Question 1

CONCEPTUALIZE NATIONAL INTEREST

National Interest

The concept of the national interest is used in both political analysis and political

action. As an analytic tool, it is employed to describe, explain, or evaluate the

sources or the adequacy of a nations foreign policy. As an instrument of political

action, it serves as a means of justifying, denouncing, or proposing policies. Both

usages, in other words, refer to what is best for a national society. They also share a

tendency to confine the intended meaning to what is best for a nation in foreign

affairs.

Beyond these general considerations, however, the two uses of the concept have

little in common. In its action usage the concept lacks structure and content but,

nevertheless, serves its users, political actors, well. As an analytic tool the concept

is more precise and elaborate but, nevertheless, confounds the efforts of its users,

political analysts. These differences arise out of the fact that the national interest is

rooted in values (what is best). While analysts have discovered that the value-

laden character of the concept makes it difficult to employ as a tool of rigorous

investigation, actors have found that this very same characteristic renders the

concept useful both as a way of thinking about their goals and as a means of
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mobilizing support for them. That is, not only do political actors tend to perceive

and discuss their goals in terms of the national interest, but they are also inclined to

claim that their goals are the national interest, a claim that often arouses the

support necessary to move toward a realization of the goals. Consequently, even

though it has lost some of its early appeal as an analytic tool, the national interest

enjoys considerable favor as a basis for action and has won a prominent place in

the dialogue of public affairs.

Question 2

DISCUSS THE PRINCIPLES OF AFRICA AS THE CENTRAL PACE OF

NIGERIA FOREIGN POLICY.

In these considerations, this assignment seeks to reexamine the traditional practice

of making Africa the centre-piece of Nigerias foreign policy at all times in order

to ascertain if actually such flamboyant and father Christmas African biased

foreign policy is still relevant in catapulting Nigeria to the realm of economic

prosperity or perhaps UN Security seat. More importantly, this assignment is

burdened with the question as to what has Nigeria actually gained in making Africa

to persistently appear at the centerpiece of her foreign policy? Is making Africa the

centerpiece of Nigerias foreign policy in agreement with Nigerias foreign policy?

And what should actually preoccupy Nigerias foreign policy thrust in this

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globalized international system. Particularly, in order to approach these questions,

our study thoroughly reviewed the various foreign policy drives of the successive

Nigerian leadership which were irresistibly conditioned by the logic of Africa.

Particularly, genuine effort is made to critically examine the diplomatic relevance

of crowning Africa, as the centre-piece of Nigerias foreign policy. The Balewas

Regime (1960-1966)Tafawa Belewas interest in Africa was never really in doubt.

He was always interested in the well being and freedom of Africa and Africans. His

foreign policy thrust which identified Africa as a key focus of Nigerias foreign

policy was marked by a three concentric circle which has the Nigerias neighbors

in West Africa as its main focus, followed by Africa at large and then the rest of the

World. In his acceptance speech at the United Nations on October 8, 1960, Belewa

portrayed Africa as the foremost concern of his foreign policy. He reckoned that:

So far I have concentrated on the problems of Africa. Please do not think that we

are not interested on the problems of the rest of the world; we are intensely

interested in them and hope to be allowed to assist in finding solutions to them

through this organization, but being human we are naturally concerned first with

what affects our immediate neighborhood. Belewa was particularly committed to

the unity and progress of Africa as well as the decolonization of Africa. Belewa

played a leading role in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU)

in 1963 and the Chad Basin Commission in 1964. Nigeria equally contributed

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substantially to the fund of the OAU liberation Committee. Also, Nigeria severed

relations with France on January 5, 1961 after they had carried out the third nuclear

test in Sahara on December 27, 1960. The Belewas government was also deeply

involved towards the decolonization of Africa and played an active role in

expulsion of racist South Africa from the Commonwealth in 1961. He offered a

non-military assistance such as administrative and medical staff training for the

provisional Angolan independent government of Holden Robert. Yakubu Gowon

(1966-1975) General Yakubu Gowons regime remains so far the longest

administration in Nigeria. However, suffice it to say that this regime battled with a

domestic environment characterized by civil war but this did not deter Gowon

from focusing more on African issues and problems in his foreign policy

initiatives. In fact from 1970, Nigerias commitment to Africa became more

pronounced as it declared Africa the centre piece of its foreign policy

(Obi,2006:113). Hence, though the previous administration gave Africa a pride of

place in Nigerias foreign policy thrust, it was however in this regime that Africa

was first identified as the centre-piece of Nigerias foreign policy. This new

commitment showed in Nigerias determination to rid the continent of colonialism

and white supremacist regimes. Prior to this period, Nigeria did not back liberation

movement with arms and ammunition and other logistics. Against the racist regime

in South Africa, Nigeria led the African boycott against South African participation

