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#1
?? p???t???? d???e?? st?? ????da
Jean Meynaud, ?. ?e???p????? (et?f?as?)
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#2
?? e??????? s??d??a??st??? ????a ?a? ?? ???e? epe?se?? 1944-1948
G?????? F. ?????????
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#3
?? ??s???a????? p????s?? st?? ????da (1912-1923): a?t????e?? ?a? p?a?t???? t?? e???
????? d?????s??, s??se?? e ???st?a???? ???e?e?? ?a? p??sf??e?
G??a??a?, ??????? ?.
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#4
?? e??????? s??d??a??st??? ????a ?a? ?? ???e? epe?se?? 1944-1948
G?????? F. ?????????
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#5
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G?????? ???d?t??
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#6
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G????? ???d?t??
Category: 64
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#7
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Se??? 7 ???e?, ?a??e????
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#8
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??t??? ??????a?
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v t e
A supranational union is a type of multinational political union where negotiate
d power is delegated to an authority by governments of member states. The concep
t of supranational union is sometimes used to describe the European Union (EU),
as a new type of political entity.[1] The EU is the only entity which provides f
or international popular elections,[dubious discuss] going beyond the level of p
olitical integration normally afforded by international treaty. The term "supran
ational" is sometimes used in a loose, undefined sense in other contexts, someti
mes as a substitute for international, transnational or global. Another method o
f decision-making in international organisations is intergovernmentalism, in whi
ch state governments play a more prominent role.
Contents
1 Origin as a legal concept
2 Distinguishing features of a supranational union
3 Supranationalism in the European Union
3.1 Categorising European supranationalism
4 Comparing the European Union and the United States
5 Democratic deficit in the EU and other supranational unions
6 Other international organisations with some degree of integration
7 See also
8 Notes and references
9 External links
Origin as a legal concept
With its founding Statute of 1949 and its Convention of Human Rights and Fundame
ntal Freedoms, which came into force in 1953, the Council of Europe created a sy
stem based on human rights and the rule of law. Robert Schuman, French Foreign m
inister, initiated the debate on supranational democracy in his speeches at the
United Nations,[2] at the signing of the Council's Statutes and at a series of o
ther speeches across Europe and North America.[3]
The term "supranational" occurs in an international treaty for the first time (t
wice) in the Treaty of Paris, 18 April 1951. This new legal term defined the Com
munity method in creating the European Coal and Steel Community and the beginnin
g of the democratic re-organisation of Europe. It defines the relationship betwe
en the High Authority or European Commission and the other four institutions. In
the treaty, it relates to a new democratic and legal concept.
The Founding Fathers of the European Community and the present European Union sa
id that supranationalism was the cornerstone of the governmental system. This is
enshrined in the Europe Declaration made on 18 April 1951, the same day as the
European Founding Fathers signed the Treaty of Paris.[4]
"By the signature of this Treaty, the participating Parties give proof of their
determination to create the first supranational institution and that thus they a
re laying the true foundation of an organised Europe. This Europe remains open t
o all nations. We profoundly hope that other nations will join us in our common
endeavour."
This declaration of principles that included their judgement for the necessary f
uture developments was signed by Konrad Adenauer (West Germany), Paul van Zeelan
d and Joseph Meurice (Belgium), Robert Schuman (France), Count Sforza (Italy), J
oseph Bech (Luxembourg), and Dirk Stikker and Jan van den Brink (The Netherlands
). It was made to recall future generations to their historic duty of uniting Eu
rope based on liberty and democracy under the rule of law. Thus, they viewed the
creation of a wider and deeper Europe as intimately bound to the healthy develo
pment of the supranational or Community system.[4]
This Europe was open to all nations who were free to decide, a reference/or an i
nvitation and encouragement of liberty to the Iron Curtain countries. The term s
upranational does not occur in succeeding treaties, such as the Treaties of Rome
, the Maastricht Treaty, the Treaty of Nice or the Constitutional Treaty or the
very similar Treaty of Lisbon.
