TRANSFORMING BODIES, TRANSFORMING IDENTITIES: A CONSIDERATION

OF PRE-COLUMBIAN MAYA CORPOREAL BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

Pamela L. Geller

A DISSERTATION

in

Anthropology

Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor in Philosophy

2004

________________________________
Supervisor of Dissertation

_________________________________
Graduate Group Chairperson
 COPYRIGHT

Pamela L. Geller

2004

ii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Had it not been for the support and insights of many others, I could not have

written this dissertation. I acknowledge them here, albeit it in a much too abbreviated

fashion in the case of some individuals.

No one could ask for more supportive committee members like Wendy Ashmore,

Robert Sharer, Clark Erickson, and Robert Preucel especially in the eleventh hour.

From my advisor Wendy Ashmore, I have learned precious lessons in scholarship,

diplomacy, mentoring, and friendship. I will carry these with me for the rest of my life.

My first introduction to Mesoamerican archaeology came from a course taught by Bob

Sharer, which I had the good fortunate to take as a Penn undergraduate. He has been

piquing my interest in all things Maya ever since. His words of wisdom, calming air,

acceptance of taking on yet one more graduate student, and constant reassurance that I

will not starve have allowed me to successfully weather graduate school. Clark Erickson

has always offered an open office door and an open mind. His feedback on my ideas and

writing has been invaluable. Conversations with Bob Preucel have shaped much of my

thinking about everything from feminist theory to repatriation issues, and to him I am

indebted.

For the opportunity to participate in the Programme for Belize Archaeological

Project (PfBAP) and permission to draw on its data, I thank Project Director Fred Valdez,

who also served as a member of my dissertation committee. My four seasons in Belize

prominently included apprenticeship to Frank Saul and Julie Saul. I thank them for

permission to cite skeletal analyses from human remains whose study was under their
iii
direction. Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot, directors of the La Milpa

Archaeological Project (LaMAP), and Brett Houk, director of the Chan Chich

Archaeological Project, granted access to burial data from sites not associated with the

PfBAP. My gratitude goes out to the numerous researchers who shared burial data so

generously, reinforcing that PfBAP (and LaMAP) were indeed founded upon

collaboration and collegiality Morgan Davis, Jeff Durst, Gloria Everson, Alaina Goff,

Brett Houk, Paul Hughbanks, Julie Kunen, Jon Lohse, Ryan Mongelluzzo, Rene Muoz,

Hugh Robichaux, John Rose, Lauren Sullivan, Rissa Trachman, and Stan Walling. In

addition to sharing data, Jon Hageman and Brandon Lewis deserve added mention for

their instruction, humor, tolerance, and witty banter while in the field. Eleanor King and

Leslie Shaw, directors of the Maax Na Archaeological Project, provided my first

exposure to PfB and Belize, for which I am very grateful; despite the heavy rains,

unforgiving mosquitoes, and change in excavation plans, I nonetheless retain a fond place

in my memory for the 1997 field season. Special thanks to Kerry Sagebiel, Kathy Reese-

Taylor, Lauri Thompson, and Rissa Trachman for moral support. And were it not for

Mary Jo Galindo, I would still be a terrible stick shift driver rather than simply a

mediocre one.

At Penn, I have been truly lucky to find valued friends who double as supportive

and intelligent colleagues. Miranda Stockett is the best writing partner, conference co-

organizer, cook, cat-sitter, and friend a girl could have. She has kept me sane and

motivated. Ellen Bell, Greg Borgstede, Marcello Canuto, Larry Coben, Ginny Ebert,

Michael Frachetti, Charles Golden, Michael Hesson, Jenny Jacobs, Matt Liebmann,

Melissa Murphy, Brandy ONeil, Ben Porter, Uzma Rizvi, and Rachel Scott have left
iv
outstanding impressions in my mind and smiles on my face. Alan Mann and Susan Haun

were wonderful instructors in all things skeletal and dental. Janet Monge had confidence

in my abilities to take these teachings to the next level, for which I can never thank her

enough. I have had the good fortune to spend many hours and witnessed special moments

in the museums American Section with Stacey Espenlaub and Lucy Fowler Williams; I

thank them for these memorable opportunities. In the Department of Anthropology, Jon

Poblador, Laryssa Carr, and Ronnie Kent patience with graduate students inane

questions and general flakiness (myself included) knows no end.

Last but far from least, I could not have initiated or completed this dissertation

without my family, which becomes larger with each passing year. For now it includes the

Gellers, Sirkins, Ciarellis, Applebaums, Goldbergs, and Cohens, and here is hoping that

the future holds many more additions. In particular, Babs, Sid, and Abbie Jill are indeed

well versed in the definitions of unconditional love and unfailing support. And finally,

Brian has long multi-tasked as touchstone, voice of reason, culinary expert, and the love

of my life (despite his belief that archaeology outranks him).

v
 ABSTRACT

TRANSFORMING BODIES, TRANSFORMING IDENTITIES: A CONSIDERATION

OF PRE-COLUMBIAN MAYA CORPOREAL BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

Pamela L. Geller

Robert Sharer

Through space and time bodies present alternative surfaces upon which to

inscribe social norms and personal predilection. This dissertation establishes a humanistic

bioarchaeological framework for investigating the body and its intentional manipulation

in life and after death. Past examinations have been fraught with misunderstanding or

over-simplification of corporeal modifications. To move beyond past studies, I apply

bioarchaeological frameworks and social theories. Cross culturally, alterations are

informative about belief, experience, and practice. I argue that for the pre-Columbian

Maya intentionally changing bodies of the living and the dead facilitated (re)construction

of identity. Just like life, death is presented as a variable, extended process of social

transformations, which are realized by bodily transformations. I also argue that identity

constitution, in which corporeal change is implicated, structures ritual and quotidian

practices and grounds embodied experience.

To identify that which is often deemed archaeologically ephemeral, I examined

pre-Columbian Maya burials from the Programme for Belize. At the writing of this
vi
dissertation, 132 individuals had been uncovered at sites ranging in size from Major

Centers to House Ruins. The sample comprises a cross-section of society from ruler to

rural farmer. Burials primarily date to the Classic period (ca. A.D. 250-900), though a

portion of the sample pertains to the Late Preclassic period (ca. 400 B.C.-A.D. 250).

Critically applied ethnohistories and ethnographies further ground inferences about Maya

peoples constitutions of identity via body changes.

In the case of corpses, I argue that bodies modification speaks to the patterned

processing of decedents for desecration or ancestor veneration, as demonstrated by

bundling, wrapping, dismemberment, and excarnation. Such evidence suggests that ritual

activities structuring this type of identity constitution were operative at all social levels.

For the living, physically shaping individuals reinforced concomitant cultural shaping, or

socializing, as suggested by cranial shaping. Moreover, painful transformations of bodies,

as in the case of dental modification and tattooing, provided the impetus for

transformations of selves. Ultimately, shaping bodies engendered unified community

identity, supplied a small space for individual predilection, and communicated important

cultural values.

vii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES..... xiv

LIST OF FIGURES ... xv
1. Introduction... 1
Definitions. 2
Bioarchaeology. 2
The Body.. 5
Individual, Person, and Self. 7
Identity: Social and Self... 14
Research Goals.. 20
Integration of Social Theory. 20
Enlightened Attitudes, Semantic Sensibilities..... 21
Pre-Columbian Maya Case Study.... 22
Organization of the Dissertation 26
Intellectual Contribution... 29
2. Research Strategies 31
Research in the Programme for Belize.. 35
Ecological Background.... 38
Chronology of Area. 39
Previous Research Endeavors.. 41
Prior Burial Analysis by the PfBAP. 42
PfBAP Field Seasons: 1998-2001.... 44
Documentation of Burials 46
Mortuary Categories Considered... 47
First Group of Mortuary Categories: Excavation Information. 47
Investigator/Excavator and Date of Excavation 47
Site Provenience 47
Sources... 50
Second Group of Mortuary Categories: Contextual Information. 50
Temporal Designation and Explanation. 51
Grave-types.... 52
Grave Materials.. 59
Grave Orientation... 60

viii
 Grave Dimensions.. 60
Grave Locations. 61
Associated Architectural Features.. 62
Third Group of Mortuary Categories: Information about Form & Content. 62
Grave Goods and their Proveniences. 63
Condition and Position of Body. 65
Body Orientation.... 66
Associated Burials.. 67
Samples Recovered 67
Bioarchaeology and Bodies... 68
Skeletal Categories Considered.... 68
Age and Indices of Age.. 69
Sex and Indices of Sex... 70
Dental Modification... 74
Cranial Shaping...... 76
Summary... 77
3. PfB Sites: Background Information.. 79
Site Typology 79
House Ruins..... 84
House Ruins Along the Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect..... 84
Barba Group Site...... 84
Bronco Group Site.... 85
Liwy Group Site... 86
House Ruins in Dos Hombres Hinterlands.... 86
Operation 12, 19, and 24...... 87
Operation 28 and 29. 88
House Ruins in La Milpa Hinterlands.... 89
Minor Centers... 90
The Site of Chawak Butoob. 90
The Site of Dos Barbaras... 91
The Site of El Intruso/Gateway.. 94
The Site of Guijarral... 97
The Site of La Caldera 98
The Site of Las Abejas... 100

ix
 Major Centers... 102
The Site of Chan Chich.. 102
The Site of Dos Hombres... 106
The Site of La Milpa.. 110
Summary... 114
4. Mortuary and Skeletal Dimensions of PfBAP Burial Sample.. 115
Mortuary Data Categories..... 116
Time Periods.... 116
Graves: Types, Orientations, and Materials..... 125
Caches.... 126
Simple Graves.... 127
Pit Graves....... 128
Chultun....... 129
Informal Cists.... 130
Capped Cists...... 131
Crypts..... 132
Tombs..... 132
Associated Architecture....... 135
Grave Goods and their Locations..... 136
Ceramics..... 138
Semi-Precious and Ordinary Stone 139
Jade/Greenstone... 139
Hematite and Mica... 141
Obsidian... 142
Chert and Granite..... 143
Aquatic Materials: Shell, Stingray, and Coral 143
Faunal Remains: Worked and Unworked Bone. 146
Red Matter and Copal.... 146
Bodies: Orientation, Condition, and Position... 148
Skeletal Data Categories... 151
Age... 151
Sex.... 154
Body Modifications.. 155
Piercings. 155

x
 Cranial Shaping.. 157
Dental Modification... 160
Summary....... 164
5. Theories about the Body after Death. 165
Waking the Dead and Other Archaeological Concerns. 167
Binford/Saxe Model: Description.... 171
Ward Goodenough and the Study of Social Identity.. 171
Binford/Saxe Model: Application.... 176
Contextualizing Death.... 177
Burials Physical Location... 180
Secular and Sacred Landscapes 183
Built Spaces and Burials.. 184
Binford/Saxe Model: Limitations..... 186
Finding Inspiration for Bioarchaeological Studies of Death. 191
Sociologists Take a Stab at Death 192
Robert Hertz: Durkheimian Influences and a Discussion of Death... 194
The Corpse... 196
The Soul... 202
The Mourners... 203
Arnold van Gennep: Les Rites de Passage. 207
Model Building: Identity Conceptually, Ritually, and Materially 211
Identity and Death: Conferring Ancestor Status.... 211
Summary... 217
6. Breathing Life into the Study of Death and the Maya.. 220
Maya Studies of Dying and Death 223
Ethnohistorical and Ethnographic Analogy: Critical Use and Important Insights 228
Death as a Rite of Passage. 231
Maya Soul Belief.. 231
Length of a Life: ?ora. 232
Social Soul: Naabl. 232
Animal-Soul Companion: Chanul.. 233
Inner, Personal Soul: Chulel. 234
Life in the Afterlife.. 238
Sacred Spaces: Bridging the Cosmos.. 240

xi
 The Royal Maya Treatment.... 243
The Corpse: Experiencing and Contending with the Dead.. 249
The Mourners: Living with the Dead... 253
PfBAP Burials in Perspective... 256
Elite Tombs.. 257
Residential Burials... 277
Home is where the heart isburied... 277
Unassuming Holes in the Ground and Metaphoric Caves. 279
Benches and Ancestor Commemoration 284
Body Processing. 290
Wrapping and Bundling Bodies... 291
Body Partibility and Potency.... 294
All in the Family: Multiple Interments in Residences... 300
Memory, Space, and Death.. 308
Summary... 314
7. Theories about the Living Body.... 318
Looking at the Changing Body: A Historiography... 320
Western Attitudes in the 16th and 17th Centuries...... 320
Perception and Perpetuation in Contemporary Considerations.... 327
Theories about Bodies and Their Modification. 332
The Process of Becoming: Bodies and Identity Constitution.. 335
Practice Makes Person... 335
Performance Theory: All the Worlds a Stage... 337
Embodiment: Changing and Experiencing Bodies.. 347
Bodies and Sensory Experience. 347
Bodies in Pain... 352
The Self Made.... 354
Group Participation: I feel your pain!. 356
Summary... 358
8. Flesh and Bones: Body Modifications and the Maya... 360
Maya Body Modifications. 362
Body of Research. 362
Tattooing: Ethnohistoric and Artistic Evidence... 367
(Mis)Reading the Warriors Tale... 367

xii
 Gonzalo Guerrero and Identity Reconstitution.. 371
Them Bones (and Teeth).. 372
Cranial Shaping: Analogical Evidence for Shaping Heads.... 373
Getting a Head Start in Life. 377
Dental Modifications.. 384
Modification, Dentists, and Pain . 386
Demography and Dentition.. 388
Read My Lipsand Teeth... 394
Writing on the Body: Corporeality and Textuality 398
Summary... 401
9. Concluding Thoughts.... 404
APPENDIX.... 419
REFERENCES CITED ..... 551
INDEX... 593

xiii
 LIST OF TABLES

2.1. Chronology by temporal periods, approximate dates, & ceramic spheres... 40

2.2. PfB sites names, RB #s, and investigators.. 48
2.3. Welshs grave type categories.. 53
2.4. PfBAP grave type categories 54
3.1. PfB sites according to Bullards (1960) typology 82
3.2. Number and location of Chan Chich burials 103
3.3. Number and location of Dos Hombres burials. 107
3.4. Number and location of La Milpa burials 113
4.1. PfBAP burials by time period.. 117
4.2. PfBAP Preclassic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex.. 118
4.3. PfBAP Early Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex.... 120
4.4. PfBAP Late Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex.. 122
4.5. PfBAP Late/Terminal Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, & sex.. 123
4.6. PfBAP Terminal Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex.. 125
4.7. PfBAP grave-types by time periods. 126
4.8. Number of obsidian items in PfBAP burials 142
4.9. Body orientation in relation to grave type in PfBAP sample.. 148
4.10. PfBAP body positions and orientations... 149
4.11. Loosely flexed and tightly flexed body positions in PfBAP sample 150
4.12. PfBAP decedents by age.. 152
4.13. PfBAP decedents by sex.. 154
4.14. Occurrence of cranial shaping in PfBAP sample. 157
4.15. Intentional tabular cranial shaping by sex in the PfBAP sample. 158
4.16. Number of individuals with Romero types in PfBAP sample..... 162
4.17. Romero Types by sex in the PfBAP sample 163

xiv
 LIST OF FIGURES

1.1. Hierarchy of faunal studies... 3

1.2. Map of PfB boundaries. 24
3.1. Map of Barba Group site.. 85
3.2. Map of Operation 19 87
3.3. Map of Operation 24 88
3.4. Map of the site of Dos Barbaras... 92
3.5. Map of Group B at the site of Dos Barbaras 92
3.6 Map of the site of El Intruso/Gateway. 94
3.7. Map of Groups A and B at the site of El Intruso/Gateway.. 96
3.8. Map of the site of Guijarral.. 98
3.9. Map of the site of La Caldera... 99
3.10. Map of the site of Las Abejas... 101
3.11. Map of the site of Chan Chich.. 104
3.12. Map of the site of Dos Hombres... 109
3.13. Map of the site of La Milpa.. 111
4.1. Shell tinklers found with Individuals 52 and 53... 144
4.2. Stingray spine found with Individual 42.. 145
4.3. Labret from the site of Guijarral... 156
4.4. Romeros classification for modified teeth.. 161
6.1. Death God A. 250
6.2. Plan of the Chan Chich tomb 259
6.3. Plan of the La Milpa tomb 259
6.4. Vulture glyph and La Milpa pendant 261
6.5. Bib-and-helmet pendants from the sites of Chan Chich and Cerros 262
6.6. Barba Group tomb 263
6.7 Profile of east wall strata overlying the Dos Hombres tomb 266
6.8. Individual 2s ceramic vessels.. 273
6.9. Profile of south wall in west room of Dos Barbaras Str. 11 (drawing)... 288
6.10. Profile of south wall in west room of Dos Barbaras Str. 11 (photograph).. 288
7.1. Frontispiece from Bulwers 1650 edition of Anthropometamorphosis 323
8.1. Jaina figurine with scarification... 369
8.2. Romero Type E-1. 391

xv
8.3. Romero Types G-5 and G-15... 392
8.4. Mat symbol, or pop... 397
8.5. Sun god with modified tooth in Romero Type B-4.. 400

xvi
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Every body is marked by the history and specificity of its

existence. It is possible to construct a biography, a history of the
body, for each individual and social body. This history would
include not only all the contingencies that befell a body, impinging
on its outside a history of the accidents, illnesses, misadventures
that mark the body and its functioning; such a history would also
have to include the raw ingredients out of which the body is
produced its internal conditions of possibility, the history of its
particular tastes, predilections, movements, habits, postures, gain
and comportment. (Grosz 1994:142)

Anthropology is a discipline that owes its formation to the study of bodies

evolving bodies, controlled and resisting bodies, dead and buried bodies, visible

differences between bodies, symbols drawn from bodies biology and anatomy. At the

heart of any anthropological analysis of bodies is the way in which they are changed via

biological processes, environmental forces, social action, culture and self-creation; bodies

are not immutable, as Groszs quotation so eloquently articulates.

This dissertation takes a humanistic approach to understanding the body and its

intentional manipulation in life and after death. Cross culturally, manipulation and

alteration of the body are highly informative about belief, experience, and practice. In the

instance of the pre-Columbian Maya, I argue that manipulating bodies of the living and

the dead facilitated construction and re-construction of identity. In addition, I argue that

identity construction, in which corporeal change is implicated, structures ritual and

quotidian practices and grounds embodied experience. Pre-Columbian human burials

from northwestern Belize serve as a case study. Cultural information about these burials

was compiled from excavations conducted over the last decade. Skeletal information on

1
sex, age, cranial shaping, dental modification, and body position is drawn, by permission,

from analyses directed by Frank Saul and Julie Saul, with whom I apprenticed from 1998

to 2001.

Definitions

To avoid confusion, I define terms that are important to this dissertation at its

onset. These include bioarchaeology; the body; individual, self, and person;

and social identity and self-identity.

Bioarchaeology

To analyze burials, this dissertation draws partly on bioarchaeological models that

inform understandings of the past. Thus, it is necessary to first define the term

bioarchaeology. Bioarchaeology has a somewhat confusing history.

Zooarchaeologist Grahame Clark first used the term in the early 1970s. While his

understanding has historical precedence, Clarks usage was distinctly different from how

the term is conceived of today. In his piece entitled Bioarchaeology: Some Extracts on

the Theme, Clark (1973) broadly defines bioarchaeology as the archaeology of life.

Clarks conceptual project embraced ecosystems approaches to frame his understanding

of the past. Clark called for a shift in researchers conceptual and material foci. Rather

than trumpeting analysis of durable archaeological materials (i.e., ceramics and stone

tools), as did most cultural historians, Clark examined organic materials, or the natural

resources, that sustained humans. These were the remains of fauna and to a lesser extent

flora. He anticipated moving beyond reconstructions of chronology and community

2
boundaries in order to tease out how people lived in the past. With ecosystem

frameworks in place, Clarks primary concerns were of an economic nature, namely

sustenance and seasonal patterns. He writes (1973:465), I was interested in the

conjunction of human society and natural environment implicit in the fact that men could

only live by utilising their habitat and eating components of the biome. In other words,

Clark sought to comprehend how systems function in light of their ecological settings.

Hence, bioarchaeology acquired its

biological associations from considering

primarily faunal and floral materials, and in

doing so investigators could identify

groups cultural adjustments to their

environments (Figure 1.1) (Bobrowsky

1982; Clark 1972). Consequently, while

early bioarchaeologists took Clarks lead

and endeavored to humanize the discipline

of archaeology, they never used human

Figure 1.1 Hierarchy of faunal studies, remains to reconstruct the lives of past
adapted from Bobrowsky (1982:181)
humans.

Our current understanding of bioarchaeology has shifted its material focus from

animal and plant remains to human remains. Clark Spencer Larsen (1997:3) remarks that

despite its early history, it has become convention to use the term bioarchaeology in

reference to the study of archaeological human remains exclusively. Similarly,

ecosystem approaches, while still applied, are not as prevalent as many researchers
3
contend that sociocultural factors are far more instrumental in shaping human behaviors

than ecological. Thus, bioarchaeology is an important sub-field that foregrounds human

remains, rather than faunal materials or archaeological evidence, to answer

archaeological questions and reconstruct human behaviors.

To study humans behavior and biology, traditionally bioarchaeologists integrate

theories and methods from both physical anthropology and archaeology. Analytical

methods involve the gross anatomical assessment of skeletal and dental remains for

indices of disease, health, diet, and both inadvertent and intentional corporeal alterations

(e.g., Buikstra 1979, 1981; Grauer, ed. 1995; Larsen and Milner, eds. 1994; Powell et al.,

eds. 1991; Saul 1972, 1973; Whittington and Reed, eds. 1997). More recently, as a

fortunate outcome of technological advances, bioarchaeologists have added genetic

testing and bone chemistry studies to their methodological repertoire (e.g., Buikstra et al.

