Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
satisfaction of social scientists, Israeli Jews dont seem to have much trouble locating
themselves in one of these three categories. The trouble is that we dont know what these
categories mean to the people who so identify themselves and while we do know that
there is certainly a correlation between how one defines oneself and how observant one is
in religious practice, the relationship falls far short of perfect. (Bring evidence from
Guttman study about the overlap) The reason, as we have learned in a series of
interviews we have just begun to conduct, is that many people identify themselves as
hiloni, masorti, or dati because of their own preconceived notions of how others identify
themselves. For example, we have learned that there are ashkenazim whose level of
religious observance is like that of most masortiim but who refuse to identify themselves
as masortiim because that is a category reserved for mizrahim. On the other hand, we
have interviewed mizrahim who identify themselves as masortiim for the same reason.
All ashkenazim, they have told us, are either hiloniim or datiim. This kind of imagining
can work in the opposite direction as well. Mizrahim who want to be like ashkenazim are
likely to define themselves as hiloniim. We would guess that there are probably mizrahim
who reject their own mizrahi identity and therefore define themselves as hiloniim. Such
definitions, in turn, may impact on behavior. That is especially the case for mizrahim
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(mostly women) who marry or want to marry ashkenazi men, choose to call themselves
hiloni and as a consequence behave like non-observant hiloniim. We are not urging
sociologists to abandon the categories of hiloni and masorti. It is too late for that.
Understood in a limited sense of generally predicting religious observance they are still
that the more widely the terms are employed, the less meaning and validity they posses.
We do know a great deal about Jewish practices among Israeli Jews without regard to the
categories of dati, masorti, or hiloni. We prefer to label these practices Jewish rather than
religious practices precisely because they remain in the eyes of some who practice them
religious whereas in the eyes of others they are Jewish rather than religious. According to
the latest Guttman report, 85 percent of Israeli Jews indicate that they participate in a
seder , 71 percent light candles on the Sabbath, 67 percent fast on Yom Kippur, 55
percent have a special Sabbath meal, 48 percent recite (or hear) Kiddush before the
Friday night meal and 41 percent build a succah. Forty one percent also report that they
refrain from working in public on Shabbat. (Get more statistics,) Hadas Franco and
themselves as hiloni. They found that among the hiloniim... (do you have the
statistics; I erased my copy of the report. Obviously you should only cite this study if
inescapable. The majority of Israeli Jews observe many Jewish practices in their home,
including practices which are not always pleasant ones. Whether this stems from a belief
that God has commanded one to observe these practices, or whether it is a sense of
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some of these, we do not know and we are not certain that those who observe these
Jewish practices know, even when they have an answer ready at hand.
A question of another sort is how important are these practices in the lives of
those who observe them. This too is something we dont know. A reasonable assumption
is that it varies among the non-datiim. For some it is very important and for some of
trivial importance. But we can make an educated guess. It seems reasonable to assume
that among the non-datiim, observing Jewish practices are linked, in some way to sense
of Jewish peoplehood. And Israeli Jews claim that belonging to or being part of the
Jewish people is very important in their lives. (cite Guttmann statistics) A decade ago,
in his book Zehut Yehudit-Yisraelit, Yair Auron, published the results of his interviews
with second and third year students in teachers seminaries. He sampled students from
haredi, from mamlachti-dati and from mamlachti seminaries. Sixty eight percent of the
very important or an important part in their lives. (p.61). (We note, as an aside that
Aurons study was widely understood to demonstrate the weak link between future Israeli
teachers and Jewishness. This tells us a great deal about the expectations of the Israeli
We are reluctant to argue that Jewish practices are important in the lives of the
majority of non-religious Israelis. Without careful and intensive interviewing this can not
In the light of all this, it is surprising to find that Israeli media, whose programming
presumably reflects popular culture in Israel, gives very little expression to characteristic
Israeli-Jewish practices. To understand our point we must recall that there is a distinction
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between state culture (the culture generated by the state itself) and civic or public culture
which in democratic societies exists independently of the state. Israeli State culture, the
culture surrounding the laws themselves, state ceremonies and emblems, pronouncement
by state leaders, can be distinct from the culture expressed by the media. In Israel today,
we will argue, unlike thirty years ago and more, there are considerable differences in the
values expressed by the two cultures and the state culture has lost the impact and
influence it once had. Our interest, however, is the public or civic culture. Our focus is on
the public media which is directed to the broad spectrum of the Israeli-Jewish population
Yaacov; Note that I have made a few changes in the section that follows. I
tried to make as many changes as possible although most are quite minor. I think
you should follow the same procedure. Dont simply lift what you wrote from our
Hebrew version and insert it here. As far as the media is concerned one is either dati or
a hiloni who observes no Jewish practices. Israel is a Jewish state and Judaism-
Jewishness continues to play a role in its public culture in the media, in art, in music in
that that in the eyes of the producers of middlebrow Israeli culture, the agents of cultural
