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Ramirez, Rossana Marie D.

I. INTRODUCTION
A. Folk Culture and Tradition (relate to vernacular architecture)

The culture and tradition of a certain area molds the people who inhibit
it. Folk tradition is closely related to the culture of the majority and the life as
it is lived (Klassen 1986 as cited in Rapport 1969: 31). It also represents the
bulk of the built environment. The condition relative to the area dictates
these culture and tradition, in the same manner that it affects the artistic and
structural design of their structures. By studying the materials and design of
various structures, it is possible to study the history and culture through
architectural heritage (Brigino, de la Paz, and Hernandez 2012: 80). In a
Philippine setting, structures such as dwelling are considered as vernacular
built while granaries, fortification, and place of worship belong to vernacular
lineage; both belonging to vernacular architecture (Lico 2008: 17).

II. BODY
A. Definition

Vernacular architecture is a term to denote indigenous, folk, tribal,


ethnic, or traditional architecture found among ethnolinguistic communities in
the Philippines (Lico 2008: 15). A definition of the term vernacular with
regard to building may be given in terms of process as to how it is designed,
built, and adjusted to particular needs (Klassen 1986: 31). According to Lico
(2008) during the 1980s, the pervasive phrase primitive architecture has
unintentionally broadcasted a negative implication emphasizing a distinction
between primitive and educated, barbarism and civilized, and
nonwestern and western. In a similar category, the term indigenous
architecture which was used by other writers seemed to categorize building
forms constructed by indigents from architecture introduced and built by
immigrants and colonists. Furthermore he stated that the category
anonymous architecture reflects the bias towards buildings designed by
named and recognized architects, while folk architecture is shaded with the
issue of class differentiation.

B. Features of a Vernacular Architecture

There are five principal features of vernacular architecture (Lico 2008:


15). These are: (1) the builders, whether artisans or those planning to live
in the buildings, are nonprofessional architects or engineer; (2) there is a
constant adaptation, using materials found in the environment, to the
geographical environment. (3) the actual process of construction involves
instinctive thinking, done without blueprints, and is open to modifications;
(4) there is a balance between social or economic functionality and aesthetic
features; and, (5) architectural patters and styles are subject to evolution of
traditional styles specific to an ethnic domain.

Varieties of vernacular architecture are constructed to meet specific


needs, primary of which is the accommodation of values, economies, and
way of living of the culture that they have (Lico 2008: 16). Since built to
meet the condition of the environment, they are hand drafted by the owner
or by members of the community without the assistance of professionals
using technologies and knowledge learned only from tradition.

C. Development

Vernacular buildings have developed over time through an


evolutionary process involving trial and error, along with the collaboration of
the maker and the dweller. Variation of more characteristics distinguished it
from primitive architecture, and a greater capacity for receiving and
expressing meanings; such as beliefs, values, and aspirations of culture
(Klassen 1986: 32). As dictated by tradition, the overall form and
tessellation of structural components has been perfected through the
evolutionary process (Lico 2008: 16).

As an example, once the dwellings are built, minor modifications in


recompense to changing environmental conditions can be easily made.
Modifications to the form or material can be easily executed for as long as it
is not too great or too sudden and it will still suit the social requirements,
climatic variation, and location.

Beyond the need for shelter, vernacular architecture has become a


model for modern architecture. William Le Baron Jenny, as an example, is a
prominent figure in the Chicago school that formulated and developed the
steel-frame skyscraper from a traditional structure originating from the
Philippines; the wooden frame structure of the bahay kubo (Lico 2008: 17).
As stated in Lico (2008) cited in Condit (1964), Jenny was so impressed by
the possibilities of framed construction when he spent three months in the
Philippines, specifically in Manila, following a voyage on one of his fathers
ship. Snatching the structural principle he singled out forms of vernacular
source, then adopted the principles to steel and iron in replacement of timber
and bamboo. This formed the first all-steel skeleton framed skyscraper in the
world, the first tall building in America to use steel (Lico 2008 as cited in
Condit 1964: 17).
D. Philippine vernacular architecture

The design of architectural structures reveals the lifestyle, religious


belief, and the economic as well as the political conditions of a timeframe.
The earliest form of construction in the Philippines is the indigenous tradition
in architecture and lives through present time (Brigino, de la Paz, and
Hernandez 2012: 80).