Distinguishing features of a supranational union
A supranational union is a supranational polity which lies somewhere between a c
onfederation that is an association of States and a federation that is a state.[
1] The European Economic Community was described by its founder Robert Schuman a
s midway between confederalism which recognises the complete independence of Sta
tes in an association and federalism which seeks to fuse them in a super-state.[
5] The EU has supranational competences, but it possesses these competences only
to the extent that they are conferred on it by its member states (Kompetenz-Kom
petenz).[1] Within the scope of these competences, the union exercises its power
s in a sovereign manner, having its own legislative, executive, and judicial aut
horities.[1] The supranational Community also has a chamber for organised civil
society including economic and social associations and regional bodies.[6]
Unlike states in a federal super-state, member states retain ultimate sovereignt
y, although some sovereignty is shared with, or ceded to, the supranational body
. Supranational agreements encourage stability and trust, because governments ca
nnot break international accords at a whim. The supranational action may be time
-limited. This was the case with the European Coal and Steel Community, which wa
s agreed for 50 years with the possibility of renewal. Supranational accords may
be permanent, such as an agreement to outlaw war between the partners. Full sov
ereignty can be reclaimed by withdrawing from the supranational arrangements but
the member state would also lose the great advantages offered by mutualities, e
conomies of scale, common external tariffs and other commonly agreed standards s
uch as improved international trust and democracy and common external positions.
[citation needed]
A supranational union, because it is an agreement between sovereign states, is b
ased on international treaties. The European treaties in general are different f
rom classical treaties as they are constitutionalizing treaties, that is, they p
rovide the basis for a European level of democracy and European rule of law. The
y have something in the nature of a constitution and like the British constituti
on, not necessarily a single document. They are based on treaties between its me
mber governments but have normally to undergo a closer democratic scrutiny than
other treaties because they are more far-ranging, affecting many areas of citize
ns' lives and livelihoods.
Decision-making is partly intergovernmental and partly supranational within the
Community areas. The latter provides a higher degree of institutional scrutiny b
oth via the Parliament and through the Consultative Committees. Intergovernmenta
lism provides for less democratic oversight, especially where the institution su
ch as the Council of Ministers or the European Council takes place behind closed
doors, rather than in a parliamentary chamber.[citation needed]
A supranational authority can have some independence from member state governmen
ts in specific areas, although not as much independence as with a federal govern
ment.[citation needed] Supranational institutions, like federal governments, imp
ly the possibility of pursuing agendas in ways that the delegating states did no
t initially envision. Democratic supranational Communities, however, are defined
by treaty and by law. Their activity is controlled by a Court, democratic insti
tutions and the rule of law.[citation needed]
The union has legal supremacy over its member states (only) to the extent that i
ts member state governments have conferred competences on the union. It is up to
the individual governments to assure that they have full democratic backing in
each of the member states. The citizens of the member states, though retaining t
heir nationality and national citizenship, additionally become citizens of the u
nion.[1]
The European Union, the only clear example of a supranational union, has a parli
ament with legislative oversight, elected by its citizens.[1] To this extent, a
supranational union like the European Union has characteristics that are not ent
irely dissimilar to the characteristics of a federal state like the United State
s of America. However, the differences in scale become apparent if one compares
the United States federal budget with the budget of the European Union (which am
ounts only to about one percent of combined GDP) or the size of the federal civi
l service of the United States with the Civil Service of the European Union.[7]
Because decisions in some EU structures are taken by majority votes, it is possi
ble for a member state to be obliged by the other members to implement a decisio
n.[citation needed] The states retain the competence for adding this additional
supranational competence.[citation needed]
Supranationalism in the European Union
European Union
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politics and government
of the European Union
Executive
[show]
Legislative
[show]
Judiciary
[show]
Central Bank
[show]
Court of Auditors
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Other bodies
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Policies and issues
[show]
Elections
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[show]
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v t e
Historically the concept was introduced and made a concrete reality by Robert Sc
human when the French Government agreed to the principle in the Schuman Declarat
ion and accepted the Schuman Plan confined to specific sectors of vital interest
of peace and war. Thus commenced the European Community system beginning with t
he European Coal and Steel Community. The six founder States (France, Italy, Ger
many, The Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg) agreed on the goal: making "war not
only unthinkable but materially impossible". They agreed about the means: puttin
g the vital interests, namely coal and steel production, under a common High Aut
hority, subject to common democratic and legal institutions. They agreed on the
European rule of law and a new democratic procedure.
