Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
and Diversity
Edited by Caroline Sweetman
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Front cover: Delegates at the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, 1995
Photo: Nancy Durrell McKenna/Oxfam
Oxfam GB 2004
Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK
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Contents
Editorial 2
Caroline Sweetman
Organisational strategy in India and diverse identities of women: bridging the gap 10
Ranjani K. Murthy
When sharing female identity is not enough: coalition building in the midst of political
polarisation in Zimbabwe 19
Everjoke J. Win
Microfinance from the point of view of women with disabilities: lessons from Zambia
and Zimbabwe 28
Cindy Lewis
Promoting cultural diversity and the rights of women: the dilemmas of 'intersectionality'
for development organisations 47
Liesbeth van der Hoogte and Koos Kingma
Diversity in Oxfam GB: engaging the head and turning the heart 56
Bimla Ojelay-Surtees
Resources 83
Compiled by Erin Leigh
Publications 83
Journals 85
Electronic resources 85
Briefing papers and tools 87
Organisations 88
Conferences 90
Editorial
Caroline Sweetman
Human life takes place amid a complex mesh therefore be used carefully if it is not to
of social and economic relationships betweenentrench inequality.
people which are profoundly unequal. Diversity is often conceptualised in two
Throughout the world, the diversity among dimensions: primary diversity and second-
people determines their relative power to ary diversity. Primary diversity arises from
make decisions and command resources. characteristics that people cannot change:
This collection of articles considers what sex, race or ethnicity, age, physical abilities
diversity and difference are, why they are and qualities, and sexual orientation. Second-
important for development organisations, ary diversity arises from characteristics that
and what the impact would be for develop- can be changed. They include people's class,
ment programmes if they took up the religion, nationality and place of residence,
challenges of working with a diversity 'lens'.
educational background, marital status, and
Development organisations, including position in the family. Obviously, these
international legal bodies, the UN, and distinctions between dimensions of diversity
international financial institutions (IFIs) are crude, and do not hold in every case.
have - in rhetoric at least - signed up to aFor example, disability is not always
vision of human development in which all unchangeable: an accident may leave a
women, men, and children - regardless of person temporarily disabled.
age, class, creed, sexual orientation, caste, Some primary dimensions of diversity
and so on - have their moral right to equality,
arise from a mixture of biological character-
dignity, and respect upheld. In this vision,istics which change what people can do and
diversity means recognising and valuing superficial differences which have no bearing
the positive qualities and differences that on people's capabilities. Adult women and
distinguish people from each other, while not
men have different roles in biological
shying away from challenging inequality reproduction, in addition to the different
and abuse. Critically, it means recognising 'gender roles' which they are ascribed by
difference, but also recognising our common society. Inequality between women and
humanity. men is often explained with reference to the
'natural' differences between the sexes.
In contrast, some primary dimensions of
What is diversity? diversity arise from purely superficial
The terminology used to discuss difference differences. For example, people of different
between individuals and groups is not 'races' are distinguished from each other
neutral, but value-laden, and language must only by superficial bodily variations.
Editorial
Organisational strategy in
India and diverse identities
O f w o m e n : bridging the gap
Ranjani K. Murthy
Some differences among Indian women are well known -for example, those based on class, ethnicity, caste,
and religion. There is also a range of other differences - arising from marital status, position within the
family, the sex of a woman's children, whether she has a disability - which are less widely noted. There is
little written about the challenges posed by differences among Indian women for organising women at the
grass roots. Various reasons exist for this. This article is a small effort to bridge the gap in the literature,
in the hope that more will follow on this theme.
Many have pointed out how caste, class, complex issue, and cannot be generalised. A
and gender interweave in India, shaping specific example comes from the conflicts in
the work women can do, the resources they interest between women from Muslim and
can access, and the power they have in Hindu communities. Some of these conflicts
society (for example, Kannabiran 1996). arise out of the occupational differences
These differences place groups of women in between Muslims and Hindus: a greater
opposition to other groups. For example, proportion of Muslims than Hindus are
Dalit women1 and labouring class women engaged in trading occupations. At times,
(not all labouring class women are Dalits, this gives rise to conflict over the terms of
and vice versa), whose households have trade: in particular, regarding profit
had land legally allotted to them by the margins, the timing of payments, and so on.
government but do not as yet possess the Often, the traders are men, while the sex of
land, may clash with upper-caste landed the sellers varies according to the trade. In
women, whose households have encroached conflicts over trade, women tend to align
on the land in question. The payment of with their husbands, rather than with the
minimum or equal wages is another point other women. At community level, conflicts
of contestation between women from related to religion have arisen over the last 15
different classes and castes. In these issues, years as a result of the rise of right-wing
the interests of women from the landed Hindu movements in India. For example, the
upper castes are similar to the men in their far right has used accusations that Muslims
castes, and opposed to Dalit and labouring have built mosques by destroying Hindu
women. temples to inflame communal conflicts.
Religion is another aspect of diversity Although Muslim women have been raped
which creates differences among women. and hurt in such conflicts, some Hindu
How these differences play out is a highly women have aligned themselves with right-
Organisational strategy in India and diverse identities of women 11
wing Hindu forces, and at times have even wives. Mothers of sons have more status,
perpetrated violence. and therefore more power, than mothers of
Conflicts between tribal2 and non-tribal daughters. Interests of mothers and daughters,
women are not uncommon. Tribal communities and mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law,
often reside in separate locations from non- often differ over the younger women's
tribal communities. However, the traders, freedom to go outside the house and interact
moneylenders, and forest guards who socially. Other clashes can occur over the
operate in tribal areas are mainly men from division of domestic work, over family size,
non-tribal communities. When conflicts and even over the amount of dowry. The
arise between them and tribal people, interests of wives in the relatively small
women align with their own men, rather number of polygamous marriages very often
than across the tribal/non-tribal divide. clash. The first wife has property rights, but
Moving beyond the issues of identity that the second does not. One wife may be
are relatively well known, two key aspects of favoured by the husband over the other wife
diversity among women are marital status, because of her beauty, the fact that her
and their position in the family. Those in mother-in-law likes her personality, or the
more powerful positions in the family fact that she has borne sons.
often perpetrate abuses against less power- As suggested above, age cross-cuts
ful women, carrying and perpetuating the gender identity and position in the family
ideas and practices of the patriarchal system and renders younger women open to abuse.
in which they live. Evidence shows that young women between
While there has been some analysis of the the ages of 21 and 25 are less represented in
status of widows in India compared with self-help groups than women in the age
married women, there has been much less group 26 to 55 (Murthy, Raju, and Kamath
research on the comparative status of 2002; IF AD and TNCDW1999). This is partly
married women, deserted women, divorced because younger women may be pregnant
women, and women who have been forced or looking after young children, without
for economic or social reasons to remain older children to call upon to assist them, as
unmarried.3 Depending on their position in older women have. In some cases, it can also
the extended family, women have different be because mothers-in-law do not allow
amounts of access to power, and are their daughters-in-law to join such groups.
allocated different work. In one village in Gorakhpur district, Uttar
Most single women have a low social Pradesh, I asked a mother-in-law why her
status outside the family. If they head a daughter-in-law was not in the group. She
nuclear family, they obviously have replied, 'What is the need for her to join,
considerable status within that family. when I am in the group? Somebody has to be
However, they may occupy a low status in there to cook in the house when I attend
their extended family. Widows and deserted meetings and training programmes'.
and divorced women often come into Government and NGO strategies on gender
conflict with the marital family over rights to that focus only on relations between women
their late or ex-husband's property. In these and men are inadequate to explain or
situations many mothers-in-law and sisters- address this.
in-law will support their male relatives. The next section briefly maps the Indian
Mothers have a higher status than context regarding the development approaches
daughters; mothers-in-law have a higher of the State and of NGOs. I then critique the
status than daughters-in-law in the early dominant approach - self-help groups
years of marriage; and husbands' sisters focusing on savings and microcredit - from a
have a higher status than their brothers' diversity perspective.
12
further gender equity in the communities rural areas of India. However, the impact of
in which they work, as well as within their savings and microcredit on women's
own organisations. empowerment is questionable, as has often
From the beginning, NGOs tended to been pointed out. The arguments will not
adopt an approach to development that be repeated here (see UNDP 2002), as my
emphasised collective action. In the 1970s main concern is to understand how
and early 1980s, popular approaches were to diversity among women affects savings
organise large groups of poor people, both and credit groups. First, non-poor women
men and women. These were called village who may be oppressed in their lives are left
sangams, or village development committees. out of this agenda. Second, these
In some cases, landless labourers were programmes conceptualise gender relations
formed separately into unions. Towards the too narrowly, as differences between
late 1980s, these large bodies were split up women and men.7 In fact, as we have seen
into small groups, as working with women from the earlier analysis of differences
and microcredit-based self-help groups between women in India, gender identity
became popular. Men tended either to be and gender power relations affect
excluded from community-based organising, relationships between women, as well as
or to be relegated to organisations concerned those between women and men.
with specific sectors that were stereotyped A main emphasis on savings and
as male preserves, such as watershed microcredit within both government and
development, agriculture, and forest NGO sectors has resulted in a situation
protection. Meanwhile, self-help groups where it is poor women who now bear the
focusing on microcredit exclusively recruited major burden of alleviating the poverty of
women (see IWID 2003). By the late 1990s, their households. There has been no major
the resources at the command of the change in the intra-household division of
women's self-help groups had increased responsibility for domestic work and
many times, and often overtaken the childcare (at best, men help out during
resources of the non-credit sectoral groups. group meetings). There seems to be little
recognition of the gender-specific needs of
men, or the role that men could play in
A critique of savings and furthering poverty alleviation or gender
microcredit from a diversity equality. In addition to increasing the work
perspective burden of poor women, and exposing them
While both the Indian government and to the risk of male violence caused by
NGOs now widely espouse a commitment changes to the gender division of labour
to women's empowerment, the strategies outside the house, which threatens men's
that they have adopted have been largely status as heads of households,8 this limited
influenced by the anti-poverty approach to strategy for development is founded on an
working with women that emerged as part assumption of unity among women.
of the international efforts to integrate Diversity among women limits their
women into development during the 1970s capacity to use savings and credit groups to
and 1980s. This approach tends to conflate alleviate poverty. Savings and credit groups
gender inequality with women's poverty tend to draw their members from a narrow
(Jackson 1995). In recent years, savings and target group of relatively poor women, who
credit self-help groups, which emphasise can be expected to repay, and who will not
financial viability as their key aim, seem to place the financial viability of the group in
have become almost the only way of jeopardy. As a result, the savings and
organising poor women in both urban and credit operations of many community
14
organisations have led to the exclusion or large land holdings, whose wives are not in
under-representation of elderly poor women, the groups) is acted on more often.
disabled women, single women, and landless Ensuring that there is equal represent-
labourers, who are typically extremely poor ation of women from different groups,
and not in a position to save or to repay their therefore, does not lead to the empower-
loans (IFAD and TNCDW 1999, Murthy, ment of women from the less powerful
Raju, and Kamath 2002). Other groups groups. Given the strong Dalit lobby which
which are excluded are migrant women, exists in the Indian parliament, as well as in
who leave the village during lean agri- civil society, Dalit women are often
cultural seasons, and hence cannot save proportionately represented in self-help
regularly, women who have recently come groups. This does not mean, however, that
to live in the village and who are not yet mixed groups of Dalits and non-Dalits take
trusted by the long term residents, and up the issues of discrimination and abuse of
unmarried girls who are seen as likely to Dalits, for example, discrimination over
leave the village on marriage. For example, access to water and pathways (Murthy, Raju,
until an evaluation mission pointed out this and Kamath 1999). In fact, discrimination
injustice in 1999, the Mahalir Thittam continues to operate in subtle ways within
programme of the government of Tamil the groups themselves. For example, under
Nadu had a rule that only married women a programme in Tamil Nadu run as a
could join the programme, as unmarried collaboration between the government and
girls might join and subsequently leave the an NGO, members of women's groups have
group (IFAD and TCNDW1999). to wear similarly coloured and designed
Poverty alleviation for women from saris for federation meetings. In one inter-
socially subordinate groups depends on vention, diversity among women had led to
strategies which address marginalisation. non-Dalit women leaving their villages in
For example, I have had discussions with their own saris, changing into the group's
women in single-sex self-help groups 'uniform' sari before the federation meeting,
formed by a Tamil Nadu-based NGO. These drinking tea with their Dalit colleagues, and
discussions revealed that only one of the then changing clothes again and bathing to
60 self-help groups, a group which consists get rid of the pollution of rubbing shoulders
of female landless labourers, has taken up with Dalit women (personal observation,
the issue of equal wages for women and Tamil Nadu, 2001). Some of the women who
men. The reason other groups have not do this believe it is appropriate, while others
taken up this issue is because there is believe it is wrong, but are afraid of reprisals
diversity among women members. Some from their community or their husbands if
come from landless households, where they do not comply.
wages are a critical issue, but others come Some women behave in ways that
from small-farming households. They are support and perpetuate patriarchy. An
often the leaders of the groups and it is in example I have encountered in Uttar Pradesh,
their interests to keep wage levels low. Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and
Similarly, the issue of small-farming Karnataka concerns efforts to abolish the
households encroaching on land which has practice of dowry. Here, the interests of
been recently allocated to Dalits, tribal women who have only (or mostly)
peoples, and other landless people is rarely daughters clash with the interests of women
addressed in the self-help groups, because who have only (or mostly) sons. Despite
women from small-farming households are the growth of women's self-help groups,
members of the groups. Land encroachment the practice of dowry has spread into
by upper-caste landlords (male farmers with communities in which it did not exist in the
Organisational strategy in India and diverse identities of women 15
past. However, at the same time, the case of the group mentioned above who
incidence of wife beating had decreased in could not advance on the issue of dowry,
communities with self-help groups (Murthy the gender training the members had did not
and Govind 2004). When we asked why the help them move forwards because it had
groups have been more effective in focused exclusively on women as victims of
addressing wife beating than they had been patriarchy, and had not taken into account
in addressing dowry, it was pointed out to women's roles as carriers of patriarchal ideas
us that only women who have mostly and beliefs. In another case, a women's
daughters agree that dowry should be federation formed by an NGO in Tamil
combated, so the group does not address the Nadu faced a difficult issue when the group
issue. leader refused to consider the possibility
Another example is a case study from that her son could have abused another
Andhra Pradesh of a microfinance prog- group member's daughter. Bearing in mind
ramme run by an NGO. There was a clash of that the group had been working to end
interests between a woman member, who violence in that village, the group members
had recently been widowed, and her sister- wanted her to resign from the group.
in-law (also poor). The dispute concerned The capacity-building programme they had
received from the NGO had not brought
who was eligible to receive compensation
home the issue of violence perpetrated by
from a life insurance company, since the
poor male members on women, in the sense
man who had died had been insured
that it had not equipped group members to
through the programme. Similarly, in
respond in such a situation.
another district of the same state, some
widows reported to me that they had One organisational strategy to address
clashed with male and female members of these issues is to ensure that women riving in
their late husbands' families over rights to a particular community have access to
property. programmes which address gender-related
poverty concerns, and other gender issues
experienced by both poor and non-poor
Conclusion: strategies for women. Sometimes, grassroots organisations
responding to diversity may be required to offer such programmes;
this strategy has been adopted by the
While different positions in the family and
different identities outside it do cause Nagarike Seva Trust (NST), supported by
conflict among women, there is very little Novib Oxfam Netherlands, in southern
debate on diversity in organisations Karnataka. Self-help groups for poor women
seeking to promote women's rights, have been formed to address women's
because such differences and conflicts are economic poverty, and parallel groups focus
seen as a betrayal of the feminist cause. on broader sets of women's rights concerns;
Yet, in this article, I have argued that in particular, domestic violence, and
diversity needs to be recognised, debated, reproductive rights. While this strategy has
and addressed in community organi- largely worked, not all poor women have
sations, if programmes are to meet their opted to join the groups addressing
goals of poverty alleviation and the women's rights, as they do not have time to
empowerment of subordinate categories of attend meetings of both (NST 2003). The
women. question may be asked: 'Why not bring the
Gender training and capacity building better-off women into credit-based self-help
given to women-only self-help groups tend groups?', but experience has shown that
to be inadequate to address issues of they tend to corner the loans!
diversity within the groups, and the need to Another response to diversity among
resolve conflict arising from diversity. In the poor women is to develop strategies to
16
enable different groups of women to join level (Murthy, Raju, and Kamath, with
savings and credit groups. This can be done SAPAP team, 2002).
by modifying the rules, so as to allow Finally, there is a need for analysis,
women to join who cannot save at all, or who training, and programme strategies in these
can save only small amounts. If this is done organisations to raise awareness of diversity
carefully and in moderation, it will not issues between women, and encourage
compromise the viability of the scheme. people to address them. For example, during
Flexible savings options, with the minimum programme formulation, we need to analyse
amount being fixed to suit the needs of the the diversities among women and identify
very poor, and provision of additional their implications for poverty reduction and
savings by the relatively better-off, have women's empowerment. In gender training,
been tried by some NGOs. we could use role-plays and case studies that
A strategy which respects the different explore situations in which women are seen
needs and interests of women of different to be complicit in actions which harm
ages has been developed by Wishwa another woman's interests. We need to be
Women's Service Society (WWSS) in aware that women are not only victims of
southern Tamil Nadu, which is one of the patriarchy, but they perpetuate patriarchy
partners of the UK-based organisation and subordinate other women.
