers and their concern
about the welfare of all life forms. Chabutra is essentially a
platform covered with a dome or hood and mounted on a 5-6 feet
high pole. On the platform a dish of water and some grains are
kept for birds. Chabutras are of various sizes and shapes. Some can
be as large as rooms. They are built of various material including
stone, metal, wood and bricks. However the common function of
chabutras is providing refuge to birds that are commonly found
in human settlements. Historians have different interpretations
regarding chabutras etymology. Some claim that chabutras
were earlier known as kabutar, which means pigeon house. It is
also believed that the word chabutra has been derived from the
word chatri, a popular Rajasthani architectural design. There has
been a significant amount of fusion between the design forms
of Rajasthan and Gujarat over the centuries and the chabutra is
a manifestation of this rich synthesis of culture of two regions.
Chabutras also reflect a rich synthesis of Hindu, Jain and Islamic
architecture. However, the idea is undoubtedly linked tothe Jain
faith which preaches non-violence and humanity. In the local
lore there is wide belief that after death a persons soul assumes
the form of birds and animals. So by caring for birds they also
care for the souls of their departed ancestors.
Some historians believe that originally chabutras were meant
to be the destination of message carrying pigeons in the royal
households. Yet another group of experts find chabutras as an
important element of urban design. They served to enhance
the utilization of space judiciously and aesthetically in pols.
Even now, old chabutras in villages and pols are located very
prominently in the centre the place where most community
interactions and the celebration of festivals take place.
83

Hathee Singh temple


Seth Hathee Singh

Opposite Delhi Darwaja


Ahmedabad

15. Jahrhundert

Constructed in the year 1850 AD, Hathee Singh temple is a very


famous Jain temple. It has been named after its founder Seth
Hathee Singh, a prosperous Jain merchant. Hathee Singh Jain
temple of Ahmedabad was built in the dedication of the 15th
Jain Trithanakara named Dharmnath. The temple is known for
its fabulous architectural styling and designing that consists of
intricate carvings.

It is an architectural marvel that has been built using beautiful


white marbles. Hathee Singh Jain temple is a double storied
construction that has a dome on the front side. The other two
sides of the temple consist of lavishly carved out galleries.
The temple has a cemented courtyard that is enclosed by a row
of cloisters, which contains 52 holy places. Each of the shrines
consists of an image of a Tirthankara.
Entrance level
1. Entrance bridge 6. Curator
2. Entrance & exipition hall 7. Directors office
3. Reception 8. Pantry & lunch room
4. General office 9. Toilet
5. Meeting room 10. Water body
Institute of Indology 85

Balkrishna V. Doshi

Opp. Gujarat University, Navrangpura


Ahmedabad

1957 - 1962

Through his association with Le Corbusier, and via introductions


by Achyut Kanvinde, Doshi came in contact with the wealthy
mill owners in Ahmedabad. One of them, Kasturbhai Lalbhai,
commissioned him in 1957 to design the Institute of Indology,
a center for the study of ancient manuscripts. This represents
Doshis first step in his search for an Indian way of building.
He shows his mastery of Le Corbusiers vocabulary, but with a
lightness that is specifically Indian. The building recalls some
of the large houses and temple complexes in the old city of
Ahmedabad, and the nearby palace buildings of Sarkhej. The
Institute of Indology is entered from a monumental staircase,
asymmetrically situated on the north facade, that rises to a
bridge across the pool that fronts the building. The upper level,
which houses teaching rooms, projects over the entrance level
to act as a parasol over the wide verandah that adjoins the
reception area and administration offices.
As was the tradition in temples, where precious texts were kept
in spaces beneath the main structure, here the manuscripts are
stored on a lower level that Doshi has submerged below the
ground plane to provide protection from the climate. Angled
clerestory windows gently admit indirect light to this space.
The slanting roofs over the clerestories channel rain into two
troughs which run parallel to the front and rear elevations and
cast off the water via projecting spouts.
The building is architecturally complete, with no possibility
for addition. The need for more space in 1984 necessitated the
design of a separate building, with Doshi as the architect.
C.E.P.T. - School of Architecture 87

Balkrishna V. Doshi

Opp. Gujarat University, Navrangpura


Ahmedabad

1968

The School of Architecture at Ahmedabad was designed by


architect Balkrishna Doshi early in his career - a few years after
completing his apprenticeship with Le Corbusier. The School
is part of a larger complex of buildings with departments for
interior design, planning, construction technology and centers
for the visual and performing arts - together forming the
Center for Environmental Planning and Technology (CEPT).
The School of Architecture building on the CEPT campus is a
simple but imposing structure sitting in a depression that was
once occupied by a brick kiln. The severely austere L-shaped
plan is generated by a series of bays formed by parallel exposed
brick load bearing walls. The spaces created by this rhythm
accommodate the studios - the prime function of the building.
The parallel walls support concrete slabs which are staggered
over each other in section to create a northlight profile for
the building with the studios organized one above the other
and visually linked in section. The studios are lit by northlight
glazing and deeply recessed openings to the south keeping
out direct sunlight. A narrow street, reminiscent of the streets
in the medieval towns of India, runs through the building and
leads to the administration and library areas.
With an austerely simple plan and section, Doshi has achieved
in this building a tremendous variety of spatial experiences
and robust multifunctional spaces. The School of Architecture
building represents Doshis commitment to structure as the
generator of form as well as the fruitful interplay of influences
both by Louis Kahn as well as Le Corbusier, with whom Doshi
was associated in Ahmedabad.
89

1. Bridge & stair access


2. Studios
3.Bridge
4. Jury & exhibition room
5. General staff office
6. Faculty office
Premabhai Hall 91

Balkrishna V. Doshi

near Teen Darwaja, Bhadra


Ahmedabad

1972 (final project)

One of the most obvious instances of Corbusian


monumentality in Doshis early career, Premabhai Hall
dominates the downtown area of Ahmedabad.
The reality of the required auditorium rake has been used to
great effect by the archiutect, as it has by other functional
expressionists such as James Stirling in the Leicester
Engineering Building, as a formal device that allows the theatre
to seem to soar up and over the open square it defines. This
concrete monolith that has become the civic monument Doshi
intended.
Sangath 93

Balkrishna V. Doshi

Opp. Doordashan tower, Drive In Road


Ahmedabad

1979-1981

Sangath, meaning the moving together toward a goal, is


Doshis workplace west of Ahmedabad. Here he truly found
his own voice, free from the influence of Le Corbusier and
Kahn, yet using a modern sensibility to connect to the past.
The main entrance is below ground level, recalling a stepped
well, and a secondary entrance is located off a flat roof, which
also acts as a plinth. From the street, the visitor passes through
the garden to enter the building. This lushly planted green
space, with reflecting pool, large terra cotta pottery and richly
detailed pathway, provides cool relief from the congested city.
Water collected from rains and recycled from the reflecting
pool is channeled about the exterior to cool the building. Along
the route to the entry, one has multipIe views of the building,
which has no frontal facade.
95

Light is allowed to subtly penetrate the interior through


windows punctured in infill walls, a skylight and glass blocks
in the flat roof. Various changes in level are used to articulate
interior spaces which flow fluidly from one to another. Three
interlinking structural systems are employed: load bearing
walls to support the vaults; retaining wall and columns to
carry the flat roof; and post and beam structure to bear other
heavy loads. Doshis understanding of construction and
local skills, and his close involve-ment with the construction
process, resulted in a highly crafted building at Sangath. Here
he explored the possibilities of porcelain ceramic tile, which
reflects the heat and glistens in the moonlight. The building
aspires, for the first time in Doshis work, to an overtly sensuous
presence, which is the result of its materials, arched forms,
cascading water, and luxuriant garden.
Amdavad ni Gufa 97