2004; Thuesen and Engberg 1990; Tykot et al., 1996; White 1997; Whittington and Reed

1997). Bioarchaeology necessitates an active dialogue between archaeological excavators

and skeletal analysts. It is ideal when excavators can conduct preliminary, in situ analysis

of bones and skeletal analysts participate in excavation and recording of archaeological

contexts. Wedding physical and archaeological anthropology ensures that osteological

data will be interpreted in light of cultural and historical contexts. As a consequence of

this work, we have a better understanding of numerous topics, such as peopling of the

Americas (Powledge and Rose 1996; Schurr and Wallace 1999) and Maya collapse

(White 1997; Wright 1997a, 1997b). Indeed, fostering intra-disciplinary investigations is

but one benefit to adopting a bioarchaeological approach.

4
 Bioarchaeologists have generally taken a population perspective in their

examinations. Population perspectives have informed our understanding of diet and

nutrition, health and disease, lifestyle activities, and demographic compositions (e.g.,

Larsen 1997). Comparison of individual case studies yields considerable information

about human variability through space and time. More recently, bioarchaeologists have

shifted the scale of their focus from populations to individuals (e.g., Buikstra et al. 2004;

F. Saul and J. Saul 1989; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997). This work is no less important, seeing

that it provides information about life histories and idiosyncratic behaviors. Individual

perspectives narrate osteobiographies (Saul 1972; F. Saul and J. Saul 1985, 1989),

which use osteological data to reconstruct the dynamic and personal nature of

individuals lives. As this dissertation considers individuals and their connection to the

larger social group, it draws on both population and individual perspectives.

The Body

Whether applying population or individual perspectives, all researchers begin

with the body as a basic unit of analysis. The term body is used inclusively to refer to

conceptual and physical entities. As a result, the Cartesian distinction between body/mind

is bridged. First, the body either whole or as component parts is observable and

analyzable. As an object for study, the body is composed of skeletal and dental

remains, or bones and teeth. These are the materials that excavators encounter in situ.

However, while acknowledging that bodies are objects, researchers should take care not

to dehumanize them. Such treatment is especially emphasized when handling descendant

communities ancestral remains, which is the case for most native peoples in the
5
Americas, and other colonized, peoples (Chapters 2 and 6). Referring to skeletal and

dental remains as human remains reminds investigators that they are studying beings

that once lived, breathed, walked, talked, and felt.

At the same time, lived experience and subjective, sensory engagement with the

world, or embodiment, are generally deemed of the mind, and are more challenging to

discern from material human remains. Although they are less immediately tangible, these

aspects of the embodied mind are equally important to understanding the human being

they constitute. As my approach strives for holism, this dissertation is concerned with the

material realization of the bodys conceptual dimensions.

Thus, in this dissertation, I bring to the fore that which appears at first strictly

dichotomized body and mind (or soul), the material and immaterial, life and death,

biological bodies and culturally manipulated ones, extraordinary and everyday practices.

Indeed, a Maya case study calls into question the utility of Cartesian dichotomies. An

alternative epistemological framework is presented that recognizes how binary

oppositions may be less clear-cut or identifiable in non-Western cases. In particular, a

Maya case study lends itself to a re-evaluation of several dichotomies. For example, what

we distinguish as sacred and secular were often one and the same in meaning and

material location, for example the Maya house. Moreover, social life did exist after

biological death; and following from this, skeletal elements were often imbued with

potency and power as venerated ancestors.

6
Individual, Person, and Self

The point about transformation of decedents to ancestors underscores this

dissertations central issue, identity construction and reconstruction. However, identity in

this discussion is not to be confused with self, person, and the individual, though

the terms are interconnected (Meskell 1999:32). Past investigations of identity have

collapsed these terms. Why is it important to define these terms for a discussion of

identity and its construction? These terms provide the basis for construction of social and

self-identities. Clear definitions facilitate reconstruction of the constitutive processes at

work in distinct cultures.

Distinguishing between these terms in her treatment of humanness, Grace

Harris (1989:599) categorizes human beings as (1) living entities among many such

entities in the universe, (2) human beings who are centers of being or experience, or (3)

human beings who are members of society. These correspond to individual, self, and

person, respectively. These concepts can exist cross-culturally (though I do not assume

they do), and they need not correspond to Western formulations of them. Consequently,

Harriss conceptualization is useful as a descriptive framework for the investigator.

However, Stewart and Strathern (2000:9) have warned against using the framework as a

cross-cultural universal picture of the actors own classifications[as] classifications

may crosscut the scheme or be quite divergent from it. With this in mind, Harriss study

is nonetheless a useful and important contribution. More recent examinations have drawn

out the three concepts theoretical nuances and historical trajectories, as I now describe.

Defining the individual is no simple matter, as scholars have aligned the

concept variously with generic humanness, experience, corporeality, physiology, agency

7
and self-awareness (e.g., Cohen 1994; Gillespie 2001; Harris 1989; Hodder 2000;

Meskell 1999; Morris 1994). Generally and emphatically agreed upon, however, is a

distinction between individuality and individualism. Cohen (1994) describes

individuality as a property of self, and individualism as a social doctrine that privileges

the individual over society. In contemporary Western society, individualism for better

or worse represents a cultural ideal and valued personality trait. The term is not

necessarily applicable to other cultures or other points in time.

Lynn Meskell has paid careful attention to the individual in her examination of

ancient Egypt (1996, 1998a, 1998b, 1999). She (1999:9) defines the individual (and

individuality) as a single person as the fount of agency, consciousness, interpretation

and creativity in cultural and social life, by virtue of his or her sole ownership of discrete,

corporeal, sense-making apparatuses. An archaeological consideration of the individual

necessitates a multivariate approach in which multiple lines of evidence are integrated.

Meskells important ancient Egyptian case study of everyday life affords the opportunity

to exhume and enliven the individual as she has defined the term. Illumination of

individual life histories is significant, as it does not represent society as an

undifferentiated mass, but comprised of individuals interacting with each other and their

societies. However, Meskell has an advantage in that her case study is informed by

translated texts, extraordinary preservation, and insights gleaned from decades of past

investigations in Egypt. How do scholars of antiquity lacking such a rich data set

effectively deal with issues of embodiment, individuals, and identity? The bar is set high,

especially for investigators of prehistoric cultures or those working in hot, humid

climates were preservation of human remains and archaeological materials is poor at best.
8
 To make the individual a viable concept in bioarchaeological studies, I suggest

a paring down of the concept that is more in line with Harriss (1989:600) definition a

single member of the human kind. Although not to be reduced entirely to biological

qualities, the concept of individual connotes materiality and sentience.

Of course, identification of the individual as a single body, an individual body, is

distinct from that of a social body. Michel Foucault (1977, 1990[1978]) has provided

one understanding of how individual bodies are shaped to become a unified social

body. Foucault (1990[1978]:139-141) contends that systems of power (i.e., armies,

schools, factories) came to historically regulate, exploit, and subjugate bodies through

inscriptive practices. To produce a social body, individual bodies are conceived of as

surfaces onto which systems of power inscribe social norms that structure practice and

belief. Physical transformations of individual bodies, corporeal inscriptions, produce

psychological shifts that expedite formation of the social body. This schema leaves little

room for the agent, as in Foucaults view, docility and dispensability characterize the

individual.

Grosz (1994:120) recognizes that corporeal inscriptions function to either

socialize or punish societys members. Circumcision and clitoridectomy, for instance,

represents an inscriptive practice used to socialize individuals; individuals bodies are

physically and indelibly modified in order to reproduce societys values and ideals.

However, drawing on feminist theories, Grosz (ibid:157) also points out that the

experience of circumcision is quite different for men and women, seeing that male

circumcisions stimulate sensitivity and clitoridectomies extinguish sexual satisfaction

altogether. The latter implies subordination and control of womens bodies. Hence, both
9
inscriptional practices goals are to alter genitalia, though the motivations for doing so

and the end results are dramatically different. Conversely, societies may use tattooing as

a means of social inscription intended to punish those offenders of social regulations.

Indelibly and visibly marking criminals is elaborated upon in my discussion about

intentional body modification. Whether as socialization or punishment, these social

practices instigate social processes of becoming, as individuals bodies are molded into

a social body.

Meskell (1996, 1999, 2000) has provided valid critique of the notion that bodily

control renders the individual powerless and passive in this process of social inscription.

From the standpoint of archaeology, she also finds application of Foucaults model

particularly problematic since archaeologists tend to reduce the body to an exterior

surface upon which systems of power inscribe themselves. As a consequence,

information gained by individuals sensory experience goes unexplored, and the body as

object is privileged over the body as subject. While bodies do serve as spaces for social

inscription, archaeologists must also account for the ways in which individuals actively

shape their own bodies and in turn experience these alterations.

A phenomenological approach spotlights the body as a physical surface for

communicating an individuals experience and sense of self, as well as locating that self

within a larger social group. Phenomenology predominated as a central concern

throughout much of Maurice Merleau-Pontys writings. Building on earlier work by

philosophers like Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty (1962:vii)

defined phenomenology as perception and experience of the world by rational and

intentional beings. The body represents a medium through which to channel these
10
perceptions and experiences, or sensations. According to Merleau-Ponty, it is through the

human gaze, or sight, that individuals bodies become objects; he writes, I regard my

body, which is my point of view upon the world, as one of the objects of that world

(1962:70). However, bodies are also subjects inasmuch as individuals use them to

experience the world, to be-in-the-world, through sensations. In his regard for the

subject, Merleau-Ponty focuses on psychological awareness and consciousness more than

physiological response. This concentration provides a valid critique of his ideas. Drew

Leder (1990:36) recognizes,

Yet, the lived body he describes is never complete. There is little

discussion of metabolism, sleep, visceral processes, birth, and
death. As the title of his central work indicates, Merleau-Ponty is
more interested in the phenomenology of perceptionBy virtue of
this emphasis on the higher and ecstatic regions of the body, the
Merleau-Ponty subject still bears a distant resemblance to its
Cartesian predecessor, never fully fleshed out with bone and guts.

Much attention is paid to the body as a conceptual entity, but little thought is given to it

as a physical one, aside from the body as a representation to view. To circumvent the

shortcomings of phenomenology that Leder calls attention to, I apply a humanistic

bioarchaeological perspective in this dissertation. Bioarchaeology, as I defined earlier,

takes as its subject matter actual bone and guts to make inferences about individual

bodies interactions with their cultural settings and natural milieus. Integration of

bioarchaeology and phenomenology allows for examination of archaeological human

remains to also consider individuals sensory experiences and reactions to their world.

While not denying the notion of individuality, Susan Gillespie (2001:75) asserts

that the concept of individual is inadequate since it does not include the social

dimension of actors to thereby bridge the divide between people and society. In the
11
particular case of Maya culture, relevant to this study, she finds person to be a more

viable avenue for investigation. How do the terms person and individual differ?

Unlike the individual, Harris ascribes agency to the notion of person. She writes, Not

all individuals acquire the standing of full persons as agents-in-society (Harris

1989:600); behavior is not the same thing as action. And as Houston and McAnany

(2003:30) recognize, In many sectors of traditional societieshuman agency may be

situated within a social unit that is larger than the individual.

Agency is not the only characteristic of a person. Brian Morris (1994) maintains

that an individual is born while a person is made. Becoming a person involves

constitutive social processes, and these processes can occur throughout the life-cycle. A

person can be either living or deceased. For instance, in cultures that practice ancestor

veneration, the deceased ancestor performs a socially viable role as a disembodied

person. And while persons can be non-human, there are also certain categories of

individuals that can represent non-persons. Seeing-eye dogs, perhaps are granted the

status of person, whereas slaves, may be regarded as non-persons in certain societies.

Turning from the person to the self, we see that the focus shifts from agency

to awareness. In recent social scientific discussions, defining the self is much debated

(e.g. Giddens 1991; Cohen 1994; Elliott 2001). Referring back to Harriss schema, the

concept self underscores an individuals psychological, or internalized, experience of

the world. This understanding draws from Merleau-Pontys (1962, 1964)

phenomenological project discussed earlier.

Caution should be exercised so as not to universalize the concept of self, which is

shaped by cultural and historical contexts. For instance, modern American selves are
12
driven by a strong sense of individualism and autonomy (Cohen 1994). In her study of

the connections between bodies and selves, Anne Becker (1995:2-4) points out that such

a discernment of self diverges from many non-Western societies conceptions. Her

examination of Oceanic communities characterizes selves as interdependent,

interpersonal, and understood as a set of relationships; the social self is an integral

component of Oceanic societies. Moreover, in Oceania, understanding of the self is not

so entangled with perception of individual body image, as is the case for contemporary

Americans. Becker (ibid:46) remarks,

By contrast with Western women, whose self-image is heavily

contingent on body image and specifically, a thinner body
Fijian women tend to be relatively unconcerned with their weight
status, even when it diverges considerably from the perceived
ideal. In short, they are both complacent and comfortable with
respect to their bodies.

Becker recognizes disjunction between Western and Fijian conceptions of self. For the

former but not the latter, an internal vision of self is reproduced on a corporeal exterior;

however, this clearly is not the case for Oceanic groups who conceive of social selves and

not individual ones. Using the Maya case, I explore the connection between the self and

the body, calling attention to the embodied experience of painful body modifications. For

certain types of Maya corporeal alteration, such as tattooing and dental modification,

experience might have been shared amongst individuals in the context of culturally

sanctioned performances, or through viewing the marks that remained after these events.

In such a forum, individuals perhaps were interdependent upon one another for imbuing

these acts with meaning. As such, the pre-Columbian Maya perhaps conceived of the self

as a social self, though I also allow for the possibility that they recognized individual

13
selves as well, especially in royal and elite cases as suggested by tomb portraiture,

iconography, and hieroglyphs (Houston and Stuart 1998). Nonetheless, this dissertation

inquires: Is the self a viable investigative avenue for bioarchaeologists, as many have

questioned the feasibility of wrestling with issues of the mind.

I will argue that a humanistic bioarchaeological perspective permits inferences

about a complex array of socially constructed identities, in life and death, allowing

particular access to voices of people who are otherwise silenced (e.g., women, natives),

and to links between the individual to larger social circumstances.

Identity: Social and Self

Having considered person and self, I now reflect upon identity and its

constitution. Davies (2002:13) recognizes two facets of identity. First, identities

communicate a societys beliefs and values. As such, this facet of identity is defined as

social identity in which socially acceptable categories of persons are produced.

Second, identities are predicated upon individuals experience of and engagement with

the world. From this awareness, individuals articulate a sense of self, or self-identity.

To recognize individuals identities, Ward Goodenough (1966[1963]:241) suggests that

symbols and actions act as badges of identity. He does, however, limit the majority of

his discussion to badges of social identity. These badges are often the product of events

that leave irreversible and observable marks on the body, as in the case of circumcision,

tattooing, head shaping, dental modification, and scarification. In alluding to indelible

marks like those left by circumcision and the like, this study also attends to construction

of identity within culturally endorsed events, such as initiation or mortuary rites. These
14
rituals often feature modification or manipulation of living and dead bodies.

Identification in these instances occurs within a context of performance that serves to

normalize a status quo (Butler 1999[1990]). Nonetheless, in contemporary Western

settings, body modifications as performance often function to resist societal norms or to

reclaim ownership over self (Rosenblatt 1997). I consider the process of creating both

social and self-identity via corporeal modification, whether intentional transformation in

ritual contexts or subtle alteration by habitual, mundane activities. As I illustrate in the

core of this dissertation, mortuary contexts and decedents individual bodies (or human

remains) offer significant evidence for reconstructing these dimensions.

Although her explicit treatment of identity is minimal, Harris does mention the

notion of social entitlement the capacity to embody in ones conduct the rights, duties,

freedoms, and constraints of specific social roles (1989:605). For instance, in assuming

specific identities, individuals can identify with living communities, ancestral groups, or

supernatural entities. Contained within this understanding of social entitlement is the idea

of belonging. Belonging involves individuals identification of themselves as separate

from and/or members of a larger group.

On social identity and the notion of belonging, Goodenough (1965, 1966[1963],

1990) has articulated significant insights. Similar to social entitlements definition,

constitution of social identities necessitate that a person takes up rights and duties that

align him or her with a group; the person is invested with a sense of belonging in addition

to a new social role. According to Goodenough, it is these rights and duties that also

serve to maintain social identities. Construction of particular social identities is essential

for a person to function successfully within a society. As Goodenough (1966[1963]:177)

15
notes, It becomes important to be the kind of person that others want him to be.

Directly implicated in the construction of social identity is ones conception of public

image and perception of self, and a collectivitys public perception of a person becomes

entwined with that persons image of himself or herself.

According to Goodenough, certain features characterize social identities. First,

they can be multiple everyone has many more identities, however, than he can assume

at one time in a given interaction (Goodenough 1965:5). Second, they are relational in

that social identities are organized hierarchically; when interacting with someone, a

person must respond appropriately to that person in the specific setting. Therefore, third,

unique social interactions and statuses determine appropriate social identities and

reactions. Nonetheless, a fourth characteristic invests the individual with a certain degree

of agency; Goodenough argues that individuals can opt to self-select which social

identities to display. Despite the risk of violating social constraints, one might in fact

choose a social identity outside of his or her socially accepted repertoire. Consequently,

the individual runs the risk of losing face when illegitimately assuming an inappropriate

social identity. Next, identities follow a socially determined sequence. For instance, in

many societies it is frowned down upon to become a mother before one becomes a wife.

Finally, Goodenough stresses that identities change throughout a persons life.

Cohen (1982) furthers understanding of social identity in ascribing it not just

the characteristic of belonging, but also boundedness and passivity. Boundedness refers

to the distinction that groups make between one another; this distinction may, though

does not have to, coincide with spatial dimensions or geographic locations. Belonging

and boundedness are in line with Goodenoughs conception, though passivity adds an
16
interesting new wrinkle. As the construction of social identities is predicated upon

predetermined social variables, to a certain degree the individual is passive. Regarding a

persons passivity, Cohen (1982:38) explains,

The qualities associated with him through such identity allocation

may bear little relation to his inherent character or propensities
and, equally, may not be objectively obvious characteristics to
emphasise in his extant relatives. They areassociated with his
group in the past, and through which the group continues to be
recognized and made known.

Passive social identity indicates cultural continuity and solidarity at the expense of

individual agency. Cohen concludes that a goal of social identitys construction is to

subvert expressions of individuality, and instead mediate relationships between

individuals and the group. Implicit in this understanding of identity construction is the

lack of choice or self-selection, which calls to mind Foucaults aforementioned

characterization of the individual as docile.

I would expand Cohens characterization of social identity to include the notion of

becoming. Constitution of social identity initiates the process of becoming a genre of

person, whether adult, king, warrior, or ritual specialist. Becoming a person, or viable

member of society, is a process, and in many societies this transformation is realized

through culturally sanctioned activities, such as rites of passage. The notion of

becoming, or constitution of social identity, is further developed in my consideration of

ancestor veneration and body modification.

A definition of self-identity remains elusive. Goodenough (1965, 1966)

maintained that privileges or personal style worked to circumvent societys constraining

behavioral checks and normalization, or a means for constituting self-identity. Whereas

17
the construction of social identity is generally dictated by social norms and procedures,

individuals possess the capacity to autonomously alter their identities given their unique

sense of self. As such, constitution of self-identity is most apparent in the context of

resistance. Take the following example:

We find ethnographers treating as bizarre aberrations occasional

instances of the failure of ritual to compel its participants, such as
that of the Sebei girl who cried the knife, escaping at the last
moment from the clutches of her initiators who were about to
perform clitoridectomy on her. A week after the event, she claimed
to have run in order to escape the malign attentions of a suspected
sorcerer who she had spotted in the crowd. She was then made to
feel such shame that she threatened suicide. (Cohen 1994:20)

Or in contemporary Western society, extreme body modifiers permanently alter their

body as a means of self-expression and resisting mainstream culture (Polhemus 1996).

Anthony Giddens (1991) has taken a different tack in his delineation of self and

self-identity. However, his structuration theory has been critiqued for its inability to

locate individuals and selves, instead giving analytical preference to societys practices

(Cohen 1994:21). Nonetheless, Giddens (1991:52-53) recognizes that in the making, or

identifying, of the self an individual refers to his or her own biography. The process is a

self-reflective one. Bioarchaeologists can read bodies as alternative material surfaces

upon which cultural information and individual biographies are indelibly etched. As a

result, consideration of self-identity constitution is possible. Disease and deformities that

irreversibly mark skeletal materials offer a case in point. More specifically, syphilis in its

tertiary stage produces destructive bone lesions on the facial and nasal regions. This

disease significantly alters ones physical countenance and mental condition. As a

consequence, an individuals daily experience of the world and reception by societys

18
members would shape ones sense of self (Stockett and Geller 2002). Though not an easy

endeavor in the material sample available for this dissertation, bioarchaeological

reconstruction of self-identity constitution offers insights about individual social actors,

experiences, and embodiment. Nonetheless, in reading the indelible marks of the Maya

from their human remains, it is important to ask if individuals intentional alterations, as

opposed to inadvertent physiological changes, reflect constitution of self-identity with

respect to resistance or conformity.

Archaeologists theoretical consideration of bodies with respect to social and self-

identity constitution has largely remained conceptual or limited to the analysis of

associated artifacts, texts and architecture (e.g., Gilchrist 1999; Joyce 1998, 1999, 2000;

Knapp and Meskell 1997; Meskell 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1999, 2000). Examination of

actual physical bodies is minimal, exceptions notwithstanding (e.g., Kus 1992; Meskell

1996; Rautman, ed. 2000:Part I). In contrast, human remains, actual bodies, excavated

from archaeological context are the focus of investigations that apply bioarchaeological

perspectives. Ultimately, bioarchaeology can contribute to the broader discourse about

identity in two ways. First, bioarchaeology considers people both as individuals and as

members of a group. Identification of patterned and idiosyncratic behaviors offers the

empirical means to make inferences about social and self-identities. Second, biological

and cultural markers age, sex, genetic relationships, body modifications, disease,

disability illuminate how bodies are shaped by their societies, and how they shape the

creation, representation, and perception of identity.