Womankind Worldwide. WWSS has promoted
shops, often with a licence from the govern- Ranjani K. Murthy is an independent researcher
ment, for supplying food grains, oil, and and trainer based in Chennai, working on
sugar. The shops generate enough profit to issues of gender, poverty, and health-sector
enable all the women to save. The older reform in India, and with some experience in
women ensure that the rations are distri- Nepal, Vietnam, Indonesia, Sudan, and Moldova.
buted properly, while the middle-aged She can be contacted at 16, Srinvasamurthi
women travel to purchase rations, handle Avenue, Adyar, Chennai 600 020, India.
weights, and manage accounts (they also ranjani@hathway.com and
have a higher literacy level, on average, than rk_km2000@yahoo.com
the older women). In the process, older
women - who are often marginalised from Acknowledgement
projects focusing on livelihoods and gender
issues - are included in the programme. The author is grateful to the Indian NGOs
Yet another approach that takes into and government departments who have
account diversity among women on the given her the opportunity to visit the
basis of marital status, caste, and disability villages and slums they work in. She is
comes from the former South Asia Poverty grateful to the women and men in these
Alleviation Programme of UNDP, in communities who have shared their
Andhra Pradesh, India. In the Kurnool insights. She thanks Andrea Cornwall,
district of this state, separate organisations whose writing has influenced many of the
for single women were formed under this reflections in this article. Special thanks are
programme at Mandal level, to address their due to Caroline Sweetman for editing this
specific needs.9 These women continued to article, and making the arguments more
be members of self-help groups in their cohesive. However, any responsibility for
village which consisted mainly of married the shortcomings of this article lies with the
women. In the Mahboobnagar district of the author alone.
same state, separate groups of Dalit and
disabled women were formed at Mandal Notes
level, with equal representation of Dalit
women and disabled women at leadership 1 The term Dalit refers to oppressed
Organisational strategy in India and diverse identities of women 17
classes. Hindu Dalits come under the the gender sensitivity of the NGO
Scheduled List of the Indian govern- leadership.
ment, and are referred to as 'scheduled 8 As women start bringing money into the
castes'. household, there is often greater
2 The term 'tribal' refers to indigenous acceptance of the changes in the division
people. Those tribal communities who of labour outside the household
come under the Scheduled List of the (Murthy, Raju, and Kamath 2002).
government are referred as the However, this acceptance is at best
'scheduled tribes'. There are some tribal unreliable, with a risk of male backlash
communities who do not as yet figure in when women act against social norms.
this list. 9 Mandal is the second level of local self-
3 Jagori's (1991) study of single women governance in Andhra Pradesh (it does
stands out here: not exist in all states).
www. jagori.org/research_sws.htm
(accessed March 2004).
4 Anganwadi centres are childcare and
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19
values and core principles? How can we support and deliver development: within
maintain a level of cohesion, but at the same the poor rural areas, it was the women's
time address the real political issues at stake organisations that got women together in
for Zimbabwean women? And what is the income-generating projects, microcredit
price to be paid for confronting diversity? schemes, primary healthcare projects, adult
literacy classes, and (in a few cases) legal
literacy programmes. In the early 1980s, the
Mapping civil society since women's movement adopted positions
1979 similar to many other development
This section gives some brief information organisations of the day, which can be
about the political context in which characterised as: complementing govern-
ment efforts; working only on development;
coalitions and networks of women were
working hand in hand; and not against the
formed and have attempted to operate in
government. As Sachikonye notes, there was
Zimbabwe. It is important to have this
popular consent for the national develop-
understanding at the back of our minds as
ment agenda. However, there was also a
we examine the challenges facing the
distinctive coercive element. In political
women's movement as it tries to build
terms, this translated into strong controls
common platforms, particularly in the over emerging citizen formations such as the
present context. labour, student, and women's movements
Kagoro (2003) has characterised the (Sachikonye 1995).
growth and development of civil society in
Most civil-society organisations deliber-
Zimbabwe since 1979 as being divided into
ately framed their demands through a
five distinct phases. He characterises the first
non-combative, non-political discourse.
phase, from 1979 to 1981, as a period
Here, the women's movement stood out.
dominated by welfare-oriented organisations. Language such as 'we are here to enhance
These mainly focused on meeting the development for the family, not just for
practical needs of constituencies, which women'; 'development is for everyone';
included poor black women in rural and 'gender is about men and women',
urban areas. The second phase, from 1981 to dominated popular discourse. This was the
1986, continued similar activities under a language of 'gender and development',
new political dispensation. The post- which, with its non-threatening and
liberation government attempted to rally the depoliticised messages, provided the perfect
nation around its own 'project' of develop- language for the Zimbabwe context. Thus, it
ment. The new government focused on was not surprising that for many years, the
issues of mass appeal to the peasantry and government machinery responsible for
working class, and used the language of women's affairs organised activities around
transformation (Shivji 1991). Loosely International Women's Day.
translated, development was defined as the There were, of course, a few groups in
delivery of healthcare and education, road civil society which challenged ideas of
construction, the provision of water and national development that would benefit all.
sanitation, and increased productivity in Among these were early feminist groups,
agriculture. In short, development was seen such as the Women's Action Group (WAG).
as the delivery of visible products to the WAG was formed in direct response to
people. State-organised violations of women's rights.
In this era, the women's movement grew. In 1983, the government of Zimbabwe had
No tension seemed to exist between the launched Operation Clean Up, arresting
goals of the government and the women's thousands of women accused of prosti-
movement. The movement was mobilised to tution. The idea behind this campaign was to
When sharing female identity is not enough 21
rid society of what the government saw as in social relations and structures in
undesirable elements - that is, single or Zimbabwe. The introduction of ESAP
unmarried women - from the streets of coincided with a number of defining events
urban areas. WAG challenged the govern- at national and regional level, including the
ment on this blatant violation of women's end of apartheid in South Africa, and the fall
rights. of the dictatorships in Zambia and Malawi.
Kagoro identifies the third phase of the These events created conditions conducive
development of civil society as occurring to political liberalisation in Zimbabwe. This
between 1987 and 1990. Civil society in turn led to a rapid increase in advocacy on
organisations increasingly focused on questions of poverty, participation, and
human rights, the law, and environmentally governance. This phase saw questioning of
sustainable development. This was in the basis of power in Zimbabwean society,
response to the excesses of the now and the start of a protracted debate about
entrenched ruling party, which had severely democratisation.
crushed dissent, especially in the southern In the women's movement, more feminist
region of the country, in the mid-1980s. groups were set up. The internationally
The Unity Accord of 1987 effectively renowned Musasa Project for example, was
silenced any opposition to the ruling formed in the early 1990s and focused on
Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) violence against women, a subject which
party - now called ZANU Patriotic Front. directly opposed patriarchal power and
In 1987, the government introduced the challenged the State to protect the rights of
Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act women. The Zimbabwe Women's Resource
Number 7. This amendment created an Centre and Network (ZWRCN) and the
Executive Presidency with an unlimited Women and AIDS Support Network (the
term of office, and marked a fundamental first and presently the only group focusing
shift from the constitutional model adopted specifically on women's rights and HIV/
in the Lancaster House Conference in 1979, AIDS), were also formed at this time.
after the national liberation struggle.1 Kagoro calls the current phase (from 1995),
Power was shifted significantly towards the era of constitutionalism: focusing on
the executive, and the legislature and issues of governance, corruption, demo-
the judiciary were effectively marginalised cratisation, electoral processes, and
(Makumbe and Campagnon 2000). It constitutional change. Political events in the
was within this context that civil country have affected the apparent unity of
society's critique of state authoritarianism the women's movement, and have brought
strengthened. into sharp focus the need to go beyond
The fourth phase identified by Kagoro, female identity as the 'lowest common
(1991-94), was the era of economic structural denominator' uniting factor between
adjustment. Zimbabwe adopted its Economic individuals and organisations in the
Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) movement.
in 1991. As much as the government Rampant human-rights violations against
stridently claimed that ESAP was home- women are taking place. State agents are
grown, there was never any doubt in largely responsible for these. How can the
people's minds that this was an agenda women's movement respond to the fact that
driven by the IMF and the World Bank. women's human rights have taken a severe
A new breed of civil society organisation knock, and most of the gains made by
emerged in response, focusing on economic women in Zimbabwe in the 1980s have been
policy. ESAP exacerbated the plight of many lost? The movement is being forced to
poor communities, particularly women, and confront and deal with the critical questions
thereby exposed the multi-faceted fractures of the day. An important issue here is the
22
relationship of the women's movement to little open space or opportunity for dissent
the State. The apparent unity in the women's or debate.
movement has now been exposed as an Several scholars have noted how the
illusion. ruling party had previously systematically
silenced major parts of civil society, including
the women's movement (Saunders 1996,
Coalitions and networks: Moyo et al. 2000). As mentioned earlier, as
diversity in misery? early as 1983, WAG sought a different form
Since the late 1980s, the Zimbabwean of struggle from that previously adopted by
women's movement has attempted to build women's groups, and adopted a directly
and work in coalitions and networks. This confrontational approach to the State, which
way of working emerged out of the belief had deliberately violated women's human
that together we would make a bigger rights through the round-up of women
difference. Our coalitions and networks believed to be prostitutes. Rather than co-
were based on notions of solidarity, mutual operating with it, WAG challenged the State
support, and information sharing. and exposed the limitations of its nationalist
'Coalitions and alliances bolster advocacy ideology.
by bringing together the strength and Significantly, though, WAG remained to
resources of diverse groups to create a more some extent isolated among the ranks of the
powerful voice for change' (Veneklasen and growing women's movement. I have
Miller 2002). Until recently, very few personal recollections of working for WAG
divisive issues were apparent. Diversity was from 1989 to 1993.1 recall several occasions
evident around our personal identities, but on which colleagues in the women's
political or ideological differences were movement disowned WAG and its messages
concealed by the language of gender and in public. It became apparent that the
development, with its depoliticised messages reluctance of many to be associated with
associated with national development, such WAG came from the perceptions of its
as, 'women are here to complement the political position and its confrontational
efforts of the government'; 'everyone is a approach to both the State and to patriarchy.
stakeholder'; 'women must be given their While we were all working for the
rights because it is good for development'. development of women (read as welfare and
This kind of discourse has tended to mask economic empowerment), different women
the huge ideological divides that lie beneath and organisations were miles apart on what
debates on national (economic) develop- this really meant and the extent to which we
ment policy and the rights of women. It also would challenge entrenched power relations.
masks differences between women, which
arise as a result of our different positioning From the early 1990s to the present day
in society in relation to aspects of our In the 1990s, the women's movement
personal identity, as mentioned in the formed a number of notable coalitions and
opening paragraph. networks. Some of these operated beyond
the borders of Zimbabwe, at the regional
From Independence to the early 1990s level. Women in Law and Development in
Looking back at the period from Africa (WiLDAF) was formed in 1990, with
Independence in 1980 to the early 1990s, it is its regional headquarters in Harare. The
clear that the discourse of national develop- membership of WiLDAF-Zimbabwe comprised
ment enabled the women's movement to four types of organisations: faith-based
mobilise collectively around the 'project' of groups (mainly the women's wings of
the moment. State tolerance and co-optation churches); trade unions (under the ambit of
of civic voices ensured that there was very the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions);
When sharing female identity is not enough 23
women's rights and legal-rights organi- is a coalition of civil society groups. It was
sations (that is, those working on legal formed by five young activists, of whom two
literacy, legal research, and violence against are feminists. It brought together most of the
women), and lastly, those which can be civil society organisations in Zimbabwe
narrowly defined as development-oriented. interested in matters of governance and
WiLDAF emphasised development as a human rights. It was patently clear by 1997
central concern. The Zimbabwe chapter of that the biggest problem underlying the
WiLDAF, at its height in the mid-1990s, Zimbabwean polity was the governance
comprised a diverse grouping of organi- framework - that is, the constitution.
sations and individuals working 'to use the Amended more than 15 times since 1980, the
law as a tool for development' (WiLDAF Zimbabwean constitution was not, and has
brochure 1992). Given the over-arching non- never been, a document negotiated and
political framework prevailing in Zimbabwe, owned by the general population. Civil
it is not surprising that the same language society groups contended that unless the
and ideology pervaded WiLDAF in governance framework promotes and
Zimbabwe. Similarly, relations between the protects the fundamental rights of citizens,
State and the network were markedly as well as providing the necessary checks
co-operative. The government tolerated against executive and State excesses, the
social and economic problems of the nation
WiLDAF as a partner in development.
would not be solved. The NCA's broad
The language and ideology of develop- objective was to agitate for constitutional
ment was attractive to the women's change, through advocacy and other
movement, and was a useful tool for peaceful means. In 1999, a complementary
organising, providing a 'pull factor' around body was set up by the women's movement
which groups coalesced. Yet, once again, - the Women's Coalition (WC). This was
underlying ideological differences within intended to push forward women's demands
the network were masked by this common around constitutional change. Some members
factor. Hence, although the network of the WC were also members of the NCA.
comprised organisations such as WAG,
Musasa, and others working specifically on Fearing civic unrest, the State sought to
women's rights, it must be noted that the derail the NCA by launching its own parallel
human-rights volume was turned down - process through a Constitutional Commission
emphasis was put on 'rights for develop- (CC). The state co-opted some members of
ment', since this was safer, less threatening, the NCA into the CC; prominent among
and less divisive. An example of this was the these were members of the WC. This
debate on abortion. In 1994, WiLDAF precipitated a crisis within the WC and the
tentatively took up this issue and organised wider women's movement. Several questions
a street march to protest against the high arose:
numbers of deaths among Zimbabwean Shouldn't the NCA fold up, now that the
women from 'back-street' abortions. The CC had been formed?
march was very badly attended by members Wasn't the CC a better platform for
of the network itself. It was clear that the advancing women's interests, since it
issue was so divisive for the network that it was government-engineered, and
was not going to progress far. Advocacy on therefore more likely to be taken
this issue has not been revived since. seriously?
The current fault-lines in the women's Didn't all women want a new
movement can be traced from 1997, when we constitution that guaranteed their rights,
saw the formation of the National regardless of how this was arrived at,
Constitutional Assembly (NCA). The NCA and by whom?
24
How much of a voice was civil society then was that a general agreement on the
and the women's movement going to rights of women and what we wanted in a
have in the CC? new constitution was enough. But this
Was joining the CC co-optation or assumption was to be severely tested in the
critical co-operation? A metaphor used months that followed.
by some here was that Zimbabwe was In February 2000, the government put a
like a bus, badly in need of help to put it new Draft Constitution to a national
back on the road. Should those who referendum. As a protest against the process
wanted to do this be inside the bus (like through which the draft had been arrived at,
the CC)? Or should they be outside the rather than its content, Zimbabweans voted
bus? against the government. While the Draft
Constitution contained some of the socio-
These questions reflected varying degrees of
economic rights that citizens had agitated
belief in the State and its role in furthering
for, it was civil society's contention that the
women's interests and rights.
CC had not extensively consulted the
In 1999, these questions became much people, and had doctored sections of the
harder to answer: the Movement for draft to suit the ruling party.
