Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Michael Curtis
r ' ~ . e lives of Raymond Aron and Charles de Gaulle influential for the general public, were Aron's journal-
! intersected at significant moments in 20th Century ism and editorial writing for Combat (April 1946 to
history, cooperatively in London during World War II, June 1947), for Le Figaro (1947 to 1977), for L'Express
and antagonistically in Paris as a result of the President's (1977 to 1983), and for the m o n t h l y Preuves,
press conference on November 27, 1967. The two Commentaire, and Encolmter. Addressing almost daily
Frenchman formed an incongruous duo. General de both domestic and international issues, Aron in his thou-
Gaulle, the heroic man of June 18, 1940, the symbol of sands of articles was the model of polite but frank dis-
French resistance to Nazi Germany, the founder and course and reasoned argument and analysis.
President of the French Fifth Republic, was the quint- Aron's writings, both scholarly and journalistic,
essential exponent of the grandeur and national sover- spanned an extraordinary range of subjects, including
eignty of France. Aron, the brilliant scholar and jour- international relations, sociology, economics, ethics, lib-
nalist, the intellectually courageous critic of the eralism and the crisis of democracy, intellectual history,
prevailing, fashionable, politically correct attitude of war and peace, the concepts and implications of indus-
sympathy and tolerance among the French intellectual trial society, and current ideologies. Aron concentrated
and cultural elite towards the actions of the Soviet Union, on concrete issues rather than on formal or epistemo-
was the dejudaised Jew who had rallied to the Free French logical problems. Because of his independent, non-par-
movement in London in 1940 but was not an unquali- tisan judgments and objective analysis, people found it
fied admirer of Charles de Gaulle during or after World difficult to place him in any particular political category.
War II. That objective analysis was grounded in a realistic as-
Raymond Aron early showed his brilliance by being sessment of political behavior. In his inaugural lecture
placed first in the agrdgation in 1928, after four years at on December 1, 1970 he explained that his experience
the l~cole Normale Supdrieure, in a class that included in Germany in the early 1930"s had marked him and
Jean-Paul Sartre, Paul Nizan and Georges Canguilhem. inclined him to an active pessimism; "I lost faith and
His experience while studying in Germany, in Cologne held on, not without effort, to hope". His objective as a
and Berlin, from 1930 to 1933, made him acutely aware historian was, by retrospective analysis of possibilities,
of the threat and violence of Nazism. In London during to reveal the articulations of the historical process. He
the war he was the acting editor, together with Andrd was also a committed observer, prepared to take a posi-
Lebarthe as manager, of La France libre, the monthly tion on historical and contemporary events. As active
review of the Free French movement which first ap- citizen, Aron, a man with good connections in French
peared to there in November 1940 and for which Aron society unattached to any political party, participated in
wrote in 57 of the 59 issues. the work of some anti-communist groups in France and
Aron had taught philosophy at Le Havre before the was a member in 1950 of the executive committee of
war, worked at the Centre de Documentation Sociale de the Congress for Cultural Freedom. As advocate of rea-
l'l~cole Normale Sup&ieure, and was to have a distin- soned discussion he was particularly critical of the vio-
guished academic career, at the Sorbonne (1955), at the lence and "'psychodrama" exhibited by Parisian intel-
I~cole practique des Hautes Etudes in 1960, at the College lectuals and students in the university riots in 1968.
de France, as professor of European civilization, from Aron's writings, like his life, was lacking in ostenta-
1970 to 1979. During that career, as philosopher, histo- tion. They were clear, precise, sober and moderate in
rian, sociologist, and political scientist, he published over tone, critical of ideologies he considered false or em-
40 books. Important as was his scholarship, and more bodying fanaticism. They had the cool, urbane tone of
18 S O C I E T Y 9 M A Y / J U N E 2004
Palestine during the war, contrasting that with the op- sources. Palestinian Jews encouraged the teaching of
position of the Arabs who were on the other side. In French in high schools and organized an exhibition of
London he met in August 1940 with Albert Cohen, lo- French painting in Tel Aviv in May 1942, while the
cal representative of the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem Free French provided a subsidy for a chair in the French
and of the American branch of the World Jewish Con- language and civilization at the Hebrew University.
gress, commenting that anti-Semitism resulted from Politically, the Jewish press supported de Gaulle in the
Jews being made the scapegoats for economic and so- conflict with General Giraud at the end of 1942.