The five institutions (besides the High Authority) were a Consultative Committee
(a chamber representing civil society interests of enterprises, workers and con
sumers), a parliament, and a Council of government ministers. A Court of Justice
would decide disputes coming from governments, public or private enterprises, c
onsumer groups, any other group interests or even an individual. A complaint cou
ld be lodged in a local tribunal or national courts, where appropriate. Member s
tates have yet to fulfil and develop the articles in the Paris and Rome treaties
for full democracy in the European Parliament and other institutions such as th
e Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of Regions.
Schuman described supranational unions as a new stage in human development. It c
ontrasted with destructive nationalisms of the nineteenth and twentieth centurie
s that began in a glorious patriotism and ended in wars.[8] He traced the beginn
ing concept of supranationality back to the nineteenth century, such as the Post
al Union, and the term supranational is used around the time of the First World
War. Democracy, which he defined as "in the service of the people and acting in
agreement with it", was a fundamental part of a supranational community. However
, governments only began to hold direct elections to the European Parliament in
1979, and then not according to the treaties. A single electoral statute was spe
cified in the treaty for Europe's first community of coal and steel in 1951. Civ
il society (largely non-political) was to have its own elected chamber in the Co
nsultative Committees specific to each Community as democratically agreed, but t
he process was frozen (as were Europe's parliamentary elections) by Charles de G
aulle and other politicians who opposed the Community method.
Today supranationalism only exists in the two European Communities inside the EU
: the Economic Community (often called the European Community although it does n
ot legally cover all State activities) and Euratom (the European Atomic Energy C
ommunity, a non-proliferation community, in which certain potentialities have be
en frozen or blocked). Supranational Communities provide powerful but generally
unexploited and innovatory means for democratic foreign policy, by mobilising ci
vil society to the democratically agreed goals of the Community.
The first Community of Coal and Steel was agreed only for fifty years. Oppositio
n, mainly by enterprises which had to pay a small European tax of less than 1% a
nd government ministers in the Council, led to its democratic mandate not being
renewed. Its jurisprudence and heritage remains part of the European Community s
ystem.
De Gaulle attempted to turn the European Commission into a political secretariat
under his control in the Fouchet Plan but this move was thwarted by such democr
ats in the Benelux countries as Paul-Henri Spaak, Joseph Luns and Joseph Bech as
well as a large wave of other pro-Europeans in all the Community countries.
The supranational Community method came under attack, not only from de Gaulle bu
t also from other nationalists and Communists. In the post-de Gaulle period, rat
her than holding pan-European elections under a single statute as specified in a
ll the treaties, governments held and continue to hold separate national electio
ns for the European Parliament. These often favour the major parties and discrim
inate against smaller, regional parties.[9] Rather than granting elections to or
ganised civil society in the consultative committees, governments created a thre
e-pillar system under the Amsterdam Treaty and Maastricht Treaty, mixing intergo
vernmental and supranational systems. Two pillars governing External policy and
Justice and Home affairs are not subject to the same democratic controls as the
Community system.
In the Lisbon Treaty and the earlier nearly identical Constitutional Treaty, the
democratic independence of the five key institutions is further blurred. This m
oves the project from full democratic supranationalism in the direction of not j
ust intergovernmentalism but the politicisation of the institutions, and control
by two or three major party political organisations. The Commission defines key
legal aspects of the supranational system because its members must be independe
nt of commercial, labour, consumer, political or lobby interests (Article 9 of t
he Paris Treaty). The Commission was to be composed of a small number of experie
nced personalities, whose impartiality was beyond question. As such, the early p
residents of the Commission and the High Authority were strong defenders of Euro
pean democracy against national, autocratic practice or the rule of the strong o
ver the weak.
The idea in the Constitutional and Lisbon Treaties is to run the European Commis
sion as a political office. Governments would prefer to have a national member i
n the Commission, although this is against the principle of supranational democr
acy. (The original concept was that the Commission should act as a single impart
ial college of independent, experienced personalities having public confidence.
One of the Communities was defined in the treaty with a Commission with fewer me
mbers than the number of its member states.) Thus, the members of the Commission
are becoming predominantly party-political, and composed of sometimes rejected,
disgraced or unwanted national politicians.
The first president of the High Authority was Jean Monnet, who never joined a po
litical party, as was the case with most of the other members of the Commissions
. They came from diverse liberal professions, having made recognised European co
ntributions.