Democratic Change (MDC), the strongest
For the first time since 1980, ZANU PF
opposition party to emerge since
had publicly lost support. The NCA, which
Independence, was launched. The MDC
had led a 'Vote No' campaign became a
attracted a large number of NCA leaders,
target once more for State repression. In the
who immediately assumed prominent roles
same year, fearing defeat at the parlia-
in the party. The government and ruling
mentary polls, the government launched the
party, sensing an opportunity, was quick to
now famous Land Reform Programme, in
brand the NCA a cover for the opposition.
which citizens' human rights were violated.
Subsequently, it went further, calling the
In 2000, the government and ruling party
NCA an imperialist creation.
mobilised scores of so-called 'war veterans'
The women's movement and the WC,
to invade white-owned commercial farms.
already smarting from internal divisions,
Hundreds of farms were occupied, and land
was thrown into more confusion by these
was allegedly distributed to needy landless
developments. A new set of questions
blacks. In the process, some farmers were
emerged:
killed, and so were farm workers, and
Would continuing to support the NCA thousands of black people were physically
be tantamount to being anti- abused. Besides the farm invasions, 'war'
government? was also waged in rural and urban areas to
What were the implications, personally rid them of opposition leaders and
and collectively, of seeming to be pro- supporters. This was all done under the
opposition? guise of land reform, when in fact it resulted
What was the best way to frame the in violations of black people's rights, and
women's rights questions, and what was had very little to do with the land question.
the best platform to promote these? Women bore the brunt of these human-
The crisis after members of the WC 'crossed rights violations (Crisis in Zimbabwe
the floor' to join the CC brought into Coalition 2003; Zimbabwe Human Rights
question the underlying principles on which NGO Forum Reports 2001; 2002). Hundreds
the WC had worked. These had not of cases of rape, gang rapes, forced
previously been put on the table explicitly concubinage, murder, torture, and the
and agreed to by the members. One can physical abuse of women have been
surmise that the unspoken assumption until recorded since 2000.
When sharing female identity is not enough 25
The crisis has left the women's Was confronting the State a desirable tactic?
movement in disarray. Most affected have What kind of alliance would the women's
been the coalitions and networks previously movement have, if any, with the opposition
based on what I have been calling 'the lowest political parties in this process? Was a good
common denominator' - an idea of shared constitutional document all the women
female identity - which had not been wanted, or was it critical that this should
exposed as inadequate during the earlier era emerge from an inclusive process? What
of the depoliticised discourses of 'national exactly would constitute 'good enough'
development'. participation, by and for women? How
would the question of race and racism be
tackled both within our own ranks, and in
The future of women's the wider political discourse?
coalition(s) in Zimbabwe The WC had been formed in what
The lack of a clear set of non-negotiable appeared to be an uncontested political
principles guiding the WC, other women's terrain - what one would call 'fair weather'.
coalitions, and women's networks in Come hail and thunderstorms, questions
Zimbabwe, has contributed in large measure began to emerge about how far the unity of
to the present paralysis in the women's the coalition would go. To date, the WC has
movement. Three major lessons stand out. not been able to mobilise its membership
Firstly, the political crisis in Zimbabwe has around the issue of political violence against
demonstrated the need for women's women. On the surface, it would appear that
coalitions and networks to have strong violence is an issue against which all women
foundations, including shared values, are united. In reality, this is an issue that
principles, and ideology. By their very could tear apart the WC. The lesson here is
nature, coalitions and networks are based on about the need to keep track of the changing
a commonly identified issue and set of political context, and strategise accordingly.
objectives. Bobo, Kendall, and Max (1991) 2000 was a new political moment in the
define a coalition as, 'An organization of history of Zimbabwe, and the over-arching
organizations working together for a goal'. political context had so dramatically shifted
They go further, to caution that, 'coalitions that the women's movement needed to look
are not built because it is good, moral, or nice again at how they commonly defined issues,
to get everyone working together. The only as well as at the strategies they should adopt
reason to spend the time and energy in the changed circumstances.
building a coalition is to amass the power A second lesson is that, while a great deal
necessary to do something you cannot do of time is often spent defining internal
through one organization' (Bobo et a\., 70). relationships and leadership structures (in
Similarly, Veneklasen and Miller also coalitions), rarely is as much time spent
caution that the very reasons for forming figuring out how to manage relations with
coalitions or alliances are often the reasons external forces, including the State - in
why they are difficult to manage: 'They Zimbabwe's case, a predatory State. A major
[coalitions] sometimes suffer from unrealistic blockage for the WC is its lack of a clear
expectations, such as the notion that people position on its relationship with the State.
who share a common cause will agree on Equally, the movement has been reluctant to
everything'(2002,311). confront the issue of the use and misuse of
While the members of the WC were State power. Complicating matters here are
united in demanding that women's rights be the individual relationships of some activists
enshrined in a new constitution, the WC was with the State. Could - or should - members
less united on how this was to be arrived at. of the CC continue to share space with
26
members of the NCA? Similarly, the and networks in Zimbabwe illustrates the
women's movement had been united in its political nature of coalitions. Rather than
calls for gender-equitable land redistribu- seeing coalitions as mere functional
tion in Zimbabwe, but the wider political organisational formations, they should be
context necessitated a recasting of those seen as political institutions, with political
demands, and the values that underlay issues to deal with, both internally and
them. Could it be tenable, for example, for externally. How well a coalition navigates
the WC to applaud the violent land seizures? the political terrain will determine whether
If some women were given some of that it survives.
land, knowing that other women had been
killed or raped in the process, what position Everjoice }. Win is a feminist activist from
would the WC take? Zimbabwe. She is currently the international
Another issue dogging Zimbabwean gender co-ordinatorfor Action Aid International.
civil society in general, and which the She is based in Harare.
women's movement has not escaped from, everjoicew@yahoo.com
is race and racism. While at a general level,
civil society groups are united in broad
alliances around the short-term aim of
Note
fighting against State excesses, they have 1 The Lancaster House Conference of 1979
still not taken up critical positions on marked the end of Zimbabwe's war of
questions related to the issue of race - liberation. The conference brought
particularly around the issue of access to and together the Rhodesian government and
control over resources. Neither has there the black liberation movements, and
been a debate on race and racism within civil adopted the Lancaster House
society. These are some of the issues that Agreement, which paved the way for the
have continued to dog the women's elections held in 1980.
coalitions and networks in Zimbabwe.
References
Conclusion Bobo, K., J. Kendall, and S. Max (1991)
Women's networks and coalitions can be Organizing for Social Change, a manual for
one of the most potent forces for claiming activists in the 1990s, Washington: Seven
women's rights. If they are based on Locks Press.
commonly agreed values and principles, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (2003) 'A
coalitions can manage their own diversity in Report on Organised Violence and
changing political circumstances. But if they Torture in Zimbabwe', March 2003,
merely work on common issues and do not unpublished report.
recognise the diversity of values and Kagoro, (2003) 'Citizen Participation and
principles which exists within them, the National Constitutional Process in
coalitions will immobilise themselves. Zimbabwe', unpublished paper for the
Recognising and affirming difference, Institute of Development Studies (IDS),
particularly fundamental difference, is a Brighton.
critical part of effective strategising. It allows Makumbe, J. and D. Compagnon (2000)
groups to negotiate and renegotiate the The Politics of Zimbabwe's 1995 General
terms of coalition, and how far they will go Elections, Harare: University of
with one another. In cases where huge Zimbabwe Publications.
differences lie underneath a surface of unity, Moyo, S., J. Makumbe, and B. Raftopolous
it is maybe necessary to let go of the (2000) NGOs, the State and Politics in
coalition. The case of the women's coalitions Zimbabwe, Harare: Sapes Books.
When sharing female identity is not enough 27
school fees for children. For women with hard way? Why are disabled women's
disabilities, the impact of being able to organisations continuing to struggle - to
support their families and to contribute to develop effective screening, lending, training,
the economic development of the community evaluation, and monitoring systems, and
is often particularly powerful in terms of only dreaming of providing other financial
increased respect and status. Women told services - when there are development
us, 'For the first time, I am able to buy my agencies in their communities that are
daughter whatever she needs'; 'You see, experienced and equipped to provide those
before I took the [loan] I stayed on the road services to women? Microfinance is not the
begging. But now I am independent and I'm answer to the economic empowerment of
running my own life'; 'I used to be nobody, women with disabilities, just as it is not a
but now, when a decision is being made in panacea for the economic empowerment of
the family, they say, "Go call Mary! We can't poor people. However, microfinance is at
decide without her!" Now they respect me'. the centre of the global conversation on
development today. Women with disabilities
Organisational challenges need to be part of that conversation.
With minimal resources and the greatest of It's too easy to say, and too often said,
efforts, the women's committees of SAFOD and too simply dismissed as an unfortunate
and the NCDPZ are successfully supporting fact of life, that 'organisations [or men, non-
the economic empowerment of their disabled people, society, governments, etc.]
members in Zambia and Zimbabwe. When discriminate against disabled women'.
funding is available, they provide small This is not a very specific or informative
loans, business training, and group support statement, and perhaps it is even margin-
for the hardworking businesswomen who alising. Our goal is to place the inclusion of
make up their constituency. Both organi- disabled women squarely within the context
sations report the same difficulties of development; to place discussion of issues
encountered by scores of other NGOs of women with disabilities squarely within
attempting to incorporate microfinance discussion of other development issues.
services into their non-financial pro- Towards this goal, it seems useful to discuss
grammes. These include: clients living too development-related problems specifically
far apart to facilitate regular monitoring and (in this case, the struggle by disabled women's
payment collection; administrative costs far organisations to provide effective services),
outstripping income from interest pay- and less useful to make unspecific state-
ments; loan amounts being too small to be ments about discrimination.
effective; clients needing more business
training and ongoing support; and lending, Mainstream organisations working on
monitoring, and evaluation systems not gender and development need to apply their
being effective. SAFOD and NCDPZ well-developed understanding of the
organisers are learning the same hard oppression of women, and of development
lessons that any number of microfinance solutions, to the situation of women who are
programmes in their communities have also disabled, and to take proactive steps to
learned from hard experience over the years. ensure that women with disabilities parti-
The question is: why, when donors, cipate in the development process as
microfinance institutions, and development decision makers, implementers, and
agencies have identified conditions under participants. In the next section, we make
which microcredit and other microfinance some suggestions to enable that to happen.
services are appropriate and have the best
chance for success, have organisations led by
women with disabilities had to learn the
36
Cindy Lewis is director of programmes for Mobility International USA (2001) 'Gender
MIUSA. Since 1986, she has co-ordinated and Disability: A Survey of InterAction
international programmes for MIUSA focused Member Agencies. Findings and
on women's leadership and the rights of persons Recommendations on Inclusion of
with disabilities. She is a long-time activist for Women and Men with Disabilities in
the rights of women and people with disabilities. International Development Programs',
The author acknowledges the valuable Mobility International USA.
contributions of Karen Heinicke-Motsch, Mobility International USA (2002) 'Loud,
manager of MlUSA's International Disability Proud and Prosperous!' Report on the
and Development department, in the Mobility International USA International
development of this article. MIUSA: P.O. Box Symposium on Microcredit for Women
10767, Eugene, OR 97440, USA with Disabilities, Loud, Proud and
www.miusa.org Passionate: Including Women with
development@miusa.org Disabilities in International Exchange
Programs, Mobility International USA.
Simanowitz, A. 'Microfinance for the
Poorest: A review of issues and ideas for
References contribution of Imp-Act'. Ideas from
ACCION (2004) http://accioninternational. Anton Simanowitz drawing heavily on
org/micro_accions_approach.asp the experience of SEF, South Africa',
(last checked 12 March 2004). CGAP Microfinance Gateway,
Dyer, S. (2004) 'Credit is a need and a right: www.microfinancegateway.org/files/
inclusive policy and practice in micro- 3395_Anton.doc (accessed March 2004).
finance. Policy and practice of Leonard Sygall, S. and C. Lewis (2002) 'Women with
Cheshire International (UK)', in Building Disabilities: In Beijing and Beyond',
an Inclusive Development Community: report from the International Sympo-
A Manual on Including People with sium on Issues of Women with
Disabilities in International Development Disabilities and the Fourth United
Programs, Mobility International USA. Nations NGO Forum on Women: Loud,
InterAction Commission on the Advance- Proud and Passionate op.cit.
ment of Women (1998) 'Best Practices for United Nations (1995) UN Platform for
Gender Integration in Organizations and Action from the Fourth World Conference on
Programs from the InterAction Women, Beijing, China, United Nations
Community: Findings from a Survey of Department of Public Information.
Member Agencies', Washington DC:
InterAction.
Mayoux, L. (2002) 'Women's Empower-
ment or Feminization of Debt? Towards
a New Agenda in African Microfinance',
report based on a One World Action
conference in 2002, London: One World
Action.
40
I have facilitated many gender training studies that show the painful evidence of
sessions for policy makers and practitioners global gender imbalances at all levels. This
in order to support the introduction of a evidence, combined with the argument that
gender-sensitive approach in development promoting women's rights will lead to
organisations. Over the years, in the training sustainable development, does help in advo-
sessions in which I have been involved, I cating a gender-sensitive development
have been regularly confronted by questions approach. But it does not really address the
such as, 'Why prioritise oppression on the questions highlighted above in all their
grounds of gender over all other sorts of complexity. To do this, it is necessary to
oppression, such as those based on class, admit that the issue is not one of prioritising
ethnicity, and religion?'. Another way of one identity - such as gender - over all other
expressing the same doubt has been, 'Aren't identities, but of acknowledging the fact that
we all human beings? Shouldn't we, as a all the identities of a particular human being
principle, treat all human beings equally, are interconnected, and cannot be separated.
with no special preference for any one?'. There are privileges and vulnerabilities
These questions are a result of the perception linked to those identities. The questions are
that during a gender training session, the justified, therefore, and present gender
focus is mostly on gender inequality alone, trainers and development organisations
over and above other forms of oppression. with a number of challenges.
There is an assumption that this will lead to When I started work as a gender and
an exclusive focus on women in develop- development trainer, my Indian colleagues
ment programmes. told me, 'You cannot talk about gender in
One way of dealing with this concern is to isolation'. And I knew they were right. How
justify the special focus on gender inequality, can you talk about gender oppression in
and on women, by way of statistics and case India if you don't talk about caste or religion?