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in the 1972 Munich Olympic Games in Germany. Also in trying to identify with

the plight of a fellow African nation, Nigeria in sympathy with Egypt, cut

diplomatic relations with Israel in 1973, despite the fact that she had no direct

problems with Israel. In playing the big brother role, Nigeria decided in 1974

during the oil boom to sell oil to African nations at concessionary prices, thus

losing a substantial amount of money in the process. Also considerable efforts were

made by Gowon to enhance Nigerias trade relations with other African countries

while Nigeria led the struggle for collective bargaining between Africa, Caribbean

and Pacific States and the European Economic Commission (EEC). This effort led

to the signing of the Lome convention in 1975. It is instructive that the ACP team

was led by Nigerian Ambassador to the EEC, Olu Sanu. In fact, it was part of this

policy of more closeness to itsneighbors that made Nigerias leaders at that time to

believe according to Gambari (1979) that a West African integration scheme

would offer a rational outlet for external aid to African nations and provide an

institutional framework for Nigerias leadership and the erosion of Frances

political and economic influence Nigeria therefore set itself on a mission of

forming an economic union in the West African sub-region. According to Gowon;

There was a new Nigeria that recognized its role in West Africa and realized that

the gigantic task of economic and political regeneration in which it is engaged will

be of little avail unless it was attuned to the requirements of the economy of the

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rest of Africa particularly West Africa. Hence, on the 28th May 1975, history was

made when fifteen West African states assembled in Lagos and signed the treaty

establishing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Nigerias efforts at regional integration thus materialized. Murtala/ Obasanjo

Regimes (1975-1979)Nigerias Afrocentric posture was highly manifested in this

regime especially in the handling of the Angolancrises which eventually launched

the Murtala regime into international limelight as a regime that was firmly

committed in the African cause not minding whose ox is gored. Nigerias interest

in the Angolan struggle was mainly due to the involvement of the racist South

Africa in the conflict. Nigeria had earlier supported a government of national unity

in Angolan comprising the three committed liberation movements which include

the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA in line with the OAUs position (Sotunmbi, 1990).

However, the preponderance of evidence at the disposal of the Murtala government

that South Africas involvement in the conflict was at the instance of both the

FNLA and UNITA made Murtala to clearly gave his support to the MPLA despite

Americas wish on the grounds that the two groups have forfeited their right to the

leadership of the Angolan people by joining hands with neocolonialist and racist

soldiers of fortune (Fawole, 2003). This was announced to a stunned world on 25th

November 1975.Nigerias recognition also came up with financial backup.

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Question 3

EXAMINE NIGERIAN POLICY ON AFRICA UNITY AND

INTEGRATION, HIGHLIGHT SPECIFICALLY NIGERIAN

CONTRIBUTION TO THE FORMATION OF O.A.U AND LATER A.U AND

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ECOWAS.

Upon gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria quickly committed itself to

improving the lives of the people of the country and harnessing the resources that

remain vital to the economy of the country and her neighbours. By observing at

what benefits and appropriate for the country, Nigeria became one of the founding

members of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU), which later became the

African Union. The Organisation for African Unity checks political stability of any

African countries and encourages them to be holding regional meetings for the

union. Nigeria backed the African National Congress (ANC) by taking a

committed tough line with regard to the South African government and their

military actions in southern Africa. Nigeria and Organisation for African Unity

(OAU, now the African Union), has tremendous influence in West Africa nations

and Africa on the whole. Nigeria has additionally founded regional cooperative

efforts in West Africa, functioning as standard-bearer for ECOWAS and

ECOMOG, economic and military organisations, respectively.