cial problems. He also spoke of Zionism with sympa- Though General Georges Catroux, head of the Free
thy and admiration. In its turn, the Jewish Agency was French in the Levant, and some officers in his head-
one of the first international organizations to give offi- quarters in Cairo, and others such as the antisemitic
cial recognition to Free France. Captain Jean-Louis Montezer, author of ka France et
De Gaulle promised Cohen, in a letter of August 22, L'Islam, objected and spurned the Jewish offer to help,
1940 that, when France regained its liberty, all French nevertheless Jewish Palestinians fought together with
citizens, whatever their religion, would enjoy equal Allied Forces including the Free French contingent
rights. Writing from Brazzaville on November 11, 1940 under Colonel Collet against Vichy France which was
to Stephen Wise, president of the World Jewish Con- aiding the Germans in Lebanon and Syria. In one such
gress, de Gaulle considered the Vichy legislation as null action Moshe Dayan lost his left eye in June 1941. The
and void and as an injustice with regards to Jewish citi- Free French forces, about 6,000, were transported from
zens. On a number of occasions he stated his intention Palestine to the Syrian border in Haganah trucks.
to abolish that shameful legislation after liberation. On Outside of Palestine, a Jewish unit of 500 men, at-
February 20, 1943 de Gaulle declared that the laws of tached to the King's West African Rifles, linked up with
the French Republic must be immediately reestablished General Koenig, victor of Bir Hakeim: almost all per-
in Africa, and in a letter to Stephen Wise of September ished in the fight against Rommel's tanks and planes.
27, 1943 wrote of the need for reparations in Algeria In his conversation with Jean-Claude Servan-Schreiber
and the restoration of nationality for Jews there. After on July 5, 1968, de Gaulle recalled that "the young
the defeat of the Vichy forces in Syria and Lebanon by Jews in Palestine in 1941 were marvelous; they fought
the Free French, antisemitic decrees were annulled there on our side while the Arabs were on the other side."
on August 2, 1941. Jacques Soustelle, in his 1968 book, La longue marche
On the general question of Zionism, de Gaulle gave d'Israel, even spoke with exaggeration of 150,000 Jew-
no clear answers to his views in conversations with ish volunteers, including 50,000 women, some of whom
Chaim Weizmann in 1942 and 1943. He took no offi- fought in Flanders and St.-Malo.
cial position, preserving options for France in Syria De Gaulle, who had been stationed in Beirut between
and Lebanon, and being careful in his delicate wartime 1929 and 1931, was aware of the complex political fac-
relationship with Britain to which, as Winston Churchill tions in the Middle East. At one point, in March 1941,
wrote, he was rude but which held the League of Na- he proposed a Jewish military unit as part of the Free
tions mandate for Palestine. He recognized that rela- French contingent but gave up the idea because of Brit-
tions between the Jews in Palestine and Free French ish opposition and concern of Catroux who argued that
forces and officials during the war were cordial and such a unit and Jewish mobilization would be a danger
cooperative in a number of ways, since they shared simi- to peace in the area. On one side were supporters of a
lar objectives. Early on, from September 1940 to June Jewish active role, such as Colonel Collet in Palestine
1941 a radio station, Radio Levant France Libre, headed and General Koenig. On the other side were those ar-
by de Gaulle's advisor, Frangois Coulet and protected guing that Free France should limit its relations with
by the Haganah, functioned in Haifa at the home of the Jews, that it should link up with Arabs, and that it
David Hacohen, future politician in Israel. With its should reduce tension with Britain over the future of
strong signals the station challenged the Vichy radio the Levant. If de Gaulle appreciated the value of the
station in Beirut. Jewish contribution to his cause, he was also aware of
A Free French consulate was set up in Tel Aviv in the problem of pan-Arabism and interested in the main-
1941, and in early 1942 a Jewish Association for the tenance of the French mandate in Syria and Lebanon.
Free French was established providing for daily con- After the war France did not openly aid the Zionist
tact between the two sides. An energetic engineer and cause, though some French people, especially Jacques
businessman, Paul Repitom was appointed in August Soustelle, helped leaders of Jewish Palestinian resis-
1941 as representative of the Free French in Jerusalem tance groups, assisted some members of the Irgun and
where he benefited from information from Jewish Stern gangs who had escaped British prisons in Pales-
20 SOCIETY 9 MAY/JUNE2004
conspicuous being Maurice Couve de Murville who sale of 72 Mirage IIIs, which could counter the Soviet
went from Washington to Bonn. Mig 21s sold to Egypt. In April 1966 he approved the
In addition to military aid and political cooperation, sale of 50 Mirage Vs and, later, 6 Super-Frelon heli-
France also entered into a nuclear agreement in 1953 copters. Collaboration on rocket research continued.