Gender, identity, and diversity 41
How can you talk about the position of poor cause of poor and oppressed women,
women in Brazil if you don't make a identified herself as an 'upper middle-class
connection between gender, racism, and woman'. While she was speaking, her voice
class? How to work with Somalian female was trembling. She explained that it was the
peace activists if you don't talk about clan- first time that she had had the courage to say
based identities? And how are you to deal this aloud. There had been a period in her life
with gender violence anywhere in the world, when she was not at all conscious of her class
if you don't consider patriarchy as a system, position, and considered herself to be
affecting all our identities and the ways in 'normal'. But when she started to realise
which they interconnect? At the same time, it her own privileges, she felt extremely
is important to realise that the reverse is also embarrassed. 'Now,' she said, 'the time has
true: all identities are 'gendered'. Whoever come that I want to confront my own
you are, you are always, also, a man or a dominance'.
woman. Being an upper-class woman in India
Remembering the words of my Indian gives you many privileges. But how do
friends, I always bear in mind that the main people from your own class see you when
goal of a gender training session is not to you are not only an upper-class woman, but
encourage participants to prioritise gender- also an activist and a feminist, fighting for
based oppression over other forms of the rights of oppressed women? And how
oppression, but to explore the concept of do poor women see you? All of us have
oppression itself. This can only be done by multiple identities, and these identities are
acknowledging the connections between interlocked - it is impossible to separate
gender and the other identities held by an them. They determine how we perceive
individual, within a given economic, ourselves, and how others perceive us.
political, and social context. The institutional
and organisational context in which people Acknowledging one's part in systems of
work and live should also be included. Many dominance and sub-dominance
development organisations have recently Training exercises which focus on gender
and identity enable participants from
adopted a more comprehensive gender and
development organisations to understand
diversity approach, moving beyond a
that they themselves are also part of the
narrow focus on gender inequality.
systems of dominance - not only in their
professional capacity as 'change-agents', but
Gender and identity: also in their personal and political life. This
understanding is not always easy, especially
privileges and for those who are in dominant positions. If
vulnerabilities they have never felt the pain of being
excluded themselves, they tend not to be
Multiple and interlocked identities conscious of their own identities and the
To challenge social inequalities, we need to privileges that come with them. They are the
see how people's identities are interlocked ones who may object, 'But aren't we all
within systems of dominance that include human beings? Shouldn't we simply respect
some and exclude others. All of us have each other?' or 'Can't we simply be friends?'.
multiple identities; some of them give us For them, it is important to understand that
privileges, and others make us vulnerable, systems of exclusion are not only about
depending on the political, economic, and human behaviour; they are also about
socio-cultural context. For example, during power. When one starts to recognise and feel
gender training in South East Asia, a the pain of 'the other', it is possible to start
feminist activist, very committed to the questioning the privileges one derives from
42
one's own identities, like the Indian woman session, 'If someone labels me as a lower-
in our example above. class woman, it functions as an explanation
This understanding helps us to interpret for everything I am doing, and as an excuse
an event that occurred during a training for whatever I am not doing. It blocks me in
session with a group of female peace activists my process of becoming an autonomous
from northern and southern Sudan. Because woman, of becoming myself. And Antjie
of the civil war in Sudan, the training took Krog (2000), a white South African ANC
place in Nairobi. One of the women from activist and a writer, speaks of yearning for
southern Sudan was hassled by the police in the moment when people no longer label her
Khartoum at the airport, so she arrived two solely by her skin colour. She feels as if she is
days late. All the participants were worried held hostage by this one identity. In line with
about her, and were very happy when she this, one of her poems is called, 'Colour
finally arrived. As the venue was fully never comes on its own' ('Kleur kom nooit
booked, a participant from northern Sudan alleen nie').
offered to share her room with her, which
had a double bed. But the woman from the
south resolutely refused, 'I can work with Transversal identity politics
you for the peace that both of us want, but I As has been made clear, it is not always easy
cannot share a room with you'. The woman to talk about identities. Talking about who
from the north was shocked, and her eyes you are may be very self-affirming, and may
filled with tears. 'Why does she say that to create feelings of (self) respect, and of pride.
me? She knows I am her friend, and that I But it may also provoke feelings of anger,
would never do her any harm'. pain, loss, guilt, and frustration. The negative
These two women had much in common feelings are always connected with feelings
- sharing the same dream of peace, and a of 'being excluded', 'being fragmented', or
similar experience as feminist activists and 'not being allowed to be yourself.
mothers. The refusal of the woman from the During a training session in Eastern
south to share a room with the woman from Europe, in which the group struggled with
the north was based on her awareness of the their experiences of exclusion based on
identities that separated them, consisting of gender, ethnicity, and religion, the partici-
a mix of regional, religious, and clan pants tried to find a word that meant the
identities, which have been the cause of so opposite of exclusion. They decided on
much suffering in Sudan. The identities they 'belonging'. They described what it feels like
shared were influenced and defined by the to belong. All of them mentioned moments
other identities that made them different. when they were allowed to be their own
This made it impossible for the woman from 'whole self, not being fragmented, being at
the south of the country to 'cross the line' peace. When asked to reflect on the places
and to accept the offer made. where they experienced this feeling, the
Typically, it is the person who is part of answers were, 'with my family', 'with my
the 'sub-dominant' identity group (in this grandmother', or 'in the village where I was
case, the woman from the south), who will born'.
first feel the existence and significance of the Training experiences like these have
factors separating them. It can be very taught me how crucial it is to create space for
painful to be labelled as someone from the discussions around the inter-connected
'other side', based on only one of your concepts of gender, identity, power, exclusion,
identities, as if all your other identities don't and belonging. This is especially important
count any more. It makes one feel frag- for a group of participants belonging to a
mented. This is what a young Dutch network or an organisation who work on a
participant referred to during a training common goal. The differences that divide
Gender, identity, and diversity 43
investigate who is not present, and why. Was 'personal' problems should be politicised, in
the fee too high, the venue not accessible, order to disclose the underlying general
or the notice inadequate? Maybe we simply systems of inclusion and exclusion that are
'forgot' them, or did not consider the located in the organisational deep structure,
conditions under which they might have and that reflect societal inequalities.
come? Equal space, voice, and respect should be
This second training principle of guaranteed for all involved. Efforts should
acknowledging diversity is important for be made to encourage a mutual meaningful
organisational transformation, since the dialogue, while discouraging participants
diversity within the organisation should be from stereotyping each other.
acknowledged, and the organisation should
recognise who is part of the organisation, Recognising, challenging, and breaking
and who is not. What do people have in dichotomies
common, and what makes them different? Pairs of terms are used in many societies to
Patterns of dominance, exclusion, and stereo- reinforce the existing systems of dominance.
typing should be revealed. Organisational No pair is symmetrical - that is, one side of a
diversity can also be a rich source of know- dichotomous pair will be less valued or
ledge and experience, as long as people's noticed, or perceived as a threat and a
stories are heard and valued. If this is deviation. Examples are male-female,
the case, it adds to the credibility of the white-black, urban-rural and heterosexual
organisation, especially if it is a development -homosexual. Dichotomies also exist in
organisation with partnerships worldwide. mainstream education: a common idea is
that the intellect is superior to, and in
Empowerment of individuals as well as opposition to, the emotions. Another is that
the group the mind is superior to, and in opposition to,
During a training session, individual the body.
experiences are shared. In the process, the During a transformative training session,
common underlying patterns that shape and the facilitator needs to ensure that partici-
define our lives are revealed. It is fascinating pants draw on both their intellect and their
to note that the underlying power mech- emotional feelings, and value their body
anisms that shape our room for manoeuvre language and physical reactions, as well as
as individuals have astonishingly similar their thoughts. This is why role playing,
features all over the world. Patriarchal guided meditation, and drawing and
systems reliant on notions of honour and 'sculpturing' are not just complementary
shame, and norms and values about 'real training methods, but are unique and crucial
men' and 'good women' are similar world- opportunities for learning in their own right.
wide. Machismo in Brazil, in Pakistan, or in With reference to organisations, rules
Georgia may have a different face, but the always exist (even if they are sometimes
underlying stereotypes of men being the hidden) which refer to 'how things are done
protectors of the family honour, whereas the in this organisation' (the norm) and 'how
women are literally the embodiment of it, is things are not done'. There is a common
exactly the same. In exploring these concepts, sense of what is counted and valued, and
there is a double emphasis on the experience what is not. Most organisations have a
of the individual participants and of the 'monoculture of instrumentality' (see Rao
group. et al. 1999), valuing the accomplishment of
Likewise, a commitment to organi- quantitative goals over the quality of the
sational transformation should involve a process. Writing and speaking will be valued
process of learning in which presumed more than reading and learning; and a
46
Promoting cultural
diversity and the rights of
W o m e n : the dilemmas of
'intersectionality' for development
organisations
Liesbeth van der Hoogte and Koos Kingma1
Work with women belonging to indigenous groups in Latin America needs to take into account both their
identity as women and their identity as indigenous people, and the interplay between these identities.
Indigenous women do not reject their culture, but want to change certain traditions in order to promote
justice. Novib and Hivos, two Dutch development organisations, organised a workshop with local experts
to discuss how to support indigenous women. Two important dilemmas were identified: the tension
between collective and individual rights, and the need to link and address social and economic exclusion
with cultural discrimination. Holistic solutions are needed. Changing power relations is a long-term
process, which also needs to deal with fighting gender-based violence. NGOs need to change their attitude
towards their target groups, and think and work for the long term. This is a challenge, given the current
emphasis on short-term, measurable results.
Development agencies face the challenge of There is currently much interest in the
working with populations who live in a issue of intersectionality in the international
complex reality. People's identities have development community - that is, the way
many different facets: they belong to in which multiple identities cut across each
different cultures, ethnic groups,2 and socio- other to produce disadvantage for particular
economic classes; they are male or female, individuals and groups in society. In 2001,
urban or rural dwellers, and so on. All these the UN Conference on Racism, Racial
different aspects of identity are important in Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related
people's daily lives, yet most NGOs and Intolerance was held in Durban, South Africa.
other development actors work to promote At the conference, and in the regional
social change in a way that focuses on only preparations for it, there was an increasing
one - or possibly two - aspects of people's interest in developing the intersectional
identities. This means, for example, that a approach, emphasising diversity in plurality,
project focusing on challenging gender based on the analysis of power and rights.
inequality does not simultaneously work on The concept of intersectionality was
challenging inequality between women introduced by Crenshaw for dealing with
from an ethnic majority, and women from an the specific problems of black women in the
ethnic minority. Similarly, a project focusing USA, whose position was different from that of
on promoting the rights of indigenous people other women or black men (Crenshaw 1994).
will not necessarily focus on inequality The intersections of different identities
between women and men in the indigenous determine the social position and power of
community. each person, which can be an advantage or
48
women, but because of their minority shaped it and now govern it. But feminists
identity. Women within minority groups are from many different parts of the world have
constrained particularly severely by men also tended to see the concept of individual
within the groups to conform to gender human rights as helpful, because it offers
stereotypes of correct behaviour. This is scope for upholding the rights of individual
especially true if the minority group faces women facing discrimination within the
particular threats from outside. At the same household and community. In contrast,
time, women from minority groups who are movements to promote the emancipation of
involved in development initiatives may racial and ethnic minorities have tended to
also face prejudice from programme staff, see the concept of individual rights enforced
and fear being stigmatised by telling them by the State as undermining their collective
their problems. It is important to emphasise right to cultural integrity.
that women from minority groups often do These different ways of thinking about
not feel secure enough to share their universal, individual human rights lead to
problems with staff of development difficulties for development organisations.
organisations, because of the unequal On one side, cultural relativists argue that
relationships which result from cultural and the intrinsic values of every culture should
racial discrimination. Minority women don't be recognised; every culture is equal, and
want to be addressed only as women, but as each culture or ethnic group is to be
indigenous women. evaluated on the basis of its own values.
This implies that criticisms should not be
Challenges in addressing inequality made from the point of view of standards
based on race or ethnicity and values which come from outside the
While the struggle for the rights of women culture. However, this kind of respect for
emphasises their collective rights in relation culture can easily lead to various forms of
to men at the level of government and fundamentalism, where values in a parti-
society, it also has a strong individual and cular culture are wrongly understood to be
personal dimension, since the majority of absolute and fixed. In fact, every culture is
women coexist with men at household level. characterised by unequal power relations
In contrast to the focus of the feminist between particular groups, leading to
movement on the individual and collective discrimination and exclusion. Challenges to
rights of women in relation to men and the the social hierarchy occur all the time within
State, the struggle for the rights and emanci- groups. However, people who hold power
pation of indigenous peoples focuses on the can combat challenges coming from outside
importance of collective rights, and the right the culture by presenting the culture as
to cultural integrity, in a State dominated by monolithic and static, and accusing the
people of a different culture. challengers of external interference. This is a
powerful defence against change.
Integrating these analyses and relating At the other end of the spectrum is the
them to human rights argument in favour of a multicultural
Currently, the movement for women's society. Culture is not seen as something
emancipation, movements for the emanci- fixed or static, but it is acknowledged that
pation of ethnic and racial minorities, and culture, as well as gender and ethnic
other emancipation movements meet in the relations, are socially constructed, and hence
human-rights movement. Each movement subject to change. However, this change will
has a different relationship with the concept not occur in societies that feel under threat.
and practice of human rights, and with the The very real fact that ethnic minorities are
State. Feminists have critiqued the State as often politically, economically, and socially
representing the interests of the men who marginalised from mainstream society leads
50
to a tendency to protect and promote the opinion that cultural rights should be
right to a distinct cultural integrity. freely exercised. One of the questions
Preserving the cultural identities and trad- that has emerged in this debate is: who
itions of the minority group is prioritised to decides which cultural rights are
the detriment of the civil and political rights allowed to dominate over individual
of women and other groups. Women then rights?
pay the price: women who do claim their
rights will be perceived as acting out of Cultural differences and discrimination
solidarity with their men and their culture. lead to social hierarchy and segregation
in many regions, including Latin
America. How should one understand
Identifying two key the link between social and economic
dilemmas for discussion exclusion and cultural discrimination,
and how should this be addressed in
We can see from the above that the questions
development work? The North
raised by the way in which cultural diversity
intersects with gender relations are complex American philosopher Nancy Fraser
in theory. In practice, things become even (2001) assures us that there is a dilemma
more complex, since gender relations and for policy makers here. Socio-economic
race relations differ from society to society, injustice (exploitation, economic
and each situation prompts different questions marginalisation, and deprivation of
and needs. Neither blueprint solutions nor material goods), cannot be separated
simple answers are useful. So how can from cultural injustice, rooted as it is in
different situations be challenged and what Fraser describes as social patterns
changed? We agreed that the seminar in of representation, interpretation, and
Latin America should discuss the central communication. However, policies to
question: 'How should or can we ensure that address economic injustice will only
everyone's rights are respected, in relation work if they are tailored to the needs of
to two key dilemmas?'. For discussion in the particular groups, and take into account
seminar, we summarised the following two all the forms of discrimination they face.
overarching dilemmas as the most impor- For example, when women or girls have
tant in this field. access to education, they are still
The tension between collective and vulnerable to other forms of gender-
individual rights: the UN Conference on related discrimination, including
Human Rights held in 1993 in Vienna, violence, in school. For women from
Austria, ratified cultural rights (the right minority groups, these forms of
to preserve and develop one's cultural discrimination arise not only as a
identity) as an essential (integral and response to the fact that they are
universal) component of human rights. threatening gender norms, but also
But these cultural rights could, in some because they are challenging power
cases, oppose the exercise of civil and relations between the ethnic majority
political rights of individuals from and ethnic minority group.
indigenous groups or other minorities, Undifferentiated policies to address
and above all, of women. In the debate economic injustice do not recognise
on the contradictions between cultural cultural differences as causes of the
and individual rights, some theorists other forms of discrimination people
have argued that cultural rights hold for
face.
only as long as they do not oppose
individual rights. Others are of the
Promoting cultural diversity and the rights of women 51
These dilemmas have consequences for our treated with hostility, due to racism. We
daily practice as development workers. We need to recognise the stake that women have
need to recognise and face them, and work in their society, and the high risks that they
out how to address them. What effects do face from men inside and outside their
they have on us and on our organisations? community if they question injustice.
First, they perpetuate power imbalances,
which present themselves as strong hier-
archies and social fragmentation. These
The seminar: how did we
shape the relationships between develop- address the issues?
ment donors, partner organisations, and the To ensure that the exchanges and contri-
people in the communities with whom we butions would bear fruit, it was necessary to
work. Development staff and professionals guarantee that the participants could discuss
are almost always from a different social shared realities. We opted to focus the
stratum than the population with whom seminar on gender and diversity in three
they work. In many cases, this difference in areas: the Andean region, the Amazon
identity and interest will lead to inequality region, and Guatemala. Although all these
in that relationship, with consequences for regions are characterised by different
attitudes, communication, and the ways in cultures, they share a political and socio-
which people interpret reality. For example, economic reality. We invited six or seven
if the staff of government bodies or NGOs people from each region to participate in the
ask women from marginalised communities seminar; although we did not explicitly
about the inequality they face within their select women, there were only two men
communities, the women may deny that among the participants. We took the
they face inequality. This is because they fear following aspects of diversity into account
that their cultural identity will be stig- when selecting participants: they should
matised. For that reason, many NGOs have specific experience of the issues; be
working with indigenous people or trad- open to new ideas and reflections; be ready
itional communities in South America to engage seriously with the issues in order
assume that women don't face inequality. to achieve change; have respect for the
Second, these dilemmas present women differences between participants at the
from marginalised communities with seminar; and be accustomed to thinking
complex problems if they want to challenge within the framework of rights. The
inequality. Development workers need to participants included representatives of
recognise this fact. For example, women development agencies, researchers and
play a central role in socialising children to consultants, employees of NGOs or local
continue cultural practices, but if these government, community workers, and
cultural practices have a harmful impact on women's leaders.
women and girls, they have very limited We started with panel presentations
scope to question or change them. If women based on national experiences. Working
rebel against tradition, they run the risk of groups then analysed case studies provided
being excluded from the community. by the participants, and discussed strategies
Exclusion carries a very high price, if you are for dealing with theoretical cases. The
also discriminated against in the wider working groups were mixed, and included
society based on your membership of a women's leaders, NGOs, consultants, and
marginalised group. If women from agencies. At the end of the seminar, the
indigenous or ethnic minority communities groups proposed recommendations for
denounce domestic violence to the police different actors, including international
authorities, for example, they are often co-operation.