19
Research Goals

Having begun this chapter with definitions of essential terms, I now delineate my

research goals. This dissertation has the following three objectives:

1.) to integrate theories drawn from varied social scientific and

humanistic fields in order to advance studies of bodies and
burials, especially in Maya scholarship;
2.) to increase investigators sensitivity with respect to selection of
language usage, what I call semantic sensibilities; and
3.) to ground theoretical attention with a case study, specifically
the pre-Columbian Maya.

I will now provide greater detail about these three objectives, and identify why they

represent important ones.

Integration of Social Theory

Social theorists have long observed the changing body for insights about self and

society. In this dissertation, I cite the work of the following prominent individuals:

Hertzs (1960[1907]) discussion of body processing in the context of mortuary rituals;

Merleau-Pontys (1962, 1964) phenomenological consideration of the bodys reception

and experience of the world; social, political, ideological, and juridical control of bodies

as developed by De Certeau (1984) and Foucault (1990[1978]); Bourdieus (1995[1977])

conception of bodies as social pedagogy as articulated in his theory of practice; and

Butlers (1990) characterization of bodies as a performative space for subverting

controlling mechanisms. Many archaeologists have embraced this corpus concerned with

the body. Bioarchaeologists, however, are more reticent, which seems quite anomalous as

they foreground bodies, or more appropriately human remains, in their studies. And,

more often than naught, data gathered from bodies bespeak change evolutionary shift,
20
developmental change, calculated cultural alteration, adjustment to stressful conditions. I

see this as an inexplicable omission, and find these theoretical perspectives crucial for

interpreting skeletal and dental data. As a consequence, analysis of bodies and the ways

in which they are changed inform understandings of identity constitution, ritual,

embodiment, and sensory experience. These issues are indeed challenging to reconstruct,

but are not without material correlates.

Enlightened Attitudes, Semantic Sensibilities

Past examinations of the meanings encoded in corporeal alterations have been

fraught with misunderstanding or over-simplification. As early as Spanish contact and

conquest, observers deliberated about native peoples corporeal alterations, whether the

result of intentional modification or mortuary processing (e.g., Corts 1960; Daz del

Castillo 1963; Landa in Tozzer 1941). Chroniclers description of changed bodies

depicted native peoples of the Americas, and of other parts of the world colonized by

European expansion, as exotic, primitive, monstrous, and/or idolatrous. Franciscan

missionaries eventually forbade indigenous customs and rites connected to

transformation and processing of the body, and sadly the cultural meanings encoded in

these marks have been lost over the years. In current scholarly and popular discussions

concerned with changed bodies, investigators cannot seem to shake the legacy of

contacts early moments and chroniclers initial perceptions. For example, contemporary

Western medical discourse, which maintains the dominant reading of living and dead

bodies, characterizes them as pathological when their boundaries are dissolved, as in the

case of decomposing bodies, birthing bodies, and modified bodies (Balsamo 1996;
21
Martin 2001[1987]; Young 1997). Consideration of corporeal alterations from cultures

distant in space and/or time may challenge prevailing and pervasive readings of the

changing body.

Precedents established in the past similarly undermine current anthropological

analyses of changing bodies. Researchers have long used, problematically so, the phrases

artificial cranial deformation and dental mutilation (e.g., Alt et al. 1999; Dembo and

Imbelloni 1938; Romero 1970; Tiesler 1998). This language obscures the complex and

nuanced meanings encoded in intentional body modifications. In addition, dying and

dead bodies are often reduced to objects for study. With such a conception in place, the

human dimensions of human remains are downplayed. This is especially problematic in

the case of cultures whose human remains are known ancestors of living descendant

communities. This dissertation suggests implementation of bioarchaeological frameworks

and integration of social theories as a means for moving beyond the shortcomings of past

studies.

Pre-Columbian Maya Case Study

Theoretical attention to the body is grounded by a pre-Columbian Maya case

study. In brief, the Maya are speakers of Mayan languages, who live in the greater

Yucatan Peninsula, in the modern nations of Guatemala and Belize, as well as the

Mexican states of Chiapas, Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatan, Quintana Roo, and the western

portions of Honduras and El Salvador (e.g., Sharer 1994). In antiquity, as today, they

have inhabited a diverse range of ecological settings, and the stunning accomplishments

of the pre-Hispanic Maya in the fields of art, architecture, astronomy, writing, and
22
agriculture, as well as the religious ideology that inspired them, have made them perhaps

the single most studied archaeological culture of the New World (Fash 2001a:181).

While the lives of the rulers and nobles of ancient times have dominated scholarly

attention, increasingly balanced attention is given to commoners (e.g., Robin 2004). In

this dissertation, I focus on the bioarchaeology of Maya peoples of all classes who lived

in pre-Columbian times, as well as the lives, customs and individual identities of their

descendants in colonial and modern times. As I discuss in Chapter 6, there are important

continuities in customs and beliefs across classes and from ancient into modern times, as

well as disjunctions, matters that have undergone extended critical consideration by

scholars and increasingly, by the Maya themselves (e.g., Yaeger and Borgstede 2004).

Thus, the long history of work concerned with the Maya, availability of ethnographic and

ethnohistoric accounts, and richness of surviving archaeological, textual, and artistic

materials generated by these pre-Columbian peoples offer a solid grounding for

consideration of more ephemeral aspects of practice, belief, and experience.

I also consider Maya burials from varied sites in or adjacent to the Programme for

Belize (PfB) in northwestern Belize. These burials offer an ample data set for inferring

the beliefs encoded within and the practices instigating body changes (Figure 1.2). At the

writing of this dissertation, 132 burials comprise the Programme for Belize

Archaeological Project (PfBAP) sample. Ongoing excavations increase the sample each

new field season.

23
Figure 1.2. Map of PfB boundaries (adapted from Houk 1996)

24
 The burials primarily date to the Classic period [ca. A.D. 250-900]. A portion of

the sample pertains to the Late Preclassic period [ca. 400 B.C.-A.D. 250]. The small

Preclassic period sample size permits tentative discussion about diachronic change or

continuity. Burials are dispersed across sites ranging in size from House Ruins to Minor

Ceremonial Center to Major Ceremonial Centers. The sample represents a cross-section

of society from rulers to rural farmers (cf. Whittington 1989). Archaeologists, including

myself, have exhumed decedents from elite venues and commoner residences. Social

variations and commonalities are consequently identifiable, as well as inter- and intra-

residential differences and similarities that speak to constitutions of social and self-

identity, respectively. The Maya penchant for inhuming decedents beneath residences,

which they often continued to occupy, also makes for an intriguing consideration of the

ongoing dialogue between the living and socially alive/biologically dead ancestors as

pointed out by McAnany (1995; Gillespie 2000, 2001, 2002). Identification of continued

habitation contrasts markedly with discussion 30 years ago, as many researchers argued

that interment of decedents was followed by temporary abandonment, if not total

abandonment, of houses (Haviland 1972; Thompson 1971).

As mentioned above, critically applied ethnohistories and relevant ethnographies

further ground inferences about Maya peoples constitutions of identity via body changes

in ritual practice and everyday performances. Comparisons are also made with burials

from other Maya regions. A comparative approach facilitates identification of traits that

are pan-Maya versus those that are regionally confined in their scope.

25
Organization of the Dissertation

How best to bioarchaeologically examine changing bodies to infer constitution of

identities in the context of ritual and routine activities? To answer this question, I work

backward from the present to the ancient lives as lived.

Chapter 2 offers background information about the Belizean case study.

Information about the PfB natural setting is detailed. Past investigations by PfBAP

members are summarized, as well as what investigations have revealed about Maya

culture and history in the region. I next introduce the research on burials, which

complements and expands past work by the PfBAP. Mortuary data were separated into

the following three broad categories: sources from which information was gathered;

physical/architectural and temporal contexts; and description of body and mortuary

remains with respect to orientation and position. To study burials, the importance of

considering both mortuary (i.e., cultural) and skeletal data is stressed, and argue for the

utility of integrating a bioarchaeological perspective. Skeletal information on sex, age,

cranial shaping, dental modification and body position are drawn, by permission, from

PfBAP analyses directed by the Sauls, with whom I was apprentice in 1998-2001.

Chapter 3 acquaints the reader with the PfBAP burial sample by first giving

information about relevant sites in PfB. This includes a history of investigations; size,

layout, and location in relation to other PfB sites; chronological span of occupation;

location and number of burials; and form and function of construction associated with

burials. Sites are presented by size categories, which are, from smallest to largest, House

Ruins, Minor Centers, and Major Centers. Background information is followed by a

synthesis of PfBAP burial data in Chapter 4.

26
 At issue in the next two chapters are cultural processes that occur between death

and contemporary investigators encounters with mortuary and skeletal remains. Chapter

5 evaluates past approaches to the study of death, and makes suggestions for application

of additional theories drawn primarily from 20th century sociologists. I first provide an

overview of how archaeologists have historically broached the study of burials.

Archaeologists application of theory from outside of the sub-field is spotlighted,

especially with respect to sociocultural conceptions of identity constitution. The

shortcomings of past research are detailed, as well as those works that have advanced

archaeological assessments. To expand understandings, I join others who call for the

integration of theory that characterizes death as less a point in time than a variable,

extended process of social transformations, which are realized by bodies transformations

(e.g., Duncan n.d.; Fitzsimmons 2002; Hill 1998a; Joyce 1999, 2001; McAnany 1995;

Rakita 2001; Rakita and Buikstra 2001).

Chapter 6 utilizes the theoretical framework outlined in Chapter 5 to interpret the

PfBAP burial data set. An overview of past studies concerned with Maya burials and

death situates this dissertation within the larger corpus. Ethnohistoric and ethnographic

analogies further inform reconstructions of pre-Columbian soul belief, corpse processing,

and mourners ritual responses. The sample offers material correlates of mortuary rites

that imply reconstitution of individuals identities after death, from decedents to

ancestors. Comparison with data from elsewhere in the Maya region identifies pan-Maya

patterns, as well as practices that are regional in their scope. Moreover, mortuary

practices are compared and contrasted at different levels of society. To discuss ritual

activities (i.e., mortuary rites), careful attention is paid to the categories of body
27
orientation, body position, grave-type, grave goods, grave location, associated

architecture, and time period. Issues related to the construction of identity look to the

categories of age, sex, grave-type, grave goods, grave location, and associated

architecture. Knowing full well its transience, I consider sensory experience, at least

tentatively, by examining grave location, grave-type, and body position.

To complement the previous chapters discussion of the body after death,

Chapters 7 and 8 consider the cultural processes, behaviors, and beliefs that precede

death. That is, this dissertation examines constitutive practices that span life and death,

and in foregrounding identity, I identify theoretical overlap for studying living and dead

bodies. Life is taken as a complex but knowable series of embodied, social

transformations that are realized through the body and its socially constructed

manipulation. Historically, investigators have represented body modifications in a

negative light. I trace these attitudes and associations, and subsequently take them to task.

Drawing from scholars theories about practice, performance, and phenomenology, I

instead argue that body modifications were not designed to shock, but rather

communicated important, and conventional, cultural values and ideas with respect to the

formation of person and self.

In the penultimate chapter, I examine the lives of individuals that lived one and

two millennia ago. To do so, Chapter 8 takes the theoretical strands delimited in Chapter

7 and applies them to the findings from PfB sites. Maya body modifications have

received ample attention in the scholarly literature, but their encoded meanings and

associated practices remain relatively unexplained. Does bioarchaeological evidence

point to counterculture, conformity, or self-expression? Who exactly is and isnt having

28
their bodies modified with respect to age, sex, and social status? From the data categories

of age, sex, grave goods and their location, and intentional body modifications, I make

inferences about identity constitution. Reconstruction of associated ritual activities and

embodied experiences is undertaken, the latter done with greater caution. While the pre-

Columbian Maya possessed a penchant for irreversible alteration of their bodies, not all

types of modifications were initiated with the same morphological and ideational ends in

mind. Modifications unlikely to preserve in spaces other than historical annals, like

tattooing and scarification, are discussed first. More materially durable, cranial shaping

and dental modification are next considered. To conclude, the notion of the body as a

dynamic embodied text that communicated ideas about selves and society is explored.

In Chapter 9, I first call attention to the significant cultural information contained

within all Maya burials, noble and commoner alike. I conclude with a summation of the

dissertation, and highlight key findings gained in my consideration of the PfBAP burial

sample.

Intellectual Contribution

This dissertations intellectual contribution is threefold. First, for Maya scholars, I

underscore the humanistic importance of foregrounding bodies and burials in studies of

the past, despite sampling limitations. I use the PfBAP burial sample to compare and

contrast nobles and commoners practices and beliefs. This endeavor facilitates

investigation of individuals from all walks of life, not simply the lives of a select, elite.

Second, this dissertations integration of inter-disciplinary theory and intra-disciplinary

dialogue grounds inferences about issues long regarded as materially invisible and
29
consequently archaeologically unrecoverable. In building a model for the investigation of

identity and its associated dimensions, it is instructive for all archaeologists. Finally,

alternative explanations of changed bodies facilitate reassessment of prevailing and

problematic attitudes as perpetuated in scholarly considerations and popular

presentations. Acknowledgement of difference across space and time enriches our

interpretations, facilitates acceptance of what strands tie us together and/or make us

unique, and provides a point of comparison and contrast with Western case studies.

30
 CHAPTER 2

RESEARCH STRATEGIES: BODIES, BURIALS, AND BIOARCHAEOLOGY

To address the issues raised in the introductory chapter, I concentrate on

bioarchaeological study of burials inasmuch as mortuary and skeletal remains constitute

the most direct evidence of bodies and the ways in which they are changed. Such study is

shaped by multiple concerns, summarized in the following pair of overarching moral or

ethical responsibilities: responsibilities to descendant communities and responsibilities to

the research community. Each of these entails a set of additional considerations that

collectively shape research design.

First and foremost, mortuary remains foreground fundamental ethical issues that

structure the relationship between scholars and descendant communities. Given that

human remains are often those of ancestors, as in the case of Maya society, what

responsibility do we have to contemporary peoples when we exhume bodies or body

parts? This question is of significant concern to archaeologists and others as burials

represent a rich though highly sensitive source of information. Investigators must respect

indigenous communities when research foregrounds mortuary materials, as well as

cultural patrimony. To do so, investigators must actively solicit and bear in mind requests

and concerns regarding the overall treatment of ancestral remains when interacting with

contemporary native peoples.

Establishing a dialogue with contemporary native peoples is not an active issue in

northwestern Belize. Few contemporary Maya peoples reside in this area. Those who do

live in the vicinity of PfB are recently arrived refugees from El Salvador and Guatemala.
31
It remains unclear if they identify with this area as part of a larger homeland.

Nonetheless, here, as elsewhere in Belize, ethical issues and respectful attitudes are

important and relevant. When excavating burials in the Maya Mountains to the south,

Julie Saul and Frank Saul received the blessings of Mopan shamans; the shamans also

requested that excavators keep a bag of grave dirt with the human remains (J. Saul,

personal communication 2000).

In addition to respect, more formal guidelines have been created to monitor

excavators handling of human remains. Repatriation, and in some cases reburial, of

native human remains is an international issue of increasing visibility and political

implications (Fforde et al., 2002; Pearson 1999:171-192). In the U.S., the Native

American Grave Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) has significantly shaped

relations between native groups, academics, and museums. While the reasons driving

repatriation of human remains may vary from national pride to legal mandate to

ensuring ancestral well-being the phenomenon of returning human remains to

descendant communities or governments is ever more in the spotlight.

Repatriation of human remains from foreign institutions has not yet become a

formal issue in Belize. Certainly, procedural changes have developed reflecting stricter

national control over human remains analysis and exportation. As of 1999, Belizes

Institute of Archaeology (formerly known as the Department of Archaeology) has

prohibited exportation of human remains except when specific forms of analysis cannot

be conducted in country. Still permissible, for example, is exportation of skeletal samples

for genetic testing or bone chemistry studies. The most recent amendment to this policy is

32
that all artifacts, including bone, which have left the country on loan must be returned to

Belize by early 2004 (Fred Valdez, personal communication 2003).

Aside from descendant communities, investigators of burials have responsibilities

to their scientific community and public. Professional responsibilities are composed of

three primary considerations; these are related to research design, systematic analysis,

and dissemination of findings. Regarding this first concern, even in practical terms,

predicting the precise location of burials is an inexact science. For the most part,

Mayanists have yet to discover bounded cemeteries or other such separate spaces

designed with the explicit purpose of interring decedents.1 Investigators have a general

idea that the pre-Columbian Maya interred decedents within or beneath their dwellings;

however, with no certainty is it possible to assert, for instance, that the Maya always

buried their deceased kin in the northwestern corner of the southern most room in the

western building of a house group. As a result of locational variation, burials are most

often encountered accidentally in the course of exposing a sites details, such as a

buildings plan. Burials are often viewed as an impediment, albeit a highly informative

one, to the timely completion of an investigation. To avoid the uncertain treatment that

accidentally discovered burials might generate, investigators must always anticipate time

constraints and factor in financial costs for appropriate recording and recovery of burials

in their research designs, regardless of the projects scale.

Researchers also have a professional responsibility to conduct systematic

investigations with the highest scientific standards. Standards must include conscientious

1
There are, however, a few exceptions at Jaina (Moedano Koer 1946) and at Copns Middle Preclassic
period Group 9N-8 (Fash 1985, 1990).
33
excavation techniques, detailed recording, and an array of post-excavation analyses.

Methods in PfBAP follow guidelines established by Frank Saul and Julie Saul in their

decades of research in the Maya area (e.g., Saul 1972, 1975; F. Saul and J. Saul 1991; J.

Saul and F. Saul 1997)

Finally, archiving and dissemination of information following post-excavation

activities are essential. Such responsibilities include the respectful and adequate curation

of human remains and associated materials, ensured accessibility of data sets, and timely

publication of finds and interpretations. In the case of Maya burials, proper storage and

information accessibility is of the utmost importance. The Maya burial data set,

especially from the lowlands, is not a quantitatively tremendous one, as a result of

inadequate preservation in tropical environs. Through sharing and conserving data,

investigators will further our knowledge about pre-Columbian Maya lives, experiences,

and practices.

So, with responsibilities to native and colleague in mind, the challenge persists

how best to conduct a study of Maya bodies and burials in an efficient and ethical way.

Taking full account of these responsibilities, I pursued a research program that would

maximize information recovery from mortuary remains encountered by the Programme

for Belize Archaeological Project (PfBAP). Some advocate research geared specifically

to locating and recovering mortuary remains (e.g., Hall 1989; Webster 1997:10). For

instance, regarding work at the site of Rio Azul, Guatemala, Hall (1989:40) writes,

Because of the outstanding nature of Tomb 1 and [Richard E.W.] Adams belief that the

building should contain additional tombs, a team of excavators was assigned the specific

objective of locating intact tombs in the lesser mounds flanking Structure C1. In my
34
project, I initially planned to excavate residential buildings from selected groups within

PfB. I had anticipated the simultaneous exposure of domestic architecture and

exhumation of human remains. This plan, however, was abandoned when the problems

discussed above became clearer. Instead, I focused on remains found in the course of

PfBAP inquiry since the projects onset. My research design emphasizes respectful,

systematic, analytically sound analyses of remains already recovered, and development of

protocols for ongoing recovery, analysis, and protection/curation.

Research in the Programme for Belize

The burial sample under consideration is from within and adjacent to the lands

owned by the Programme for Belize (PfB) in the Ro Bravo Conservation and

Management Area (Figure 1.2). The conservation area comprises approximately 250,000

acres, a sizeable region in which the pre-Columbian Maya lived and died. I carried out

this research as a member of the PfBAP under the aegis of Fred Valdez, Jr., Project

Director, primary permit holder, and professor at the University of Texas at Austin. Since

its inception in 1992, the PfBAP has explored a previously little known and densely

forested area in northwestern Belize. The project is a collaborative one that has brought

diverse researchers together.

To further augment the sample size, I have also included burials from the sites of

La Milpa and Chan Chich2. These sites are located either within or adjacent to the

conservation area, though the projects primary investigators are not formally associated

2
For the sake of convenience, I will refer to burials included in the data set as being from PfB, regardless
of whether they are from within or adjacent to PfB lands. When necessary, I have noted distinct projects for
greater clarity.
35
with the PfBAP. Frank Saul and Julie Saul have been accountable for human remains

from all sites in this sample since these projects beginnings. They trained me in

excavation and analysis of human remains over the course of several field seasons. Saul

and Saul have also shared their skeletal and dental data, which has enabled me to

undertaking this dissertation synthesis and holistically assess the burials.

With the exception of the site of La Milpa, the majority of PfB sites remained

hidden from archaeologists in thick, tropical foliage for over a millennium. J. Eric S.

Thompson first documented the site of La Milpa in 1938 (Hammond 1991). More

intensive investigation of the urban center occurred throughout the 1990s (Hammond et

al., 1996; Tourtellot et al., 1993). Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot, co-directors of

the La Milpa Archaeological Project (LaMAP), granted me permission to include burial

data from La Milpa. Similarly, Brett Houk, director of the Chan Chich Archaeological

Project (CCAP), has allowed me to incorporate data from Chan Chich, to the south of

PfBs borders (Houk, ed. 1998, 2000).

The sites included in this study lie within a larger area labeled the Three Rivers

Region by Adams (1995). The Three Rivers Region is a geographically defined study

area, encompassing approximately 1,600 km2 in Mexico, Belize, and Guatemala. The

western boundary of this area is the Ro Azul. The Ro Azul flows into the Ro Hondo

along the Belizean-Mexican border and demarcates the northern border of the Three

Rivers Region. The eastern boundary is Booths River. The southern boundary is an

arbitrary one, not delimited by any natural feature. The major sites in general are La

Milpa, Chan Chich, Ro Azul, Dos Hombres, Kinal, Blue Creek, San Jos, Maax Na, Gran

36
Cacao, Punta de Cacao, La Honradez, Quam Hill, Chochkitam, Wari Camp, and Great

Savannah (although not all are included in Houks map of the region [Figure 1.2]).