Balkrishna V. Doshi, M.F. Hussain

Opp. Gujarat University, Navrangpura


Ahmedabad

1992 - 1994

The Hussain - Doshi Gufa is a gallery for a permanent exhibition


of works by MF Hussain, Indias legenda contemporary
painter. It is located in Ahmedabad on the CEPT (Centre for
Environmental Planning and Technology) campus, which is
also the site of Doshis School of Architecture. With ceramic
mosaic-clad vaults and troughs for channeling rain water, the
gufa is a reinterpretation of the nearby Sangath, Doshis studio.
The structure also recalls ancient rock-cut Buddhist sanctuaries
with painted surfaces and sculpture.
The edifice is submerged in the ground, for climatic control
and to exploit the horizontal thrust of the earth to buttress
the vaults. Sophisticated computer analysis of structural forces
was combined with a ferrocement building technology very
similar to that used in the construction of traditional mud
structures. This building method allowed construction of the
gufa by unskilled laborers, guided by a few skilled workers.
The continuous shell of exterior wall and roof is formed by
a thin slab of great elasticity that requires no form work or
foundations; it is applied directly unto excavated earth. Layers
of thin iron rods are tied into a dense wire mesh. This acts as
reinforcing for the ferrocement, which is applied by hand.
Contiguous spaces are created from structurally autonomous
shells of various sizes that intersect one another. At contact
points walls are replaced by irregular non-plumb columns that
follow forces from above. Light diffuses the cave-like interior
spaces through occuli in the domes. Doshi has likened the gufa
to a long dormant prehistoric crea-ture emerging from the
ground. Hussain announces his presence on the exterior with
the painting of a large black cobra over the white shells.
99

Roof plan Section

Groundfloor Site plan


Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya 101
Sabarmati Ashram
Charles Correa

near R.T.O.
Ahmedabad

1958-63

This memorial museum, erected on the banks of River


Sabarmati, is close to the ashram where Mahatma Gandhi
resided from 1917 to 1930, and from which he started on
his historic Salt March to Dandi. Built in homage to the
Mahatma, it houses letters, photographs, books and other
memorabilia pertaining to his life. These trace the history of
his civil disobedience movement that eventually led to the
independence of India.
The vernacular materials used in the construction are similar
to those employed in the rest of the existing ashram: tiled
roofs, brick walls, stone floors and wooden doors. The only
unequivocally modern element is the six by six meter reinforced
concrete framework, the beams of which double as rain gutters.
The window openings are unglazed throughout, while light and
ventilation are controlled through operable wooden louvers.
The open-ended structural concrete grid supports a pyramidal
pattern of tiled roofs, analogous to the villages that were so
central to Gandhijis philosophy. Consisting of alternating open
and enclosed spaces, these pavilions assume a meandering
pattern, creating a cranked pathway along which the visitor
progresses towards the central water court.
Cricket Stadium and Sports Complex 103

Charles Correa

Ahmedabad

1959 1966

The programme, which called for a stadium to seat 35000


people, an extensive club house and swimming pool, tennis
courts and badminton courts, etc., has only been partially
completed due to lack of funds.
Mill Owners Association Building 105

Le Corbusier

Ashram Road
Ahmedabad

1954

Das Gebude wurde fr eine Gruppe der grssten


Baumwollspinnereien Indiens gebaut. Es beherbergt die Lokale
fr die Zentralverwaltung und die Generalversammlungen.
Alle Rume sind ausgesprochen reprsentativ. Das Haus
liegt in einem Garten ber einem Fluss, an dem die Frber
ihre Baumwolle waschen und auf dem Ufersand trocknen.
Reiher, Khe, Bffel und Esel, die sich im Wasser erfrischen,
leisten ihnen Gesellschaft. Es lag dem Architekten daran, von
allen Etagen Ausblicke auf dieses malerische Schauspiel zu
gewhren, das den Rahmen bei der tglichen Arbeit und den
nchtlichen Festen auf dem Dach bildet.
Die Konstruktion ist streng; das Gebude ist nach den
dominierenden Winden ausgerichtet. Genau dem Breitengrad
Ahmedabads und dem Sonnenlauf entsprechende
Sonnenbrecher befinden sich an der West- und Ostfassade,
whrend die Sd- und Nordfassaden keine (oder nahezu
keine) ffnungen aufweisen. Dach und Bar werden
bei den nchtlichen Festen bentzt. Die Wnde des
Versammlungssaales bestehen aus einer Unterkonstruktion
aus Backsteinen und einer Verkleidung aus Sperrholz. Der
Saal wird durch Reflektieren der gewlbten Decke indirekt
beleuchtet; die Decke wird durch ein Wasserbassin und zwei
Dachterrassen khl gehalten.
Zirkulation: Vom Untergeschoss bis zum Dach bedient
eine doppelte Liftanlage smtliche Stockwerke. Eine lange
Fussgngerrampe verbindet die Etage der Direktionsrume mit

Ebene 2
Ebene 3
Ebene 4
107

den Autohaltestellen. Zur Monsunzeit halten die Autos direkt


an den bis zum Boden reichenden Sonnenbrechern.
Materialien: Nord- und Sdfassaden unverputzter Backstein;
Ost- und Westfassaden Beton mit Holzverschalung bei den
Sonnenbrechern und Blechverschalung zum Eingiessen des
Betons bei den Mauern.
Fr die Fussbden wurden Steine aus Delhi (Morak stone)
verwendet, die nach dem System Optimalbelag Modulor
verlegt sind. Dieser Belag ist an den Stirnwnden links
und rechts in allen Etagen bis zur Decke hinaufgefhrt
und bildet in den Direktionsbros und auf der Terrasse des
Versammlungssaales Tapisserien aus Steinen.
Die Blumentroge zwischen den brise-soleil werden ber
ein automatisches Bewsserungssystem, das sich in den
Handlufen befindet bewssert.
Villa Sarabhai 109

Le Corbusier

near Shahibaugh
Ahmedabad

1955

Das Haus Sarabhai ist nach den herrschenden Winden


ausgerichtet, so dass es vom Luftzug durchdrungen wird; seine
Fassaden sind mit Sonnenbrechern ausgestattet. Als Elemente,
die der Architektur wrdig und dem Menschen angenehm sind,
wurden verwendet: Backstein, roher Beton, weisser Verputz,
intensive Farben.
Als Konstruktion ein Deckengewlbe mit einer Zement-Hourdis-
Tragkonstruktion und mit Pflaster aufgetragenen Sichtplatten.
Die beiden Halbzylinder werden durch Rohbetonunterzge
getragen. Diese Konstruktionsweise ermglicht, beliebige
ffnungen im Mauerwerk frei zu lassen. Sie laufen alle parallel
und ergeben eine usserst lebendige architektonische Wirkung.

Das Haus weist zahlreiche Feinheiten auf. Eine der


gelungensten Lsungen ist die des Daches. Das Deckengewlbe
wurde, nachdem es wasserdicht gemacht war, mit Erde
bedeckt. Das Dach des Hauses wurde so zum herrlichen Garten
mit vollkommenen Rasenflchen und wunderschnen Blumen,
die der Planer allerdings nicht allzu reichlich wnschte. Le
Corbusier erklrt grundstzlich allen Gartengestaltern den
Krieg, denn, ...wenn sie auch vom Himmel gesandt sein mgen,
so verflschen sie doch das Gesicht des Lebens, indem sie mit
Vorliebe fremdartige Pflanzen vorschreiben und seltene

Erdgeschoss
Obergeschoss
111

bertrieben hufig verwenden. So verflschen sie unter dem


Deckmantel der Naturgestaltung die natrliche Umgebung.
Der Fussboden besteht aus diskret schwarzen Madrassteinen.
Sie sind nach einer neuen Methode verlegt, die den Regeln
des Modulor folgt und von Le Corbusier fr alle Steinbden
angewandt wurde. Sie hat den Vorteil, dass keine Abflle
entstehen und trotzdem eine bisher nie erreichte harmonische
Wirkung hervorgebracht wird. Sie wurde in Ahmedabad
in den Husern Sarabhai und Shodan, dem Palais des
Baumwollspinnerei-Verbandes, und dem Museum angewandt.
Villa Shodhan 113