52
As stated above, two speakers gave policies like this, Cecilia Salazar told the
presentations based on their experiences in seminar participants, there have been no real
the national contexts of Bolivia and changes in the lives of indigenous women.
Guatemala. In both countries, the majority of On the one hand, elite groups at national and
the population is indigenous: approximately local levels perpetuate the marginalisation
60 per cent and 50 per cent respectively. of indigenous communities in the eastern
Statistics show a disproportionate degree of lowland regions of the country, and on the
poverty and lack of education in the other hand, communities in the highlands
indigenous groups. Within the indigenous face the problem of traditional social organ-
groups, women are more likely than men to isations that are not willing to change the
be poor and uneducated. hierarchical way in which they work.
Salazar concluded that change depends on
The case of Bolivia the interaction between people in political
In 1952, a revolution in Bolivia ended a and social power, and not on the mere intro-
feudal system of government. However, this duction of progressive laws and policies.
neither succeeded in creating a more In urban areas of Bolivia, a new social
egalitarian society, nor created a sound group of middle-class indigenous people is
economic structure. Moreover, the political facing ethnic and race-based discrimination.
structure that was created was susceptible to Because of their indigenous identity, they
corruption and clientism. The State was the are not considered by many as full citizens,
major employer for Bolivians. In 1985, and their history is not seen as part of the
a neo-liberal economic model was intro- formal history of the country. These middle-
duced, and national enterprises were class indigenous groups are reinterpreting
privatised, creating widespread unemploy- and recreating their history, as a way of
ment. The State reduced its role in providing asserting their rights of citizenship. This is
social services such as healthcare, and these changing indigenous people from being
responsibilities were delegated to civil individuals with complex, dynamic
society. In the process of delegation, the experience into 'custodians of identities'.
State encouraged communities to take over Cecilia Salazar identified two specific
these responsibilities by stressing the factors that have influenced the struggle for
concept of community, and suggesting that equal rights of indigenous women in
this kind of self-help was in line with a Bolivia. The first is the tension between the
respect for tradition. In the indigenous struggle of indigenous women and the
communities, women found that they had to feminist movement: indigenous women
take on the responsibility for providing want to exercise their individual rights in
social services, while the emphasis on their own way, within the context of their
tradition contributed to a polarisation of social group. She argues that the Latin
gender roles and further marginalisation of American feminist movement promotes the
women. This case illustrates how policy human rights of women in a uniform and
makers need to consider the link between universal way, and that this often does not
economic and cultural differences. provide an answer to the specific expect-
Cecilia Salazar, who presented the ations and needs of indigenous women. She
situation in Bolivia at the seminar, stressed also made the point that the way that society
that in recent years, interesting policies and is run and perceived is determined by
ideas have been developed and introduced middle-class intellectuals on behalf of the
in Bolivia, including the recent 'Ley de wider society, so that the voices of
Participation Popular'. This is a law which marginalised groups, including women and
enables and regulates popular participation indigenous people, are not heard in the
in local government. In spite of some good decision making that affects their lives.
Promoting cultural diversity and the rights of women 53
provision of information about rights and culture are not supported, and their
laws, and training in specific skills and responsibilities and roles as part of that
competences. However, seminar partici- culture are ignored. Second, it can lead to
pants emphasised that these strategies and NGO staff dismissing and stigmatising the
interventions should be used together, to entire culture, rather than working with the
reinforce each other. Currently, selecting people within it who have a progressive
only one or two strategies to use with a vision.
particular group has little impact. Further-
more, despite the similarity of the issues NGOs must think and work long-term
faced by indigenous women, strategies Participants were very critical of what they
should not be implemented as 'blueprints'. perceived as a new focus on measuring
The particular cultural and economic results and assessing impact in the short
context means that the issues play out in term. However, changes in power relations
different ways. Strategies should therefore and in social and gender hierarchies are
be adapted to the specific situation. long-term processes. In addition, the narrow
focus of most impact assessment leads to
The attitudes ofNGO staff need results being evaluated only in terms of the
changing narrow aims of the project, rather than in
During the seminar, participants mentioned terms of the broader changes which may
various prejudices and counter-productive have come about in communities.
attitudes that they had encountered among
NGO staff. These included paternalism, and NGOs must support indigenous women
an assumption that the staff knew exactly combating gender-based violence
what the problems were, and their proper Violence against women seems to be such an
solutions. Women complained that they universal phenomenon that it seems almost
were not taken seriously, either by NGO impossible for a woman to challenge gender
staff or by the men working in their equality and gain leadership and autonomy,
organisations. For example, it was reported without experiencing some form of violence
that NGO staff attempted to solve the - whether this is physical, sexual, or psycho-
problem of traditional leaders opposing logical violence. Violence against women
women's equal participation in the organi- was mentioned at different moments during
sation, by excluding women from responsible the seminar, while outlining the obstacles
roles or on committees, or by including women are confronted with when they want
women only in limited areas of a project, to to denounce violence or need support.
solve the problem of participation. Seminar It cannot be too often repeated that gender-
participants called for NGO staff to take the based violence is not a problem only of some
organisational structure of programmes cultures, societies, or groups. Nor is it an
seriously and to involve women in issue only for victims and perpetrators.
discussions with traditional leaders. Only Rather, it is an instrument for imposing
then can women change the hierarchies of and perpetuating unequal gender-power
organisations and communities. relations in daily life, and an obstacle for
women who seek to challenge this
Seminar participants also criticised some inequality and gain autonomy. It is an issue
NGO staff for having culturally relativist of human rights, human dignity, and
views: that is, they accept gender inequality development, and therefore a responsibility
in a culture as unchangeable, and consider for all institutions, including development
criticism of inequality as an offence against agencies.
the culture in general. This can have two
effects. First, indigenous women who are
working to change negative aspects of their
Promoting cultural diversity and the rights of women 55
and lower representation throughout the As I went on to meet with other black
organisation than I had expected to find. As staff in the organisation and heard
an Asian woman coming from a working- confidences about their own experiences of
class background, I felt alienated from the working in Oxfam, I realised that my initial
white, academic, middle-class culture that experiences were not uncommon. Many
seemed to pervade the organisation. I had black staff said that they did not feel that
some moments of concern about how I their skills and abilities were trusted, and
would get on. But it was early days, and found that they were continually trying to
these were only first impressions. prove that they could do what they were
By the time I had been in Oxfam for a few employed to do, in a way that their white
months, my initial concerns had become counterparts were not. It was generally felt
tangible challenges, which had a significant among the black staff I spoke to that despite
impact on me personally. Although I came Oxfam's stated values on equality and its
to Oxfam with nearly ten years of experience international programme presence, only
of working on equality issues in the UK, white staff could rise to senior management
ranging from action research, grassroots positions. They pointed out that over the
youth and community-development work, years, Oxfam had continued to be a white-
to leading organisational change in both led organisation.
voluntary-sector and local-authority contexts, While these experiences are obviously
I began to feel that my knowledge and skills subjective impressions, they echo the
were not seen by some as relevant to Oxfam, external perceptions of Oxfam from graduates
and on occasions people actually said this to who were consulted during the research that
me. I felt undermined and constrained, to formed a part of the 1996 consultancy on
the extent that I started to lose confidence in diversity. The consultants had included
my own intuition, skills, and ability to do the Oxfam in a study that examined graduates'
job. I experienced many staff, and particu- perceptions of different sectors as potential
larly managers, responding to me on the employers, together with other not-for-
basis of their stereotypical preconceptions of profit organisations. It found that, 'With
an Asian woman. I come from a working- regard to recruitment, there is a belief that
class background, and looked young for my Oxfam seeks to employ a certain "type" of
age; there appeared to be an underlying person. That is someone who is highly
assumption that I must lack experience and educated, intellectual, speaks the Oxbridge
would struggle to do the job. My initial language, has a breadth of managerial
comments and ideas were criticised in and/or technical experience, and who is
seemingly exhaustive detail, except for some familiar with a Western style of managing.
that were simply blocked without dis- This type of person tends to be white, middle
cussion (for example, the idea of forming class and male.' (internal report 1996,9).
staff groups based around aspects of
identity, including race). Almost every time The personal cost of being a change-agent
I went into a meeting with a white member My experience of racism5 in Oxfam was
of staff, it seemed as if I was being re- different from the overt forms of racism I
interviewed for the job, as the relevance of had dealt with in other organisations, but,
my skills and abilities were questioned and ironically, it actually affected me more
scrutinised. My movements were monitored deeply, because it undermined my belief in
heavily beyond the six-month probationary myself. I struggled with deciding whether to
period, in a way that other new (white) leave or stay, but either way, I felt the burden
members of staff were not. of personal failure looming.
Diversity in Oxfam GB 59
However, after consulting a few trusted barriers, to enable people from a wider range
ex-colleagues who had relevant experience of identity groups to be included and to
in equalities work and in-depth race aware- thrive within Oxfam. In the process, I hoped
ness, I learned that I needed to take a step to prove my skills and abilities and to regain
back. I had to accept that this kind of my self-confidence and self-esteem.
experience is common, and gives rise to a
personal and professional dilemma faced by
many black and ethnic-minority staff who Engaging the 'head'
are acting as internal change-agents to So, the question now was not whether to
address issues of inequality in large white stay, but where to begin. The key issues and
mainstream organisations. I realised that if I challenges that I faced were:
challenged what was happening to me on a
understanding more fully what were the
personal basis, it could undermine my role
different barriers to equality in Oxfam;
and my ability to do the work effectively. If I
then tried to address race issues in the wider gaining access to some of the networks
organisation, I would risk the work being and groupings, and developing an
discredited as coming from a personal agenda awareness of the power dynamics
or crusade. I would also risk alienating staff within Oxfam - to find out who were
from other identity groups who might the real supporters and the real gate-
assume that my only interest was in race, keepers;
and not in other diversity issues and identity engaging people who were coming to
differences. I also realised that I needed to equality issues from a primarily
adjust my own assumption that Oxfam intellectual base;
would be much more progressive in practice learning more about the various aspects
because of its stated values and beliefs about
of Oxfam's work - and in particular, the
equality. I had arrived with a passion for
aims and motivations of teams and
Oxfam, and needed to manage my dis-
departments, and how diversity could
appointment at not finding what I expected!
be leveraged in connection with these.
At this time, the report of the Stephen
Lawrence Inquiry was being discussed in Networking and gathering intelligence
the media,6 and this helped me manage my The first step I took was to go back, one-by-
expectations about Oxfam and my emotions one, to staff who had made initial responses
about what I was experiencing. It put Oxfam to my arrival, and to use these contacts to
GB into context for me: it was a British 'snowball' meetings and networking with
institution, in which it was inevitable that people at all levels across the whole of
institutional racism7 was likely to be present Oxfam. Wherever possible, I included staff
until relevant and deliberate actions were based outside the UK. I persisted in getting
taken to recognise and address such racism. meetings with people who were in
I recognised that such findings, coupled strategically important positions - that is,
with the experiences that black staff had both those who held explicit power (mainly
related to me (albeit in confidence) could due to holding senior positions), and those
provide enough leverage for me to go on to who held implicit power (due to the
address issues of racism within Oxfam with influence they carried, or the impact they
some authority, without either dwelling on made).
or denying my own experience. In these meetings, I took the deliberate
So, like many others working on equality approach of saying very little and of not
issues which affect us personally, I refocused giving any of my own initial assessments of
my mind on the task at hand. I set out to equality issues in Oxfam, even though this is
strive hard to do the job of dismantling what everyone wanted to know. I focused
60
more on listening and learning about easy solutions. Instead, I wanted to establish
people's areas of work, their motivations a sound foundation for the work, so that it
and those of their teams, and their own could start to flourish even if attempts to
perceptions and views of equality issues in undermine or contain the work continued.
Oxfam. This was important work, to gain Given the predominant intellectual/
trust and to start building relationships. academic culture in Oxfam, I decided that
When I needed help to open doors, I used the although it would take longer, it would be
support of the Oxfam Director and appropriate to develop the Diversity Strategy
individual trustees who had expressed and Action Plan via a diagnostic and
interest in the work and had offered their evidence-based approach (that is, one based
support. This leverage, outside of the line- on facts: both quantitative 'hard' data, and
management structure, was important for qualitative data), produced using a
two reasons: first, staff were more likely to structured process.
become involved in response to requests
from those who were perceived to be in the Using a workshop to develop a strategy
most senior and 'powerful' positions in the and action plan
organisation. Second, at that time my own I decided to use a workshop format for
division was perceived to be a weak generating the ideas that would form
division, which could be ignored. the Diversity Strategy and Action Plan.
Simultaneously, I made deliberate efforts I designed the workshop primarily using a
to ensure that I networked with people from basic organisational development model:
different identity groups in Oxfam, and asking, 'Where are we now?'; 'Where do we
particularly with those who may have want to be?'; 'How do we get there?';
experienced inequality or discrimination and 'What do we need to get there?'.
because of their identity, in order to learn In preparation, I gathered and analysed data
about their experiences and views. This that I believed was relevant to answering
included both those who were optimistic these questions. This included:
and those who were pessimistic about the data on the profile of Oxfam staff and
potential to make progress on equality volunteers by gender, disability,
issues in the organisation. In the course of ethnicity, and age;
doing this, I eventually also found a few census data on the profile of the UK
people who had a certain wisdom about population by gender, disability,
issues of inequality and diversity in Oxfam, ethnicity, and age, looking at
mainly due to their extensive years of employment and unemployment
experience of Oxfam and their learning from patterns; at representation in various
previous organisational changes. Again, geographical locations, in class and
these contacts were made by a process of occupations, in educational
'snowballing'. Interestingly, most were qualifications, and so on;
based outside the UK. actual experiences of inequalities, and
Avoiding' quick wins' perceptions and views on barriers to
At this stage - about six months into the job - progress within Oxfam (through in-
there was an expectation that I should start depth interviews with a cross-section of
to produce 'the goods' on diversity - to get staff from different levels and identities,
some 'quick wins'. However, based on what including white staff);
I learned from my extensive networking current definitions and thinking about
within Oxfam, added to my past community- diversity from various external sources,
development experience, I wanted to avoid both in and outside of the UK.8
Diversity in Oxfam GB 61
In the ten workshops that resulted from this issue. They included those who were seen as
preparatory work, data was provided to supporters and gatekeepers for diversity,
participants so that they could use it to make and encompassed staff from different levels
the analyses and diagnosis for themselves. and parts of Oxfam.