covering heavy water and uranium production coop- In welcoming Ben Gurion on June 14, 1960, de
eration which increased after the 1956 Suez war. The Gaulle touched on his admiration, affection, and confi-
agreement was said to have provided Israel with a large dence in Israel and spoke of his guest as a doughty
reactor capable of producing plutonium at Dimona. The warrior and champion, who symbolized "the marvel-
nuclear instillation was built with the help of French ous resurrection, renaissance, pride, and prosperity of
scientists and equipment. Israel" and was "one of the great statesmen of the cen-
After Suez, diplomatic relations with Arab states, tury." A year later, on June 6, 1961, de Gaulle spoke of
apart from Lebanon, were limited, while Pierre Etienne "our solidarity and friendship to Israel, our friend and
Gilbert, French Ambassador to Israel, remained influ- ally.'" De Gaulle's extravagant rhetoric amply justifies
ential. On return to power in 1958, de Gaulle who had the comment of Manes Sperber that de Gaulle was a
not taken any public position on the desirability of a psychologically adroit and convincing flatterer~ an in-
Franco- Israeli alliance reconsidered what he thought dividual of indefatigable cunning.
was in the best, vital interests of France. He explained, Yet, signs of the change in the French attitude to the
in his M~moires, that the Algerian crisis and the Suez Middle East were unmistakable. The Hebrew speaking
Affair had shut France out of the Arab world: "I natu- Ambassador Pierre-Etienne Gilbert, the most popular
rally intended to reestablish our position in this region." Frenchman in Israel, who forwarded Franco-Israeli
Politically, those vital interests required a strong, friendship was recalled from Israel in 1959; Jacques
independent France, one of grandeur, which de Gaulle Soustelle, the most ardent defender of Israel, left the
would implement and which could provide for its own government in February 1960; the pro-Arab Pierre
defense and participate in Great Power decisions, bal- Guillaumat was appointed Minister for Arms; Couve
ancing if possible the two superpowers, and play a de Murville former Vichy official and Ambassador to
greater role in Middle East affairs, cooperating with Egypt who was anxious to renew ties with the Arabs
and assisting the Arab world. At a time when the Alge- headed the Quai d'Orsay which had already favored
rian insurgence and desire for independence was domi- such renewal; Jean Chauvel was sent to foster the French
nant, de Gaulle meant to end the favored treatment of language in Lebanon and Iran; Arab leaders, not only
Israel and to increase closer relations with Arab coun- King Hussein of Jordan but also General Amer of Egypt
tries. Relations with Israel were too close. De Gaulle in 1965 were welcomed; diplomatic relations were re-
was unhappy with the presence of Israeli officials in sumed with Egypt while at the UN, French delegates
French military headquarters. He refused Ben Gurion's became more reserved towards Israel.
request for French assistance for a building to separate The visits of Ben Gurion and Levi Eshkol to France
isotopes. Israeli research scientists, observing day-to- were kept low-key; French ministers rarely visited Is-
day operations of the nuclear research center at Saclay, rael; Andr~ Malraux's visit was cancelled though he
were sent back to Israel. De Gaulle viewed aspects of went to Egypt; the Comte de Paris was sent in spring
scientific collaboration with Israel as incompatible with 1961 to Libya to improve relations; French cultural
the sovereignty and national interest of France. To and economic interests in the Middle East were empha-
Jacques Soustelle, his longtime supporter who would sized, especially increased trade, commercial exports~
break with de Gaulle over Algeria and who called for and oil supply. De Gaulle in a letter to Ben Gurion of
accelerating construction of an atomic pile near Dimona~ May 16, 1961 reminded the Israeli leader they had
de Gaulle replied that ~your sentiments towards Israel agreed on June 17, 1960 that the Israeli program for
must not interfere with 'la politique' of France." development of atomic energy, which France supported,
De Gaulle may not have had similar sentiments but was for exclusively peaceful, not military ends.
he did not end friendly relations with Israel. Couve de To forge stronger links with the Arabs and to help
Murville made this clear in December 1964 when he assure oil supplies, a Franco-Algerian agreement on
said to King Hussein of Jordan that ~friendship with hydrocarbons was signed in July 1965~ and another
Israel is deeply rooted in the French people." The flow between France and lran was signed in August 1966.