Le Corbusier

near Nagari Hospital, Ghandigram Railway Station


wAhmedabad

1956

Diese Villa hat eine Geschichte: 1951 wurde Le Corbusier von


Herrn Hutheesing, dem Sekretr des Verbandes der Millowners
(Baumwollspinnerei-Verband) beauftragt, ein Landhaus nach
seinen ganz persnlichen Bedrfnissen zu entwerfen. Kaum
waren die Ausfhrungsplne fertig gestellt, verkaufte sie Herr
Hutheesing an Herrn Shodhan, der ein anderes Grundstck
besass. Zum Glck sind die Plne Le Corbusiers fr Bauten
in Indien immer in erster Linie vom Lande selbst diktiert,
und so vollzog sich die Anpassung dieser Plne an das neue
Grundstck ohne besondere Schwierigkeiten.
Die Konstruktion ist bemerkenswert einfach. Anordnung,
Formen und Dimensionen der Rume im Schatten der
Sonnenbrecher an den Fassaden und des schirmfrmigen
Daches aber ergeben eine erstaunliche rumliche Wirkung. Die
Rume stehen in Verbindung mit den Terrassen, ber die die

Schnitt
Erdgeschoss
115

Winde hinstreichen. Der Plan erinnert an denjenigen der Villa


Savoy in Poissy (1929-30), ist aber dem tropischen Klima und der
indischen Bauweise angepasst.
Das Schalmaterial fr die Fassaden besteht aus
zusammengesuchtem Holz; der Beton ist nach der Ausschalung
roh belassen. Einzig fr das Sonnenschutzdach und die
Wohnrume wurden Blechschalungen verwendet; die starken
Farben heben die Struktur des Rohbetons hervor.
Ein charakteristisches Element bildet die Rampe, die vom
Zwischenstock zur ersten Etage fhrt. Zuoberst befindet sich
ein Dachgarten mit verschiedenen Niveauhhen mit drei
unabhngigen und doch miteinander in Verbindung stehenden
Wohnungen.

1. Obergeschoss
2. Obergeschoss
Sanskar Kendra Museum 117

Le Corbusier

near Tagore Hall, Paldi


Ahmedabad

1957

Das Museum steht auf Sulen: man gelangt unter dem


Gebude in einen offenen Hof, von dem eine ebenfalls offene
Rampe zu den Etagen fhrt. Die Etagen sind durch Pfeiler
von 7x7 Meter Abstand, die ein Doppelschiff bilden, getragen.
Gegen die hohen Tagestemperaturen sind alle notwendigen
Schutzmassnahmen getroffen worden. Man ging davon aus,
dass die Besuche besonders abends und nachts stattfinden;
sie werden auf dem Dach fortgesetzt, das einen herrlichen
Garten, bestehend aus mehr als 45 Bassins, bildet. Jedes Bassin
von 50 m2 Oberflche ist 40 cm tief mit Wasser gefllt. Dichte
Vegetation schtzt das Wasser vor dem Verdunsten in der
glhenden Sonne. Blatt- und Bltenpflanzen, die direkt auf das
Wasser gest wurden, bilden ein blau-rot-grn-weiss-gelbes
Schachbrett. Das Wasser der Bassins wird durch ein spezielles
Pulver gedngt, das ein ausserordentliches, vom natrlichen
Rhythmus unabhngiges Wachstum hervorbringt: riesige
Blumen, riesige Tomaten, riesige Krbisse

Unter der Decke erstreckt sich, geschtzt vor den Einwirkungen


der Sonne, der Raum der elektrischen Installationen. Von
nun an kann man das Licht solo, als Duett oder als ganzes
Orchester spielen lassen - tief oder hoch - nach Methoden,
die musikalischen Partituren gleichen. Das Licht ist ein

Erdgeschoss
119

integrierender Teil der Wirkung geworden, die das Museum


auf den Besucher ausbt. Es ist zum Rang einer emotionellen
Kraft aufgestiegen und ein bestimmendes Architekturelement
geworden.

Einer der Vorteile dieses Gebudes liegt in der geringen Hhe


der Pfeiler, deren Decke 3,40 m ber dem Erdgeschoss liegt
und deren freier Durchgang ringsherum 2,50 m betrgt.
Man beachte im Schnitt die rumliche Geschlossenheit.
Rings um das Gebude ziert ein betonierter Blumenbehlter
die Fassaden; die Kletterpflanzen bieten einen natrlichen
Hitzeschutz.
Einem sehr gewissenhaften Unternehmer war es gelungen,
einen sauberen Rohbeton herzustellen. Da in Indien fast
kein Schalholz zur Verfgung steht, wurden Blechplatten
als Schalmaterial verwendet. Le Corbusier hat diesen
Umstand bentzt, um die Struktur des Schalmaterials als
neues architektonisches Element zu zeigen. In den durch
die Spiralform entstandenen Rumen des Doppelschiffs
sind die Innenwnde der Fassaden weiss verputzt, whrend
die Innenseite der den Hof umschliessenden Mauern aus
unverputzten Backsteinen besteht.
Wie man weiss, kann das Museum zwar nicht unbeschrnkt,
aber doch von 50 X 50 m (2500 m2) auf 84 X 84 (7000
m2) vergrssert werden dank seiner Konstruktion aus
standardisierten Elementen.

1. Obergeschoss
Dachgarten
1. Etappe Louis Kahn 2. Etappe Bimal Patel
I.I.M. 121
Indian Institute of Management
Louis Kahn
1. Etappe

Vastrapur
Ahmedabad

1963

1. Etappe Louis Kahn

In einer kulturell, wirtschaftlich und politisch uerst vitalen


Stadt bildet Kahns Projekt eine Ergnzung zu der betrchtlichen
Sammlung groartiger Architektur aus Vergangenheit und
Gegenwart.
Die besonderen gesellschaftlichen und Standort bedingten
Anforderungen haben sowohl den Organisationsablauf als
auch das formale Vokabular dieses Projektes bestimmt. Die
drei Grundbestandteile die Schule, die Wohnungen fr die
Schler und jene fr die Lehrer sind so gruppiert, dass die
verfgbaren Windstrmungen optimal ausgentzt werden
und der vorhandene Luftzug so ungehemmt wie mglich durch
die Gebude dringen kann. Gleichzeitig wird die Einwirkung
der heien Sonne und des stark blendenden Lichtes reduziert,
indem gedeckte Veranden, Lichtschchte und Innenhfe als
wesentliche Elemente des architektonischen Vokabulars
einbezogen werden.
Die Situation deutet die Beziehung zwischen Schule, Studenten
und Lehrerwohnungen an. Schule und Studentenwohnheim
erscheinen als Einheit, wie in einem Kloster; diese Einheit wird
noch dadurch betont, dass zwischen dem Studentenwohnheim
und den Lehrerwohnungen ein See als trennendes Element
angelegt wurde. In Indien war der Backstein das am leichtesten
zu erhaltende Material. Das formale Vokabular der ganzen
Anlage wird bestimmt durch den Versuch, den Backstein als
Konstruktionsmaterial auszuntzen.
123

HCP Design and Project Management Pvt. Ltd.


Bimal Patel
2. Etappe

2006

Die Backsteingebude des Indian Institute of Management


in Ahmedabad, Anfang der 70er Jahre von Louis Kahn gebaut,
genieen internationalen Ruf. Der alte Campus ist durch eine
belebte Strae vom neuen getrennt, ein Fugngertunnel
ist geplant. Die Neubauten schaffen weiteren Platz fr
Unterrichtsrume und Studentenheime. Sie sind vorwiegend
aus Beton und unterscheiden sich auch formal von Kahns
Architektur. Es werden jedoch Bezge hergestellt; durch die
Anordnung der Gebude; die Verbindung mit dem alten
Ensemble; die diagonale Anordnung der Wohnheime; die
halbrunden Treppenhuser: die geometrische Strenge der
Formen; die sparsame Materialverwendung sowie eine
Dormitory Erdgeschoss zurckhaltende Gestaltung.
Ahmedabad Management Association 125