Using an accompanying rather than a My accompanying role did not mean that
directive approach meant that participants I set aside my responsibilities to challenge
were in charge of their own learning and and to steer participants towards action on
'aha!' moments. This led to questioning by the issue. I acknowledged and drew out the
participants about the lack of diversity in collective knowledge and experience of all
Oxfam, why it existed, and why it was a participants in the workshop (as opposed to
problem. There was a better engagement on using an 'expert' versus 'learner' model);
thinking through what diversity meant in challenged attitudes on the basis of the
Oxfam and why it was important to the evidence we had in front of us; and guided
organisation, and greater involvement in participants forward by enabling them to
generating ideas for action and ownership of find their own reasons to embrace diversity.
the outcomes. The thinking and ideas from For example, people involved in Oxfam's
the workshops was used to develop the retail and fundraising activities might
Diversity Strategy and Action Plan. embrace the 'business case' for diversity;
While the nature of the data itself meant those involved in recruitment and other
that the participants could not avoid human-resources activities might embrace
acknowledging the existence of inequalities the legal case for diversity; and those
between groups, the process was also involved in Oxfam's international develop-
designed to lead participants to issues of ment and humanitarian programmes might
power and discrimination experienced by embrace the moral case for diversity in
particular identity groups. This was relation to Oxfam's international programmes,
achieved by asking two additional 'Why?' which should promote equality for all. The
questions: 'Why are we where we are now?' objective was to help participants to see that
(lacking in diversity), and 'Why do we want embracing diversity was a 'win-win'
to be in a new position?' (one that reflects process; there were business, legal, and moral
greater diversity). A link was made with reasons to do so. Finally, both Oxfam as an
Oxfam's organisational beliefs, which organisation, and individuals involved in
acknowledge the impact of unequal power Oxfam's work, would gain from Oxfam
relations on particular groups. By taking this becoming a truly inclusive organisation.
broader approach, Oxfam has arrived at a
balance between the need to include Involving the leadership
individuals from different identities and the I subsequently led a similar workshop with
need to address the inequalities between the most senior staff in Oxfam - the directors
different identity groups. of all divisions. This was intended to secure
The selection of workshop participants their ownership and leadership of the
was not left to chance. Individuals were development and implementation of the
invited to take part on the basis of their Diversity Strategy and Action Plan.
strategic positions, or from the nature of After this workshop, it was possible to
their initial responses to my appointment, as gain access to each divisional director's
mentioned earlier. Staff were selected who senior management team, to ask them to
were in a position to act as levers for identify the actions in the draft Action Plan
implementing action on diversity through that they could lead on implementing, and
being involved in areas of Oxfam's work the time and resources needed for this work.
where the integration of diversity was a key Putting the planning of the implementation
62
into their hands helped to further the The key learning from this is that I should
transfer and ownership of the development have persisted in pushing for a more high-
of the Action Plan to a wider group of senior profile launch of the strategy, involving the
managers, and resulted in the drafting of the leaders of the organisation making a public
Diversity Strategy and Action Plan. Staff declaration of their collective intention to
working specifically on other equality issues progress diversity in Oxfam. This would
in Oxfam (that is, gender and disability) have reinforced their commitment and
were also given an opportunity to comment accountability, and helped to open new and
on the draft documents. different doors in Oxfam - especially outside
The Diversity Strategy and Action Plan the Oxford headquarters.
were not sophisticated or well-polished Readers interested in the details of the
papers, as is usually the case in Oxfam - Diversity Strategy can find it on the Internet
instead, they were simple, rough, and ready. at
It was more important to reflect what www.oxfam.org.uk/about_us/diversity.htm
workshop participants had said and how, as
this would be important in spreading the
ownership of the strategy, and in turn affect
Turning 'the heart'
implementation. When I first started work as Oxfam's
diversity adviser, it seemed more important
Launching the strategy and plan to engage the 'head', in terms of changing
Once the drafting and implementation of the people's minds, given the predominance of
strategy documents had reached this stage, an intellectual and academic culture in
it was time to launch and communicate Oxfam. However, several years into the
about them. The decision of Oxfam's senior implementation of the Diversity Action
managers at the time was for a very low-key Plan, mobilising and getting involvement by
launch. This was because it coincided with capturing hearts as well as minds has
the high-profile launch of some other key become important in my efforts to further
corporate work, and it was felt that a gentle challenge and develop attitudes and
approach was required for diversity. With behaviours, so that all staff truly live
hindsight, this was a mistake. Although a Oxfam's diversity and equality values in
copy of the Diversity Strategy and Action their work. In doing so, I have encountered
Plan was sent to each manager in Oxfam, other personal and professional dilemmas.
with accompanying notes on how to In the last few years, I have led and
communicate the key points to their own advised other colleagues on the develop-
teams, the impact was limited. While those ment of learning and development activities
who had already been directly involved in on diversity. I have felt dissatisfied with the
some way discussed the strategy with their progressive, but limited, level of engage-
teams, it by no means reached all the many ment on diversity and equality issues which
layers of people within the organisation. I I observed from the participants of various
was directly involved in introducing the learning events. I was also aware that there
Diversity Strategy and Action Plan to some was a growing level of dissatisfaction (and,
staff, and this proved to be very successful in in some cases, of anger) from staff who
inspiring involvement and action. However, belonged to particular identity groups
the approach could only be used with teams (including gay, lesbian, and bisexual staff,
based in the UK, as I had insufficient budget and black staff) about the slow rate of
for travel outside the UK at that stage. The progress and the lack of personal awareness
impact outside the UK was limited, among some members of staff about the
therefore. negative impact they were having on others.
Diversity in Oxfam GB 63
I felt that more needed to be done. Working issues of which one has no direct personal
on the basis that our attitudes and behaviours experience. I felt that I did not have the
are informed by our values, I wanted relevant expertise to lead awareness raising
learning and development on diversity to of the issues, but I needed to act, as the
help people achieve a deeper human diversity adviser. I decided that since there
connection with the issues. was such a taboo in Oxfam about talking
The approach I have taken is to use about issues faced by gay, lesbian, and
methods that lend themselves to engaging bisexual staff, I would bring in the relevant
people emotionally. I have designed two expertise from outside the organisation, and
learning events with this aim in mind: one is use a medium that would bring the issues
a workshop that addresses issues faced by out into the open.
gay, lesbian, and bisexual staff in Oxfam,
using storytelling performances; the other is Using a storyteller
a meeting for directors and senior manage- After talking with a few of the affected staff
ment teams to address race issues within in Oxfam, I decided to design a workshop
Oxfam (focusing mainly on our offices in the which would use storytelling as a medium
UK), using Forum Theatre. to raise and address issues faced by gay,
lesbian, and bisexual staff in Oxfam.
Gay, lesbian, and bisexual issues I employed a storyteller and a trainer with
When the Diversity Strategy was being quoted in-depth expertise of the issues from a
or promoted, I often encountered the leading UK organisation specialising in this
criticism that the diversity work did not area of diversity. A small number of stories
seem to highlight sexual orientation as a that had come from gay, lesbian, and
diversity issue, and that issues facing gay, bisexual staff in Oxfam were selected, and,
lesbian, and bisexual staff were missing. as a team, we turned them into materials that
This came as a bit of a blow, as I had from the could be performed during the workshop.
start tried to promote the notion of diversity The workshop was designed to include
both as being inclusive and as addressing three live story performances, each presenting
inequalities experienced by all groups. a different problem or experience faced by
I decided that I needed to find a way of staff in Oxfam. The performances were
looking into issues of sexual orientation in a followed by small-group work, in which
much more focused way. participants were given a conceptual frame-
I started by gathering stories from gay, work to help them identify and discuss the
lesbian, and bisexual staff about their issues. Having the stories performed brought
experiences within Oxfam. They were the issues to life for the participants, and this
invited to provide stories confidentially or had the impact of engaging them emotion-
anonymously. Their stories showed that ally in a way that could not have been
they felt that their freedom to speak about or achieved by reading the stories on paper as
to challenge homophobic attitudes and case studies, or as verbal presentations of the
behaviour was very limited. I was alarmed issues faced by gay, lesbian, and bisexual
by this, and realised that despite many years staff. Once this emotional engagement was
of working on equality issues, I too lacked a achieved, participants were more motivated
deeper awareness of these issues. I questioned to address the issues on both the personal or
whether I had, albeit unconsciously, failed to individual level and at the organisational
do more about the issues faced by gay, level, and hence to identify possible actions.
lesbian, and bisexual staff because I could The feedback from all participants was
not identify personally with the issues. extremely positive. It revealed that the
For me, this raised the dilemma of whether it use of storytelling in combination with an
is possible to be an effective change-agent on experienced trainer had the impact of
64
engaging not only people's minds, but also, When planning the event, I felt I was in
more importantly, their emotions. All the firing line of both white and black staff.
participants offered to be ambassadors for On the one hand, some black staff felt anger
the workshop, to promote it to other and frustration that the openness about
colleagues. racism represented by this event was
The workshop is now running as a part of unprecedented: they could not be so open
Oxfam's central learning and development either with their managers, or at other
programme. I have transferred my role in meetings. They directed this anger and
organising the workshops to a colleague in frustration at me. On the other hand, I was
Oxfam who has more experience of the challenged by some white managers and
issues; this will help to widen the ownership staff who felt that Oxfam was already very
of such work. In the process of setting up progressive; I was told it was 'bending over
and jointly designing the workshop with the backwards' to address equality issues, and
expert trainer and storyteller, I learned more that the examples of racism to be used in the
about the issues and have resolved my initial event were isolated events, rather than an
dilemma. I have confirmed to myself that as accurate reflection of a wider situation.
agent of change for equality, it is appropriate I decided that what was needed was to
to take a lead on addressing aspects of bring both white and black staff together
diversity that are not part of my personal and get them to start talking out the issues
experience, as long as the process is inclusive directly with each other. I wanted to help
of - and gives voice to - those with direct white and black staff to step into each other's
experience of the issues. shoes and experience something of what the
others were thinking and feeling. This is
Using Forum Theatre what led me to use Forum Theatre. Forum
In October 2003, a meeting of all directors Theatre was originally developed in Brazil
and senior managers in Oxfam (around 70 by a theatre director, Augusto Boal, to give
people) included a learning event on a voice to marginalised and oppressed
diversity. The overall focus of the meeting groups, giving them the chance to 'rehearse'
was race issues in the UK, and was part of new ways of being, thinking, and acting to
Oxfam's aspiration to become more inclusive improve their lives. Over the years, Forum
of people from black communities in the UK. Theatre has been adapted into a process for
The objective of the learning event was addressing issues of inequality, including in
firstly to expose senior staff to the race- working environments.
related tensions and problems that had been The Forum Theatre process begins with a
raised at two earlier meetings that year (one small group of professional actors acting a
external, with a number of black community short scene based on real-life experience,
and voluntary-sector groups in the north of depicting the issues relevant to participants
England, and the other internal, involving of the learning event, who are their audience.
black staff from Oxfam in the UK and the The actors play various characters, presenting
Director of Oxfam). The second objective the situation or problem from their own
was to generate a greater emotional engage- different perspectives, and the scene is left
ment with race issues by senior managers, open-ended, at a point of real tension. The
both as individuals and collectively. actors leave the 'stage', and each takes
To enable these objectives to be met, a advice from a section of the audience on how
greater representation of black staff was to proceed next. The audience becomes the
needed at the event, so a number of black mind and mouthpiece of the individual
staff from various parts of Oxfam who had characters in the scene. The process
attended the meeting with Oxfam's Director proceeds with each actor returning to the
were also invited to take part. stage with the lines that have been given to
Diversity in Oxfam GB 65
him/her by the audience. The action can be were by no means ideal, as I observed that
stopped at any point by any section of the the process did not work well with such a
audience wishing to advise 'their' actor on large group. Limited finances had led me to
what to say or do next. This usually happens go ahead with a large group, knowing that
as the tension increases and more contro- the impact might be reduced.
versial things are said. At some point, each However, while it was clear from
section of the audience is made to change the observing the dynamics of the event that a
actor they are working with, so suddenly few participants had opted out of taking
they have to be the mind and mouthpiece of part, and that a small number continued to
a different character. respond only using the 'head', most of the
The key point about this process is that participants were drawn in and became
as the members of the audience are forced emotionally engaged. There was evidence of
to think on their feet and are put under denial, resistance, humour, sadness, and
pressure to confront the issues from anger in the room. The fact that the majority
different perspectives, views, comments, of participants responded with emotion, and
and feelings that are often guarded or held not intellect alone was significant. This was
back come out into the open. This method reinforced in the evaluation of the meeting.
allows people to say what they may be Two particularly significant comments were
thinking and would like to say about a from a white manager, 'This is the most
particular issue. Once the previously hidden effective race-awareness training I have ever
views and comments are out in the open, experienced', and from a black member of
the issues can be addressed in a more staff, 'You have helped a marginalised
meaningful way. group of people within Oxfam to gain a
The scene acted out at the Oxfam meeting voice; we can move forward'.
involved three characters. The script was Such experiences are likely to have a
based directly on evidence collected from positive impact on the implementation of
Oxfam by the Forum Theatre Company. action plans on diversity, both personal and
The Company had observed the meeting organisational. After the meeting, I was
between black staff and Oxfam's Director, approached with some stories from black
they had held in-depth interviews with a staff of small but significant changes in
number of mainly white senior and middle attitudes and behaviour of white colleagues
managers in Oxfam, and as diversity or managers, and by white managers who
adviser, I had provided relevant documents wanted to talk through the issues and openly
and notes on diversity. share their feelings. I feel strongly that seeds
After the Forum Theatre session, have been sown and that they will flourish if
participants were split up into small groups they continue to be nurtured appropriately.
to reflect on what they had just experienced,
including the race issues that had been
raised. As a follow-up, they were also asked
Conclusion
to identify some personal actions that they Working as an internal change-agent on
would take as individuals in response to the diversity and equality issues in an organi-
session. They were then asked to work in sation that includes such values as part of its
their divisional groups to discuss and identify mission can be both positive (in that the
three things they would do differently in the main effort does not have to go into
areas they managed, in relation to both convincing people that diversity is a good
internal and external Oxfam activities. idea) and negative (in that most people take
In terms of the learning from the event, it for granted that if equality is part of the
the conditions under which the Forum organisation's values, it automatically exists
Theatre session was used in this meeting in practice).
66
However, I have learned that to mobilise seen, for example, in the gradual increase in
others effectively to engage with diversity numbers of staff from different identity
and equality both with the head and the groups in Oxfam, including at senior-
heart, it is important for the change-agent to management levels (such as an increase in
recognise and address personal women and ethnic minorities). It is also
challenges, including those related to his evident in the current organisational culture
or her own identity, by placing them in in which it is now possible for staff from
the context of addressing wider equality particular identity groups to speak much
issues in the organisation; more openly about the problems that they
experience within Oxfam, such as those
have support available from trusted connected to race and sexual orientation. As
people who have expertise in the area of a change-agent on equality issues it has been
addressing inequalities, and from whom a difficult journey with personal costs that
it is possible to accept challenges about have at times been hard to bear, but
one's own thinking, strengths, and unfortunately change rarely occurs without
weaknesses; some pain, and on balance, I do believe that
gain a sound understanding of where Oxfam is worth it.
one is starting from - the culture,
barriers, and opportunities unique to the Bimla Ojelay-Surtees is diversity adviser in
organisation - to guide decisions about Oxfam GB.
which approaches and methodologies to E-mail correspondence c/o eleigh@oxfam.org.uk
use, and to be ready to try out new ways
and approaches;
invest time in engaging with as many Notes
different people as possible (those with 1 The other four divisions in Oxfam GB at
different kinds of power, perspectives, that time were International (mainly
and identities, including those one programme and policy), Trading
perceives as gatekeepers and supporters (mainly retail/shops), Marketing
or allies), and by observing, listening, (mainly campaigns and fundraising) and
and learning from them, even if that Finance and Information Services.
presents personal challenges; 2 Personal communication, 2004.
build and sustain relationships of trust 3 'Black' is used as a political term (rather
right up to the leadership level through than one descriptive of colour) that
a process of accompaniment, enabling includes people of African and Asian
individuals to find their own 'hook' or descent and identity who have
leverage for action on diversity, rather experienced racism because of their
than trying to impose it upon them as a colour, culture, or ethnicity.
so-called 'expert'; 4 Personal communication.
influence, nurture, and lead, but be 5 'Racism in general terms consists of
collaborative in doing so; conduct, words, or practices which
advantage or disadvantage people
accept that the journey as a lonely one, because of their colour, culture or ethnic
be self-motivating, and continue to be origin. In its more subtle form it is as
driven by a personal passion for the damaging as in its overt form.' (The
work; it is rarely a role you receive Stephen Lawrence Inquiry - Report of an
thanks for! Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of
I do believe that there has been some real Cluny, London: The Stationery Office,
progress on addressing inequalities and 1999,321).
valuing diversity in Oxfam. This is not only
Diversity in Oxfam GB 67
Poverty-reduction policy
responses to gender and
social diversity in Uganda
Dereje Wordofa
How does a lack of consideration to gender and diversity restrict the success of implementing poverty-
reduction policies? What are the lessons to be learned from past mistakes and omissions? This article
examines the Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process (UPPAP), which fed into Uganda's
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The UPPAP process involved the participation of people
whose identities often cause them to be marginalised. Useful lessons can be learned from this experience.