Governments also wish to retain the secrecy of their deliberations in the Counci
l of Ministers or the European Council, which discusses matters of the most vita
l interest to European citizens. While some institutions such as the European Pa
rliament have their debates open to the public, others such as the Council of Mi
nisters and numerous committees are not. Schuman wrote in his book, Pour l'Europ
e[10] (For Europe), that in a democratic supranational Community "the Councils,
committees and other organs should be placed under the control of public opinion
that was effectual without paralysing their activity nor useful initiatives".
Categorising European supranationalism
Joseph H. H. Weiler, in his seminal[peacock term] work The Dual Character of Sup
ranationalism, states that there are two main facets to European supranationalis
m, although these seem to be true of many supranational systems. These are:
Normative supranationalism: The Relationships and hierarchy which exist betw
een Community policies and legal measures on one hand and the competing policies
and legal measures of the member states on the other (the executive dimension)
Decisional supranationalism: The institutional framework and decision making
by which such measures are initiated, debated, formulated, promulgated and, fin
ally, executed (the legislative-judicial dimension)
In many ways, the split sees the separation of powers confined to merely two bra
nches.
Comparing the European Union and the United States
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In the Lisbon Treaty, the distribution of competences in various policy areas be
tween member states and the European Union is redistributed in three categories.
In 19th century USA, it had exclusive competences only. Competences not explici
tly listed belong to lower levels of governance.
EU exclusive competence
The Union has exclusive competence to make directives and conclude international
agreements when provided for in a Union legislative act.
the customs union
the establishing of the competition rules necessary for the functioning of t
he internal market
monetary policy for the member states whose currency is the euro
the conservation of marine biological resources under the common fisheries p
olicy
common commercial (trade) policy
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EU shared competence
Member states cannot exercise competence in areas where the Union has done so.
the internal market
social policy, for the aspects defined in this Treaty
economic, social and territorial cohesion
agriculture and fisheries, excluding the conservation of marine biological r
esources
environment
consumer protection
transport
trans-European Networks
energy
the area of freedom, security and justice
common safety concerns in public health matters, for the aspects defined in
this Treaty
 Common Foreign and Security Policy
Pix.gif
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EU supporting competence
The Union can carry out actions to support, co-ordinate or supplement member sta
tes' actions.
the protection and improvement of human health
industry
culture
tourism
education, youth, sport and vocational training
civil protection (disaster prevention)
adminislism in the colonial era was often framed purely in opposition to col
onial rule and was therefore frequently unclear or contradictory about its other
objectives.[7] According to historian Robert I. Rotberg, African nationalisms w
ould not have emerged without colonialism.[8] Its relation to Pan-Africanism was
also ambiguous with many nationalist leaders professing Pan-African loyalties b
ut still refusing to commit to supranational unions. African nationalists of the
period have also been criticised for their continued use of ideas and policies
associated with colonial states.[7] In particular, nationalists usually attempte
d to preserve national frontiers created arbitrarily under colonial rule after i
ndependence and create a national sense of national identity among the hetrogeno
us populations inside them.[8]
Sub-Saharan Africa
Ghanaian nationalists celebrating the 50th anniversary of national independe
nce in 2007
See also
Africa portal iconCulture portal History portal iconPolitics portal
African Nationalist Movement
African socialism
African studies
African Union
Ethnic nationalism
Organisation of African Unity
Pan-African colours
Types of nationalism
By country
Afrikaner nationalism
Ethiopian nationalism
Libyan nationalism
Nigerian nationalism
Notes
African nationalism
Archived
21 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine.
Rotberg 1966, p. 33.
Davidson 1978, p. 165.
Davidson 1978, pp. 166-7.
Davidson 1978, p. 167.
Davidson 1978, p. 202.
Davidson 1978, p. 374.
Rotberg 1966, p. 37.
References
Davidson, Basil (1978). Let Freedom Come: Africa in Modern History
(First US ed.). Boston: Little-Brown. ISBN 0-316-17435-1..
Rotberg, Robert I. (May 1966). "African Nationalism: Concept or Confusion?"
. The Journal of Modern African Studies. 4 (1): 33 46. JSTOR 159414
.
Further reading
Almond Gabriel and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas
(1971)
Eze, M. The Politics of History in Contemporary Africa
(Springer, 2010.)
Hodgkin, Thomas. Nationalism in Colonial Africa
(1956).
Hussain, Arif. "The educated elite: collaborators, assailants nationalists:
A note on African nationalists and nationalism."
Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 7.3 (1974): 485-497.
Ohaegbulam, Festus Ugboaja. Nationalism in colonial and post-colonial Africa
(University Press of America, 1977).
Shepherd, George W., junior (1962). The Politics of African Nationalism: Cha
llenge to American Policy.
New York: F.A. Praeger.
[show]
v t e
Pan-Africanism
[show]
v t e
Africa articles
Categories:
African and Black nationalismPolitics of Africa
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Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License
; additional terms may apply. B
7 Notes
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
Terminology
The word nation was used before 1800 in Europe to refer to the inhabitants of a
country as well as to collective identities that could include shared history, l
aw, language, political rights, religion and traditions, in a sense more akin to
the modern conception.[11]
Nationalism is a newer word; in English the term dates from 1844, although the c
oncept is older.[12] It became important in the 19th century.[13] The term incre
asingly became negative in its connotations after 1914. Glenda Sluga notes that
"The twentieth century, a time of profound disillusionment with nationalism, was
also the great age of internationalism."[14]
History
The growth of a national identity was expressed in a variety of symbolic ways, i
ncluding the adoption of a national flag. Pictured, the Union Jack of a newly cr
eated United Kingdom in 1801, formed by the merger of the Kingdoms of Great Brit
ain and Ireland.
"Nationalism" is the term historians used to characterize the modern sense of na
tional political autonomy and self-determination from the late 18th century onwa
rds.[15] For example, German nationalism emerged as a reaction against Napoleoni
c control of Germany as the Confederation of the Rhine around 1805 14.[16][17] Lin
da Colley in Britons, Forging the Nation 1707 1837 (Yale University Press, 1992) e
xplores how the role of nationalism emerged about 1700 and developed in Britain
reaching full form in the 1830s. Typically historians of nationalism in Europe b
egin with the French Revolution (1789), not only for its impact on French nation
alism but even more for its impact on Germans and Italians and on European intel
lectuals.[18]
With the emergence of a national public sphere and an integrated, country-wide e
conomy in the 18th-century the British people began to identify with the country
at large, rather than the smaller units of their family, town or province. The
early emergence of a popular patriotic nationalism took place in the mid-18th ce
ntury, and was actively promoted by the British government and by the writers an
d intellectuals of the time.[19] National symbols, anthems, myths, flags and nar
ratives were assiduously constructed by nationalists and widely adopted. The Uni
on Jack was adopted in 1801 as the national one.[20] Thomas Arne composed the pa
triotic song "Rule, Britannia!" in 1740,[21] and the cartoonist John Arbuthnot i
nvented the character of John Bull as the personification of the English nationa
l spirit in 1712.[22]
The political convulsions of the late 18th century associated with the American
and French revolutions massively augmented the widespread appeal of patriotic na
tionalism.[23][24]
The Prussian scholar Johann Gottfried Herder (1744 1803) originated the term in 17
72 in his "Essay on the Origins of Language." stressing the role of a common lan
guage.[25][26] He attached exceptional importance to the concepts of nationality
and of patriotism "he that has lost his patriotic spirit has lost himself and
the whole worlds about himself", whilst teaching that "in a certain sense every
human perfection is national".[27]
19th century
Main article: International relations of the Great Powers (1814 1919)
The political development of nationalism and the push for popular sovereignty cu
lminated with the ethnic/national revolutions of Europe. During the 19th century
nationalism became one of the most significant political and social forces in h
istory; it is typically listed among the top causes of World War I.[28][29]
Napoleon's conquests of the German and Italian states around 1800 06 played a majo
r role in stimulating nationalism and the demands for national unity.[30]
Germany
Revolutionaries in Vienna with German tricolor flags, May 1848
In the German states west of Prussia Napoleon abolished many of the old or medie
val relics, such as dissolving the Holy Roman Empire in 1806.[31] He imposed rat
ional legal systems and demonstrated how dramatic changes were possible. For exa
mple, his organization of the Confederation of the Rhine in 1806 promoted a feel
ing of nationalism. Nationalists sought to encompass masculinity in their quest
for strength and unity.[32] It was Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck who ach
ieved German unification through a series of highly successful short wars agains
t Denmark, Austria and France which thrilled the pan-German nationalists in the
smaller German states. They fought in his wars and eagerly joined the new German
Empire, which Bismarck ran as a force for balance and peace in Europe after 187
1.[33]
in the 19th century German nationalism was promoted by Hegelian-oriented academi
c historians who saw Prussia as the true carrier of the German spirit, and the p
ower of the state as the ultimate goal of nationalism. The three main historians
were Johann Gustav Droysen (1808 1884), Heinrich von Sybel (1817 1895) and Heinrich
von Treitschke (1834 1896). Droysen moved from liberalism to an intense nationali
sm that celebrated Prussian Protestantism, efficiency, progress, and reform, in
striking contrast to Austrian Catholicism, impotency and backwardness. He ideali
zed the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia. His large-scale History of Prussian Polit
ics (14 vol 1855 1886) was foundational for nationalistic students and scholars. V
on Sybel founded and edited the leading academic history journal, Historische Ze
itschrift and as the director of the Prussian state archives published massive c
ompilations that were devoured by scholars of nationalism.[34]
The most influential of the German nationalist historians, was Treitschke who ha
d an enormous influence on elite students at Heidelberg and Berlin universities.