Bimal Patel

Ahmedabad

1997

Die Ahmedabad Management Association (AMA) ist eine


gemeinntzige Organisation mit ber 400 eingetragenen
Industriebetrieben. Sie bietet Weiterbildungsmglichkeiten
im Managementbereich und veranstaltet Programme
fr die Bewohner Ahmedabads. Die Besonderheit des
AMA-Grundstckes waren acht groe Niembume, von
deren Schatten und Anblick das Gebude profitiert. Die
Transparenz des Gebudes ermglicht, die Aktivitten im
Inneren wie in einem Schaufenster zu prsentieren. Dieser
Aspekt trug erheblich dazu bei, dass die Organisation in
Ahmedabad an Profil gewann. Alle Mbel und Einbauten
sind Sonderanfertigungen. Besonderer Wert wurde dabei auf
Robustheit und Wirtschaftlichkeit gelegt.
Das Bauvorhaben am Ufer des Sabarmati sieht eine die in Ahmedabad ansssige gemeinntzige Planungsfirma
ausgedehnte Bebauung beidseits des Flusses vor, der Environmental Planning Collaborative beauftragt, ein
mitten durch Ahmedabad fliet. Zurzeit sind die stdtebauliches Gutachten zur Sanierung der Areale zu erstellen.
Uferbereiche heruntergekommen. Abwsser verseuchen die Hauptelemente des stdtebaulichen Entwurfs: Befestigung
Regenwasserrckhaltebecken und wilde Industrieabfalldeponien beider Ufer auf je 9 km; Landgewinnung von ca. 162 Hektar;
stellen gesundheitliche und kologische Risiken dar. Die Ufer und Wasserrckhaltemanahmen; Uferpromenaden inkl. Parkpltze;
der Fluss sind zwar Lebensraum fr die vielen Armen der Stadt, ihre Parzellierung und Erschlieung von Uferbaugrundstcken;
Elendsviertel werden aber hufig berschwemmt und besitzen Bau von Hauptwasserleitungen, Kanalisation inkl.
nicht einmal die allerntigsten Infrastrukturen. Seit langem ist Pumpstationen, kleinen Marktpltzen inkl. Parkmglichkeiten
bekannt, dass die Stadt in hohem Ma von der Sanierung und sowie Toiletten und Wasserzapfstellen; Verkauf von
Neubebauung der Flussufer profitieren wrde. 1997 wurde Neulandparzellen zur Finanzierung des Gesamtprojekts.
Sabarmati River Front Project 127

HCP Design and Project Management Pvt. Ltd.


Brogemeinschaft von Hasmukh, Bimal und Canna Patel
mit Ismat Khambatta

1997
The House of the Architect 129

Bimal Patel

Ahmedabad

2002

Die Familie bezog das Haus im Oktober 2002. Der Sohn bekam
sein Labor, die Tochter eine groe Kche und die Gromutter
ein gerumiges Zimmer. Die vielen Bcher haben im langen
Korridor Platz und die Gste, die Wochen oder gar Monate
bleiben, ein Gstehaus ganz fr sich. Auch das Ehepaar hat
seinen eigenen Bereich. Ismet Patel wollte ein Haus entwerfen
und Bimal Pate I Architektur machen. Die Lsung ist ein lang
gestrecktes ebenerdiges Haus mit einer tiefen Veranda zum
Garten ber die ganze Lnge des Hauses.
Prathama Blood Centre 131

Matharoo Associates

Ahmedabad

2000-2001

The Center has its origins in an invited architectural


competition in 1998. The promoters, the Advanced Transfusion
Medical Research Foundation, a non-profit charitable trust,
envisioned a place that would revolutionalize voluntary
blood collection and blood component disbursal without
replacement.
Being a pioneering endeavor, the building had to be a new type,
where the challenge was to make a service intensive medical
entity into a playful intuitive receptacle, by removing the
repulsion associated with medical facilities and transforming it
into an inviting public domain.
The plan is an outcome of a rational step-by-step intervention
that resulted in the basic defining lines. The exterior skin that
presents an image of the simple and one, disintegrates into
sub spaces as soon as the entrance ushers one into a four-
storey void. From this buffer, one becomes visually conscious
of the activities carried out. The glass wall disappears
showcasing the complete process, highlights like the blast
freezer, conference room and a hangout baIcony are further
accentuated by protruding them out of the glass wall.
The project has specifically dealt with restrictions of space and
economy. The costs have been kept abysmally low by custom
designing and locally fabricating all doors, windows, modular
furniture including steel work stations, press metal storages,
double glazed partitions, even door handles.

3. Obergeschoss
1. Obergeschoss
Erdgeschoss
STEP-WELLS 133

Gujarat

While several different types of hydraulic structures were built steps with landings. Such structures penetrate the ground to a
from the period of Ahmad Shah onwards in and around his new depth of more than thirty metres. Descent is by steps divided
capital of Gujarat, many of these were modelled on earlier pre- into a number of flights by landings, each provided with an
Islamic traditions. No doubt it was the impact of the semi-arid open structure. The increased complexity of the architecture
climate of the region on local architectural practice which was as the steps descend is a typical feature; often there is nothing
responsible for the long history of structures designed to be seen on the surface of the ground other than a simple
specifically for storing water, such as reservoirs or tanks (talavs), entrance pavilion. In this respect, the vav represents a unique
cisterns (tankas), step-wells (vavs) and retreat-wells. Almost all upside down type of architecture.
towns and religious sites of any importance in Gujarat were In the more evolved step-well, the landings are adorned with
provided with such hydraulic monuments. Before the coming of multi-storeyed colonnades and porches; the side walls are
the Muslims, the Hindu rulers of the area, such as the Solankis enlivened with stringcourses and niches. The walls of the
in the tenth and eleventh centuries, had completely mastered well itself are decorated with brackets, balconies and niches.
the technology of creating complex water structures. From Throughout, the repertory of architectural elements and
this period date large rectangular tanks with stepped sides, as accompanying decoration is closely related to contemporary
well as deep square, octagonal and circular wells approached architecture. This is true both for the pre-Islamic period and
by long flights of steps. Subterranean water structures were also for the later Muslim era.
further elaborated with colonnades, balconies, wall niches and While step-wells, like other water structures, were primarily
sculptures. Such an architectural attention on water derived utilitarian in purpose, their ritual and symbolic values suggest
both from a utilitarian and a ritual necessity. Clearly, water other uses - as meeting places, resting places and, even on
has always been a precious commodity in Gujarat, essential to occasion, hiding places. The religious purpose of the vav in
the well-being of the community; but water structures served pre-Islamic times is clearly indicated by the iconography of its
also as places of worship. Miniature shrines and carved figural carvings showing that the step-well served also as a kind of
panels reveal the religious nature of tanks and step-wells, many water shrine.
of which were located near important temples and, in later Snehal Shah
times, near mosques and tombs.

However, the step-wells (vavs) of the Ahmadabad region are the


best known water structures. The typical vav consists of a deep
square, circular or octagonal well approached by a long flight of
Ruda Baoli step-well 135

Hindu

Ahmedabad-Gandhinagar Highway
Adalaj (Ahmedabad)

1502

The intricately sculpted step-well in Adalaj, 20 km from


Ahmedabad, is well preserved. It is also one of the best
underground structures. The pillar and beam structure for
controlling the atmospheric pressure as you descend, gives the
impression of a forest. The quality and quantity of the carvings
are exceptional.
This small village was a large town 500 years ago. Queen Ruda
of the Hindu Waghra dynasty built this well for her citizens,
around the same time as the Dada Baoli in Ahmedabad
and they are similar. The one difference is that Dada Baoli
is vertical while Ruda Baoli has staircases from three sides
joining together on a wide landing and from here it continues
up to the water level. This space is surrounded by eight pillars
with a large flat ceiling in the middle of which is an octagonal
stairwell. There must have been a dome pavilion here previously
and was used also as a stage with spectator seats.
The decoration of the columns, curved brackets and lintels is
highly elaborate, with repeated friezes of flat pilasters and lotus
ornament. Tiers of richly ornamented balcony slabs overlook
the octagonal space. Animal motifs, including elephants,
horses and birds, and even the occasional depiction of hunters
and planetary deities, adorn the lintels and wall niches; more
common are the pots hanging from chains and the arabesque
designs which are ubiquitous motifs in contemporary mosques
and tombs. In contrast to this sculptural profusion, the main
well, some six metres in diameter, is relatively unadorned. A
squinch-like addition at the rear (north) end supported the
draw ropes.

section
entrance level
137
Complex of Sarkhej-Roza 139
Tank, mosque, mausoleum, palace complex

Islamic

Sarkhej (Ahmedabad)