Who are the most vulnerable, poor, and needs, and the Structural Adjustment
powerless groups, and why? It is now widely Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s and 1990s,
acknowledged that poverty is not just about all gave little emphasis to the issue of social
low income; it is also about powerlessness diversity. In contrast, the poverty-reduction
and exclusion. Exclusion from decision strategies being promoted today show a
making prevents people from receiving positive trend towards giving more attention
equal recognition and from exercising their to the worth of increasing poor people's
human rights and fundamental freedoms in participation in political, social, and economic
political, economic, social, and cultural life. spheres, and promoting decentralisation
The processes of exclusion generate (devolution of government). Many donors
economic poverty, and this creates vulner- and governments are just beginning to
ability to risks and shocks. Marginalisation understand, with non-government organi-
and powerlessness are perpetuated, in turn sations (NGOs), how to develop policies and
leading to more economic poverty. programmes that are flexible enough to meet
In the second half of the twentieth the needs and aspirations of all members of
century, strategies aimed at reducing poverty society. Some have reached this point
and promoting economic development were through recognising the need to respond to
limited by a failure to understand how major conflicts which have arisen as a result
marginalisation of particular groups, of deepening and widening poverty.
including women and minorities, perpetuated In general, poverty-reduction strategies
and produced poverty. The industrialisation should be based on the analysis of the causes
model of development of the 1950s, the poverty and inequality. If analyses do not
Green Revolution of the 1960s, approaches in focus on social diversity and how the
the 1970s to integrated rural development, exclusion of particular groups occurs, the
income redistribution, and meeting basic strategies which come out of them will often
Poverty-reduction policy responses to gender and social diversity 69
have the opposite effect from that intended - its total export earnings, and employs
that is, they will aggravate poverty and approximately 80 per cent of the work force.
inequality. Some analyses concentrate on the Many poor people in Uganda are grappling
impact on particular people of one or two with economic poverty and inequality,
aspects of diversity - for example, on how caused by the lack of recognition of the
class and gender shape the options of differences among and within communities.
women in poverty - and ignore the rest (for Uganda's population is approximately
example, age, ethnicity, or disability). This 22 million, and is growing at the rate of
narrow focus on one or two aspects of 2.6 per cent per annum. The country went
diversity is partly because of the lack of a through civil wars and political instability in
clear understanding of the interactions the 1970s and 1980s, which paralysed the
between poverty and social diversity, and social fabric and caused the economy to
partly due to not understanding the ways in collapse. This period ended in 1986, when
which the different aspects of social the National Resistance Movement (NRM)
diversity connect. came to power under the leadership of
President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The
In this article, I focus on the case of
government is still fighting the Sudan-based
Uganda and its engagement with the process Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in the north
of creating a Poverty Reduction Strategy of the country. The NRM is the dominant
Paper (PRSP). PRSPs are national socio- ruling 'movement', and hence Uganda is a
economic plans directed at reducing poverty de facto one-party state.
and are the prerequisites for debt relief and
further loans as part of the initiative for There has been a significant effort to get
Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) by women into government (in parliament and
international financial institutions (the the cabinet) and there is a strong women's
World Bank and the IMF). movement, which includes organisations
such as the Uganda Women's Network, the
Uganda Land Alliance (working on the co-
Poverty and social diversity ownership of land), and the Uganda Media
in Uganda Women's Association. However, for the
majority of women, life continues as it
Over the past fifteen years, Uganda has always has, in serious poverty, with most
made substantial political, economic, and women occupied in the informal sector and
social progress. The number of people living in subsistence agriculture, and with trad-
on less than one dollar a day has reduced itional social norms which distance them
from 56 per cent in 1992, to 44 per cent in from decision making at household and
1997, and to 35 per cent in 2000.1 Other community level. The subsistence farmers
poverty indicators such as infant mortality, who constitute the largest group of the poor
immunisation, malnutrition, net school enrol- are predominantly women. Women provide
ment, and literacy also show impressive in aggregate 75 percent of total agricultural
improvement compared with the levels in labour in Uganda, and yet women's right to
late 1980s. However, Uganda is still among co-ownership of land is not protected
the poorest countries in the world, ranking through law (Kasente and Mwebaza, 2000).
158 of 174 countries in the Human Uganda is home to a large number of
Development Index (UNDP 2000). According different linguistic groups. Past govern-
to official reports (MoFPED 2001), Uganda's ments have excluded particular groups from
economy, with real GDP per capita of political and economic power. To give some
US$330, has been growing at an average rate brief examples, the Karamojong pastoralists
of five per cent per annum since the late have been marginalised since the early
1980s. Agriculture contributes 90 per cent of twentieth century. The Baganda people were
70
discriminated against between 1966 until The UPPAP was initially designed to last
1986, when the current government came to three years, from mid-1998 to mid-2001.
power. When Prime Minister Obote-I seized However, the process slipped behind this
government in 1966, hundreds of Baganda original schedule, and became focused on
people lost their lives. The dictator Colonel 'learning as you go', with three phases.
Idi Amin's regime encouraged xenophobia Phase one, from 1998 to 2000, consisted of a
when, in 1972, he expelled over 60,000 first round of participatory poverty assess-
Asians from the country, giving them 90 ments. Phase two lasted from 2000 to 2001,
days' notice to leave. In 1977, Amnesty and consisted of using the information
International estimated that 300,000 people obtained to influence policy, and for the
of different ethnic identities had died during dissemination of findings. Phase three,
Amin's regime. The Acholi and Langi, which also ran from 2000 to 2001, focused on
among others, were targeted (Baker, 2001). research to deepen the understanding of
poverty and of poverty trends for different
socio-economic groups, and of poor people's
The Uganda Participatory experiences of the implementation of selected
Poverty Assessment Project government policies. From October 2001 to
(UPPAP) June 2002, a second round of participatory
poverty assessments took place, for a second
In 1997, the government of Uganda
UPPAP.
formulated the Poverty Eradication Action
Plan (PEAP) as a framework to help to bring The outcome of this process was a PRSP
about sustainable development. This process based on the findings and qualitative
was adapted and augmented in 1998, when, information generated by the UPPAP.
together with donors and NGOs, the Additional information has also been
Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and obtained from the household surveys of the
Economic Development launched the Uganda Uganda Bureau of Statistics, civil society
Participatory Poverty Assessment Project organisations, and donors. The PRSP aims to
(UPPAP). In the last quarter of 1999, the guide government, donors, and other
World Bank and IMF invited the govern- development partners in sector planning,
ment of Uganda to compile a Poverty setting priorities, and resource allocation.
Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP), as a The most important pillars of the PRSP are,
requirement for obtaining further loans and first, sustainable economic growth and
debt relief under the Enhanced Heavily- structural transformation; two, good gover-
Indebted Poor Country (HIPC2) initiative. nance and security; three, raising the income
The revised PEAP was completed and of poor people; and four, improving the
submitted by the end of March 2000, as a quality of life of poor people. Uganda is
PRSP for Uganda. Uganda's PRSP is there- determined to reduce poverty to the level of
fore a revision of PEAP, and the terms PEAP 10 percent by 2017 (PEAP 2001, Vol. 1).
and PRSP are interchangeably used in
Uganda.
Gender and diversity in
The UPPAP aimed to consult the poor
and most marginalised groups, to improve
UPPAP
understanding of the nature and causes of The process and the resulting paper has
poverty in Uganda, and to gather the views succeeded in drawing attention to the multi-
of different groups in society about their dimensional nature of poverty, revealing the
access to - and the quality of - basic services. processes leading to impoverishment,
This was to ensure that their voices fed into explaining anomalies, and filling gaps in the
development planning at macro (national) information about poverty. Importantly,
and district levels. it has exposed the fact that the benefits of
Poverty-reduction policy responses to gender and social diversity 71
Uganda's widely publicised and impressive women, and the gender skills of the team
macro-economic growth were not trickling were weak, with limited training.
down through society, especially to the
poorest 20 per cent of the population. The second UPPAP
During the planning phase of the second
The first UPPAP UPPAP, lessons were learned about past
In 2000, the final report to come out of the failures and omissions, and the process was
first UPPAP process had a chapter devoted remarkably improved. Extensive gender
to gender issues (UPPAP 2000). Despite this, training was given to researchers, gender
and the fact that the UPPAP generated a consultants were recruited to oversee the
number of findings pertinent to gender and process, and the composition of the writing
diversity issues, the research synthesis did team was changed to include more women.
not explain the key issues. Ultimately, The second round sought to deepen the
gender analysis was not strong in the understanding of poverty in Uganda that
resulting PRSP. The sex-disaggregated data was gained in the initial UPPAP, by
emerging from UPPAP were synthesised strengthening the gender analysis and, in
and re-aggregated during the formulation of addition, focusing on the different views and
PRSP, thus hiding gender differences and needs of other marginalised groups. These
inequalities. The PRSP document concentrated included people who had been forced to
on some approaches to tackling women's leave their homes because of conflict and
problems, such as girls' access to education had become internally displaced, pastoralists,
and ways of tackling violence against people in fishing communities, and those
women by their husbands. But it did not dependent on agriculture. The participatory
include an analysis of why these problems poverty assessments in each research site
existed: that they are a result of the were conducted with women, men, young
underlying inequality between women and people, the elderly, and people with dis-
men in terms of power and resources.
abilities. The process was carried out in
Beyond gender, other aspects of diversity
60 research sites in 12 districts, in contrast to
were ignored.
the 36 sites (24 rural and 12 urban) in nine
There are many reasons for these
districts of the first UPPAP. Many more
weaknesses. First, there was limited time
people were involved in the second assess-
allowed for gender analysis, and there was
ment, therefore, in which 48 researchers
an inadequate level of participation from the
were trained and deployed. The research
Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social
process entailed three cycles of research of
Development, which was responsible for the
gender input into the process, and from key up to 35 days each and three rounds of
women's networks. NGOs and government national mini-workshops between each
were given only three months in which to cycle for reviewing the research processes
feed into the PRSP, working within the and synthesising findings.
parameters set out by the World Bank and
IMF. The engagements were reactive, and What has the UPPAP
gender issues had to be added in at the end. process told us about
What was needed instead was a proactive
poverty in Uganda?
and comprehensive approach, in which
gender analysis formed a part of the research The findings of the second UPPAP assess-
and writing from the very start. In addition, ment (UPPAP 2002) covered a wide range of
the UPPAP process fed into the work of the gender and diversity issues. All the groups
national team, which was tasked to write the involved in the research agreed that poverty
PRSP itself. The writing team included few can be described as a lack of basic needs and
72
services such as water, education, health, context among the poor, leading to different
funds to do business, and so on. However, problems requiring specific policy responses.
all emphasised the importance of power- For example, the findings revealed that the
lessness in their experience of poverty, pastoral communities in Karamoja lacked
meaning that people lack the ability to cattle and land, and that the cattle they
express their views and to be heard, at govern- did have were often in poor health. They
ment level. For women, this powerlessness experienced insecurity due to cattle raiding,
is also a feature of life at home. and low crop yields due to prolonged
The impact on poverty of social exclusion drought, and remained powerless to influence
and discrimination came out as the most national decision making. Young people
important finding of the second UPPAP. endured the agony of extended unemploy-
The finding revealed many issues familiar to ment, and their position in the job market
gender and development researchers and was weakened by the lack of useful skills
workers. While some dimensions of poverty training. The people of Acholi in northern
are familiar to all poor people, different Uganda, in contrast, faced economic poverty
categories of the poor experience poverty in a very different context. Conflict has
very differently, depending on the social, resulted in a vast loss of life and property,
political, and economic conditions they face. mass displacement, and the abduction of
For example, women explained that they children.
lack control over land, the crops their labour Integrating the perspectives of all these
produces from it, livestock, and other different groups is critical if poverty-reduction
productive resources. Yet they are responsible policies are to work, and these policies will
for meeting family needs. Women's lack of fail if the issues are not addressed system-
decision-making power over land and other atically. If the needs, potential, and aspirations
household assets, over cash income, and of different groups are included, it is
over decisions on when and how often to possible to make policy responses that
have children is a direct cause of welfare address the root causes of the problems.
problems for entire families, including poor
nutrition and health, and high infant
Implications for social-
mortality. Tracing the links between gender
inequality and poverty was new for many policy planning
involved in the PRSP process. PRSPs are being developed in more than
The process has also revealed that 30 countries in the developing world. Are
children remain excluded and voiceless. they resulting in documents which are
Due to the HIV/ AIDS epidemic and to conflict, genuinely useful to women and men in
Uganda has a particularly high proportion poverty and for marginalised social groups?
of orphans, many of whom are living on the This depends on the level of participation of
streets or caring for younger siblings. A final diverse marginalised groups of people and
example of exclusion to mention here is their ability to determine the process and
disability. The findings revealed that the direction of policy initiatives. Many govern-
exclusion of people with disabilities led to ments in sub-Saharan Africa have failed to
their diminished access to basic services. consult genuinely all segments of their
The elderly also lack the safety nets and societies in the development of policy, and
social care that they deserve. have therefore produced documents which
While inequality based on gender, age, are superficial and of very limited use in
and (dis)ability is present within families national development. In contrast, the govern-
and households, other forms of inequality ment of Uganda is clearly committed to
are shared by all members in a particular revise its PRSP every three years, basing
Poverty-reduction policy responses to gender and social diversity 73
Empowerment through
a c t i v i s m ! responding to domestic
violence in the South Asian Community
in London
Aisha Gill and Gulshun Rehman
This article focuses on South Asian women's activism, and its impact on diversity and social development
in South Asian communities in east London. It discusses the experience of the Newham Asian Women's
Project (NAWP), which is committed to secure social justice for women and children escaping domestic
violence. The article examines the tensions between the global phenomenon of violence against women
and women's specific experiences of violence in different cultural settings. There is a parallel tension
between universal responses to violence as a human-rights violation, and more culturally situated
approaches. The article emphasises the ways in which NAWP's work addresses gender, race, and
class-based inequality, using participatory approaches to empower women and direct the strategy of the
organisation. For South Asian women in Newham, activism emerges out of their everyday resistances to
oppression, which are based on ideas of community and family.
advice and support to South Asian women Asian women from a variety of ideological
and children fleeing gendered violence. The perspectives, motivations, and political
organisation's mission statement affirms its circumstances who live or work in east
commitment to 'secure the highest level of London. All are united in creating and
quality of service provision towards promoting social change, through services
protecting, promoting and upholding the delivered by South Asian women for South
rights of women, children and families from Asian women.
South Asian communities'. The organisation During the early years, NAWP claimed
has supported survivors of gendered violence particular kinship with feminist ideologies,
to become independent and to determine principles, and beliefs, as defined by South
their life course, through a wide range of Asian women. NAWP sought to highlight
strategies. These include counselling, advice the dual oppression of sexism and racism in
and support to secure justice and protection the daily lives of black and South Asian
for women and their children, and long-term women in the UK. The movement also
resettlement support, including education tried to challenge the impact of imperialist
and employment training. concepts of Western feminism and insti-
NAWP emerged out of a recognition that tutional racism on the delivery of appropriate
mainstream refuges for white women had and effective services to South Asian
failed to meet the specific religious, cultural, women.
and linguistic needs of South Asian women The term 'feminism' is very difficult to
and children fleeing violence. In the mid- define. In Feminism and the Contradictions of
1980s, a strong and vibrant black and Asian Oppression, Caroline Ramazanoglu (1989)
movement had built up in the UK, made up explains that attempts to define feminism
of women from a range of class backgrounds have been confused by the diversity of
and work experiences. During this period, women's struggles. She argues that the
organisations such as AWAZ (meaning definition of feminism also depends largely
'voice' in Urdu), Organisations of Women of on who is defining it. For example, some
African and Asian Descent (OWAAD), liberal feminists and some male commen-
Outrage (a collective of lesbian black and tators who see feminism as a social movement
Asian women), and Southall Black Sisters define it as either the 'radical' feminism of
placed on the national and local agenda the USA in the 1970s, or the 'bourgeois'
issues such as violence against women, feminism of nineteenth-century Europe. In
women's sexuality, and cultural and contrast, many feminist writers employ a
religious conservatism, which sought to broad definition that attempts to encompass
deny women equal opportunities for social, all types of feminism. Ramazanoglu (1989)
political, and economic advancement. argues that both these approaches have
In NAWP's early stages of development, their disadvantages. The former narrow
a core group of activists working at the local definition excludes many political practices
level consisted of professionals including and schools of thought that are widely
advice and community workers, lawyers, regarded as feminist; the latter fails to convey
and teachers, working with the local South the contradictions in feminist thought. As a
Asian community. As the concept of solution, therefore, some feminists have
separate and tangible service provision used the term 'feminism' loosely to refer to
became a reality, a second core group of local different conceptions of the relations between
South Asian women activists came together men and women and how they might be
to form a committee to manage the affairs of improved.
the organisation, and to establish NAWP as An important aspect of NAWP's critical
a legal entity. Almost two decades later, analysis of mainstream ideas of feminism
NAWP's membership consists of South rejected the essentialism of talking/or South
Empowerment through activism 77
Asians instead of with South Asians about and enacted in particular contexts. People's
their lived experiences (Carby 1982). As well ideas of who they are depend on their
as providing a safe and secure physical cultural context; this means that respecting
environment where victims of domestic an individual's human rights should entail
violence could make informed choices about respect for variations in the ways in which
issues affecting their lives, NAWP has aimed those rights are exercised.
to support the struggle of Asian women to
claim a political space in which to address
and challenge oppression in all its manifest- Power and strategies of
ations; to call attention to gender inequality resistance
and social injustice, and to highlight the
During the 1980s and 1990s, NAWP high-
politics of gendered violence and its conse-
lighted the failure of the British State to
quences for the physical, emotional, and
psychological well-being of women. In so intervene appropriately in cases of domestic
doing, NAWP represented a larger national violence in the Asian community. As well as
South Asian women's movement that providing practical and immediate support
sought to challenge feminist assumptions to women and children escaping male
and to redefine feminist ideology and violence, NAWP recognised the need to
practice from a race and class perspective foster a better understanding of women's
more accurately reflecting their experiences actual experiences of violence within the
and reality. It was impossible to focus on family, the frequency and nature of these
gender inequality as the reason for South experiences, and how structures of authority
Asian women's oppression and not to are constituted and controlled within the
investigate the other oppressive dimensions family.
of their lives. Hence, NAWP has developed This resulted in a heightened awareness
services that reflect women's myriad different of the inequalities embedded in the inter-
experiences and the range of differences locking systems of race and class and
between them. underpinned by religion, gender, and location.