To avoid semantic confusion, I distinguish between the terms burial, grave, and

individual. The term burial refers to the unit of analysis that includes bodies, associated

grave materials and goods, and built spaces. The latter includes the demarcated grave,

entombing buildings, and associated architectural features (i.e., benches, walls). The

concept burial connotes the processes, ritual or otherwise, associated with dying and

death. Grave designates the space that may contain the bodies of one or multiple

individuals. The PfBAP sample comprises 105 separate graves. Individual signifies a

decedent placed into a grave. The PfBAP burial data set contains 132 individuals. I have

assigned a unique number (Individual #) to each individual in the sample; I have not

assigned grave or burial numbers. Of course, the number of burials increases with every

new field season as a result of PfBAP investigators continuing research. This inventory

is complete from PfBAPs onset in 1992 to the 2002 season. Seven of the individuals in

the sample remain unexcavated. Existing information about these individuals is included

in this dissertation, but their location is not disclosed here. Location information is held in

trust by the PfBAP for the Institute of Archaeology, Belize.

Discussion of research strategies begins with background information about the

PfB. A brief historical sketch of PfBAP investigations follows. I then discuss how

research in this dissertation complements and furthers previous investigations. As noted

earlier, methods involving human remains follow protocols established by Frank Saul and

Julie Saul in their many years of research in the Maya area (e.g, Saul 1972, 1975; F. Saul

and J. Saul 1991; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997). I participated in 25% of the projects burial
37
exhumations, and various PfBAP researchers undertook the rest. Mortuary nformation

gleaned from documentation appears in the Appendix. In this chapter, I provide a detailed

description of and explanation for data gathered.

Ecological Background

Characterized by steep limestone escarpments, northwestern Belize bears

ecological and topographical resemblance to the Petn of Guatemala. Seasonally

inundated swamps, or bajos, are found adjacent to rugged uplands. The tropical

environment fluctuates annually between heavy rains and spells of aridity. The Ro Bravo,

Booths River, and Thompsons Creek provide this area with its main sources of water,

though securing water during the dry season would have challenged past inhabitants

(Dunning et al., 1999). Brokaw and Mallory (1993) compiled an ecological database,

documenting flora and fauna throughout the reserve. Vegetation in the region includes

perennial swamp forest and grasslands in low-lying areas, as well as tropical wet/dry

deciduous forest in the uplands (ibid).

The ecology of the area plays a significant role in poor preservation of

archaeological materials, notably skeletal materials. It is an understatement to say that

flora, fauna (animal and insect), and climatic variations treat skeletal materials rather

unkindly. Rodents with lengthy incisors use skeletal remains to sharpen their teeth. In

fact, it is common to find rodent skeletal remains within a seemingly sealed burial

chamber. Plants roots often penetrate crania, pelves, and long bone cavities. Acids

excreted from roots strip dentition of enamel and corrode human remains. Aside from

bioturbation, climatic variation in the area also contributes to poor preservation and
38
weathering, as most burial spaces are subject to continual wet/dry fluctuations. Edaphic

conditions, such as high soil pH, moisture content, and composition, can alter bones

chemistry and organic component, eventually yielding brittle, chalky, and unstable

human remains. Often burials contain nothing more than highly friable and fragmentary

remains, which in some instances resemble cornflakes. However, this areas abundant

limestone, which causes soil alkalinity and in turn neutralizes acid, possibly works to

better preserve bone. Redmond and McCullough (1996) note that bone preservation is

better in burials associated with limestone cobbles, the latter of which provide local areas

of neutral soil. To support or debunk such a hypothesis, future investigations of burials

should note associations between limestone areas and well-preserved human remains.

Thus, because bodies and burial spaces are subjected to a plethora of destructive forces,

paying particular attention to taphonomy is important, so as not to confuse natural, post-

mortem changes to bone with physiological processes or cultural alterations.

Chronology of Area

Dunning and his co-authors (1999) have proposed a chronology of occupation in

the PfB, to be augmented by continuing research. The earliest evidence of cultural

activities presumed to be by small groups of agriculturalists dates to the Middle

Preclassic period (ca. 1200-400 B.C.) (Table 2.1). Monumental architecture at the sites of

La Milpa (Hammond et al., 1996) and Dos Hombres (Houk 1996) first appears in the

Late Preclassic period (ca. 400 B.C.-A.D. 250). While the mortuary data are qualitatively

rich, the number of interments known from this period is small. The Late Preclassic

sample is currently limited to three burial episodes comprising ten individuals

39
(Individuals 123 and 49-57); one burial (Individual 4), an elite Rock-cut Tomb from the

site of Chan Chich, dates to the Protoclassic period (ca. A.D. 150-250). Ultimately, this

Preclassic component is not well documented, and further excavation would greatly

expand our reconstructions.

Temporal Period Approximate Dates Ceramic Spheres

Postclassic
Late A.D. 1450 1520
Middle A.D. 1200 1450
Early A.D. 900 1200
Classic
Terminal A.D. 840 900 Tepeu 3
Late A.D. 550/600 840 Tepeu 1 & 2
Early A.D. 250 550/600 Tzakol 1-3
Preclassic
Protoclassic A.D. 150 250 Chicanel
Late 400 B.C. A.D. 250
Middle (late) 600 400 B.C. Mamom
Middle (early) 900 600 B.C. Swasey/Xe

Table 2.1. Chronology of PfB area by temporal periods, approximate dates, and
ceramic spheres (Sullivan and Sagebiel 2003).

In the Early Classic period (ca. A.D. 250-550/600), investigators have argued that

the site of La Milpa experienced sociopolitical shifts in a context of demographic

continuity (Hammond et al., 1996; Tourtellot et al., 1993). These shifts are evidenced by

construction of monumental architecture in La Milpas center, dynastic stelae, and the

intensification of land use and water management (Dunning et al. 1999). Dos Hombress

Early Classic period is not as well understood. Thus far, investigators have yet to uncover

evidence of monumental architecture or dynastic stelae from this period (Houk 1996),

though investigations at the site center are ongoing. Coincidently, the majority of Tombs
40
excavated from PfB sites date to the Early Classic period. For reasons still unclear, a

Middle Classic hiatus interrupted the majority of occupation in the area from the mid 6th

century to the mid 8th century (Dunning et al., 1999; Hammond et al., 1996). Evidence

includes the cessation of building programs, ritual termination of major buildings, and

abandonment of sites, which Dunning and his colleagues (1999) attribute to activities

occurring in other parts of the Maya world [i.e. Petn]. Following the hiatus and in the

Late Classic period, sites were reoccupied, agricultural features proliferated and

settlement expanded. The majority of occupation in northwestern Belize, and hence

archaeological materials and burials, date to the Late and Terminal Classic periods (ca.

A.D. 550/600-900). In the Terminal Classic period, the Maya abandoned major sites and

hinterland settlements. Hammond and Bobo (1994) argue that by the Postclassic period

(ca. A.D. 900-1520), the site of La Milpa served as a place of pilgrimage. Needless to

say, our understanding of this particular region is under constant revision with each new

excavation unit and field season.

Previous Research Endeavors

Fleshing out a tighter culture-history of northwestern Belize has been one

essential facet of the PfBAP. Archaeological investigations in the conservation area have

reconstructed regional political, social, and economic structures (e.g., Adams and Valdez,

eds. 1993, 1995). The PfB area is fairly inaccessible, due in large part to the conservation

areas dense forest. The Gallon Jug Road bisects the PfB, acting as the main source of

traffic flow in and out of the conservation area. The remnants of 19th century British

logging roads also supply a means of entry into many unexplored niches at PfB; these are
41
often found inadvertently during the course of settlement surveys. Aside from logging

roads, settlement surveys have systematically identified, recorded, and tested the large

urban centers of Maax Na (Barnhart 1997; Shaw et al. 1999), Dos Hombres (Houk 1996;

Robichaux 1995), and La Milpa (Hammond et al., 1996; Tourtellot et al., 1993). Inter-

site surveys, connecting larger sites, have revealed peripheral and continuous settlement

varying in size from the single House Ruin (Hageman 1997; Lohse 2001) to Minor

Centers composed of multiple House Ruins, such as Las Abejas (Sullivan 1997),

Guijarral (Hughbanks 1995), El Intruso/Gateway (Davis 2001; Muoz 1997), and Dos

Barbaras (Lewis 1995). From their recent excavations, investigators have documented the

relationship of landscape modification to water management practices (e.g., Scarborough

et al., 1992; Scarborough 1998), cosmological and mythical beliefs reflected in site-plans

(Houk 1996, 2000; Tourtellot et al. 2002), the nature of settlement in bajo communities

(Kunen 2001), and applicability of lineage theory for modeling social organization

(Hageman in progress). At the same time, excavations of households at sites varying in

size, ecological micro-niches, and proximity to urban cores have provided significant

burial data.

Prior Burial Analysis by the PfBAP

Burials present a rich resource for studying individuals and the idiosyncratic, as

well as patterns indicative of larger cultural structures the interdigitation of individuals

with societies. In general, much of what has been published about Maya burial patterns

comes from elite and/or royal sectors of society (e.g., Bell 2002; Chase and Chase 1998;

Coe 1956, 1988; Hall 1989; Hammond et al. 1975; Haviland 1997; Kidder et al., 1946;
42
Krejci and Culbert 1995; Rathje 1970; Ricketson 1925; Ruz Lhuillier 1965). Indeed,

these studies are significant for the insights they provide about political strategies and

prominent social figures lives and deaths. Burials from commoner settings have received

far less attention, though an ever-increasing number of scholars have provided exceptions

to the elite-centric corpus of Maya mortuary scholarship (e.g., Ardren 2002; McAnany

1995, 1998; McAnany et al., 1999; Robin 1989; Storey 1992; Welsh 1988; Willey et al.,

1965). Significant lacunae exist in our knowledge of Maya mortuary practices and

beliefs; the bulk of the populace has been neglected. The PfBAP burial corpus currently

comprises 132 individuals from royal, elite, and commoner contexts; the majority of

these interments were exhumed from residential settings.

Though not the focus of their investigations, PfBAP researchers have

predominantly examined burials as indicators of socioeconomic organization and

differentiation (e.g., Muoz 1997; Sullivan 1997). This dissertation expands inquiry to

consider how bodies and their interment are used to constitute identity, convey embodied

experience, and reconstruct rituals connected to rites of passage. Since everyone from

agriculturalist to administrator is potentially represented in the PfBAP sample,

archaeological investigations in the conservation area provide an opportunity to explore a

cross-section of society. Are elite instances of interment, in fact, similar to commoner

practices? Do mortuary remains indicative of ritual practices and beliefs crosscut the lines

of sociopolitical identities and economic status? How do burials beneath or within

residential buildings compare to burials associated with monumental buildings (i.e.,

pyramids, ballcourts)? How are individuals interments idiosyncratic or parts of larger

patterns?
43
PfBAP Field Seasons: 1998-2001

My involvement with the PfBAP began in 1997, thus, I have not been involved

personally with excavations of all burials contained in the sample. Various PfBAP

researchers who exhumed burials prior to my involvement have been exceedingly

generous in their sharing of data. My engagement with burials encountered by the project

extended over the span of four field seasons, from 1998 to 2001, under guidance from the

Sauls. As noted previously, the research design of several PfBAP investigators included

extensive exposure of residential architecture, creating a hand-in-glove fit with my

research questions and concerns about burials. Ongoing investigations within PfB

boundaries continue to uncover human remains, mortuary contexts, and associated

architecture. As noted earlier, methods involving human remains follow protocols

established by the Sauls in their decades of research in the Maya area (e.g., Saul 1972,

1975; F. Saul and J. Saul 1991; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997).

I spent the 1998 field season excavating rural house groups along the Dos

Hombres-La Milpa transect as part of Jon Hagemans doctoral research. During this field

season, I also participated in the excavation of burials associated with a reservoir

(Individual 126), as well as domestic buildings at the site of La Milpa (Individual 101;

excavations were completed in 1999) and the Bronco Group site (Individual 3). An Early

Classic Tomb hewn from bedrock and an associated burial at a higher level were also

encountered at the residential Barba Group site (Individuals 1 and 2, respectively). Saul,

Saul, and I exhumed these burials. Saul and Saul conducted preliminary skeletal analysis

in the field. These human remains were exported to Toledo, Ohio for more in depth
44
analysis, where they remain curated. Though I played no role in their excavation,

additional burials were excavated at the sites of Chan Chich (Individuals 4, 6, 7, 8, and

9), La Milpa (Individuals 106, 121, 122, and 123), Dos Hombress Group B (Individuals

66 and 70), and small house groups in Dos Hombress hinterlands (Individuals 38 & 40).

The 1999 field season included exhumation of several burials from residential

buildings within La Milpas bajo community and at the site of La Caldera (Individuals

92-100 and 102-105). Saul, Saul, and I also exhumed burials from the site of Dos

Barbaras (Individuals 27 and 32-35). Again, Saul and Saul conducted preliminary

skeletal analysis in the field. Investigators also uncovered a burial at the site of Chan

Chich (Individual 10). As noted earlier, 1999 was the year that the Belizean government

instituted a stricter policy on the exportation of all archaeological materials. As a result,

human remains have been curated in the field laboratory and not Toledo, Ohio.

In the 2000 field season, Julie Saul and I again excavated burials at the site of Dos

Barbaras (Individuals 28-31), as well as at a rural house group on the outskirts of the site

of Dos Hombres (Individuals 46-48). The remainder of this field season was spent

conducting analysis of human remains in the field laboratory under J. Sauls tutelage.

My final season, in 2001, consisted of additional excavations of burials at the site

of Dos Barbaras (Individuals 22-24), the aforementioned rural site outside of Dos

Hombres (Individuals 49-57), and a neighboring house group (Individuals 58-60). I also

conducted dental analysis at this time. Photographic documentation and detailed

recording of grave goods housed in the field laboratory also occurred in Spring 2001. I

collaborated with Saul and Saul on more comprehensive skeletal analyses upon their

arrival in Summer 2001.

45
Documentation of Burials

Mortuary and skeletal variables are important for what they can tell us about

socioeconomic and political identities, and what they relate about pre-Columbian Maya

rituals and conceptions of death and the cosmos. Detailing of mortuary categories here is

followed by a discussion about the skeletal diagnostics. Considerable standardization

structures the analysis of human remains in the PfBAP sample. This consistency in large

part is due to the fact that the same investigators, Saul and Saul, have been responsible

for analyzing human remains since all projects start. Moreover these same standards and

guidelines benefited a consideration of mortuary data. A case will be made for

standardizing excavation and recording of mortuary materials and contexts with the same

rigor that human remains are exhumed and documented (e.g., Bass 1995; Buikstra and

Ubelaker 1994; Saul 1972; White 2000). This standardization is especially important; in

light of inadequate skeletal preservation in the tropics, more durable mortuary remains

are sometimes all that researchers can glean from burials. Moreover, it is always

important to contextualize human remains within mortuary contexts, which foregrounds

information at the scale of graves as well as the larger social and spatial setting. The

mortuary categories encompass everything that was useful to operationalize this study.

Skeletal information on age, sex, cranial shaping, dental modification, and body position

are drawn from PfBAP analyses, directed by the Sauls, with my apprenticeship during

1998-2001. Information on skeletal pathology was not available.

46
Mortuary Categories Considered

The mortuary categories can be grouped under three general classes of

information sources, contexts, and form and content. In the first class, details about

PfBAP excavations are provided, as well as the source from which this information was

gathered (e.g., conference paper, personal communication, published report). The second

general class of mortuary categories pertains to temporal and physical/architectural

contexts. This information situates the individual body within a larger historical and

material setting. Finally, closer consideration of the individual interment is in order.

Categories assembled under the larger heading of form and content entail description of

the body and funerary materials in terms of orientation and position. For funerary objects,

typology, material, size, and quantity were also detailed. While a description of the grave,

as far as type, orientation, and materials are concerned, could rightly fit under this

heading, this information is organized under the heading of context.

First Group of Mortuary Categories: Excavation Information

Investigator/Excavator and Date of Excavation

To locate burial documentation it was first necessary to identify the primary

investigator(s) and any additional excavator(s); these PfBAP staff members possessed

firsthand knowledge and documentation about the burials.

Site Provenience

For easier identification, every site within the lands managed by PfB is assigned

its RB #; RB stands for Ro Bravo and refers to the Ro Bravo Conservation and
47
Management Area which PfB owns and manages (Table 2.2). Sites are assigned numbers,

in an ascending order, upon their discovery.3 Excavation at a site also requires

operation, sub-operation, and lot assignments. These descending levels of analysis were

initially used at Tikal (Coe and Haviland 1982). Operations are numbered sequentially,

and represent units of study, such as a domestic building or agricultural terrace. Sub-

operations are assigned ascending letters; these are individual excavation units within

operations and are usually rectangular or square for ease in mapping and proveniencing.

Coe and Haviland (1982:43) identify a lot as the smallest, most significant provenience

according to the excavators perception of such. Lots are more commonly natural

features (i.e., paleo-soil) or arbitrarily designated by the excavator (i.e., every 20 cm), but

PfBAP researchers sometimes assign lot numbers to single cultural elements (i.e., walls,

ceramic vessel, Cist).

3
Unlike the numbering of sites, the naming of sites occurs rather arbitrarily, and is usually the product of
individual researchers personal preferences. Las Abejas (the bees in Spanish), for instance, referred to
the swarm of Africanized bees that visited the site daily; Bronco Group was named for a local punta band,
which the Belizean workers often listened to while excavating (much to the chagrin of the primary
investigator who dated himself by favoring American and British pop music from the mid-1980s).
48
 RB # Site Name Primary Investigator(s)
Jeff Durst; Brett Houk; Jon Lohse;
RB 2 Dos Hombres
Rissa Trachman
RB S2 Barba, Bronco, and Liwy Groups Jon Hageman

RB 4 Dos Barbaras Brandon Lewis

RB 5 Las Abejas Lauren Sullivan

RB 11 El Intruso/Gateway Morgan Davis; Rene Muoz

RB 18 Guijarral Jon Hageman; Paul Hughbanks

Norman Hammond; Gair Tourtellot;
RB 25 La Milpa (and La Caldera)
Julie Kunen; Vern Scarborough
RB 43 Gran Cacao Laura Levi and crew

RB 47 Chawak But'o'ob Stan Walling

RB 50 Bolsa Verde Eleanor King; Leslie Shaw

CCAP* Chan Chich Brett Houk

Table 2.2. PfB sites names, RB #s, and investigators. *Chan Chich does not have an
RB # as the site is not located within the parameters of the conservation area.

In practice, the majority of researchers in the conservation area do use PfBAPs

adaptation of the Tikal system to excavate and record, though some deviation occurs

(i.e., some sub-ops receive numbers rather than letters). Unfortunately, burials are often

inconsistently recorded. In some instances, investigators have assigned different lots to

graves, human remains, and grave goods, while others have assigned a single lot to a

burial space and its interred body. While this is not necessarily bad for meeting individual

researchers needs, it does prove somewhat problematic when compiling information

about the PfBAP burials as a whole. A final obstacle to standardization occurs in the

49
event of one burial space containing multiple burials. While I have not changed lot and

sub-op discrepancies, I have created an additional unit of analysis to separate out multiple

bodies in a single burial space. The presence of multiple bodies in a burial space was

often not discovered until analysis by Saul and Saul, which followed excavation and

removal of remains from their in situ context. For example, the following is one scenario.

A burial is designated as Operation 28, Sub-operation P, Lot 7 during excavation. After

proper exhumation and documentation, excavation of the associated building continues.

Subsequent analysis of this burial in the field laboratory a week or so later reveals that the

human remains represent two distinct individuals. To acknowledge the separate bodies, I

have designated the primary interment as Op. 28, Sub-op. P, Lot 7 A; the secondary

individual is Op. 28, Sub-op. P, Lot 7 B. The letters refer to individual interments

within the single burial episode designated by the lot assignment. This distinction is an

important one, as investigators have long believed that single interment characterizes the

majority of Maya burials. The PfBAP sample contains numerous cases that exemplify

multiple interments of decedents within a singular grave space.

Sources

I have gleaned much information about individual interments and excavation

information directly from project burial documentation. However, because burial records

were not always readily available I also examined other sources. These sources include

published works, unpublished materials (e.g., manuscripts, theses, and conference

papers), email or personal correspondences, investigators paperwork, and my personal

field notes in the event that I had excavated the burial. The generosity of PfBAP, CCAP,
50
and LaMAP researchers in the sharing of these materials (as well as their primary data)

cannot be overstated.

Second Group of Mortuary Categories: Contextual Information

As Welsh (1988:25) notes, Determining the context of the Maya burials has not

been a simple procedure. Such a statement is valid for several reasons; these include

poor preservation at the time of recording, inconsistent recording by researchers, and

unknown function of associated architecture. Information about architectural and

temporal contexts, which allows for synchronic and diachronic understandings, are

imperative for getting at life histories of both buildings and bodies interred within

buildings. Architecture represents the physical context, and comprises a comprehensive

description of the grave and surrounding construction grave-type, grave location, grave

orientation, grave dimensions, grave materials, and architecture of note. This information

is also described physical contexts that are not architectural but rather natural features,

like caves and chultuns. By examining the larger physical contexts of burials, this

discussion emphasizes the necessity of integrating spatial scales at different levels.

Interment of Maya decedents was often connected to architectural renovations of

buildings, especially in the case of houses.