place in the cultural agenda but it is not to be confused with real culture. For example,
1
The section that follows draws upon our forthcoming article, Israeli Identity: The Jewish
component, which will appear in Iyunim in Hebrew and in Anita Shapira (ed.), Israeli Identity in
Transition
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in both Israeli cinema and television, Jewish practices do not appear a natural, daily,
normal element in the life of the Israeli protagonist. Compare this with the manner in
which daily life is portrayed in the American media. The Simpson family is a good
example. Church attendance on Sunday is a regular part of the family schedule. The
Simpsons are not a religious family. Homer cant stand church attendance. He presents a
constant challenge to the pastor whenever the pastor extends his sermon. The pastor in
turn represents corruption and religious close mindedness. The religious character in the
show, Ned Flanders, is grotesque and negative. In other words, the show hardly flatters
organized religion. But this is our point. Religion is part of the American scene whether
one likes it or not. Homer, the average American, does go to church. There is no
counterpart in Israeli television serials. We would not expect Israeli television serials to
show the average Israeli attending synagogue. Only a quarter do so according to the
Guttman survey referred to above. But as we noted above the majority of Israeli Jews
participate in a Passover Seder, fast on Yom Kippur, light candles on the Sabbath, have a
special Shabbat meal, and almost half recite (or hear) Kiddush before the Friday night
meal and build a succah.. But this activity finds little place in the behavior of those
portrayed on Israeli television screens or the Israeli cinema. The notable exception is the
portrayal of the older generation of mizrahi Jews. Scenes that depict mizrahim are likely
to express some form of religious traditionalism. Some will wear kipot, the family might
sit around the Sabbath table and hear the patriarch invoke traditional blessings, and one
even finds scenes depicting a visit to the synagogue. But these practices are played out by
the older parental generation. The media makes clear that the protagonists are
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We are not arguing that Jews, Judaism and even religion are ignored (although,
see below, this too happens). They have their place in both television and the cinema,
indeed in literature as well, but they are representative of the religious other. Of them and
not us. In the nineties, when the dichotomy religious-secular became so critical in the
construction of the Israeli identity, one finds a greater maturity in the handling of the
and generally represented by a stereotypical character. Religious Jews might cavil at such
treatment. But it is the non-religious Jews who affirm their Judaism and participate on a
selective basis in Jewish ritual and ceremony that are simply ignored. It is the non-
religious Israeli, whose Jewish lifestyle is ignored by the agents of Israeli culture.
the producers of Israeli middlebrow culture than a recent incident. Israel has three
television channels. Channel one is governed by the Israel Broadcasting Authority and is
non-commercial. Channels two and ten are commercial channels. However, their
2002, the committee rejected channel tens programming for September. September is the
month filled with Jewish holidays. In 2002 it included the Jewish New Year, Yom
Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar, and the seven day festival of Succoth.
However, the channel ten programs for the month of September made no reference to
these daysMembers of the committee asked the directors of the channel to add
2
Haaretz (August 23, 2002), p. 23.
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The manner in which the movie Avanti Popolo treats the tension between Israeliness and
Jewishness provides another example of the Jewish-Israeli dichotomy. The movie takes
place in the last moments of the Six Day war and the heroes are Israeli and Egyptian
expressed by the movie critic Uri Klein noted, was the conflict between Israelis and Jews.
He observes that
the Israelis in the film are represented by the Israeli soldiers and the Jews are
represented by the two Egyptian soldiers. At the climax of the film, one of the Egyptian
soldiers, who is a theater actor by profession, recites Shylocks well known monologue
In other words, here is an example of an Israeli production which does contain a Jewish
The attitude of Israeli culture to the notion of penitence or becoming a born again
Jew (hazara btshuvah) also illustrates our point. Dan Urian, for example, found that
during the eighties Israeli television portrayed hazara btshuvah in a positive light. The
description of the penitent was that of a secular, anti-religious, leftist, drug addicted
his life. Such persons turn into righteous, family living, quiet positive people. However,
during the nineties, television adopted the stance of the Israeli theater. Hazara btshuvah
was now depicted as a questionable and grotesque act based on a culture of lying whose
3
Uri Klein, National and Personal Cinema. Kesher 31 (May 2002) pp. 47e-55e
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outcome, for example undermines the family and destroys the world of the individual as
culture, a representative case, exemplifying the attitude toward the Jewish components in
Israeli identity. The notion that lies at the heart of this treatment is the binary distinction,
as we have argued, between Israeli culture and Jewish culture, and hazara btshuvah
becomes a ritual act of crossing lines and abandoning one camp, the camp of us, the
Israelis, for another camp, the camp of the other, the camp of the religious which is
identical with the camp of Jews and Judaism. Israeliness and Jewishness become
mutually exclusive categories and their integration becomes impossible, undesirable and
unnatural. Any in-between category such as traditional rather than religious Judaism is
presented, in the best case, as an anomalous identity that will inevitably dissolve in a
process of identifying with one side or another. In the worst case, it is hypocritical and
disloyal.