of arms begun by the 4 ~h Republic continued: during The French government merged gas and oil interests
the last two weeks of May 1967 over $40 million sup- into ERAP (Enterprise de Recherches et d'Activites
ply of arms were sent, most of it in El A1 planes. More P6trolibres), giving it, a state owned corporation, more
planes were delivered: in 1961 de Gaulle approved the control over energy. Commercial relations between
22 SOCIETY 9 MAY/JUNE2004
partial, withdrawal. It is ironic that the UN, for which At the same time, Aron did become concerned by
de Gaulle had expressed contempt, was providing France the number of antisemitic incidents which were offi-
the opportunity to play a major role in the international cially ignored. After the bombing outside the synagogue
scene. in rue Copernic in Paris, that killed four passers-by,
Other factors help explain the change in Aron, in his editorial "Antis6mitisme et terrorisme,'" in
policy: irritation that Israel had ignored his advice in L'Express, October 11-17, 1980, wrote his strongest
1967, and was successful, and that many in France in- statement about the increasing number of attacks on
cluding newspapers, radio, television, and street dem- Jewish institutions and people and deploring the indif-
onstrations had supported a foreign country enthusias- ferent attitude of French officials and their reluctance
tically in that success; a genuine concern about to address the issue. For Aron, President Giscard
development of Israel's nuclear program; annoyance d'Estaing had not understood that the Copernic attack
that Israel had in April 1967 secretly shipped out from was not simply a news item but a historic event whose
Cherbourg two of the twelve missile boats for which echo would reverberate across the world. If France was
Israel had paid and which were being built by the not to be seen as the foyer of a new anti-Semitism the
French; an opportunity for France to exhibit gran- President had to speak, reassuring Jews who were now
deur, to counter U.S. influence in the Middle East, threatened and dealing with those who had committed
to act as a neutral between the U.S. and the Soviet the terrorist attacks.
Union, and to be an impartial mediator in the Arab- This blind terrorism had taken Jews as its target, and
Israeli dispute. The fact that, after the 1962 Soviet- given this symbolic significance. Aron argued there
Egyptian arms deal, the U.S. in 1963 agreed to sup- should be a limit in France to the complaisance towards
ply short range ground-to-air Hawk missiles and in oil producers and buyers of French arms: beyond that
1965 to sell Skyhawk light bombers, indicated that the limit France risked losing its soul and also its life.
virtually exclusive French military ties to Israel had Aron also confronted the French Holocaust deniers.
ended. Above all, the end of the war in Algeria pro- He was particularly disturbed that L'Express, the jour-
vided the opportunity for more cordial relations with nal for which he wrote, published, without consulting
Arab countries and for aid in their development. Ties him, in October 28- November 4, 1978 an interview
with the Third World, especially the Francophone coun- with Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, head of the Vichy
tries to which French teachers and technicians were sent, General Commission on Jewish Questions between 1942
could be strengthened. Oil supply could be more as- and 1944 who had escaped punishment and was living
sured, in Spain. The title of the article reflected Darquier's
position: "At Auschwitz only lice were gassed". To-
The Resurgence of Anti-Semitism gether with Jean Francois Revel, Aron immediately re-
With de Gaulle's resignation in 1968, this particular plied in Le Monde of November 1, 1978 denouncing
controversy between him and Aron was ended. For Darquier's "'untrue and unacceptable" charge. The fol-
Aron, related issues remained: criticism of Israel, the lowing week in L'Express of November 11-18, 1978,
resurgence of anti-Semitism in France, and Holocaust Aron commented that Darquier's interview had revealed
denial. Aron continued support of Israel, making mea- the singularity and specificity, not the banality, of Na-
sured criticisms of some of its policies. But he refused zism: the Holocaust, the deliberate extermination of a
to join in the condemnations of Jewish-born intellectu- whole people, Jews and Gypsies, the will to kill those it
als like Maxime Rodinson, the left-wing distinguished hated and refused to recognize as part of humanity.
historian of Islamic societies, who did not support the Twenty years after his death, Aron's voice, denounc-
Israeli position and were more sympathetic to the Ar- ing both self righteous and oversimplified expressions
abs than he in the Arab-Israeli conflict. of hostility to the state of Israel and the disquieting
Aron was critical of those such as Bernard-Henri violent antisemitic actions and rhetoric in his country,
Ldvy in his book for magnifying the dangers of anti- is sorely missed.
Semitism in France: "with his own hysteria he is only
going to feed the hysteria of a small part of the Jewish Michael Curtis is professor emeritus of political science
community that is already inclined to wild talk and wild at Rutgers Universi~'. He is author and editor of many
actions." France, Aron argued, had not produced an books ol7 the Middle East Europe, and Comparative Poli-
authentic fascism or Nazism, nor even, except under tics. They include Introduction to Comparative Govern-
Vichy, right wing authoritarianism. In the 1980s no ment, Western European Government and Politics, Verdict
political party or journal professed antisemitic views, on Vichy: Power and Prejudice in The Vichy France Re-
nor did any elected official. gime, attd The Palestinians.