Temporal Designation and Explanation

Identifying burials temporal designation is important for discussing change or

continuity over time, which in turn is a necessary prerequisite for discussing religious

practice, cosmological beliefs, and social organization. PfBAP burials date from the Late
51
Preclassic to the Terminal Classic periods. Each burial was situated within a time period

or range, such as Late to Terminal Classic periods. When possible, a more restricted date

within a period was assigned, for instance A.D. 450-550 or Tepeu 1-2 ceramic complex

(i.e., a finer associated ceramic complex). Readers should refer to Table 2.1 for

chronological ranges of time periods.

Chronology was designated in several ways. Obsidian hydration was a method

used to date the Early Classic Stone-lined Tomb from the site of Dos Hombres

(Individual 65). Hammond (personal correspondence, 2001) anticipates the completion of

AMS dating of bones from Oxford in the future, though budgetary restrictions have thus

far prohibited such testing. The most prevalent dating method is analysis of ceramics

found in association with burials. Lauren Sullivan, Kerry L. Sagebiel, and Fred Valdez,

Jr.4 identified associated ceramic materials typological age. When identified, the actual

ceramic types have been noted. Less accurate methods for relative dating relied on

ascertaining the stratigraphic placement of the burial within the building.

Grave-types

Within processual archaeological studies of mortuary remains, investigators have

argued for grave construction as an index of a decedents wealth and social rank in life

(e.g., Tainter 1978; Brown 1971, 1979, 1981; Ravesloot 1988; Welsh 1988). While in

many cultural instances, such a correlation does occur, in many other cases, there is no

easy connection between graves, wealth, and social rank. Ucko (1969) recognized early

4
To be more specific, Sullivan was the project ceramicist for PfBAP and Sagebiel was LaMAPs project
ceramicist. For the CCAP, Sullivan and Valdez analyzed ceramics.
52
that in some cultures, ideological structures worked to mask social organization and rank,

thereby obfuscating our contemporary interpretation of mortuary materials. Later,

postprocessualist examinations would level similar critiques (e.g., Cannon 1989; Pearson

1982; Shanks and Tilley 1982). Thus, to argue successfully for distinct grave-types as

indicators of wealth, their associated grave goods, grave materials, and grave location

need to be considered as well. Taken as a whole, researchers may assume that these

mortuary data present a reliable indicator of ones wealth, or its lack.

As Welsh (1988:7) notes, past studies of Maya burials demonstrate inconsistent

defining and assigning of grave-types. Welsh needed to establish consistency in his

typology as he was working with burial evidence from disparate sites in the Maya area.

Multiple, unrelated investigators excavated the burials comprising his data set over the

course of six decades. While Welsh argued that classificatory inconsistencies were a

result of individual research agendas, at least some typological diversity quite possibly

speaks to actual variations in grave-types. Therefore, establishing analytic categorizations

may be partly counterproductive if the pre-Columbian Maya did not draw the same

distinctions among what we see as distinct grave-types. Nonetheless, organizing different

types of graves into a standardized classificatory scheme makes it more likely that

researchers will recognize their same, or similar, features. In theory, establishing a

common, typological language is not necessary, since the projects standardized

documentation necessitates that it is already in place. In practice, PfBAP researchers have

diverse investigative agendas, and as a result, grave-type nomenclature is inconsistent.

Welshs (1988:16-18, Appendix II) identification of grave-types was used as a

template for the categorization of PfBAP graves (Table 2.3). Similar to Welshs schema,
53
I have found Cists, Crypts, Tombs, Chultuns (storage pits), Pits, and Simple grave-types.

If researchers documentation seemed to describe a particular type of grave, but some

uncertainty remained, I used the disclaimer possible, such as possible Pit grave. In

the Appendix, a question mark is used for brevity (e.g., Pit?). In several instances (N=5),

grave-types could not be determined; I have designated these cases as unknown, and they

are represented by ?. The principal criterion in differentiating types is inferred effort

invested in their construction. For secondary criteria, I also based grave-type distinctions

upon quality and kind of grave materials, as discussed below.

SIMPLE CHULTUN CIST CRYPT TOMB

Unspecified Unspecified
Simple Chultun Haphazard cist
crypt tomb

Pit Partial cist Simple crypt Rock-cut tomb

Stone-lined
Ceiling slab Head cist Elaborate crypt
tomb
Blocked up
Capped pit
room
No special
Uncapped pit
grave prep*
Table 2.3. Welshs (1988:16-18) grave-type categories. Not included in this table is
Welshs sixth category, the unclassifiable or unknown type. *Welsh defines no special
grave prep as placement of the body between existing stone lined graves, benches or
room walls and thus forming the illusion of being stone lined.

Certain types identified by Welsh were expanded upon or reworked to better fit

with findings from PfB sites. Not all of Welshs grave-types are represented in the

PfBAP sample, and there exist grave-types at sites that do not fit neatly into his
54
classifications. For instance, Welsh does not consider bedrock modifications except in the

case of rock-cut tombs, nor does he include Caches within his classificatory scheme.

Caches represent the first category of grave-type that I have identified in the

PfBAP sample (Table 2.4). Human remains cached within ceramic vessels characterize

this grave-type. Within his grave typology, Welsh (1988:15) does not distinguish

between caches and burials: Because regardless of whether they are dedicatory offerings

or not, their presence does inform us of one of the methods of interment or disposal of the

dead by the lowland Maya. In his analysis of burials from the site of Tikal, Guatemala,

Becker (1988:119) identifies burials and caches as two subsets of a single category. He

emphasizes the importance of not dichotomizing between these two categories, as the

meanings encoded in such mortuary spaces are complex and often overlapping. With

Beckers cautionary words in place, I regard Cache as a viable grave-type in the PfBAP

sample.

CACHE SIMPLE PIT Chultun CIST CRYPT TOMB

Artificial Informal Rock-cut

Cache Simple Pit Crypt
Chultun Cist tomb
Natural Stone-
Capped
Chultun lined
Cist
(Cave) tomb
Table 2.4. PfBAP grave-type categories. Not included in this table is the category of
unclassifiable or unknown type designated by ?. Both Simple and Pit graves may
have burial markers.

In the case of Maya burials, investigators have created more complex

classifications of grave morphology over time. The distinction between Simple and Pit

55
graves represents an excellent example of this increasing attention to detail. In previous

studies of Maya burials, a more fine-grained distinction between pits and simple grave

did not occur. All burials encased in earth and fill, without formal construction features to

demarcate the burial space, were subsumed under the heading of simple (e.g., Andrews

and Andrews 1980; Coe 1959; Robin 1989; Ruz Lhuillier 1965; Smith 1950). In his study

of burials from the site of Seibal, Tourtellot (1990) was one of the first Mayanists to

identify Simple and Pits graves as discrete grave-types5. The latters grave dimensions

were discernible in the surrounding matrix. Welsh did recognize a distinction between the

two in his own study, but included both under the larger type heading of Simple.

Unlike Welsh, I separate out Simple and Pit graves as two different grave-types.

Simple graves have no discernible area separating the body from the surrounding matrix,

for instance, when a burial is contained within sub-floor or other construction fill. In this

sense, they commingle with, rather than encroach into or provide catalyst for buildings or

renovation. Simple graves represent the majority of burials in the PfBAP sample. As they

require no grave materials, expenditure of effort in their construction would have been

minor. Pit graves, on the other hand, represent an observable burial space that is not

formally demarcated by construction materials such as cut limestone blocks. For instance,

a Pit grave is a burial that intrudes into a room floor after the floors construction. A

difference in matrices or a floors resurfacing episode might suggest the later inclusion of

this burial. Planning and effort, albeit minimal compared to more elaborate grave

5
Welsh (1988) does cite Tourtellot for his distinction between simple graves and pits; Tourtellots work
was in press at the time.
56
constructions discussed below, characterize the construction of Pit graves. As the same

cannot be said for Simple graves, therein lies the key difference between the two.

Welsh (1988:17) describes Chultuns as being intentionally hewn from soil or

bedrock, which suggests planning and effort. However, Chultuns are not always artificial

creations. Brady and Ashmore (1999:138) remark, The most abundant artificial earth

openings found in lowland Maya domestic sites, generally, are Chultuns. Sometimes

these were wholly artificial; at other times, they were modified natural caves, or served as

entry to natural chambers. In fact, in his earlier classification of grave-types, Ruz

Lhuillier (1965:41) identified caves and Chultuns as a single grave category. However,

for the PfBAP burial sample, I differentiate artificial from natural Chultuns. The latter are

represented by caves, and involves considerably less effort in their preparation though

could possibly have served in the same capacity as an artificial Chultun.

Chultuns appear throughout the PfB. Investigators have found one Chultun in

direct association with human remains, leaving open the possibility of similar

discoveries. However, the complicated logistics and dangers of excavating Chultuns have

prevented formal investigation of these spaces to date. Therefore, they are noted as

comprising a small part (N=1) of the sample, though not detailed to any great extent in

terms of dimensions, material, and corporeal or material interments. To date, no PfBAP

investigators have encountered burials placed into natural Chultuns. Rockshelters

containing Classic period ceramic vessels have been identified within the vicinity of the

site of La Milpa; however, these features have yet to be fully explored for evidence of

skeletal materials and formal mortuary practices (Sagebiel, personal communication

57
2000). Future investigations might establish these spaces as primary burial sites, as in

other parts of the Maya area (Brady 1995, 1997; Healy 1974).

Within the PfBAP sample, the distinction between Cists and Crypts, as well as

gradations within the category of Cist, remains somewhat fuzzy. Welsh (1988:17) defines

the Cist type as the following:

Outlined grave consisting of stone lining on at least one of its

sidewalls, cap or floor, but rarely, if ever, being completely lined
with stone; or intentional placing of stone, frequently haphazard,
directly on or around skeleton as a means of separation and
protection from other graves. The fact that stone was used
distinguishes it from simple graves and because it was not
completely stone lined on all sides distinguishes it from crypts.
Cists were rarely capped if stone lining was present.

However, such a definition does not completely fit with findings from PfB sites. At PfB

sites, interments are surrounded by stones on all sides or are partially lined. With this in

mind, I recognize two types of Cists Capped and Informal Cists, respectively. Capped

and Informal Cists may incite construction of buildings, or these grave-types may post-

date construction, as evidenced by their intrusion into architectural features like floors.

The Capped Cist type is constructed of vertically upright stones placed in an ovoid,

spherical, or box-like arrangement. In addition to cist stones that are generally regular in

shape and size, this grave-type also includes a capping stone (hence the name). Bodies

generally fill the entire grave space with little extra room. Welsh does identify a category

in Cist as capped pit; however, while this grave-type includes capstones, it is described

as unlined or only partly walled. The phenomenon of a grave-type at PfB sites that is both

capped and completely lined suggests it is part of a regional style.

58
 Informal Cists, on the other hand, do not require as great care and effort in their

construction. At PfB sites, they are quite variable. The interred individual(s) may be

surrounded completely by irregularly shaped stones. Or, one or more stones may be

placed haphazardly atop or around the body or head, what Welsh calls haphazard cist

or head cist; these stones appear as burial markers as opposed to intentional

architectural construction. However, in both varieties, this grave-type lacks a capstone.

Welshs (1988:17) category of uncapped cist under the larger heading of Cist bears the

closest resemblance to my definition

grave partly or completely lined by a crude ring of unshaped

stones, boulders, or rough, vertically placed slabs. Some grave
walls may be covered with plaster. None was capped.

Poured plaster is also found in association with Informal Cists at PfB sites. Because I do

not make the same fine distinctions that Welsh does, the Appendixs Notes(*) category

contains more detailed information about the number of stones, their location, and

appearance.

As defined by Welsh (1988:17), Crypts are the following:

Grave constructed with partly or completely stone lined walls and

always covered by capstones for a ceiling. May or may note have a
plastered floor. Some crypts were more complex or elaborate than
others by their greater dimensions and/or more carefully placed
stones in a more complex stone wall construction, i.e. well cut
horizontally placed stone slabs, as opposed to vertically positioned,
roughly shaped slabs.

There is tentative evidence for such a grave-type in the PfBAP sample. One burial at the

site of Dos Hombres (Individual 42) bears a slight resemblance. The decedent had been

placed into a Cache vessel, which was interred in a Crypt described by Houk (1996:369)

as roughly domed shaped, [and] composed of tightly set cut marl blocks without
59
mortar. Stones were stacked in a stepped pattern to form the roof of the Crypt. The

absence of this grave-type in the PfBAP burial sample again suggests a mortuary style

unique to this region.

Similar to Crypts, Tombs are sealed spaces, though significantly more complex,

architecturally speaking. For Welsh, Tombs are highly elaborate in regard to scale and

complexity; they require the most effort expenditure of all grave-types. He (1988:18)

defines them as the following:

an elaborate stone lined or rock-cut chamber of considerable

dimensions, far exceeding those of the corpse. Usually contains a
shaft leading down to the chamber, with an occasional
antechamber. Height is sufficient for a human to stand, i.e. ca. 135
cms. or more. Tombs may be vaulted or have vertical walls with a
cap. Walls, floor and ceiling are usually plastered and/or painted.

This grave-type is often though not always found in association with monumental

architecture, unusual construction fill, and abundant grave goods. In the case of the

PfBAP burial sample, I find Welshs description of the Tomb type, as well as his

varieties, to be applicable and useful. The sample includes eleven Tombs two were

Stone-lined, three were Rock-cut, and six were Unspecified Tombs. Unfortunately, the

six Unspecified Tombs were heavily looted; hence, the dearth of information.

Grave Materials

Like grave-types, the materials used in grave construction offer an important point

of entry for considering the relationship between social rank and energy expenditure.

However, as Metcalf and Huntington (1991:17) have pointed out there is not always a

hard and fast correlation between grave preparation, materials and social status. Grave

60
materials that preserve archaeologically are best represented by non-perishable remains,

though perishable materials like wood, were most likely used to construct graves as well.

Fill from walls and benches, beneath and within floors, or general construction

contains chert cobbles of varying size, soil ranging in color and composition, clay,

ceramic sherds, lithics, charcoal, faunal remains, and discarded artifacts. Given the

natural abundance of limestone, this material is ubiquitous as a grave material. Irregular

or faced slabs carved from limestone supply the building blocks for Cists, Crypts, and

Tombs. Mortar and plaster were also used in grave constructions. The modification of

bedrock to accommodate burials was also common.

Grave Orientation

Examining of orientation of graves and bodies can perhaps offer interpretive

insights about the relationship between burials and other locations and/or landscape

features. For instance, is it possible that certain burials point to a Maya version of Mecca,

the setting or rising sun, or the lands of lords? Thus, the long axis of a grave was

identified and oriented by referencing cardinal directions north, south, east, west,

northeast, southeast, northwest, and southwest. This direction was often, though not

always, aligned with the decedents body position. In the case of Simple graves where

there is no discernible grave cut, no orientation could be determined.

Grave Dimensions

Recording grave dimensions is important, since they might indicate that in the

absence of formal cemetery areas, the Maya were regularizing the creation and form of
61
burials. Standardized dimensions suggest sharing of mortuary practices across

communities and socioeconomic levels. Grave dimensions of unusual proportion also

signal idiosyncratic treatment of an individual.

Unfortunately, grave dimensions were the least often recorded by individual

PfBAP investigators. When excavators did not record dimensions, I tried to derive

information about measurements from examining maps and drawings. If exact

measurements were impossible to derive, then approximations sufficed. To standardize

reporting PfBAP grave dimensions, I have isolated the height, length, and width of

graves. Often, original excavators substituted the cardinal directions for length and width

(i.e., 79 cm N/S x 74 cm E/W). Diameters are indicated when burial spaces are ovoid as

in the case of Cists; these measurements are rough estimates as no burial spaces were

truly round. As Simple graves have no discernible grave cut, dimensions could not be

measured and the minimum grave space was the area immediately around the individual

body.

Grave Locations

In order to discern exactly where burials are in relation to other burials or

buildings, it is important to detail their locations. In particular, burials locations within

buildings are highly variable. Moreover, this identification is complicated when

researchers undertake partial excavations or test units, rather than conducting full

exposure of buildings. Ideally, loci are documented from the largest spatial scale to the

smallest Group A, Courtyard A-2, Structure A-17, west room beneath the 2nd floor,

set into a cut into the 1st floor. This category also contains information about buildings
62
functions, when available. As mentioned, the bulk of PfBAP burials were interred

beneath building floors in residential settings; exceptions are noted (Appendix). It is

useful to know the function of a burials associated building when making inferences

about the relationship between mortuary ritual, social identity, and ancestor veneration.

Associated Architectural Features

The section labeled Associated Architectural Features has been included in the

Appendix. This section comprises all architectural elements and culturally produced

features that were found in association with burials; the former includes holes punched

into floors for subsequent interment of decedents and benches adjacent to, atop, or

entombing human remains, while the latter highlights minor bedrock modifications

dissimilar from the major modifications evident in Rock-cut Tombs. Taken together with

grave-types and grave locations, this additional information about architectural elements

and culturally produced features further informs an understanding about the spatial and

symbolic context in which decedents were interred.

Third Group of Mortuary Categories: Information about Form and Content

The final dimensions of the mortuary section include information about the

objects and individuals within burial spaces the material and the corporeal. Material

remains have received a prominent place in past mortuary analyses. However, this project

emphasizes that individuals, represented by physical bodies, are just as, if not more,

important and interesting than these material remains found with them pots, beads,

blades, and ornaments amongst other things.

63
Grave Goods and their Proveniences

While past researchers have claimed to focus upon socioeconomic organization in

their studies of mortuary remains, they have concentrated largely upon economic status.

As a diagnostic of wealth, investigators have emphasized an interred individuals grave

goods, those offerings interred with the decedent. In the specific case of Maya society,

this connection is not unreasonable, but should not be taken as a cultural constant

(Chapter 5). Aside from economic concerns, analysis of grave goods also has much to

inform about ritual practices, personal predilection, and community identity. Moreover,

what might grave goods convey about differences within and between communities?

Within the PfBAP sample, do differences in grave goods occur according to age, class,

gender, occupation, or spatial location? As far as the between is concerned, how does

PfBAP evidence differ from or overlap with that from other Maya regions?

PfBAP archaeologists encountered both non-perishable and highly perishable

materials in the sealed contexts of Tombs (i.e., codex fragments, wooden staff, stuccoed

gourd). However, in general, the majority of decedents in the PfBAP sample had few

grave goods. Rather, it is possible that perishable grave goods, such as textiles,

foodstuffs, and organic containers (e.g., baskets or gourds) were interred with these

individuals, and that their burial contexts were significantly affected by taphonomic

forces.

When found, non-perishable grave goods were produced from marine shell, coral,

faunal remains, obsidian, greenstone, jade, ceramic, mica, hematite, and various kinds of

stone (i.e., basalt, chalcedony, chert, travertine, and granite). Household and special-
64
purpose tools sometimes accompanied decedents, including obsidian blades, a ladle, an

awl, manos, and metates. Traces of copal resin, pigments, and cinnabar were found.

Objects indicative of body modification and decoration included shell tinklers, disks, and

buttons. Labrets, a needle, and pin or toggle were shaped from bone, and excavators have

uncovered pendants and ear spools of greenstone and jade. Stingray spines and faunal

remains were also interred with individuals. Whole ceramic vessels and typologically

diagnostic sherds were found in association with burials. When possible, ceramicists

assigned vessels to a specific dated ceramic type (i.e., Kaway Impressed, Achote Black),

which in turn provided temporal information.

Aside from detailing grave goods forms and materials, I have also noted the

spatial locations of these objects in relation to specific body parts, grave elements (i.e.,

walls), and azimuths. Spatial analysis of grave goods permits distinction between the

idiosyncrasy of haphazard placement and patterned intentionality. Identification of

objects in association with specific body parts is perhaps suggestive of personal

predilection and/or social aesthetics. For instance, uncovering ear spools and labrets in

the vicinity of certain cranial bones implies that decedents wore said ornamentation while

alive (Geller 2003). Moreover, intentional placement of grave goods within burial spaces

informs our understandings of belief systems and ritual practices. Robin (n.d.:11) has

suggested that the inversion of ceramic vessels over decedents head may be linked to an

ideological concern with life after death and spiritual protection.6 The same can be

argued for placement of small jade or greenstone objects in decedents mouths (Tozzer

6
Though he does not go as far as inferring symbolic and religious reasons, Welsh (1988:64-66) argues
ceramic vessels are placed over skulls for protection.
65
1941:130; Welsh 1988:217). Sagebiel (2000) has conducted a spatial assessment of

ceramic vessels in Tombs from the sites of Tikal and Uaxactun. She found that the bodys

left side, the area around the head, and the eastern section of the Tomb were favored

locations for placement of vessels, dictated in her view by cultural guidelines related to

directionality.

Condition and Position of Body

Identification of bodies condition and position reveals significant information

about body processing that occurred after death. As discussed in Chapter 5, such

processing may be the result of ancestral veneration, desecration, or practical logistics.

The condition of the body refers to whether interment is primary or secondary. In its

primary condition the body is fully articulated. As I learned in apprenticeship with the

Sauls, in the case of primary interments, bodies in the PfBAP sample were either placed

in an extended or flexed position; there is no instance of an individual being seated in the

sample, though there is a possible case of an individual being placed into a kneeling

position with the arms secured around the knees. One individual (Individual 123) was

placed face down with his lower legs bent backwards at the knees and his feet at his

pelvis; I refer to this position as inverted flexed. Extended, bodies were stretched out to

their fullest lengths; in all instances of extended positions, decedents were supine. When

loosely flexed, the decedents knees were loosely bent upwards to his or her chest.

Tightly flexed bodies appeared as though they were in the fetal position. As I learned in

apprenticeship with the Sauls, the majority of decedents in the PfBAP sample were

placed in a tightly flexed position. In the absence of well preserved textiles, such a
66
position suggests that the body was tightly wrapped or bundled soon after death (Chapter

6). To which side the individual was laid upon his or her left side, right side, back

(supine), or front (prone) was also noted. In both flexed and extended positions, arms

and hands locations were recorded and the direction in which the head was facing.