15th - 16th century

At the time when Ahmedabad city was built, which was during
the reign of Ahmed Shah (1440-1443 A.D.), Sarkhej was a village
with a population consisting of weavers and indigo-dyers that
were predominantly Hindu. It became associated with the
name of Shaikh Ahmed Khattu Ganj Baksh, a Sufi saint and a
friend/advisor to Sultan Ahmed Shah, who in his later years
retired to the quiet environment of Sarkhej, away from the
city. The saint lived till he was 111 years of age and was greatly
venerated during his lifetime. Myths about his miraculous
powers are prevalent even today. Lives and teachings of
Shaikh Ganj Baksh Khattu upon his death in 1445, the reigning
monarch, Mohammed Shah ordered a mausoleum built in
his honour, along with a mosque. The constructions of these
two monuments were completed in 1451 A.D., by his successor
Qutbud-Din Ahmed Shah. In the latter half of the 15th century,
Sarkhej Roza comprises one of the most elegant and unique Sultan Mahmud Begada completed the complex by excavating
architectural complexes of Ahmedabad. In its architecture, a central tank and adding a number of pavilions and a small
Sarkhej Roza is an example of the early Islamic architectural private mosque. Sarkhej now, became a place of repose and
culture of the region, which fused Islamic stylistic influences meditation; a summer resort for the royal family. Also, he built
from Persia with indigenous Hindu and Jain features to a mausoleum for himself and his family opposite to that of the
form a composite Indo-Saracenic architectural style. The saint, where his son Muzzaffar II and his queen, Rajabai were
architectural style of Sarkhej Roza is a precursor to the Mughal buried.A garden were constructed to commemorate the event.
period in a true amalgamation of Hindu, Jain and Islamic styles. The complex is therefore one of the producand his queents of
Hindu craftsmanship and construction know-how was overlaid an important phase in the socio-political history of Gujarat.
on Islamic sense of geometry and scale. The Roza Complex at Further additions to the complex were made in 1584 A.D., when
Sarkhej was built at the advent of Sultanate era. Akbars forces defeated Muzaffar III.
141

Religious realm
The mausoleum of Ahmed Shiekh Ganj Baksh Khattu and
the mosque form the innermost realm of architecture within
Sarkhej Roza. The sacred world of the mosque is reached
further by the saints tomb. This creates fully withdrawn, highly
concentrated, heavily insulated and most tranquil space of
the campus, helping focus on the ultimate goal the God.
The mood, identity as well as sanctity of each world are thus
maintained. Each world exists, in its entirety, on its own and yet
at another scale each world remains a part of larger whole and
complements the other. The saints tomb with its large dome
remains to be the dominating element and a soul centre of
this world. Priest is given a higher status, as he is the link the
oracle and the guide to the god.

Social realm
Sarkhej Roza lies in the village, off the main Sarkhej road, about The second realm is a social world. Filled with people during
10 kilometres southwest of Ahmedabad. The gateway of its festivals and special prayer days, it becomes a platform for
entrance opens to a fore-court with the majestic mausoleum social interaction Spontaneous commercial activities and the
to the right and the royal tombs to the left. Beyond these hustle bustle with hawkers selling eatables, toys and seasonal
is a spacious courtyard mosque, which is remarkable for its goods personify the social milieu and the realities that we are
unassuming elegance and the linear purity of its multi-domed a part of this world. This consists of the pavilion, the platforms
prayer hall and colonnades. The mausoleum and mosque and the lake/tank area.
were ordered by Sultan Muhammad Shah (r. 1442-51), the son
of Ahmed Shah, in 1446, and were completed in the reign of Royal Realm
his successor Sultan Qutbuddin (r. 1451-58). Later, the Roza The royal tombs and the palaces are reminiscent of the
became a favourite resort and retreat for Sultan Mahmud grandeur of the past. Located on the fringe of the campus,
Begda(r.1458-1511), who added a large tank with palaces amidst the palaces do not disturb the sanctity and the spirituality of
flowering and fruit trees on its southwest corner and the royal the saints mausoleum and the mosque. The palaces though
tombs to its north. The royal tombs blend harmoniously with grand are very simple in their layout and do not impose their
the earlier mausoleum. existence upon the other structures within the spiritual and
The Roza complex at Sarkhej, is one of the finest religious realm. In fact, the spiritual realm very clearly, remains
demonstrations of campus planning, where the religious, royal the most important. The royal tombs of Mehmoud Begada and
and social worlds co-exist without losing their serenity or his successor Muzaffar Shah-II and Muzaffar Shahs grandson
identity. The mosque with cloistered court creates the religious are situated to the north of the mausoleum of the saint. The
realm. The tomb and palaces constitute the royal realm. The latticework in stone creates a wonderful play of light. Separated
tank, steps, platforms and pavilions form the social realm. from this area by steps leading onto the lake is the tomb of the
Carved stone grills do not just mitigate light and temperature, Rani Rajabai and other queens. Tombs of royals also reinforce
but also maintain privacy and dignity of the place. the reality that any mortal has to face.
In Gujarat heissen die Jain-Tempel Oerasar. Dieses Wort Ein solcher Tempel zeigt zeitlose Konzepte der Raumgestaltung
heisst eigentlich Teich voller Tempel. Ein solches Bild drngt durch seine Unabhngigkeit von der Situation, durch seine
sich auf durch die vielen kleinen Gebude um das grosse, lnselhaftigkeit, durch den modularen Aufbau, durch die
zentrale herum. Der Jain-Tempel gilt als eines der wichtigsten verschiedenen Massstbe, durch die Rume, welche teilweise
Vorbilder fr die Architektur im westlichen Indien. Er zeigt, fr verschiedenste Funktionen zu gebrauchen sind, und durch
wie das therische Konzept des Mandalas bergeht in den die spezifische Mischung von speziellen Eigenheiten und
konkreten Bau fr spirituelle Zwecke, hin zur idealen anonymen Bauteilen.
Bauform, und von dort weiter zum Modell oder zum Bautyp.
DER JAIN TEMPEL 143

Raumanalyse eines Jain-Tempels

E Innenhof
Der Innenhof, gebaut, um das Zentrum genau zu lokalisieren,
fr das die Stimmung mit baulichen Mitteln gemacht wird;
gleichzeitig Peripherie und Wandelzone, in der das Zentrum
umschritten werden kann; anderer Charakter als die innere
Vorzone (C); etwas zufllig im Charakter, wie ein Stck
Naturraum offen gegen oben, so dass die Sonne Atmosphre
schaffen kann; kann auch als Bewunderungszone angesehen
A Das Innerste werden.
Der Ort, wo man sein mchte; das Innerste; das Letzte; die
eigentliche Bestimmung; das Heilige; nur an speziellen F Wandelgang
Gelegenheiten zu besuchen; sehr wenig natrliches Licht, Wandelgang um das Gebude, Platz fr verschiedene
llampen, wohlriechende Dfte, schmckende Farben, der Ton Verkrperungen/Gtter; bestimmt die Ruhe der
kleiner Glckchen, hallende Rume, sorgfltig gearbeitete Tren Gesamtstimmung ; verschiedene Zellen hneln Wohnrumen;
und Schwellen; dicke Wnde und Nischen. verkleinerter Raum, um einen weniger bewusst werden zu
lassen, wie nahe der Tempel ist.
B Das Innere
Das Innere; tgliche Gebete, Gruppengebete; die Zone, in G Freiplatz
der gesungen wird; teilweise beleuchtet; Gtterbilder in Dieser Plan, aus dem Gedchtnis gezeichnet, beschreibt einen
Wandnischen in verschiedene Richtungen schauend, das unvollstndigen Tempel; hier werden wohl in Zukunft weitere
Gefhl, gegenber zu stehen. Zellen gebaut werden. Es gibt aber andere Tempelbezirke,
in denen solche Zwischensulenzonen fr Aktivitten wie
C Vorzone Empfang und Verabschiedung von Pilgern geplant sind.
In der Nhe, aber nicht drin; eine Zone der Sammlung und (Eventuell dienten die Rume gelegentlich dem Aufenthalt von
der Vorbereitung zum Eintreten in die Innere Zone, wo Menschen. Dies aus zwei Grnden:
vorschriftsgemss gebetet wird; lesen religiser Schriften; gut 1. Solche Bauten wurden ber lngere Zeitperioden hinweg
beleuchtet, ein luftiger, spezieller Raum; kann eine niedrige gebaut.
oder hohe Sockelplatte zum Sitzen aufweisen sowie Erker und 2. Oft wurden solche Tempel weit weg von Wohngegenden und
Fenster. in abgegrenzter Umgebung erstellt.)