[35] Treitschke vehemently attacked parliamentarianism, socialism, pacifism, the
English, the French, the Jews, and the internationalists. The core of his messa
ge was the need for a strong, unified state a unified Germany under Prussian super
vision. "It is the highest duty of the State to increase its power," he stated.
Although he was a descendant of a Czech family he considered himself not Slavic
but German: "I am 1000 times more the patriot than a professor."[36]
Italy
Main articles: Italian nationalism and Italian unification
People cheering as Giuseppe Garibaldi enters Naples in 1860
Italian nationalism emerged in the 19th century and was the driving force for It
alian unification or the "Risorgimento" (meaning the Resurgence or revival). It
was the political and intellectual movement that consolidated different states o
f the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861. T
he memory of the Risorgimento is central to Italian nationalism but it was based
in the liberal middle classes and proved weak.[37] Two major groups remained op
posed, the South (called the Mezzogiorno) and the devout Catholics. The new gove
rnment treated the South as a conquered province with ridicule for its "backward
" and poverty stricken society, its poor grasp of the Italian language, and its
traditions. The liberals had always been strong opponents of the pope and the ve
ry well organized Catholic Church. The pope had been in political control of cen
tral Italy; he lost that in 1860 and lost Rome in 1870. He had long been the lea
der of opposition to modern liberalism and refused to accept the terms offered b
y the new government. He called himself a prisoner in the Vatican and forbade Ca
tholics to vote or engage in politics. The Catholic alienation lasted until 1929
. The liberal government under Francesco Crispi sought to enlarge his political
base by emulating Bismarck and firing up Italian nationalism with a hyper-aggres
sive foreign policy. It crashed and his cause was set back. Historian R.J.B. Bos
worth says of his nationalistic foreign policy that Crispi:
pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled unti
l the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked
cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friend
s with this suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies. His policies wer
e ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colo
nial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted wh
en on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian force
s at Adowa ... in what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern
army. Crispi, whose private life (he was perhaps a trigamist) and personal fina
nces...were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.[38]
Meanwhile, a third major group emerged that was hostile to nationalism as radica
l socialist elements became a force in the industrial North, and they too reject
ed liberalism. Italy joined the Allies in the First World War after getting prom
ises of territory, but its war effort was a fiasco that discredited liberalism a
nd paved the way for Benito Mussolini and his fascism. That involved a highly ag
gressive nationalism that led to a series of wars, an alliance with Hitler's Ger
many, and humiliation and hardship in the Second World War. After 1945 the Catho
lics returned to government and tensions eased somewhat, but the Mezzogiorno rem
ained poor and ridiculed. The working class now voted for the Communist Party, a
nd it looked to Moscow not Rome for inspiration, and was kept out of the nationa
l government even as it controlled industrial cities across the North. In the 21
st century the Communists are gone but political and cultural tensions remained
high as shown by separatist Padanian nationalism in the North.[39]
Beginning in 1821, the Greek War of Independence began as a rebellion by Greek r
evolutionaries against the ruling Ottoman Empire.
Greece
Main article: Greek War of Independence
The Greek drive for independence from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s and 1830s
inspired supporters across Christian Europe, especially in Britain. France, Russ
ia and Britain intervened to make this nationa
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