Unlike decedents in primary conditions, those in secondary condition are not

articulated. This condition involves the accidental disturbance of bodies during

subsequent construction phases and/or intentional disarticulation of a body, as in the

instance when graves are reentered and other individuals interred. Partibility, a subset of

secondary burial, refers to the interment of body parts in the absence of a whole body,

such as a lone finger, scattered teeth, a decapitated skull, or long bones crossed over each

other. When possible, the arrangement of disarticulated body parts was noted (e.g., long

bones crossed over cranium). As I detail in Chapter 5, unearthing of the burial episode,

frozen in time and space, belies the processes in which participants (both living and

deceased) were involved. Mortuary practices often do not end after interment, and a

consideration of disarticulation and partibility accent the sequence of mortuary events.

Body Orientation

It is also significant to detail an individuals body orientation, as it does not

always coincide with grave orientation, as in the case of Simple graves with no

discernible cut and secondary burials. Similar to determining grave orientation, body

orientation is classified by cardinal directions. Unfortunately, archaeologists did not

record body orientation for 41.6% of the PfBAP sample (N=55). Recognizing body

67
orientation has generally involved identification of an approximate alignment relative to

cardinal directions, rather than actually noting azimuth in degrees.

Associated Burials

Mortuary categories also contains information about multiple burials interred in a

single building. These could be either adjacent, but separate graves or individuals who

had been interred in the same grave space. The associated burials Individual # is noted.

In the case of adjacent burials, provenience information with regard to suboperation or lot

is different; the operation remains the same. And, when multiple individuals are interred

within a single grave, a letter is placed after the operation, suboperation, and lot

information (i.e., Op. 3, Sub-op. WWZZ, Lot 15 A). Such information informs

investigators about the sequential number of burial episodes within a building, as well as

the relationship of burials with respect to other burials in terms of orientation and

stratigraphy.

Samples Recovered

The final component of the mortuary section involves a more fine-grained

assessment of the internal grave space. Towards such a goal, samples of charcoal were

collected for radiocarbon testing, soil for palynological studies, and bone for radiocarbon

and chemical testing. These were usually taken from sealed graves or from within grave

goods. In addition, obsidian was sampled from two Tombs (Individuals 4 and 65) for

two different tests, obsidian hydration and energy dispersive x-ray florescence (EDXRF)

68
to determine dating and source, respectively. Testing samples yields information about

diet, chronological designation, ceramic vessels functions, and ecological surroundings.

Bioarchaeology and Bodies

In Maya studies, presentation of archaeological contexts and skeletal analyses in

reports are often undertaken separately; excavators frequently have little background in

osteological identification, and skeletal biologists often receive inadequate contextual

information. Recognizing the immediacy of this problem, Webster (1997:8) has called for

the continuing archaeological contextualization of human remains in research designs in

order to ensure informed interpretations. Nonetheless, there are notable exceptions to this

rule, prominently among them pioneering work by the Sauls. Indeed in the case of Maya

studies, there is an expanding corpus of innovative bioarchaeological investigations

includes studies that use human remains to pose and answer archaeological questions

(e.g., Buikstra et al., 2004; Jacobi 2000; Saul 1972, 1973, 1975; F. Saul and J. Saul 1989;

Storey 1992; Tiesler 1998; White 1997; Whittington and Reed, ed. 1997; Wright 1994,

1997a).

By incorporating a bioarchaeological approach, this dissertation adds to the

emerging corpus. Consideration of bones and burial spaces into which they were interred

yields indispensable information about bodily changes in life and after death (Chapters

5-8). Individuals, social regulations, or biological developments can drive these changes;

identifying the source of transformations provides an exciting challenge to

bioarchaeologists.

69
Skeletal Categories Considered

I now turn to specific categories of skeletal and dental data. Categories were

selected that facilitate interpretations about general demographic concerns, as well as

areas of archaeological investigation that have been regarded customarily as too ethereal

and difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct. The latter include issues of embodiment

and identity construction, which I will consider primarily in Chapters 7 and 8. In

assessing both the mortuary and skeletal/dental components of burials, as a

bioarchaeological approach necessitates, we not only humanize the past, but also

suggest innovative ways of thinking about long-standing archaeological questions. As

noted earlier, methods for treating human remains in the PfBAP follow protocols

established and refined by the Sauls (e.g., Saul 1972, 1975; F. Saul and J. Saul 1991; J.

Saul and F. Saul 1997). The Sauls (personal communications) have permitted me to

consider skeletal information on sex, age, cranial shaping, and dental modification, as

well as body position (described earlier). This section indicates how the four skeletal

information categories cited complement cultural indices in studying identities and their

transformation; it also defines the terms used in referring to specific skeletal elements and

states. Information on skeletal pathology was not available at the time of writing. In the

passages that follow I draw on concepts and reasoning learned from study and work with

remains at the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia with Drs. Alan Mann

and Janet Monge, as well as from the extended field apprenticeship with the Sauls.

70
Age and Indices of Age

Skeletal analysis commonly provides information regarding an individual's age at

the time of death. Consideration of age, in conjunction with other mortuary variables

informs understanding about demographic profiles, life-cycle events and a culture's

construction of a child.

To compensate for human variability, it is standard in skeletal analysis to give age

as a range (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994:9; Krogman and Ican 1986:51-52). At the most

general level, age at death distinguishes between Subadults and Adults. No fetuses were

encountered in the PfBAP sample. In their work at Cuello, the Sauls (1991, 1997)

distinguished four phases of subadulthood and five phases of adulthood. Subadults are 1.)

birth to 4 years; 2.) 5 to 9 years; 3.) 10 to 14 years; and 4.) 15 to 19 years. Subadults have

been documented as less likely to preserve than Adults (Gordon and Buikstra 1981). Saul

and Saul subdivided Adults' ages into the following: 1.) Young Adult (YA) 20-34

years; 2.) Young/Middle Adult (Y/MA) 30-40 years; 3.) Middle Adult (MA) 35-54

years; 4.) Middle/Old Adult (M/OA) 45-55 years; and 5.) Old Adult (OA) 55+ years.

A sixth category is the adult of unknown age (20+ years), simply designated by an A.

Sex and Indices of Sex

In addition to detection of age at the time of death, estimation of sex raises

questions about demographic composition7. Researchers may make inferences about

whom was receiving formal burial treatment, and sexed human remains can serve as the

7
However, the possibility of inaccurately identifying older individuals sex is high. Walker (1995) has
recognized that in skeletal samples the predominance of individuals with male traits can partly be explained
by postmenopausal changes. These changes produce robust crania in older females.
71
springboard for a cultures conception of gender differences. However, an ongoing

feminist debate within the social sciences and humanities surrounds the evolving,

historical definition and cultural relevance of both sex and gender.8 This debate is an

extensive one, and I highlight overlapping and contrastive feminist discourses concerned

with understanding these terms, albeit in extremely streamlined fashion so as not too

stray to far off track. Developments in feminist theorizing have been conceptualized

metaphorically in terms of successive waves first, second, and third waves, thus far (di

Leonardo 1991)9. Within these waves, feminist practitioners have experienced varying

degrees of intimacy with the concept of sex. In her landmark text The Second Sex,

Simone de Beauvior (1952) identified the concept of sex as a viable and significant

intellectual project10. By the 1960s and 1970s feminist agendas within anthropology

initiated theoretical developments that divorced sex from gender (e.g., Rosaldo and

Lamphere ed. 1974). Second-wave feminists rallied around the notion that sex was an

unchanging biological essence; gender built upon biology socioculturally and

symbolically (Moore 1988; Ortner and Whitehead 1981; Scott 1999[1986]). The cultural

construct of gender gained almost complete analytical dominance over that of sex (Moore

1999). Inspired by queer theorists, feminists of color, and feminists from developing

8
Interestingly enough, the voice of physical anthropologists, the bulk of researchers conducting skeletal
analyses, remains significantly muted, if not entirely absent, from this debate. Thus, as ONeil (2002)
points out, the sub-discipline has much to gain intellectually from integrating feminist theory.
9
While the wave metaphors utility is currently up for debate, I would argue that this framework presents
a convenient heuristic device for understanding historical moments and generational cadres within the
academy. The metaphor suggests an ebbing and flowing in which feminist practitioners push different
issues to the fore critiquing and expanding without rendering obsolete the concerns and conclusions of
their predecessors.
10
Gender makes a brief appearance in de Beauviors work. In line with the classic linguistic use of the
term, she (1952:167) also assigns feminine or masculine attributes to certain words or concepts: all
linguists agree in recognizing that the assignment of genders to concrete words is purely accidental. Her
use of the term in this manner is perhaps more compatible with its Latin root, class, or distinction, or
genre.
72
nations, third-wave feminism complicates conceptions of sex and gender (e.g., Butler

1993, 1999[1990]; Errington 1990; Gilchrist 1999; Laqueur 1990; Meskell 1999). Both

are argued to be socioculturally constructed and historically contingent; they acquire

meaning through repetitive performance within the nexus of the body.

What do these paradigmatic twists and turns in feminist theorizing mean for an

analysis of burials? Archaeologists and physical anthropologists are slower to relinquish

the notion of sex as a bedrock biological classification distinct from gender. Roberta

Gilchrist (1999:14) has rightfully recognized that the collapsing of [sex/gender]

categories remains problematic, since our interrogations frequently begin with biological

sexing of human skeletons, without the benefit of direct observation or engagement with

embodied individuals. In mortuary and skeletal analyses how do we meet feminist

challenges? Collier and Yanagisako (1987) offer a suggestion. They recognize biological

differences, but they do not assume that biology universally constitutes gender

differences. Moreover, emphasis on specific biological differences (i.e., genitalia, internal

body temperature) may not provide a diagnostic for sexual differences cross-culturally.

Shelly Erringtons distinction between Sex, sex, and gender underscores this point.

Her understanding of sex (lower case) is intentionally vague. She (1990:26) writes, By

sex, I mean to point to human bodies, but I do not want to give it much content or I will

begin unintentionally to reinvent Sex. I would expand upon this term by arguing for

sex as that which is a biological necessity or reality. For instance, only biologically

sexed women are equipped with the anatomy and biochemistry to become pregnant and

bear children. Sex (upper case), on the other hand, recognizes that the physical body

has no meaning outside the way it is construed within specific cultures and historical
73
periods (1990:21; for a similar argument also see Laqueur 1990). In her definition of

Sex as it plays out in Western culture, she (ibid, italics added) notes,

By Sex I mean to include the whole complex of beliefs about

genitals as signs of deeper substances and fluids and about the
functions and appropriate uses of genitals; the assignment of the
body into the category of the natural (itself a culturally
constructed category); and the cultural division of all human
bodies into two mutually exclusive and exhaustive Sex categories.

Gender is related to or based upon a cultures understanding of Sex differences

(Errington 1990:23), and provides a culture with the conceptual grounding that structures

social relationships, identity constitution, and ideological frameworks. Thus, we should

never begin our investigations with preformed assumptions about sex and gender.

Information about the larger cultural context as gleaned from translated texts,

ethnohistories, archaeological materials, and burials furnishes a solid foundation for

more culturally specific conceptualizations of sex and gender differences.

In this project, sex (lower case) represents discernible morphological and

dimorphic differences on the human skeleton, especially as evidenced on the pelvis. As is

the case for any human group, the pelvis presents the most convincing evidence for

distinguishing between the sexes, or sexing; in females, the pelvis is wider in order to

provide sufficient room for the birth of human children with their relatively large brains.

However, evaluation of overall and pelvic inlet sizes is hindered by inadequate

preservation in the Maya lowlands, which often results in the fragility and fragmentation

or absence of pelvic remains. When available, skeletal analysts examined the following:

width of greater sciatic notch, subpubic arch (or angle) formed between the lower edges

of the inferior pubic rami, absence/presence of a preauricular sulcus, auricular surface

74
elevation, acetabulum size, and combined examination of the ventral arc, subpubic

concavity, and medial aspect of the ischiopubic ramus (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994:16-

19; Phenice 1969; White 2000:366-369). In preferencing pelvic traits, I recognize sex

difference along lines of reproduction and genitalia, which is congruent with Western

frames for understanding. As a reminder, this is Erringtons sex with a little s.

However, in thinking about Sex with a big S for pre-Columbian Maya society, we must

acknowledge the possibility that they did not predicate sex difference upon genitalia and

associated fluids or two mutually exclusive categories of humans. Though I have no fast

and easy method for studying gender evidenced from biological estimation of human

remains, nor do I have information about contemporary Maya perceptions about the

sex/gender system, this issue presents interesting food for future thought.

For the PfBAP sample, skeletal analysts assigned estimations of sex into the

categories of female, female questionable (F?), unknown (?), male questionable (M?),

and male (M). Subadults were slotted into these unknown category; they cannot be

sexed as their skeletal systems have not yet developed the traits diagnostic of sexual

difference. To sex subadults, studies examining sexual dimorphism in deciduous canine

size (Pettenati-Soubayroux et al. 2002) and crown diameter (Black 1978) have been used.

However, Hillson (1996:82) recognizes that to classify archaeological remains is

problematic. For subadults there does not exist a baseline group in which reliable

indicators from the pelvis determine sex, and size differences are so small as to be missed

during observation. DNA can yield information about subadults sex but thus far, none of

the PfBAP sample has been genetically tested.

75
Dental Modification

As a rule, dentition generally preserves better than bone. Dental analyses provide

insight into disease and health status, dietary differences between and within groups, and

biological affinities. Moreover, identification and classification of types of dental

modification narrate important information about ritual practices, individual experiences,

and beauty ideology, of great interest for this project (Chapters 7 and 8).

Unlike unintentional dental changes, which can occur as an unexpected outcome

of intentional corporeal alteration (i.e., labrets that abrade lingual and buccal surfaces),

dental modification deliberately alters teeth. Evidence for intentional alteration of

dentition, both effectively permanent and remarkably painful without modern-day

novocaine or anesthesia, is presumed to attest to aesthetic value or ritual significance. In

Chapters 7 and 8, I elaborate upon the antemortem alteration of dental modification and

its connection to identity construction and embodiment. Dental modifications were

categorized using Romeros schema (Romero 1958, 1970). In this system of

classification, Romero (1970:50) distinguishes between three broad groupings: (1)

alteration of the contour of the dental crown, (2) alteration of the labial surface of the

crown, and (3) alteration of both the contour of the crown and the labial surface. Within

these groupings additional distinctions were made based upon location of modification

(e.g., on one or both of the occlusal edges) and style (e.g., inlaying or inscribing). Semi-

precious stones utilized for inlays included turquoise, hematite, pyrite, and jade (or

greenstone). It should be noted that this classification system is not without its problems.

A greater degree in variation is observable in dental types than is contained within

Romeros categorical identification of 59 types, 54 of which he asserted occurred only in

76
Mesoamerica. For Maya individuals in the PfBAP sample, dental modification was

confined to filing, engraving, and inlaying. It is possible that they intentionally removed

their teeth, though insufficient preservation had not permitted such an assessment.

Cranial Shaping

As with all corporeal alterations, cranial shaping is critical in an examination of

Maya burials. Along with considering dental modification, I will consider cranial

modeling and its possible connection to ritual, identity constitution, and embodiment in

Chapters 7 and 8. Regarding unintentional cranial modeling, evidence from adult crania

suggests that tumpline usage produces a depression in the postcoronal region, while

flattened occiputs indicate transportation of infants via cradleboard (Saul and Saul

1991:154). As Dembo and Imbelloni (1938; see also Dingwall 1931) recognized in their

seminal work, intentional shaping takes two forms tabular or orbicular/annular. These

forms are contingent upon the technique or apparatus used, tablets placed anteriorly

and/or posteriorly or bands wound around the head, respectively. Types of cranial

modeling can be further sub-divided into erect (vertical) or oblique (tilted backwards); in

the latter, pressure is largely placed upon the skulls frontal region, while the occipital

area is the focus in the former. Slight tabular erect entails minimal flattening of the

frontal and occipital areas, resulting in negligible parietal bulging. Skulls displaying

moderate and extreme tabular erect shapes display an increasing amount of tilt to the

skull, flattening of and consequent pressure to frontal and occipital areas, and parietal

bulging. In the case of tabular oblique, the frontal and occipital bones are flattened to

such a degree that they almost run parallel to one another. As in the case of tabular erect,
77
increasing amounts of tilt, flattening, and pressure are involved. However, the parietal

bones do not bulge in quite the same way for two reasons. First, the direction of the

pressure is different. And second, the direction of response by those areas not compressed

is different; the parietals spread, but to the sides of the cranium, rather than bulging in

front (J. Saul, personal correspondence 2003).

Summary

In addition to elaborate architecture and grand sculpture, the cornerstone of Maya

archaeology historically has been hewn from the exhumation of elite burials, richly

arrayed and monumentally entombed. In recent years, more extensive excavation of

smaller scale communities and households has yielded a plethora of data concerned with

the broader range of Maya society. Maya burials comprise a significant component of this

data set as they were generally associated with the architectural settings of everyday

activities. The fact that the physical spheres for living and deceased members of society

were, for the most part, one and the same facilitates an examination of interaction

between the living and the deceased. A bioarchaeological approach fleshes out this

relationship by foregrounding human remains, and analyzing these skeletal data in close

conjunction with associated archaeological and architectural materials.

By considering pertinent details about the built spaces of mortuary contexts and

the remains of decedents within, subsequent chapters will tease out reconstructions of

ritual enactments, cosmological beliefs, and the construction of personhood and social

identity at all social levels. Moreover, by emphasizing the more individualized skeletal

and dental residues of changes wrought to the body, either intentional or inadvertent, I
78
will tentatively infer how Maya individuals conceived of the self and exercised personal

predilection to embody the self as deemed appropriate. Such integration enables a

consideration of the individual, and how this individual situates himself or herself within

a community.

79
 CHAPTER 3

PFB SITES: BACKGROUND INFORMATION

In this chapter, I discuss the context in which PfBAP burials have been

encountered. I have outlined the following insofar as available: a history of investigations

at each site who worked there, when, where; the sites size, layout, and location in

relation to other PfB sites; chronological span of occupation; location and number of

burials at the site; and more detailed information about structures found in association

with burials, namely function and architectural design. Determination of structures

functions was contingent upon artifact assemblage, presence/absence of noteworthy

features (e.g., Tombs, sculpture), presence/absence of specific architectural features (e.g.,

drains, benches, doorways, corbelled vaults), and location in relation to Major Centers

(defined shortly). The vast majority of structures found in association with burials were

residences, which varied according to proximity to site centers, size, or elaboration of

architectural or artifactual materials. Inconsistencies in site descriptions reflect not just

site variability but also availability of information. Discussion of sites is ordered

according to size from smallest to largest. From this descriptive information, we can

reconstruct the burials larger contexts.

Site Typology

To assign sites into size categories, I adopt William Bullards established and oft-

cited site typology, which was based upon his work in northeastern Petn (Bullard 1960). I

expand this heuristic typology by including regional specificities from PfB sites. I have
80
tried to remain as consistent as possible when using terms to describe sites plans.

However, having relied upon others previous research endeavors, I minimize changes to

investigators original designations. Maps of sites when available are included as

figures to clarify differences in use of labels like patio, courtyard, plaza, and

group. After Ashmore (1981:49), I define patio as the central ambient space around

which structures are arranged. The difference between courtyards and plazas seems to be

one of scale, with the latter being larger in size and generally associated with Major

Centers, while the former is associated with Minor Centers. Finally, groups refer to

aggregates of (usually) from two to six structures (ibid). This term is a generic one,

applicable to sites of all sizes. Structures are standing architecture, including buildings,

platforms and other construction. More specifically, residences are structures where

people live, and their exact spatial and material diagnostics are widely discussed and

debated (e.g, Ashmore and Wilk 1988).

According to Bullard, the three broad site types are House Ruins, Minor

Ceremonial Centers, and Major Ceremonial Centers. He (ibid:357) also notes that

occasionally relevant features are encountered that do not fit easily into the above

categories, such as chultuns, quarries, or artificial aguadas. To further delimit the

relationship between House Ruins and Ceremonial Centers, Bullard (ibid:367) identifies

three nested levels of settlement organization: Clusters, Zones, and Districts. According

to Bullard, separate House Ruins cluster together in groups between five and twelve, and

are often, but not always, separated by topographical features. Zones contain multiple

Clusters of House Ruins associated with a Minor Ceremonial Center. Finally, Districts,

81
containing all three site types, are the largest unit of settlement, and are composed of both

Clusters and Zones.

As Bullard recognizes, the smallest unit of analysis, House Ruins, are the low

mound remains thought to represent house platforms. They are variable in plan, and were

typically between one and five buildings placed atop rectangular platforms. PfBAP

investigators have identified House Ruins dispersed throughout PfB (Table 3.1), even in

seemingly undesirable environs like bajos (Kunen 2001). When there are three buildings,

they are arranged in a U-shape around the central ambient space of a patio (Ashmore

1981:49). Superstructures were often constructed of perishable materials, and masonry

walls, retaining walls, plastered floors, sub-floor fill, benches, and modified bedrock.

Bullard (1960:359) did identify House Ruins with vaulted roofs in northeastern Petn, but

PfBAP investigators have recorded these features with hesitation. Single small pyramids,

which Bullard also documented, were detected and excavated at PfB House Ruins. House

Ruins in the PfB area were often associated with agricultural features, such as terraces

and check dams, and communities inhabitants are presumed to have been farmers.

PfBAP investigators identified Clusters of House Ruins within the hinterlands

surrounding the Major Ceremonial Centers of Dos Hombres and La Milpa. As was the

case at the sites discussed by Bullard, topographic and/or agricultural features separated

distinct House Ruins from one another at PfB sites.