D Vorplatz H Eingang
Erste Erfllung der Erwartungen; beinahe ein Gefunden Die Eingangsberdachung, eine hohe Sulendecke, zeigt einen
haben-Gefhl; formloser Aufenthalt, Ausruhen; gibt den denkwrdigen Blick auf die spitz zulaufende Kuppel ber dem
Rahmen, wenn man den ganzen Raum berblickt; Sulen Hauptschrein und die Spitzhauben ber den Vorhallenzellen;
betonen die Peripherie und den Platz des Zentrums; klar Kennzeichen des Eingangstors (berdachung) in der indischen
umgrenzt und gut beleuchtet; die Leute sitzen und ruhen, Baukunst; Symbol der Schwelle, auf der man alle irdischen
Kinder spielen. Dinge hinter sich lsst.
Satrunjaya temple city 145

Jain

Palitana, Gujarat

10. - 19. Jahrhundert

Satrunjaya Mountain, 2 km from Palitana, is the most sacred


place for Jains, The first thirthankara of Jainism, Adinatha used
to visit this place very often and his disciple Pundarika attained
spiritual enlightenment here. It is not known when the temples
were constructed, but the 920 temples here are dedicated to
anyone of the 24 thirthankaras.
Monks and pilgrims start climbing at dawn and come down
again before dark. Now a large dharmasala (pilgrim rest house)
has been built at the foot of the mountain in Paranad.
Jains built temples on mountain-tops, because of their belief
that mountains were holy. Another reason was that in the
Middle Ages Muslim invaders destroyed the temples they came
across. Hence the Jains started building their temples in not so
easily accessible places.
A cluster of temples are grouped together on two peaks and
in the valley between, surrounded by a high fence, They are
called Doug. To the north are 6 dougs starting with the fortified
Karatara Vashi Doug; Moti Shah Doug and Barabai Doug are
found in the valley, on the southern peak is the Vimala Shah
Doug.
The temples were all built at different points in time but there
is not much difference in their styles. All of them are in the
north-west Indian style with shikharas. But it is different from
Hindu temples in that they are chaturmukha shrines, open on
all sides.
This temple town with no houses or shops becomes a ghost
town during the four months of the rainy season when the
steps become too slippery and dangerous to climb.
147

Moti Shah Temple (1836)

On the huge Moti Sha Doug are many temples in a row. In he


middle is Moti Shah Temple built by a Jain business-man from
Bombay. The mandapa is a samprada roof which is rectangular
and from which small bell-like structures are located in a row at
45 degrees. The shrine is open on four sides.

Vimala Shah Temple (18. Century)

This temple at the entrance of the Cimala Cashi doug is


very complicated in its design. Also called Bravanai (maze)
Temple, the shrine is 3-storeyed, open on all four sides with the
choumukha statue enshrined on all three floors.

Adishwara Temple (16th Century)

As you proceed further into the Vimala Vashi doug you can see
the Adishwara Temple. It has been renocated and it is always
crowded with pilgrims. It is said that it was designed in the year
960 and again renovated in the year 1530. The tall shikhara is
actually a collection of a number of small shikharas at various
levels that clearly reflect the Indian construction style. The
mandapa has two floors and is in the islamic style. The 2nd
floor gallery whith its varied space and design sustains ones
interest.
Geschichte Indiens 149

Vorgeschichte und klassisches Zeitalter Indisches Mittelalter und Mogulzeit


Die Industal-Zivilisation, grtenteils im heutigen Pakistan Arabische Eroberungszge im 8. Jahrhundert brachten den
gelegen, war eine der frhen Hochkulturen der Welt, mit einer Islam nach Nordindien. Zu einer Dominanz muslimischer
eigenen Schrift, der bisher nicht entzifferten Indus-Schrift. Staaten im Norden sowie zur Islamisierung grerer Teile der
Um etwa 2500 v. Chr. existierten dort geplante Stdte wie dortigen Bevlkerung kam es jedoch erst mit den Invasionen
Harappa, mit einer Kanalisation, Seehfen und Bdern, whrend zentralasiatischer islamischer Mchte ab dem 12. Jahrhundert.
angenommen wird, dass in Sdindien noch weniger entwickelte Das Sultanat von Delhi weitete seine Macht sogar kurzzeitig
Verhltnisse herrschten. Weiter stlich machen sich andere auf den Sden aus, dennoch blieb sein kultureller Einfluss
archologische Komplexe bemerkbar wie die so genannte Copper auf den Norden begrenzt. Der Mongoleneinfall des Jahres
Hoard Culture. Ab 1700 v. Chr. setzte aus bislang unbekannten 1398 schwchte das Sultanat, sodass die hinduistischen
Grnden der Zerfall der Indus-Kultur ein. Regionalreiche wiedererstarkten. Erholen konnten sich die
muslimischen Herrscher erst im 16. Jahrhundert mit der
Eine fr die weitere Entwicklung Indiens sehr wichtige Periode Grndung des Mogulreiches, das fr rund 200 Jahre zur
war die vedische Zeit (etwa 1500 v. Chr. bis 500 v. Chr.), in der bestimmenden Kraft des Nordens wurde und noch bis 1857
die Grundlagen der heutigen Kultur geschaffen wurden. ber Bestand hatte. Herausragende Herrscher wie Akbar, Jahangir,
die politische Entwicklung ist weitaus weniger bekannt als Shah Jahan und Aurangzeb dehnten nicht nur die Grenzen
ber die religise und philosophische Entwicklung. Gegen Ende des Reiches bis auf den Dekkan aus, sondern schufen auch ein
der vedischen Zeit wurden die Upanishaden geschaffen, die in funktionierendes Verwaltungs- und Staatswesen und frderten
vielerlei Hinsicht die Basis der in Indien entstandenen Religionen die Knste. Hinduistische Knigtmer gab es whrend ihrer Zeit
Hinduismus, Buddhismus und Jainismus bilden. In diese Zeit nur noch in Sdindien, etwa in Vijayanagar.
fllt die Urbanisierung in der Gangesebene und der Aufstieg
regionaler Knigreiche wie Magadha. EuropischeKolonialherrschaft und Unabhngigkeits-
bewegung
Ab dem 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. entfaltete sich der Buddhismus, der Europische Mchte, zunchst Portugal, begannen ab 1505
rund 500 Jahre lang neben dem Hinduismus die magebliche kleinere Kstensttzpunkte zu erobern (vgl. Portugiesisch-
Geistesstrmung Indiens darstellte. Im 4. Jahrhundert v. Indien). Von 1756 an unterwarf die britische Ostindien-Kompanie
Chr. entstand unter der Dynastie der Maurya erstmals ein (British East India Company) von ihren Hafensttzpunkten
indisches Groreich, das unter Ashoka fast den gesamten Kalkutta, Madras und Bombay aus weite Teile Indiens. Der vorher
Subkontinent beherrschte. Ashoka wandte sich nach zahlreichen bestehende Einfluss der europischen Kolonialmchte Portugal,
Eroberungszgen dem Buddhismus zu, den er im eigenen Land Niederlande und Frankreich wurde von ihr weitgehend beseitigt.
und bis nach Sri Lanka und Birma zu verbreiten suchte. Nach Loyale Frsten behielten Staaten mit begrenzter Souvernitt
seinem Tode zerfiel das Maurya-Reich allmhlich erneut in wie Hyderabad, Bhopal, Mysore oder Kaschmir. 1857/58 erhoben
zahllose Kleinstaaten, die erst im 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. von den sich Teile der Bevlkerung Nordindiens im Sepoy-Aufstand
Gupta wieder zu einem Groreich in Nordindien geeint werden gegen die Herrschaft der Ostindien-Kompanie. Nach der
konnten. Mit dem Buddhismus bte Indien einen wesentlichen Niederwerfung des Aufstandes wurde diese aufgelst und
kulturellen Einfluss auf den gesamten Bereich von Zentral- und Indien der direkten Kontrolle durch Grobritannien unterstellt.
Ostasien aus. Die Ausbreitung des Hinduismus und Buddhismus Die britischen Monarchen trugen ab 1877 (bis 1947) zustzlich
ber Indochina bis in das heutige Indonesien prgte Geschichte den Titel Empress of India bzw. Emperor of India (Kaiser(in) von
und Kultur dieser Lnder. Als letzter groer Frderer des Indien).
Buddhismus in Indien gilt Harshavardhana, dessen Herrschaft 1885 wurde in Bombay der Indian National Congress
im Nordindien des 7. Jahrhunderts den bergang zum indischen (Kongresspartei) gegrndet. Sie forderte zunchst nicht die
Mittelalter markiert. Unabhngigkeit Indiens, sondern lediglich mehr politische
150