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Similarly, when civil war broke out in Angola after the country gained

independence from Portugal in 1975, Nigeria mobilised its diplomatic influence in

Africa in support of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA).

That support helped tip the balance in their favour, which led to OAU recognition

of the MPLA over the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola.

Nigeria extended diplomatic support to another cause, Sam Nujoma's Southwest

Africa People's Organization in Namibia, to stall the apartheid South African-

installed government there. In 1977, the new General Olusegun Obasanjo's military

regime donated $20 million to the Zimbabwean movement against the apartheid

government of Rhodesia. Nigeria also sent military equipment to Mozambique to

help the newly independent country suppress the South African-backed

Mozambican National Resistance guerrillas. Nigeria also provided some military

training at the Kaduna first mechanised army division and other material support to

Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe's guerrilla forces during the Zimbabwe War in

1979 against the white minority rule of Prime Minister Ian Douglas Smith, which

was backed by the apartheid -government of South Africa.

Due to mismanagement of her economy and technology, Nigeria announced that

she was launching a nuclear programme of "unlimited scope" of her own but

failed. After the Nigerian Independence in 1960, Nigeria demonstrated her

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seriousness in improving the economy for the people and embarked on

nationalizing some multi-national companies that traded with and broke the

economic/trade embargo of the apartheid South African regime, the local

operations of Barclays Bank was nationalised after that bank ignored the strong

protests by the Nigeria populace.

Nigeria also nationalised the British Petroleum (BP) for supplying oil to South

Africa. In 1982, the Alhaji Shehu Shagari government urged the visiting Pontiff

Pope John Paul II to grant audience to the leaders of Southern Africa guerrilla

organisations Oliver Tambo of the ANC and Sam Nujoma of SWAPO. In

December 1983, the new Major General Muhammadu Buhari regime announced

that Nigeria could no longer afford an apartheid government in Africa.

Question 4

CHALLENGES FACING NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Nigerian foreign policy in the fourth republic no doubt has a lot achievements but

it has also been plagued with some shortcomings. The first challenge facing

Nigerians foreign policy in the fourth republic is;

i. How to redeem the countrys image that has been bastardized by the

previous military regimes especially the Sani Abacha era when Nigeria was

seen as international outcast as a result of the head of state and his foreign

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 affairs ministers policy methods which is referred to as call area boys

diplomacy.

ii. A cursory look at the Nigerian foreign policy under different regimes since

the inception of the fourth republic has clearly shown that there is non

procedural formulation and implementation of foreign policy because the

leaders do take some decisions without consulting the appropriate

institutions or foreign policy personnel. According to Fawole (2003:18):

iii. Another crucial challenge facing Nigerian foreign policy in the fourth

republic is the issue of funding , the amount always budgeted for our the

ministry of foreign affairs is relatively small in comparsion with our

gigantic and encompassing objectives to be achieved. For example, in 2009,

when Nigeria spent US$306million , South Africa spent US$702million. In

2010, Nigeria budgeted US$232million compared to South Africas

US$634million. In 2012 also, Nigeria budgeted US$317million and South

Africa budgeted US$702million (Uhomoibhi,2012:202b).

iv. The South Africa, Nigerian long time rival in the quest to dominate Africa

has had her tentacles spread more than Nigeria.

Reference
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Akindele, R. A. (2003). Foreign Policy in Federal Polities: A Case Study of

Nigeria. In Gana, A. T. and Egwu S. G. (eds). Federalism in Africa.

Eritrea. African World Press Inc.

Asobie, H. A (1990). Bureucratic Politics and Foreign policy: The Nigerian

Experience 1960-1975. In Nigerian Political Science Association

Annual Conference Port Harcourt. March 1980.

Asobie, H. A. (2005). Nigeria Foreign Policy Under the Current Civilian Regime

1999-2003: An Analysis. Paper Presented to the Departmental Seminar

of Political Science Department, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

Eke, A. O. (2009). Globalization Challenges and Nigerias Foreign Policy:

Emerging Issues, in the Formulation and Conduct of Nigerias Foreign

Policy. Abakaliki. WillyRose & Appleseed Publishing Coy.

Fawole, W. A. (2003). Nigerias External Relations and Foreign policy Under

Military Rule (1966-1999).Ile-Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press

Ltd.

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