82
 House Ruins Minor Centers Major Centers
Barba Group Chawak Butoob Chan Chich

Bronco Group Dos Barbaras Dos Hombres

Liwy Group El Intruso/Gateway La Milpa

House Ruins in Dos
Guijarral
Hombres Hinterlands
House Ruins in La Milpa
La Caldera
Hinterlands
Las Abejas

Table 3.1. PfB sites according to Bullards (1960) typology.

For Bullard (1960:360), Minor Ceremonial Centers may consist of only one

large building, but ordinarily they include one or more pyramids, which are assumed to

have been small temples, arranged in company with lower buildings around one, two, or

three adjacent plazas. In this discussion the phrase is shortened to Minor Center, which,

as Ashmore (1981:55) has recognized, is more appropriate, since these centers did not

just serve a ceremonial function, but were also arenas for commercial, residential,

political, ritual, and intellectual activities. The same is also true for Major Ceremonial

Centers, or rather Major Centers, though scale of activities is more considerable. Minor

Centers were composed of what have been identified as residential structures, as well as

those used explicitly for ritual and communal activities. In contrast, at PfB sites,

structures comprising House Ruins perhaps served more mixed functions as

simultaneously residential and ritual spaces. However, I do not claim that such multi-

purpose structures were absent from Minor Centers, only that they were presumably less

prevalent. In the PfBAP sample, the sites of Chawak Butoob, Dos Barbaras, El

83
Intruso/Gateway, Guijarral, La Caldera, and Las Abejas qualify as Minor Centers (Table

3.1). However, to better fit with findings at PfB, two slight revisions to Bullards

typology are required. First, I would increase the maximum number of adjacent plazas

from three to five for Minor Centers. However, these Minor Centers are still considerably

smaller than Major Centers, which I discuss next. Second, Bullard notes that Minor

Centers did not contain stelae, altars, or ballcourts, and rarely were attached sacbes

(elevated roads) found; however, he did identify these features at Major Centers. While

altars, ballcourts, and sacbe are not found in association with PfB Minor Centers,

investigators have discovered stelae. These stelae do not retain traces of carvings and/or

paintings, and are generally smaller (or perhaps more eroded) than those found at Major

Centers. Within PfB, Clusters of House Ruins combined with Minor Centers to form

Zones of settlement.

Major Centers are larger and have more elaborate architecture than Minor Centers

(Bullard 1960:360). Major Centers include structures with vaulted roofs, such as temples

and multi-roomed palaces, as well as features like stelae, altars, and ballcourts. As

discussed earlier, Ceremonial is dropped to acknowledge the various functions that

these centers serve. Multiple plazas compose Major Centers, but the number of plazas

may vary from site to site. Sacbes often connect adjacent plazas. Major Centers served as

nuclei for Districts, functionally if not geographically central (ibid:368). PfBAP

investigators exhumed burials from the Major Centers of Chan Chich, Dos Hombres, and

La Milpa (Table 3.1). At PfB Major Centers, courtyards bounded by residences were

adjacent to central plazas. Given their associated elaborate architecture and proximity to

sites central areas, it is assumed that these adjacent courtyards housed elite families.
84
House Ruins

House Ruins Along the Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect

The three sites of Barba Group, Bronco Group, and Liwy Group are each no more

than 3 km distance from the site of Dos Hombres (Figure 1.2). Taken as a unit, they fit

with Ashmores (1981:49) description of a patio cluster of House Ruins. As a location

reference see the PfB map illustrated in Figure 1.2. Hageman (in progress) recorded these

sites, as well as numerous others that remain unexcavated, while surveying a 12 km

transect between the sites of Dos Hombres and La Milpa. As a result, the primary

investigator assigned one RB # (RB-S2) to all three sites jointly. After mapping the three

sites, excavations were conducted in 1998 and 1999 with the author taking part.

Barba Group Site

Barba Group site is roughly 2.3 km northwest of the site of Dos Hombres and

about 10.2 km from the site of La Milpa. The site is located on the top of a hill

surrounded by agricultural fields and terraces. An elevated platform contains three

buildings arranged around three sides of a courtyard (Figure 3.1). The eastern building is

a stepped pyramid about 2.5 m high, a household shrine according to Welsh (1988). Such

a configuration replicates a Plaza Plan 2 as first described by Becker (1971) at the site of

Tikal. Two burials had been interred in the pyramids eastern side. One burial was an

Early Classic Tomb hewn from bedrock. The second burial was an intrusive Late Classic

Informal Cist, placed about 1.5 m above this first individuals grave.

85
 Figure 3.1. Map of Barba Group site

Bronco Group Site

The Bronco Group site, 0.5 km to the northwest, is smaller than the Barba Group

site. Bronco Group is located 2.6 km from the site of Dos Hombres and 9.9 km from the

site of La Milpa. Bronco Group site sits atop a locally prominent hill and consists of five

buildings arranged around a small courtyard. Buildings were atop an elevated platform,

and were situated on the northern, western, southwestern, southern, and eastern edges of

the courtyard; the map of the site is not available at this time. The eastern building, which

did not contain a burial, was a simple walled room. The burial, whose only preserved

remains were 3 teeth, was interred beneath the room floor of the southern building in the

southwestern corner of the building.

86
Liwy Group Site

Liwy Group site is roughly 3.8 km from the site of Dos Hombres and 8.7 km from

the site of La Milpa. The site includes several range structures surrounding a courtyard;

the map of the site is not available at this time. As limited excavations occurred at the

site, the total number of buildings was difficult to determine, though six is most

consistent with available information. There are likely two buildings on the west side,

one or two on the south side, and one to three on the north side (Hageman, personal

correspondence 2003). Liwy Groups single Late Classic period burial was beneath the

first of two floors of the eastern building, or household shrine (per Welsh 1988).

House Ruins in Dos Hombres Hinterlands

As part of their dissertation projects, Jon Lohse (2001) and Rissa Trachman (in

progress) examined House Ruins in the Dos Hombres hinterlands. Lohse first recorded

these sites while surveying the environs surrounding the Major Center. His Transect A

involved ten survey blocks, each 250 m on a side extended 2.5 km west from the center

of the site of Dos Hombres. In addition to widely dispersed Clusters of House Ruins,

Lohse identified a variety of agricultural and water management features, such as terraces

and check dams. The sites chosen for excavation generally included between one and

four buildings, and selection was based upon the excavators research questions.

Construction materials were not elaborate and often included packed earth and roughly

cut limestone cobbles. Structures were presumed to be farmers homes.

87
Operations 12, 19, and 24

Lohse excavated a total of three burials in association with three different sites.

He recovered the remains of an individual from looters backdirt at one group (Operation

12); no map is available. This burial (Individual 39) is acknowledged here, despite only

limited information.

Two buildings atop a basal platform comprised Operation 19. These buildings

formed an L-shape with the remaining platform space serving as a patio (Figure 3.2). One

Late Classic burial was beneath the floor of Structure 1s western room; the building was

composed of three rooms. Lohse (2001:237) argues that the burial cyst had not been

intruded into the upper plaster floor, but instead had been put in place as Structure 1 was

constructed. Because the plaster floor had been patched, I disagree with this assessment,

and suggest that the floor and subfloor fill had been intruded into in order to

accommodate the decedents burial. Subsequently, this space was filled in and the plaster

floor was patched. If the burial and construction had occurred simultaneously, as Lohse

suggests, no clues to what lay beneath the plaster floors surface would have existed.

Figure 3.2. Map of Operation 19. Inset in top left corner indicates where House Ruins
88
 are in relation to the center of the site of Dos Hombres.

A third burial was exhumed at the site designated Operation 24, approximately

1.6 km from the site of Dos Hombres (Figure 3.3). The Late/Terminal Classic burial was

beneath Structure 2s dirt packed floor in the southwestern corner of a room. Occupation

of the group was confined to a single construction episode in the Late Classic period

(Lohse 2001:290).

Figure 3.3. Map of Operation 24. Inset in top right corner indicates where House Ruins
are in relation to the center of the site of Dos Hombres.
Operations 28 and 29

Trachman encountered a total of 15 individuals interred during six separate burial

episodes. These burials were from two separate sites located almost 2 km to the west of

the center of Dos Hombres. Operation 28 contained 12 of these individuals clustered into

three distinct graves. The site plans for these two operations are not yet available. The

descriptions that follow are based on what I know. Two buildings were situated atop an

L-shaped platform of packed earth. Trachman (personal communication 2000) infers that

their superstructures were perishable, as no masonry was discovered. Between these two

89
buildings was a patio, beneath which lay the burial clusters. The earliest two clusters date

to the Late Preclassic period, while the third cluster dates to the Late Classic period. No

evidence of Early Classic period habitation was found at this site (Chapter 6).

Trachman also encountered three burials from a second site. Operation 29 is

located roughly 150 m from Operation 28. Five structures and a Chultun comprised

Operation 29. Two burials had been placed beneath the floor of Structure 4s interior

room, and a third burial was encountered beneath the floor of an interior room in

Structure 3. As suggested by artifacts and a single construction phase, occupation of the

site was restricted to the Late Classic period. There is no evidence of Preclassic or Early

Classic occupation.

House Ruins in La Milpa Hinterlands

As part of their doctoral work and as members of LaMAP, Jason Gonzalez (in

progress), John Rose (2000), and Gloria Everson (2003) excavated Clusters of House

Ruins surrounding the Major Center of La Milpa. The site plans for these House Ruins

were not available, and descriptions are based on what I know. House remains were no

more than 1 km distance from the central acropolis of the site of La Milpa. Everson

encountered seven burials at various sites. Gonzalez and Rose both unearthed one burial

each. In unpublished documentation, Rose described the Late Classic burial as interred

beneath a residence housing elite members of society (Group 701); this site was

peripheral to the center of the site of La Milpa. Gonzalez encountered a Late Preclassic

burial beneath a rural residence presumed to have been inhabited by commoners (Group

1107) (Table 3.4).

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 As a component of her Bajo Community Project, which I will discuss later, Julie

Kunen (2001) documented settlement in the bajo environs of La Milpa; she excavated a

Cluster of five House Ruins. Despite what observers now consider an unpleasant

ecozone, the majority of ancient communities there endured from the Late Preclassic to

the Late/Terminal Classic period. Excavators encountered seven individuals in five

distinct graves (Table 3.4). The remains of two individuals were salvaged from a looters

trench through the eastern pyramid at the Bajo Hill Site.

Minor Centers

The Site of Chawak Butoob

Stan Walling continues to conduct work at the Minor Center of Chawak Butoob

(RB-47), located several hundred meters south of the site of Dos Hombres. Ongoing

work precludes definitive statements about settlement organization, and a map of the site

is not yet available. According to the primary investigator, the site was built into the side

of a limestone escarpment, which reaches a height of about 60 m. A bajo is located at the

base of the escarpment. The site of Chawak Butoob, Yucatec for long terraces or

long land, is atypical in that only one formalized courtyard exists in Group B. The

sites seven courtyards Groups A through G project out from artificial terraces. These

terraces required major construction effort, as did their surrounding agricultural and water

management features. The sites 250 structures sit atop these terraces, and are arranged

around seven courtyards. Unlike the terraces, residential structures with perishable roofs

and walls involved minimal labor to construct. There are no cut limestone blocks; a series

91
of fill deposits capped by floors is the preserved extent of building efforts. These

structures all date to the Late Classic period.

Six individuals were encountered at Groups A, D, and E. Group A is situated atop

a knoll that extends out from the escarpment at the site. Additional terracing arranged in a

semi-circular fashion surrounds Group A, which contains roughly 30 small structures.

This group is the only one at the site to have a stela. Three individuals were interred

beneath the southeastern section of Structure 7, a residential structure. Group D, about

which I have limited information, contained two individuals interred within an

unnumbered residential structure. Group E has a Chultun comprised of two chambers,

and is located directly in front of the northernmost building. One burial comprised of an

unknown number of individuals was interred in the second chamber, which resembles a

deep niche. Lithic and ceramic debris filled the first chamber.

The Site of Dos Barbaras

As classified by its primary investigator, Brandon Lewis, Dos Barbaras (RB-4) is

a Minor Center peripheral to the Major Centers of Dos Hombres and La Milpa (Lewis,

personal communication 2002). Work at the site commenced in 1992, and has included

extensive horizontal and vertical exposure of all structures. Occupation at the site of Dos

Barbaras extended from the Late Preclassic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods, peaking

in the Late Classic period. A total of 17 individuals were encountered at the site.

Five distinct courtyards, Groups A through E, comprise the site of Dos Barbaras

(Figure 3.4). Thus far, excavators have encountered 2 burials at Group A. One burial with

92
an unknown number of individuals is from the northwestern building, and information

about the second burial (Individual 25) is limited at the current time.

Figure 3.4. Map of the site of Dos Barbaras (courtesy of Brandon Lewis)

Figure 3.5. Map of Group B at the site of Dos Barbaras (courtesy of Brandon Lewis)
93
 Group B is located atop a small ridge and contains the sites one stela, which is

situated centrally in the courtyard (Figure 3.5). Residential buildings are arranged around

the courtyard. Over time, additions to these buildings were made, thereby limiting access

into and out of the group. The majority of burials unearthed at the site of Dos Barbaras

were encountered at Group B, particularly beneath the western (Structure 11) and eastern

(Structure 6) buildings11. Nine burials were interred within Structure 11s various

construction phases, four burials were situated beneath Structure 6, and one burial was

interred beneath the northern building (Structure 7)12. Structure 11 is a complex structure

with many construction phases; its occupation extends from the Late Preclassic to the

Late/Terminal Classic periods. The buildings westernmost room was filled in and the

doorway was plugged, possibly during a termination act that ritually signaled the end of

the rooms use. Similarly, the buildings eastern room was filled, and a staircase was

erected atop this side of the building that faced into the courtyard. A northern wing was

also added to the building. Two rooms comprised Structure 6.

In contrast, extensive excavations were conducted at Group E, though no burials

were unearthed. The groups Structure 1 was especially interesting for its dearth of

artifacts and the large, well-made L-shaped plaster bench that ran along the edge of the

structure.

11
When excavations began in 1992, Structure 11 was originally recorded as Structure B2, Structure 6 was
Structure B1, and Structure 7 was Structure B5. In the past decade, remapping and extensive excavations of
the site have provided a clearer picture of its layout. Renumbering of the sites courtyards has also
occurred.
12
Unfortunately, the human remains from four of the burials three interred in Structure 11 and one in
Structure 7 cannot be located. In reestablishing the field camp between the 1992 and 1993 field seasons,
the human remains were misplaced prior to skeletal analysis. Hence, there is mortuary information
available but not skeletal information.
94
The Site of El Intruso/Gateway

Thomas Guderjan first documented the site of El Intruso/Gateway (RB-11) during

exploratory survey work in 1990. Brandon Lewis and Hugh Robichaux christened the site

El Intruso13 in 1992 while conducting preliminary investigations. Lewis and Robichaux

documented surface material from several mounds at the site. Rene Muoz (1997)

conducted excavations at the site of El Intruso/Gateway as part of his masters thesis in

1994. He labeled the site Gateway, given its proximity to PfBs northern entry gate into

the conservation area. Currently, Davis (in progress) is examining the site as part of her

doctoral research, and similarly refers to it as Gateway. Through additional mapping and

excavation, Davis has extended considerably our understanding of this site.

13
A rather large trench located in the eastern side of a mound, which squatting milperos had created for use
as a latrine, provided appellative inspiration.
95
 Figure 3.6. Map of the site of El Intruso/Gateway (drawn by Morgan Davis)

Based on its size, organization, and architectural features, I would consider the

site of El Intruso/Gateway to be a Minor Center. The site is situated at the peripheries of

three Major Centers (Figure 3.6). Surrounding El Intruso/Gateway at a distance of

approximately 9 km are La Milpa to the west, Blue Creek to the northeast, and Gran

Cacao to the southeast (Davis, personal communication 2003). The site is composed of

six distinct architectural groups, Groups A-D and F and G. Agricultural features ring the

site to the northeast and the northwest. According to Davis (ibid), it is possible that the

96
site continues to the west; her 2003 field season was unexpectedly cut short and she could

not conduct further work to determine the western extent of the site.

Investigators at the site have reconstructed its history of occupation. The bulk of

occupation occurred in the Late Preclassic and Late Classic periods. There is no evidence

of Middle Preclassic occupation at the site. Davis (ibid) argues that the site was not

inhabited continuously from the Late Preclassic to Late Classic periods; she has found

little material evidence for Early Classic occupation. However, Muoz encountered 3

burials at Group A that possibly date to the Early Classic period. The greatest building

efforts at the site occurred during the Late Classic period, though construction is of

poorer quality than during the Late Preclassic period. Muoz (1997:108) argues that

population at the site peaked during the first century of the Late Classic period [AD 600-

700]. By the end of the Terminal Classic period, the site of El Intruso/Gateway had been

abandoned.

To date, burials at the site of El Intruso/Gateway represent one of the most

significant mortuary populations in the PfB in terms of number, information documented,

and analysis completed. Sixteen burials were documented at El Intruso/Gateway, 15 were

located in Group A and 1 in Group B. Group A, the focus of Muozs masters work, has

four residential structures that face into a courtyard, Structures 1-4 (Figure 3.7). Burials

were encountered in all four structures. The presence of so many burials within one area

of the site suggests that the majority of decedents were intentionally placed within and

beneath Group As structures. However, sampling of equivalent contexts yielded only

tentative support, as the sites other groups were excavated to varying degrees. Davis did

97
conduct intensive excavations at Group B, finding only one burial in the southernmost

structure, but Groups C, D, F, and G were not excavated as intensively.

Figure 3.7. Map of Group A at El Intruso/Gateway

Lewis superficially investigated Group B during PfBs 1992 inaugural year, and

Davis excavated the group in 2002 and 2003. Group B is located about 100 m northwest

98
of Group A. The main PfB road, the Gallon Jug Road, separates these two groups. Group

B sits atop a natural rise in the landscape that was leveled artificially to accommodate its

four residential structures, which are organized around a courtyard. One burial was

encountered beneath a bench in the western room of the southern building, a range

structure comprised of two to three rooms.

The Site of Guijarral

Guijarral site (RB-18) is a Minor Center organized into two adjacent courtyards

(Figure 3.8). The site is situated about 8 km to the northeast of the site of La Milpa and

about 4 km to the northwest of the site of El Intruso/Gateway. Initial investigations at the

site of Guijarral by Paul Hughbanks documented residential settlement, as well as nearby

agricultural terracing and water management features. Hughbanks (1998) has suggested

that the site was first occupied in the Late Preclassic period, and that population peaked

in the Late Classic period. The core area of the site, situated adjacent to a bajo and at the

base of an escarpment, contains an elevated plaza with ten structures, Structures A-1

through A-10, grouped around two courtyards. Between Courtyards A-1 and A-2 is

Structure A-1, a small pyramid. For their doctoral research, both Hughbanks (in progress)

and Hageman (in progress) excavated buildings associated with these courtyards.

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 Figure 3.8. Map of the site of Guijarral

Excavators exhumed five individuals from three graves at the site of Guijarral.

Hughbanks excavated two individuals from one Late/Terminal Classic grave situated

beneath the room floor of Structure A-9. Hageman uncovered a total of three individuals

interred within two graves, both of Late Classic date. One individual was placed beneath

the room floor of Structure A-5, while the other two were interred together in Structure

A-8. Artifact assemblages and architecture suggest that both structures were residences.

The Site of La Caldera

As part of her doctoral research, Kunens (2001) Bajo Community Project

uncovered a total of 14 individuals. Seven of these individuals were found in association

with House Ruins and I have already discussed them. The remaining 7 individuals were
100
exhumed from Late Classic graves at the site of La Caldera, a Minor Center about 3 km

distance from La Milpa (Figure 3.9). According to Kunen, Galindo, and Chase

(2002:201), the site is composed of 73 structures organized into 32 groupings. La

Calderas central portion includes Groups A through E. In the eastern section of Group A,

the main group, is a large pyramid. Incomplete human remains representing one

individual were found within a Cache presumably associated with this eastern structure.

The uncertainty of association reflects the recovery of the remains from looters backdirt.

Just northwest of this pyramid, excavators exhumed a second burial beneath one of

Group As residential structure.

Figure 3.9. Map of the site of La Caldera

101
 In Group B, excavators recovered another two individuals from looters backdirt.

The function of the looted structure in which they likely were located is unknown. This

structure is located in the southern area of Group B.

Individuals were also exhumed from Group F. This group is composed of 13

multi-room range structures, situated around two courtyards, Patio 1 to the east and Patio

2 to the west. The range-like structure separating these two courtyards, Structure 3-F-10,

was the setting of an unusual burial. Excavators encountered three decedents within a

circular Pit measuring 3 m in diameter that had been hewn entirely from bedrock. Kunen

and her colleagues (ibid) argue that these structures are residential in function and were

occupied by elite members of the La Caldera community.

The Site of Las Abejas

Because of its proximity to the Gallon Jug Road, PfBAP researchers first

encountered the site of Las Abejas (RB-5) at the projects onset in 1992. The site is

located 6.9 km to the southeast of the site of La Milpa. To establish a basic chronology in

the PfB area, investigators initiated a testing program in 1993. Following a series of test

units by Lewis, Lauren Sullivan began more extensive excavations of the site. Data

recovered from these excavations formed the basis for her doctoral project (1997).

The site of Las Abejas is a Minor Center larger in size than the site of El

Intruso/Gateway. Four plazas, Plazas A-D, make up the site (Figure 3.10). Only Plaza A,

the Great Plaza, is described as this is where all four of the known Las Abejas burials

were excavated. It is an open area bounded by five structures, Structures 5 though 8 and

10, and is the largest plaza at the site. It is plausible that Plaza A represents the
102
communitys center. Sullivan (1997:87) notes, This plaza is characterized by its

openness which suggests unrestricted access and easy internal circulation. All

architecture visible on the plazas surface dates to the Late Classic period, though there is

evidence of a stratigraphically deeper Middle Preclassic component. The sites

population peaked in the Late Preclassic period and again in the Late Classic period. By

the end of the Terminal Classic period, habitation of the site had ceased.