Mitspracherechte fr die einheimische Bevlkerung. Ihre welches daraufhin den grten Teil des ehemaligen Frstentums
Mitglieder waren vorwiegend Hindus und Parsen. Die besetzte. Pakistan betrachtete den Beitritt als unrechtmig, was
muslimische Oberschicht blieb auf Abstand. Deren Wortfhrer zum Ersten Indisch-Pakistanischen Krieg um Kaschmir (1947 bis
Sayyid Ahmad Khan befrchtete, dass sie durch Einfhrung 1949) fhrte. Seitdem schwelt in der Grenzregion der Kaschmir-
des Mehrheitsprinzips aus der Verwaltung gedrngt wrden. Konflikt, der 1965 auch den Zweiten Indisch-Pakistanischen Krieg
Stattdessen wurde 1906 die Muslimliga als Interessenvertretung und 1999 den Kargil-Krieg zur Folge hatte.
der Muslime gegrndet. Am 26. November 1949 trat Indien dem Commonwealth of
Im Ersten Weltkrieg verhielt sich die groe Mehrheit der Nations bei und am 26. Januar 1950 trat die vor allem von Bhimrao
Bevlkerung loyal. Aus Verrgerung darber, dass die Briten an der Ambedkar ausgearbeitete Verfassung in Kraft, durch die Indien
Aufteilung des Osmanischen Reiches beteiligt waren, schlossen zur Republik wurde. Grenzstreitigkeiten fhrten 1962 zu einem
sich nun auch viele Muslime der Unabhngigkeitsbewegung kurzen Krieg mit der Volksrepublik China, dem sogenannten
an. Der gewaltfreie Widerstand gegen die britische Indisch-Chinesischen Grenzkrieg. Die indische Untersttzung
Kolonialherrschaft, vor allem unter Mahatma Gandhi und einer Unabhngigkeitsbewegung im damaligen Ost-Pakistan
Jawaharlal Nehru, fhrte 1947 zur Unabhngigkeit. fhrte 1971 zu einem dritten Krieg Indiens gegen Pakistan mit
Gleichzeitig verfgte die Kolonialmacht die Teilung der fast folgender Teilung Pakistans und Grndung des neuen, ebenfalls
den gesamten indischen Subkontinent umfassenden Kolonie islamisch geprgten Staates Bangladesch.
Britisch-Indien in zwei Staaten, die skulare Indische Union sowie Innenpolitisch bestimmte unter Jawaharlal Nehru,
die kleinere Islamische Republik Pakistan. Die Briten erfllten Premierminister 1947 bis 1964, und danach noch bis Anfang der
damit die seit den 1930er Jahren lauter werdenden Forderungen 1970er Jahre die Kongresspartei berlegen die junge,unabhngige
der Muslimliga und ihres Fhrers Ali Jinnah nach einem eigenen Demokratie. Oppositionsparteien konnten bestenfalls auf
Nationalstaat mit muslimischer Bevlkerungsmehrheit. Bundesstaaten- oder kommunaler Ebene ihren Einfluss geltend
machen. Erst als Nehrus Tochter Indira Gandhi, die 1966
Entwicklungen seit der Unabhngigkeit Premierministerin wurde, die Partei zentralisierte und ihre eigene
Die Teilung fhrte zu einer der grten Vertreibungs- und Machtposition auszubauen versuchte, gelang es der Opposition,
Fluchtbewegungen der Geschichte.Ungefhr 10 Millionen Hindus sich auf Bundesebene zu formieren. Ein Gericht in Allahabad
und Sikhs wurden aus Pakistan vertrieben, etwa 7 Millionen befand Indira 1975 einiger Unregelmigkeiten bei den Wahlen
Muslime aus Indien. 750.000 bis eine Million Menschen kamen des Jahres 1971 fr schuldig. Anstatt den Rcktrittsforderungen
ums Leben. Die Vertreibung nahezu aller Hindus und Sikhs
aus dem Gebiet des damaligen West- und Ostpakistan (heute
Pakistan und Bangladesch) und der Vertreibung vieler Muslime
aus Indien gilt als Beispiel fr eine sogenannte ethnische
Suberung ohne unmittelbare Verursachung durch einen Krieg.
Die durch Schutzvertrge an die Briten gebundenen
Frstenstaaten hatten schon vor der Unabhngigkeit ihren
Beitritt zur Indischen Union erklrt. Lediglich zwei standen dem
Eingliederungsprozess der Frstentmer ernsthaft im Weg. Der
muslimische Herrscher des fast ausschlielich hinduistischen
Hyderabad wurde durch einen Einmarsch indischer Truppen zu
Fall gebracht. In Kaschmir verzgerte der Maharaja, selbst Hindu
bei berwiegend moslemischer Bevlkerung, seine Entscheidung.
Nachdem muslimische Kmpfer in sein Land eingedrungen
waren, entschied er sich schlielich doch zum Beitritt zu Indien,
151

wirtschaftliche ffnung und auenpolitische Neuorientierung


des seit Nehru sozialistisch ausgerichteten Landes ein. Zum
Reformprogramm gehrten unter anderem die Privatisierung von
Staatsbetrieben, die Aufhebung von Handelsbeschrnkungen,
die Beseitigung brokratischer Investitionshemmnisse und
Steuersenkungen. Die Wirtschaftsreformen wurden von
spteren Regierungen fortgefhrt.
Seit den 1980er Jahren verzeichnet der Hindu-Nationalismus
einen deutlichen Aufschwung. Die Auseinandersetzung um
eine anstelle eines bedeutenden Hindutempels errichtete
Moschee in Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh) entwickelte sich zu
einer der bestimmenden innenpolitischen Streitfragen.
1992 zerstrten hinduistische Extremisten das muslimische
Gotteshaus, was zu schweren Ausschreitungen in weiten Teilen
des Landes fhrte. Der politische Arm der Hindu-Nationalisten,
die Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), fhrte zwischen 1998 und 2004
ihrer politischen Gegner zu folgen, rief sie den Notstand aus und
eine Regierungskoalition an und stellte mit Atal Bihari Vajpayee
regierte bis 1977 per Dekret. Demokratische Grundrechte wie
den Regierungschef. 2004 unterlag sie jedoch berraschend
Presse- und Versammlungsfreiheit waren stark eingeschrnkt.
der neu aufgestellten Kongresspartei unter Sonia Gandhi. Die
Die zunehmende Unzufriedenheit der Bevlkerung mit dem
Witwe des 1991 whrend des Wahlkampfes ermordeten Rajiv
de facto diktatorischen Regime uerte sich 1977 in einer
Gandhi verzichtete nach Protesten der Opposition wegen ihrer
deutlichen Wahlniederlage Indira Gandhis. Zwischen 1977 und
italienischen Abstammung auf das Amt als Premierministerin.
1980 stellte daher erstmals nicht die Kongresspartei, sondern
Stattdessen bernahm Manmohan Singh diese Stellung, der
eine linksgerichtete Koalition unter Fhrung der Janata Party die
als Finanzminister unter Rao die wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung
Regierung Indiens.
Indiens wesentlich mitgestaltet hatte.
In den Wahlen von 1980 gelang es Indira Gandhi, an die Macht
Heute sind die fundamentalen Probleme Indiens trotz des
zurckzukehren. In ihre zweite Amtsperiode fllt die Zuspitzung
deutlichen wirtschaftlichen Aufschwungs noch immer die
des Konflikts im Punjab, wo sikhistische Separatisten einen
ausgedehnte Armut als auch die starke berbevlkerung, die
eigenen Staat forderten. Als sich militante Sikhs im Goldenen
zunehmende Umweltverschmutzung sowie ethnische und
Tempel in Amritsar verschanzten, ordnete Indira Gandhi 1984 die
religise Konflikte zwischen Hindus und Moslems. Dazu tritt
Operation Blue Star an. Indische Truppen strmten den Tempel
der fortdauernde Streit mit Pakistan um die Region Kaschmir.
und beendeten dessen Besetzung. Daraufhin kam es zu blutigen
Besondere Brisanz erhlt der indisch-pakistanische Gegensatz
Ausschreitungen, die in der Ermordung Indira Gandhis durch
durch die Tatsache, dass beide Staaten Atommchte sind. Indien
ihre Sikh-Leibwchter gipfelten. Ihr Sohn Rajiv Gandhi bernahm
hatte 1974 erstmals einen Atomtest durchgefhrt. Auf weitere
die Regierungsgeschfte, war aber nicht in der Lage, die von
Kernwaffenversuche im Jahre 1998 reagierte Pakistan mit
ihm geplanten Reformvorhaben wirkungsvoll umzusetzen. Ein
eigenen Atomtests.
Bestechungsskandal im Zusammenhang mit dem schwedischen
Rstungskonzern Bofors schdigte sein Ansehen schlielich
dermaen, dass die Opposition 1989 einen klaren Sieg ber
Gandhis Kongresspartei erringen konnte. Nach zweijhriger
Unterbrechung gelangte sie von 1991 bis 1996 jedoch erneut
an die Macht. Die Regierung von P. V. Narasimha Rao leitete die
152 Architektonisches Glossar