Uri Zohar (the prominent actor who became a hozer btshuvah) is a kind of role
model for this sort of interpretation. A great deal of attention is paid to the manner in
which Zohars hazara btshuvah serves the ultra-Orthodox haredi community as a myth
and symbol to attract more penitents. Zohar himself plays an active role in the
confirmation and continual reconstruction of this myth and has placed himself at the
service of those who would mobilize him for political purposes .We are not arguing that
4
Dan Urian. Touch the Sky: Jewish identity in Modern Israeli Culture, Kesher, 30 (November,
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the manner in which Zohar, the individual, is perceived by the cultural elite does any
injustice to the truth of his particular case. What we are saying is that there is no reason
for Zohar to be viewed as the paradigm for hazara btshuvah. One could point to contrary
examples where an artist has successfully melded the two identities. This is especially
true of artists from a mizrahi background. The case of the musician Ehud Banai is
instructive. Banai has gradually turned to greater religious observance, and has reached
the point where he openly adopted a traditional life style. Nevertheless, he did not cross
any red lines but continued to conduct one of the most successful musical careers in Israel
in tandem with his growing affirmation of tradition. But it is the Zohar case that remains
paradigmatic for the generators of Israeli culture. In their eyes Zohars hazara btshuvah
means that he is lost to the world of Israeli culture and further demonstrates of the
notion that one must choose between us and them Israeliness or Judaism-
Jewishness. Zohars hazara btshuvah provides the ostensibly perfect model of the
choices that an Israeli faces. Either you are an Israeli or a religious Jew. There is no
which the media treat the Jewish component in Israeli identity. We already mentioned
how one television channel simply chose to ignore them. The situation in the press is not
that extreme but the changes in the last few decades are dramatic. A glance at the
newspapers of the fifties, sixties and seventies reveals that the holiday issues of the
papers are indeed holiday issues. In addition to their coverage of the news they
concerned themselves with the traditional aspects of the holiday as these aspects were
transmitted via the Zionist prism. This was also true of the Friday (i.e. the Friday-
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Shabbat) issues. This accent on the traditional nature of the holidays has declined in the
last few decades. It has almost entirely disappeared from the two most widely read Israeli
dailies5 Yediot Aharonot and Maariv although not at all from Haaretz. The popular
dallies will carry columns by a rabbi or religious personality commenting on the Jewish
holiday or on the Biblical portion of the week appropriate to a particular Sabbath . But the
columns are written from an Orthodox perspective. A gesture to the religious reader. The
5
For example, in 1971, the front page of the Rosh Hashanah edition of Maariv included the
headline, Masses Will Gather Tonight in Five Thousand Synagogues for the Rosh Hashanah
Services. (Maariv, September 19, 1971). The same edition, in separate stories, reports on religious
services in Jewish communities around the world and (in keeping with the Zionist meta-narrative)
their difficulties. Ten years later a similar headline on the front page read Preparations Were
Completed for Handling thousands of Worshipers at the Western Wall. The report was
accompanied by a column discussing the holiday rituals. (Maariv, September 28, 1981), p. 1. The
Literary Supplement included several references to the holiday. Ten years later the front page
reference to the holiday was headlined: Security Forces are Preparing for the Holiday. (Maariv,
September 8, 1991), p.1. The Holiday Supplement included a special guide for hikes and tours
headlined Special for the Holidays). The literary supplement made no mention of the holiday. The
September 2001 Rosh Hashanah edition did not contain any front page reference to the holiday. The
back page headline read For the First time: Armed Guards at Synagogues. Three secondary
headlines of the same report read: Vacation: Tens of thousands Are Flying Abroad but Not to the
U.S.A., a second read Money: The ATM machines will be Filled with Cash and the third read
Missing You: Rosh Hashanah Cards to the Soldiers Kidnapped in Lebanon. The Literary
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orientations of most Israelis, non-religious on the one hand but interested, involved and
A similar treatment of the Jewish holidays is found on television. Except for those
programs specifically intended for the religious public, it is difficult to identify the place
of Jewish holidays on Israeli televisions channels. The most prominent expression of the
holiday spirit, with the exception noted above, is the filming of a Hollywood movie on
the festival eve. The most prominent characteristic of the holidays, as reflected in the
listings of Israeli public television is familyness. Programs are those that the whole
family can enjoy together. In some cases the program decision makers air historical docu-
dramas on biblical personalities who might bear some connection to the holiday. These
are often programs produced in the United States with a Christian perspective. Only