The Filipino house is much the same among civilized and uncivilized
tribes, and slight has change from the time that the Europeans have first
visited. Its main feature is a steep roof which provides shade from the sun
and shed the heavy rains. The second feature is a floor that is raised above
the dampness of the ground (Scott 1969: 175).

1. Bahay kubo
The term bahay originated from the term balali which is a
vernacular term for house. The word kudo, although mistakenly
referred to the Spanish term cubo which refers to the cube, is
derived from a Tagalog word referring to mountain houses and kubu,
Kapampangan, synonymous to balungbung, a Kapampangan word for
hut, cabin or lodge (Lico 2008: 46).

Forms dwellings are clustered to various types of bahay kubo.


They are usually made of bamboo, nipa, cogon, anahaw leaves, and
other grasses, that have been woven and tied together. This was a
typical type of house which best suited the tropical climate of the
Philippines because it provides good ventilation (Brigino, de la Paz, and
Hernandez 2012: 81).

2. Bahay na bato
The bahay na bato is a product of evolution since specific
features; such as steep, hip roof, post-and-lintel construction,
seemingly light and quite airy structure, and elevated quarters are
derived from the bahay kubo. Other aspects like the sense of
greatness and solidity, the dramatic arrangement of space, the use of
masonry, and the system of ornament are features from European
Architecture (Zialcita & Tinio Jr 1980: 6).

bahay na bato are constructed from stones at the base and


wood for the second floor. These houses are massive structures with
spacious interiors and good ventilation is accomplished by the use of
large windows and ventanillas. the bahay na bato can be considered as
a status symbol for the elite in the Philippine society due to its use of
space and furniture used (Brigino, de la Paz, and Hernandez 2012:
87).
3. Cordilleran houses
Cordilleran has two lines of architectural techniques; the
Northern Strain consisting of Apayao and northern Kalinga and the
Southern Strain consisting of Ifugao, Bontoc, and Banaue while the
highland Kalinga propers octagonal house is a combination of both
strains (Perez III, Encarnacion, & Dacanay Jr 1989: 12).

The characteristics of the northern style are gable roof,


sometimes with bowed rafters; a three-section, two-level, reed mat
floor; and two sets of post, one for floor bearing and the other for roof
bearing. The space below is not used (Perez III, Encarnacion, &
Dacanay Jr 1989: 12).

The common elements of the southern style are steep pyramidal


or hip roof; a house cage, that functions as a residing area for Ifugao,
Kankanai, and Ibaloi houses and as a granary for Bontoc and Sagada
houses; four post support carrying two girders, or three beams or
joists. The space below is also the floor is used (Perez III, Encarnacion,
& Dacanay Jr 1989: 12).

The Kalinga octagonal house combines four post-two girders-


three joist support of the southern strain with the floor and roof
construction of the northern strain. the space below the floor is also
not used (Perez III, Encarnacion, & Dacanay Jr 1989: 12).

4. Batanes island houses

In the Northern Philippines, indigenous houses of the Ivatans


are low structures capable of withstanding strong winds and rain. This
suited its climate of frequent storm. Materials used for the walls are
thick lime and stones while thatched grass or cogon are used for the
roof. Usually, the windowless walls face the direction of the strongest
wind (Brigino, de la Paz, and Hernandez 2012: 83).

5. Mindanao houses

In Mindanao, Filipino architecture is influenced by the sea. An


example would be the Badjao people, whose name literally means
people of the sea. their source of living is through fishing and reef
diving in the Sulu archipelago; hence they live in houseboats while out
on fishing trips and their permanent houses are built over water
(Brigino, de la Paz, and Hernandez 2012: 82).

6. Vernacular architecture for urban margins (iskwater)

The study of vernacular architecture may latter persist in the


metropolitan context. Massive migrations to large cities by provincial
area have produced such significant vernacular renaissance (Lico
2008: 53). Like traditional dwellings, shanties are built by their own
occupants, with no blueprints, using available materials from the
immediate environment, hence can be considered as vernacular
architecture.

the temporary shanty, or barong-barong in vernacular, is a


typical one-room dwelling, derived from the well-established
vernacular building knowledge of the bahay kubo. Much like the bahay
kudo with uses materials from immediate sites and botanical
components, the urban shanty is built from its environmental
brimming with garbage and discarded building materials, such as
scraps of wood, cardboard, or plastic (Lico 2008: 58).

III. CONCLUSSION

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