agasiflat portion of a roof


arabesque stylized foliation with stalks and leaves.
arcuate arched mode of construction
aro bathing ghat
baithak reception room
baoli step-well
blind arch arch-like recess, not an opening
burj fort
caravanserai structure for travellers
chamfered with the corners cut off
char-bagh garden design with four squares
chhatri small domed pavilion with pillars
chowk courtyard of a house; name of a market street
chunam lime plaster
clearstory upper part of a multi-storeyed space to admit light
coffered flat ceiling divided into square or diamond-shaped patterns
corbel an outward projection
corbelled dome created by projecting successive rings of horizontal stone courses
darwaza gateway
four-centred arch with double-curves on each side
garbhagriha temple sanctuary
ghat bathing place
hamam bath-house
harem female quarters of a palace
haveli large house or mansion
hypostyle composed of columns only
iwan monumental portal
jali pierced screen
jamb side portion of a doorway
Jami Masjid Friday Mosque, principal place of worship for a Muslim community
kakshasan sloping back rest, usually in a porch
kalasha pot-like motif
kumbhi stone pillar base
linga phallic emblem of the god Shiva
lintel beam over an opening
mandapa columned hall in a temple
mihrab niche in the wall of a prayer chamber indicating the direction of Mecca
minaret slender tower from which the call to prayer is given
oriel window window carried on a projecting balcony
otla front verandah of a house
parapet wall rising above the roof
Architektonisches Glossar 153

parasal room opening off a chowk


pendentive corner element supporting a dome
pishtaq monumental portal
pol urban residential unit with a single street
pseudo-minaret non-functional minaret
Pura city quarter or neighbourhood
qaisariya market
qanati temporary mosque created with screen walls
qibla rear wall of prayer chamber containing one mihrabs
rauza enclosure containing a tomb and usually mosque
roof cornice bottom roof line
rotunda domed chamber
sarai enclosed area with facilities for travellers
sayyid lineal descendant of the Prophet Muhammad
shaikh, shaykh Muslim holy man or saint
squinch arch-like corner element supporting a dome
stilted dome elevated on straight sides
stringcourse horizontal decorative feature on a wall
stucco polished plaster
tah-khana basement
talav reservoir or tank
tanka underground cistern
tirtha sacred place or shrine
torana gateway consisting of two pillars supporting a sinuous arch-likelement
trabeate pillar and lintel mode of construction
tympanum upper interior of an arch umro, threshold of house
zan ana female quarters of a palace
Zoroastrianism religion of the Parsis
Kulinarisches Glossar 155

Allgemeines

cheeni Zucker
chai Tee mit Milch und Gewrzen aufgekocht
dahi Joghurt
dudh Milch
garam scharf
gosht Fleisch, meist Hammel
khaana Essen
mirch Pfeffer
mirchi scharfe Chilischote
murgi Huhn
namak Salz
paan In Betelnussblatt eingewickelte Paste aus Betelnuss, Limone und
Gewrzen. Wird nach dem Essen als Digestif gekaut.
pani Wasser
sabji jedes Gemse-Curry

Gemse

alu Kartoffeln
bhindi Okraschoten
chana Kichererbsen
dhal Linsen
gobi Blumenkohl
mattar Erbsen
paneer indischer Kse
sabzi wrtlich: Grnzeug; wird fr jede Art von Gemse gebraucht
tamatar Tomate
156 Kulinarisches Glossar

Gerichte und Zubereitungsarten

aloo gobi Kartoffeln mit Blumenkohl


bhindi bhaji gebratene Okraschoten; mild gewrzt
bhuna gebratenes, anschlieend angedicktes Curry; mittelscharf
biriyani Reis mit Safran oder Kurkuma, ganzen Gewrzen, Fleisch
Bombay duck getrockneter sdasiatischer Wels
chop Hackfleisch oder klein gehacktes Gemse, paniert mit Kartoffelbrei
cutlet Hacksteak - oft Hackfleisch oder klein gehacktes Gemse
dhal gosht mit Linsen gekochtes Fleisch; scharf
dum in einer Kasserole gedmpft; das am weitesten verbreitete Gericht
jalfrezi mit Tomaten und grnen Chilis; mittelscharf
jeera Kreuzkmmel; eine so bezeichnete masala ist meist mittelscharf
kofta Gemse- oder Hackfleischbllchen in einer Currysoe
korma Fleisch, geschmort in einer Joghurtsoe, mild
malai kofta Gemsekebabs (Lotuswurzelbllchen) in einer Sahnesoe; eher mild
mulligatawny Gemsesuppe mit Curry, ein klassisches anglo-indisches Gericht, das
angeblich von Mulligan Aunty erfunden wurde, wahrscheinlich aber
sdindisch ist; mittelscharf
pomfret ein in Mumbai und Kolkata (Kalkutta) beliebter Plattfisch
pulau auch als pilaf oder pullao bekannt, Reis, sanft gewrzt und vorgebacken
rogan josh Lamm-Curry, ein klassisches Mughlai-Gericht; mittelscharf
sizzler Fleisch, Fisch oder Gemse, serviert auf Metalltellern in heiem l
brutzelnd - daher der Name
subje weies Kokosnuss-Chutney, wird oft zusammen mit vadas serviert
vindaloo goanisches Fleisch- (mit Essig gewrzt), manchmal auch Fisch-Curry,
ursprnglich aus Schweinefleisch; sehr scharf

Brote und Pfannkuchen

chapati ungesuertes Brot aus Vollkornmehl, gebacken auf einem runden, tawa
genannten Blech
dosa Reispfannkuchen (sollte knusprig sein), heit mit Fllung masala dosa,
ansonsten sada dosa
iddli gedmpfter Reiskuchen,gewhnlich mit sambar serviert
papad oder poppadum knuspriges, dnnes, rundes Knckebrot aus Kichererbsenmehl
paratha oder parantha Vollkornbrot, zubereitet mit Butter, zu dnnen Scheiben gerollt und auf
dem Blech gebraten; manchmal auch mit Fleisch oder Gemse gefllt.
puri knuspriges, frittiertes Vollkornbrot
roti schwammiger Begriff; oft lediglich ein anderer Name fr chapati, ob-
gleich es dicker und zher sein und im tandoor gebacken werden sollte.
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158 Notizen