rarely does one find television programs relevant to the holiday from a Jewish perspective
then it will usually be a learned round table discussion of the holiday by scholars, rather
than some original production. The ninth of Av (Tisha BAv) lends itself to this kind of
treatment. This is not true of the national holidays, specifically Holocaust Memorial Day
and Independence Day. On those occasions, the television channels devote themselves
The way in which Channel One airs the reading of the megillah on Purim is an
example of the nature of the concession that Israeli culture offers to Judaism. The public
channel feels obligated, or is obligated by its charter, to provide some coverage of the
most traditional holidays. Coverage of Purim should be easy because its carnival like
nature offers the least tension between secular and religious values. But Purim does have
its strictly religious moments and the reading of the megillah is the most important of
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them. Channel One positions television cameras in some Orthodox synagogue, and
covers the event in the most formal manner possible as if it were saying we are obliged
to handle this topic, we have no idea how to do it, so we turn the production over to those
to whom it belongs, i.e. the religious. As one television critic remarked, it has no place
for the non-religious Jew who might know little of the ritual aspects of the holiday but
considered real culture is also reflected in the guides to leisure time activity in the Israeli
press. Ahbar Hair, which advertises itself as the Bible of leisure, omits describing
What we are witnessing in the relationship between Judaism and Israeli culture
has an ethnic component as well. As we have seen, there are differences between the
attitudes of ashkenazi Israelis and mizrahi Israelis to the Jewish component of their
Israeliness and this too is reflected in Israeli culture. Ashkenazi Jews are far more likely
secularism and religiousness and leaves little space for what is best termed religious
traditionalism religious behavior based on custom and family tradition tied to a sense of
ethnic or national identity rather than religious behavior which is dictated by authoritative
interpretations of sacred text. Jews from Islamic countries have retained a strong measure
of traditionalism which is dictated by family custom rather than rabbinic fiat but
6
Sagi Green, Television: Redundant, Haaretz (February, 26, 2002), p. 16.
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mizrahim are minor voices within the ranks of those who dominate the agencies of Israeli
culture and many of them have adopted the regnant attitudes of ashkenazim.
literature. The Harshav footnote got lost here and I am unable to fit it into the text.
You will notice that the Taub footnote comes at the very end of the paper. I had
trouble with that as well. We confine ourselves to the observation that the retreat from
the collective to the personal in the last few decades characterizes Hebrew as well as
other Western literature. However, it is more surprising in Israel given the challenges that
Israeli society faces. There are those who see the in the retreat of the younger generation
of Hebrew writers to the personal and the private (to the point where there is avoidance of
One gets the impression that in this artistic revolution of young writers there is
dominant cultural community but a colony of forced exiles trying to create a minimum
This vacuum, we believe, stems, at least in part, from the decline of meaningful
frameworks of collective identity that had previously existed. There is little place, in this
ethno-national formulation.
I think you should put the Burganim back in, maybe music and radio as well, and
add that spiritualism (astrology, kabala, etc.) does find expression. Do you have
some additional thoughts on the spiritualism bit? Maybe it appeals to the purveyors
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of Israeli culture or maybe it is so esoteric that it falls outside any Jewish category
but is interesting.
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The next section asks how are we to explain the absence of Jewishness in the public
thereby reducing the pressure to portray Jewishness. But, these special interests
whom the media serves, primarily the Arabs, the religious and the Russians, exclude
the bulk of the Israeli Jewish population. 2. The religious establishment which
welcomes this dichotomy. 3.The universalist bias of the cultural elite. Here I suggest
a drastic shortening of the material in our previous essay. You might even exclude it
and then rewrite this last section accordingly. The thing is to stick to the point.
Finish with the problem that Jewish practice, at least Jewish practice in a non-
satisfactory to two groups, the Orthodox establishment, which thereby maintains its
monopoly of Jewish practice, and the Jewishly neutral secularists on the other. But
the absence of any legitimation or affirmation of Jewish practice in the media may
mizrahim as reflected in the Guttman Report. For those of us who believe that such
a decline further undermines the unity of society, the sense of identification with the
state, and the self image of Jews throughout the world, the condition should be
changed.
i
Gadi Taub, The Dispirited Rebellion (Tel-Aviv: Hakibutz Hameuchad, in Hebrew, 1997), p. 47.
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