Violence against women is found in all It also resulted in a strengthening of the
societies, and the arbitrary exercise of power demand for a woman's right to control her
over women and children is a global own life and body. Successful alliances
phenomenon. But analyses of the causes of between women activists of all colour and
violence, the type and mode of violence, and academics led to mass protests in campaigns
the redress needed vary according to the against rape, immigration laws, the rights of
local context. Violence against women plays women who had been imprisoned for killing
out differently according to culture. Some their abusers, and forced marriages.3 It also
believe that appreciating cultural difference led to protests against institutionalised
can be an excuse for ignoring the violation of racism and religious fundamentalism
women's rights in non-Western cultures. (NAWP 2002; Southall Black Sisters 2000).
But we share the view of some feminists The main targets for criticism were the
(Brennan 1990; Ono 1997) that the rights of police and the courts, who, due to their lack
women have to be interpreted and applied of understanding of domestic-violence
with sensitivity and due regard to differences issues and their general tendency to reduce
in cultural norms and values. Although incidents to a 'domestic issue' or to 'blame'
human-rights norms and standards are the 'victim' for not leaving a violent
accepted in terms of their general formu- relationship, made it difficult for women to
lations, their actual application and exact have full confidence in the police's ability to
content must take cognisance of the different offer protection, and reduced the incidence
ways in which people's rights are recognised of reporting domestic violence.
78
participation. Acquiring a voice has been since the 1970s and 1980s. Excluded and
crucial to South Asian women's political marginalised communities have organised at
development of a sense of 'self, and has the local and grassroots levels, to lead and
created a platform from which to act. direct community-development initiatives
This action may be within the confines of designed to improve their social, political,
the community or in society at large. and economic status. Community empower-
A by-product of our training activities ment is seen in this context as a means to
has been participants' heightened awareness forge new relations between strengthened
of the societal factors that contribute to social movements and the State, in order to
domestic violence. This has led to their bring about social, political, and economic
increased activism and participation in the change (Mitlin and Patel 2002).
organisation's activities to end violence However, we know from a growing
against women. The work we do highlights literature on participation from a gender
a number of gender issues that require perspective that there are dangers in an
further thought and action. Gender inequities uncritical acceptance of the idea of
related to the sharing of status and power communities as being heterogeneous, and
and the control of household income hinder the dynamics of competing power structures
women's full participation in genuine within communities must be taken into
development (Kabeer 1998). Inequitable account when involving them in the
social, cultural, economic, and political articulation of need, the identification of
structures are the root cause of crimes appropriate interventions, and the control of
against women, and hinder women's full resources. Mohanty (1991) argues that for
potential in the empowerment process. women, empowerment is a process of critically
These inequitable structures must be understanding that power is constructed
challenged or transformed before any real and developed to subordinate women.
change is possible. Oakley and Rowlands (1998) argue that
Participation has long been accepted in empowerment is not only about opening up
international development as a process of access to decision making, but must also
empowerment that involves the intended include processes that lead people to
beneficiaries of development initiatives as perceive themselves as being able and
central actors, elevating them from passive entitled to occupy that decision-making
recipients of aid to primary stakeholders space. While goals of empowering women
(Chambers 1983). However, in the Northern through development projects reflect a
context, the popularity of participation as a commitment to gender equality, integrating
tool is a more recent phenomenon. Donors women into existing projects does not
and governments have increasingly recog- necessarily equate to the empowerment of
nised the value and benefits of a transfer of women. Empowerment is demonstrated by
power as a key component of development the quality of people's participation in the
initiatives (New Deal for Communities decisions and processes affecting their lives
Delivery Plan Year 1 2000/2001), although (Moser 1989). In theory, empowerment and
cynics would say that this has been participation should be different sides of the
motivated by concerns for cost efficiency, same coin. In practice, much of what passes
rather than a genuine transfer of power to for popular participation in development
previously disempowered or excluded work is not in any way empowering to the
groups. most disadvantaged in society (Oxaal and
In contrast, participation as a means to Baden 1997).
community empowerment has been a Participation is at the heart of the
central tenet of community activism in black empowerment process, as individuals come
and ethnic minority communities in the UK together with equally valid but different
80
perspectives, sharing problems and exploringonly then will we know whether women are
answers. This co-operative search for answers
indeed benefiting from empowerment and
participation.
is where education takes place (Freire 1974).
Through education, people gain the ability The issue of violence against women
to analyse their situation critically, to has gradually become visible in public
recognise their options and to make choices discussion and policy in the UK. Over time,
NAWP has recognised the strategic
for their own reality. Education makes people
importance of consolidating and expanding
aware of the effect of their personal choices
on society and on the world, and allows its work through local and national
them to choose wisely. It is one of the mostpartnerships and coalitions. Part of the effect
important means of achieving self- of working collaboratively has been to make
determination, particularly for women, an unrecognised problem visible, and the
providing the chance to develop fully one's process has challenged conventional attitudes
dignity and potential. Education needs to bethat either accept domestic violence in the
South Asian community as 'normal', or see
participatory, as this creates a relationship of
communication between people. Part of the it as a 'taboo' subject, which should not
solution to development issues is for women be addressed. This work has included
to acquire knowledge, which gives them the providing various national government
departments and associated organs of civil
opportunity to be actors, not just objects, in
the process (Freire 1974). society with data and recommendations
concerning violence and safety. Forming
The women involved in NAWP's
these partnerships has been crucial for social
activities have begun to analyse and under- action, and has contributed to developing a
stand the intertwined nature of empowerment greater diversity of players concerned with
and disempowerment in their everyday violence and its prevention. It has therefore
lives, and the manner in which their struggles
indirectly contributed to further grounding
for access to and control over resources, public safety as a human-rights issue.
namely literacy, technology, and economic
Government inaction, or action that
security, are inseparable from the deeply
contributes to violence within a society,
ingrained gendered practices of violence in must be monitored in order to continue to
their communities. These understandings prevent violence. Such monitoring must be
have led them to rethink the scope there is done in relation to changes in relevant
for taking action. legislation and on government spending on
the prevention of violence. This focus would
Conclusion and need to include all the sectors of government
recommendations whose laws, policies, and actions affect
violence and its prevention. A new Domestic
As part of its advocacy against gender Violence Bill is currently being prepared for
violence, NAWP continues to evaluate the legislation, but questions are already being
impact of South Asian women's partici- asked about whether such an instrument
pation and the ways in which it has would provide sufficient protection from
transformed gender and class inequities in violence in all its manifestations (NAWP
their lives and the their quest for self- 2003).
determination and independence. It is In the meantime, we continue to deal
premature to assess or predict the longer- with the pressures and constraints that
term impact of the organisation; we need to adversely affect South Asian women's
continue to monitor our services and their experiences of domestic violence. There are
impact on individuals. This will require many unanswered questions about the con-
more attention to both process and results; textual factors that facilitate the occurrence
Empowerment through activism 81
of violence against Asian women (Gill 2003b). social significance as a theme around
However, any state legislation on domestic which most interpersonal life is organised.
violence which begins by focusing on the In these cultures honour is primarily
inter-connectedness of race, class, and gender based on a person's (usually a man's)
and the local contexts in which these strength and power to enforce his will
incidents occur, further advances our under- on others or to command deferential
standing of the tangled web of social, treatment (Cohen 1997). A recent report
cultural, structural, situational, and inter- published by Kvinnoforum (2003)
personal factors that can interact to suppress defined honour-based violence as
or support violence. 'violence occurring when families with
"honour-norms" violate girls', women's
Aisha Gill is a lecturer in criminology in the and boys' rights'. Honour, therefore,
Department of Social Sciences at the University may be used as a justification (either
of Surrey, Roehampton, and a management implicit or explicit) for violence; in the
committee member at the Newham Asian most extreme cases it is used as a
Women's Project, London. Gulshun Rehman is a justification for the murder of spouses,
programme officer with the International particularly women, or family members
Planned Parenthood Federation, South Asia in honour cultures, and formal customs
regional office and is a founder member, ex- and legal traditions have often been
director and a management committee member developed that sanction or excuse such
ofNAWP. Both can be contacted via Newham violence.
Asian Women's Project, 661 Barking Road, 3 Forced marriage is defined as a union
London E13 9EX, tel. 020 8552 5524, between two individuals, at least one of
www.nawp.org whom has not provided consent. Such
a.gill@roehampton.ac.uk unions exist in a continuum of arranged
grehman@ippf.org marriage, defined by the degrees of
coercion and consent. It may be useful,
therefore, to understand this practice in
Notes the wider context of violence against
1 This article uses the terms gendered women, as it is a significant variable in
violence, male violence, violence against crimes of honour. It is also useful to
women, and domestic violence inter- point out that forced marriages occur in
changeably throughout. Gender-based many societies in different parts of the
violence has been defined as 'violence world, and not only among diaspora
that results in, or is likely to result in, communities and their respective
physical, sexual or psychological harm sending countries.
or suffering of women including threats
of such acts, coercion, or arbitrary
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Looking White People in the Eye: Gender, Race,Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in
Africa (2002) Abdullahi A. An-Na'im (ed.),
and Culture in Courtrooms and Classrooms (1998)
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www.utppublishing.com www.zedbooks.co.uk
Razack examines ways in which gender, Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in
Africa explores the interaction between
race, and culture intersect in courtrooms and
culture and human rights, and the fact that
classrooms in Canada. She finds that many
human rights are articulated and acted upon
multicultural policies and practices are
in locally and culturally specific ways. It is
shaped by static and stereotypical under-
a useful book for people working from a
standings of different cultures. These rights-based approach, to consider how
misinformed policies often contribute to culture, which is constantly changing,
women from minority cultures being further impacts upon issues of rights. Many of the
marginalised. articles in the collection focus on women's
rights, especially women's land rights in
Complicating Gender: The Simultaneity of Race,Africa. Contributors include Florence
Gender, and Class in Organization Change(ing) Butegwa and Celestine Nyamu-Musembi.
(2001) Evangelina Holvino, Center for Nyamu-Musembi's contribution highlights
Gender in Organizations (CGO) Working the space that cultural transformation
Paper No. 14, Boston: Center for Gender in creates for interpreting both traditional
Organizations Publications, Simmons School customary law and state law in ways that
advance women's rights. The book challenges
of Management, 409 Commonwealth Ave.,
a common perception that customary law is
Boston, MA, USA.
necessarily in opposition to women's rights,
www.simmons.edu/som/cgo/
and that culture is unchangeable. A second
This paper argues that, in order to under- book available in this series is Women and
stand the ways in which race, gender, and Land in Africa: Culture, Religion, and Realizing
class intersect, we need to go beyond Women's Rights (2003) L. Muthoni Wanyeki
dominant organisational-change theory and (ed.).
practice. People experience race, gender, and
class simultaneously. The paper includes Every Girl Counts: Development, justice
guidelines and strategies for addressing and Gender (2001), World Vision Canada,
race, gender, and class in organisational 1 World Drive, Mississauga, ON, L5T 2Y4,
change. Canada.
www .worldvision, ca
Complex Inequality: Gender, Class and Race in This report examines girl-children's situations
the New Economy (2001) Leslie McCall, globally, and provides the reader with an
Routledge. accessible format for understanding the
issues. The report covers twelve core topics,
McCall undertakes a holistic analysis (based
including HIV/ AIDS, armed conflict, traffick-
on quantitative analysis) of US economic ing, and education. Each chapter provides a
restructuring and its impact on wage general analysis of the topic, World Vision's
inequalities from a combined gender, race, particular experience, recommendations for
and class perspective. The book shows how further action, and international conventions
policies to redress inequalities may fail, if that relate to the issue. An appendix contains
they address one particular type of identity- the twelve chapters' core conclusions and
based inequality at a time. recommendations.
Resources 85
Mobility International USA Women, Disability International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights
and Development Program, PO Box 10767, Commission (IGLHRC), New York Office:
Eugene, Oregon 97440, USA. Tel: 541 343 c/o HRW, 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor,
1284 (Tel/TTY); Fax: 541343 6812 New York, NY 10118, USA. Tel: 1 212 216
exchange@miusa.org 1814; Fax: 1212 2161876. Mexico City Office
www.miusa.org for Latin America and the Caribbean:
MIUSA works for empowerment, equal Roma 1 Mezzanine (entrada por Versalles 63),
opportunities, and human rights for women Col. Juarez, C.P. 06600, Mexico City, Mexico.
and girls with disabilities around the world. Tel/Fax: 52 5510 54 3214
MIUSA's 'Loud, Proud & Passionate!' www.iglhrc.org
projects focus on infusing the perspectives of The mission of the International Gay and
women with disabilities into international Lesbian Human Rights Commission
women's movements and development (IGLHRC) is to secure the full enjoyment of
agendas. Loud, Proud & Passionate is one the human rights of all people and
important step toward creating oppor- communities subject to discrimination or
tunities for women with disabilities to take abuse on the basis of sexual orientation or
integral roles in the development process, expression, gender identity or expression,
empowering themselves and their com- and HIV status. A US-based non-profit, non-
munities. MIUSA has sponsored conferences government organisation, IGLHRC effects
and training all over the world. this mission through advocacy, document-
ation, coalition building, public education,
Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Inter- and technical assistance. Included on their
national Coordination Office, PO Box 28445, website are reports, further links to relevant
London, N19 5NZ, UK. research, regional information, and action
www.wluml.org alerts.
run@gn.apc.org
The Network 'Women Living Under Conferences
Muslim Laws' was created to break
women's isolation and to provide linkages AIDS 2004
and support to all women whose lives may www.aids2004.org/
be affected by Muslim laws. This will be the fifteenth International AIDS
Conference, and will take place between
Catholics for a Free Choice, 1436 U Street NW, 11-16 July 2004 in Bangkok, Thailand. The
Suite 301, Washington, DC 20009-3997, USA. theme of the conference is 'Access for All'.
Tel: Oil 202 986 6093; Fax: Oil 202 332 7995 The conference is being organised by the
cffc@ca tholicsforchoice. org International AIDS Society in collaboration
www.cath4choice.org with the Thai Ministry of Public Health.
Catholics for a Free Choice is an independent Among the co-organisers are the
not-for-profit organisation, engaged in International Community of Women Living
research, policy analysis, education, and with AIDS and UNAIDS.
advocacy on issues of gender equality and
reproductive health.