Figure 3.10. Map of the site of Las Abejas

One burial was interred in Structure 5, one in Structure 6, and two in Structure 7.

Based upon ceramic evidence, Sullivan (ibid:93) argues that Structure 5 was utilized as a

residence by low-ranking elites; the interment dates to the Early Classic period. The Early

Classic burial excavated in association with Structure 6 rested atop the central staircases
103
base. Sullivan suggests that the structure functioned in a ceremonial capacity, rather than

a residential one. Structure 7, which contained two Late Classic decedents, is a sizeable

range structure, measuring some 33 m in length, and it likely served as a residence (ibid).

Major Centers

The Site of Chan Chich

Though just to the south of PfBs parameters, I have included the site of Chan

Chich in this sample because of its proximity. To write this section, I have drawn on both

published and unpublished information generously provided by principal investigator,

Brett Houk. Surveying and mapping of the site commenced in 1996, and a year later

excavations began; they are ongoing though intermittent. Chan Chich is a Major Center

comparable in size to Dos Hombres. Investigators have documented 253 structures,

including both small residences and monumental architecture. Nine burials from Chan

Chich were discovered in three distinct areas of the site, Groups A, C, and H (Table 3.2).

Site Name # of Individuals

Chan Chich
Group A
Upper Plaza 2
Group C
Courtyard C-1 4
Western Plaza (Plaza C-2) 2
Group H 1
Total = 9

Table 3.2. Number and locations of Chan Chich burials

Group A, the central portion of the site, contains what Houk labels the Main Plaza

and a smaller Upper Plaza (Figure 3.11). The former served as a more public venue,
104
while the latters architecture indicates inaccessibility to the general public. The earliest

ceramic evidence uncovered in Group A dates to the Middle Preclassic period.

Occupation of Group A continued from the Preclassic to the Classic periods. There is no

evidence for Postclassic occupation of Group A. A causeway, or elevated sacbe, runs

east-west through the group. Group A also contains a ballcourt in the southeastern corner

of the Main Plaza. Surrounding the site center are both formal patio clusters and

informal groups; in the case of the former, structures are arranged around a central

ambient space, while the latter lacks a central space but involves an informal grouping

(Ashmore 1981:48-49). At the site of Chan Chich, the structures are presumably

residential in function (Houk 1998:8). The two Tombs documented from the site were

found at Group A. The Tomb within Structure A-31 had been unfortunately looted, but a

complex and rich Protoclassic Tomb from beneath the Upper Plazas floor was excavated

and well documented by Houk and his colleagues (Robichaux et al., 2000).

105
 106
Figure 3.11. Map of the site of Chan Chich (adapted from Houk 1998:7)
 Group C encompasses the elite residences of the Western Plaza (Plaza C-2) and

Courtyard C-1. The latter contains the groups small, western pyramid (Structure C-1).

Over time, it seems that Courtyard C-1 was transformed from an accessible architectural

group into a tightly enclosed, walled compound (Ford and Rush 2000:46). There is

ceramic evidence that the groups occupation extended from the Late Preclassic through

the Classic periods; the group was abandoned before the end of the Late/Terminal Classic

period. Six burials were uncovered in Group C; two were uncovered in the Western Plaza

(Plaza C-2) and four were situated in Courtyard C-1. The Western Plazas Structure C-6

is a range structure, and one burial was encountered beneath its Room 2 floor. During its

occupation, the structure was remodeled in three separate construction phases. Habitation

of the structure continued well into the Terminal Classic period as suggested by the

presence of Individual 10s Tepeu 3 ceramics (ca. A.D. 800-900). The individuals Pit

grave had been placed into a bench, and perhaps represents one of the structures final

construction phases. The second burial associated with the Western Plaza was placed

beneath the courtyard floor directly in front of Structure C-12, and dated to the Late

Classic period. Three burials from Courtyard C-1 were uncovered in association with

Structure C-2, while one Late/Terminal Classic burial was interred within Structure C-1.

Structure C-2, the courtyards northern structure, has a north-south long axis. The human

remains dated to the Terminal Classic period and were recovered in association with the

structures staircase.

Group H is approximately 1.25 km southeast of the Main Plaza. Three principal

courtyards and 31 structures comprise the group. While the majority of buildings are

grouped around courtyards, some stand alone. Several mounds, each 1 m or more in
107
height, were composed wholly of lithic debitage, similar to findings at the site of Colha

approximately 55 km to the northeast. These mounds were found in association with

structures presumed to function as workshops. Based on abundant chert debitage,

investigators argue that the groups inhabitants specialized in intensive and sustained

lithic production (Houk 1998; Meadows 1998). Occupation of Group Hs structures was

primarily during the Late/Terminal Classic period. Meadows (1998:87) also argues that

Group H had a small Postclassic component. Group Hs single Late Classic burial was

located in Structure H-3, a building in the center of Courtyard H-1. To the north and east

are agricultural terraces, and a debitage mound sits along the western edge of the

courtyard.

The Site of Dos Hombres

PfBAP researchers first documented the site of Dos Hombres (RB-2) in 1992, and

excavations commenced in 1993. The site is 12 km southeast of the site of La Milpa. Dos

Hombress primary plazas are situated atop natural hills. This location is consistent with

Bullards (1960:369) observation:

Major Centers typically crown hilltops or other lofty positions

from which they could be seen for miles if the forest were cut, and
these locations did not necessarily offer the most practicable sites
for domestic residence. It may be concluded, that whereas nearness
to water supply and perhaps to good farmland were important
determinants for domestic settlement, Major Ceremonial Center
locations were more influenced by prominent topographical
position and probably accessibility from all parts of their
subordinate districts.

The Rio Bravo is located 1 km west of the site, and in the rainy season, the swollen river

often presents a force to be reckoned with. The site of Dos Hombres is ringed by swampy
108
bajos among which settlement is dispersed. Investigations at Dos Hombres have ranged

from the Major Centers plazas to several Clusters of House Ruins in the hinterlands

(discussed earlier). The site of Dos Hombres and its surroundings were occupied from the

Middle Preclassic to the Terminal Classic periods. As with many other sites in the area,

settlement growth had two peaks, one in the Late Preclassic period and the other in the

Late Classic period. Eighteen individuals were exhumed at the Major Center (Table 3.3).

Two of eighteen individuals in the Major Center were salvaged from the backdirt of

looters trenches in Group A. Otherwise, individuals burials are from well documented

proveniences.

Site Name # of Individuals

Dos Hombres
Major Center
Group A 4
Group C 3
Group B 11
House Ruins in Hinterlands
Operation 12 1
Operation 19 1
Operation 24 1
Operation 28 12
Operation 29 3
Total = 36

Table 3.3. Number and location of Dos Hombres burials

Houk (1996) excavated the sites central acropolis, comprised of Groups A, B, C,

and D, as part of his doctoral research (Figure 3.12). Surface architecture dates to the

Late Classic period, but evidence of Middle Preclassic settlement is also present. Group

A is the sites largest plaza. Houk encountered two burials during excavations of

Courtyard A-2. They were associated with Structure A-17, a tandem-plan range structure

109
with elite residential attributes. Houk (1996:148) believes that this vaulted building

possessed two rows of interconnected rooms, each of which was about 1.8 m wide. The

second burial was interred beneath the exterior space of the courtyards floor.

Group B is organized into four courtyards, Courtyards B-1 through B-4, and has a

total of 17 structures. Dos Hombres sites three stelae and one altar are all located in

Courtyard B-1. Houks investigations focused on Courtyards B-1, B-2, and B-3. Jeffrey

Durst conducted work at Courtyard B-4 after Houks investigations. All Group B burials

were encountered in Courtyard B-4. Excavations revealed an elite residential group,

replete with several ancillary cooking and storage buildings, as well as multiple

construction phases. Beneath the floors of Structure B-17, the groups eastern building,

excavators encountered an Early Classic Stone-lined Tomb, suggesting that the building

served as an ancestral shrine.

Houk excavated an additional three burials from Group C. One burial was

recovered from Structure C-14s entranceway. The second was located beneath

Courtyard C-4s floor, and the third was the beneath an exterior space between

Courtyard C-7 and Structure C-21. Structure C-21 is a tandem-plan range structure with

two rows of rooms and possible vaulted roofs. Houk (1996:218) believes that the

structure was a residence. Excavations provided evidence that Structure C-14 also had

been an elite residence with a vaulted roof.

110
Figure 3.12. Map of the site of Dos Hombres (adapted from Houk 1996)

111
The Site of La Milpa

J.E.S. Thompson briefly conducted excavations at La Milpa sites (RB-25) main

plaza area in 1938. Unfortunately, since that time, looters have left their destructive mark

upon many of the large structures. More intensive and extensive investigations at the site

commenced in 1992 with Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellots initiation of the La

Milpa Archaeological Project (LaMAP). Hammond and Tourtellot remain the primary

investigators and permit holders of LaMAP. The project has had three main foci

excavations of the site center and adjacent elite residences, surveying and mapping the

site and its surrounding environs, and excavating House Ruins in the hinterlands

(discussed earlier). The following background information was gleaned from published

materials, as well as from the unpublished documentation of several additional

investigators who have conducted research there since mid-1990.

La Milpa is the largest Major Center in PfB, and the third largest site in all of

Belize; only the sites of Caracol and Lamanai are larger. The site center is located atop an

escarpment that rises 180 m above sea level. La Milpa center is about 12 km northwest of

the site of Dos Hombres. Two major areas make up the La Milpa core, Plaza A and the

combined space of Plaza B, Plaza C, and Courtyard D (Figure 3.13). Forming Plaza A,

the Great Plaza, are 15 structures, including four large temples, two ballcourts, an

acropolis courtyard, and a long range structure to the south. The site also possesses 19

known stelae, 16 of which were positioned originally in the Great Plaza. Plaza A would

have been more accessible to the general public in comparison to Plazas B and C and

Courtyard D. Ceramic evidence dating to the Late Preclassic period has been found at the

112
Figure 3.13. Map of the site of La Milpa (adapted from Mongelluzzo 1997)

113
Great Plaza, and occupation continued into the Terminal Classic period. Hammond and

Bobo (1994) have even argued for activity at the site as late as the Postclassic period,

quite possibly in the form of religious pilgrimages to a center by then largely in ruins.

Archaeological evidence Postclassic in date, however, was not found at Plazas B and C

and Courtyard D, whose last occupation level dates firmly to the Late/Terminal Classic

period. Investigators suggest that these areas contained structures for residential and

administrative use (Tourtellot et al., 1994). Surveys in the area surrounding the site core,

La Milpa East and La Milpa South, have identified additional settlement including

aforementioned House Ruins, the Minor Center of La Caldera, agricultural zones, and

water management features. A transect extending east from the Major Center has

documented settlement as far out as 6 km. All evidence suggests that the site of La Milpa

was important in the regions politics and economy during the Late Classic period.

Excavators uncovered 13 burials at the site of La Milpa. Eight burials were found

within the confines of Plaza A (Table 3.4), including 2 Tombs. One of the Tombs had

been looted, but the second was fully excavated and documented. This second Early

Classic Tomb had been placed beneath the northeastern section of Plaza As floor in front

of Structure 1. The looted Tomb was located within this same Structure 1, and was

clearly visible as a result of the large looters trench running through it. An elite

residential group located less than 100 m to the northwestern edge of Plaza A contained

one burial. The individual was beneath the edge of the courtyard (Structure 183) between

Structures 184 and 185. Four additional burials were uncovered in various places

throughout Plaza A. One was associated with the lower staircase of Structure 9, two were

in front of Structure 1 in the vicinity of Stela 1, and one had been placed inside a Cache
114
Vessel associated with Stela 10. This last provenience is at the northwestern corner of

Structure 3. An additional burial was located directly underneath this Cache.

Site Name # of Individuals

La Milpa
Major Center
Plaza A 8
Plaza C 3
Reservoir A 1
House Ruins in Hinterlands
Elite House Ruins 1
Commoner House Ruins 8
Bajo Community
Small House Groups Commoners 5
Bajo Hill Site 2
Total = 28

Table 3.4. Number and locations of La Milpa burials

Excavators exhumed 3 burials in association with Plaza Cs South Acropolis. Two

of these three burials were excavated in the residential Structure 70, located just west of

the South Acropolis. Structures 70, 71, and 72 sit atop a raised platform designated

Structure 136. These structures ring the platform on all four sides, forming a courtyard

whose access would have been restricted to all but its inhabitants. The third burial was

found loose inside of a drain in the South Acropoliss Patio 115. This burial was not the

only one at the site of La Milpa to be found in association with a water management

feature. Vernon Scarborough encountered a burial at the base of a foundation wall in the

area of Reservoir A.

Summary

115
 In this chapter, I offered a geographic, historic, and architectural overview of sites

from which PfBAP burials were either excavated or documented but left in situ. Such

information is invaluable as it is important to contextualize burials, both in space and

time. In the next chapter, I consider the burials themselves.

116
 CHAPTER 4

MORTUARY AND SKELETAL DIMENSIONS OF PfBAP BURIAL SAMPLE

In the previous chapter, I discussed burials as they occurred at separate sites. I

now consider the PfBAP burials, themselves. Looking first at mortuary data categories, I

detail the second and third group of mortuary categories discussed in Chapter 2

contextual information and information about burial form and content. The burial sample

is discussed in terms of chronology (time periods). Additional excavations may enlighten

understanding of diachronic shifts in mortuary patterns as continued excavations expose

archaeological evidence from the Preclassic period, which represents currently a small

portion of the PfBAP sample. Graves are next considered with reference to type,

orientation, and material. Grave goods are detailed in terms of their type, material,

quantity, and location. Turning attention to the people buried at PfB sites, I examine the

orientation of decedents bodies (or body parts) with reference to cardinal direction.

Comparison of grave orientation to body orientation permits identification of differences

between them. In addition, bodies positions and conditions as primary or secondary are

also discussed. I then turn to attributes of the skeletons, with reference to the information

categories to which the Sauls have permitted me access. How the sample breaks down in

terms of age and sex is summarized, for application to interpretive goals expressed in

Chapter 1. I conclude with an overview of indelible body modifications, piercing, cranial

shaping, and dental modification, practiced by PfBAP individuals.

Throughout this chapter, I conduct a qualitative analysis and correlate findings

from mortuary and skeletal categories. For instance, all time periods are correlated with
117
grave locations, grave-types, grave goods, body positions and orientations, age, sex, and

indelible body modifications; these terms are all defined in Chapter 2. While many

comparisons can be made across data categories, I have targeted those most relevant for

addressing identity construction, ritual activities, symbolism and cosmological beliefs

(Chapters 6 and 8). For all of these issues, variability and overlap of burial data between

sites reveal community differences, unique regional attributes, and pan-Maya

characteristics.

Mortuary Data Categories

Time Periods

Chronological assessments could be determined for 116 burials; for the most part,

undated human remains were recovered from looted contexts or remain unexcavated. The

burials are dispersed widely in time (Table 4.1). Of the 132 individuals included in the

PfBAP data set, 14 date to the Preclassic period (10.6% of the total PfBAP sample). More

specifically, Individual 4 was assigned to the Protoclassic period (ca. A.D. 150-250), and

Individual 107 were from a Terminal Preclassic context (ca. A.D. 0-250). Individual

107s Terminal Preclassic designation is based upon a Rio Bravo Red slipped plate that

served as a Cache Vessel (Sagebiel 2003, personal correspondence). Of the 12 Late

Preclassic individuals, excavators exhumed 9 (Individuals 49-57) from Operation 28, a

group of House Ruins on the outskirts of the site of Dos Hombres. As discussed in

Chapter 3, all of these individuals were interred beneath the packed earth floor of an L-

shaped platforms courtyard. Two Late Preclassic burials were discovered at the site of

La Milpa (Individuals 108 and 123), one in association with, though spatially distinct
118
from, the aforementioned Cache and the second one at a house group in the hinterlands.

A final burial from Dos Barbaras site (Individual 31) possibly dates to the Late Preclassic

period; ceramic vessels appear to be of Chicanel type, according to PfBAP ceramicist

Lauren Sullivan.

Periods Total (N=132) % of Total Sample

Preclassic 14 10.6
Late Preclassic 12 9.1
Protoclassic 1 .8
Terminal Preclassic 1 1.5
Classic 102 77.3
General 2 1.5
Early Classic 15 11.4
Late Classic 53 40.2
Late/Terminal Classic 28 21.2
Terminal Classic 7 5.3
Unknown 13 9.8

Table 4.1. PfBAP burials by time period

All Preclassic burials were located either within House Ruins or in what became

the main plazas of Major Centers. The majority of Preclassic burials required minimal

labor and effort to construct, except for the Protoclassic Rock-cut Tomb (Individual 4).

Table 4.2 summarizes the number and variety of grave-types, body positions, and body

orientations known from the Preclassic period. While the sample is small, Simple graves

predominate in the Preclassic burials encountered. Apparently, increased diversity of

grave-types after the Preclassic period suggests a change in mortuary customs, though the

impetus for or nature of this change cannot be inferred, and the limitations on sampling

may artificially inflate distinctions between time periods. Despite their humble grave-

types, all Preclassic decedents but one were interred with grave goods, such as ceramic

vessels and items of jade and shell. Body positions were variable, and when discernible,

119
body orientations were split evenly between N/S and E/W. With respect to skeletal data,

information about age and sex in the Preclassic period is contained in Table 4.2.

Preclassic Total (N=14) % of Total

Grave-type:
Cache 1 7.1
Simple 11 78.6
Pit 1 7.1
Tomb 1 7.1
Orientation:
E/W 3 21.4
N/S 4 28.6
Unknown 7 50.0
Age:
Subadult 5 35.7
Adult (20-40 yrs) 9 64.3
Sex:
Female 0 0.0
Female? 2 14.3
Male 1 7.1
Male? 3 21.4
Unknown 8 64.3

Table 4.2. PfBAP Preclassic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex

How do these burials compare to Classic interments? The majority of individuals

burials in the PfBAP sample date to the Classic period (N=102; 77.3%). Two burials

could only be identified as General Classic in age. For one of these (Individual 43),

ceramic analysis yielded an uncertain Classic date, placing it in either the Early Classic

period (ceramic type Tzakol 2) or the Late Classic period (ceramic type Tepeu 2). This

period range is based upon ceramic materials in strata below and above the burial, as the

burial was not recognized [by excavators] during the excavations (Houk 1996:430). And

the second General Classic assessment was based upon the ceramic analysts best

estimate with respect to stratigraphic location and adjacent lots ceramic evidence

(Sagebiel, personal correspondence 2003).

120
 More confidently, 15 burials can be assigned to the Early Classic period (11.4%

of the total PfBAP sample). Ceramics associated with 3 of those 15 were identified as

pertaining to the Tzakol sphere [ca. A.D. 250-600], and for two of these individuals this

range was more narrowly identified as ca. A.D. 45040 and 450-550 (Tzakol 3). For

Individual 127, assignment to the Early Classic period is somewhat problematic. Sullivan

(1997:98) describes a Cache vessel associated with a decedent as Early Classic Orange

(Aguila Orange: Variety Unspecified). However, the slip was very waxy which is more

characteristic of Late Preclassic ceramic styles. All 14 burials were situated either at

Minor Center houses or in what became main plazas of Major Centers.

Table 4.3 summarizes the number and variety of grave-types, body positions, and

body orientations. While no Early Classic Informal Cists have been encountered, the

majority of unlooted Tombs date to this period, and not surprisingly, the greatest quantity

of grave goods was associated with this grave-type. No grave goods were recovered from

Simple graves, and Capped Cists each contained a single item. Body positions were not

as variable as in known burials from the Preclassic period. Recognizing that the sample is

unsystematic and small, individuals seem to have been oriented N/S more often than E/W

in the Early Classic period.

Early Classic Attributes Total (N=15) % of Total

Grave-type:
Cache 1 6.7
Simple 5 33.3
Pit 2 13.3
Cist 3 20.0
Tomb 4 26.7
Orientation:
E/W 3 20.0
N/S 4 26.7

121
 Unknown 8 53.3
Age:
Subadult 2 13.3
Adult (20+ yrs) 12 80.0
Unknown 1 6.7
Sex:
Female 1 6.7
Female? 1 6.7
Male 2 13.3
Male? 6 40.0
Unknown 5 33.3

Table 4.3. PfBAP Early Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex

Unlike the Preclassic sample, Subadults comprise a fairly insignificant part of the

Early Classic sample one child and one adolescent. Males and males? were encountered

more often than females and females?. Nonetheless, the nature of sampling again

necessitates caution when making inferences, in this case, about age and sex in the Early

Classic period. As discussed later in this chapter, while human remains were highly

fragmentary, there is one individual with intentional cranial shaping, two with possible

cranial shaping, and one with unintentional shaping. Individuals with possible cranial

shaping also bore dental modification.

More PfBAP burials date to the Late Classic period than to any other period

(N=53; 40.2% of the total sample), and if the Terminal Classic period is included, the

number and proportion rise significantly (N-88, 67.1% of the total sample). Ceramic

evidence in association with 13 of these Late Classic individuals further narrowed the

date range; two were associated with Tepeu 1 ceramics [ca. A.D. 600-700], two with

Tepeu 1-2 ceramics (ca. A.D. 600-800), and nine with Tepeu 2 ceramics (ca. A.D. 700-

800). Graves were encountered at sites of all sizes House Ruins, Minor Centers, and

122
Major Centers. Table 4.4 summarizes the number and variety of grave-types, body

positions, and body orientation for the Late Classic period. Simple graves dominate the

Late Classic period. Fewer grave goods were recovered from Late Classic burials; when

grave goods were unearthed, they usually included ceramic fragments, whole vessels,

shell and obsidian. If bodies were articulated, they were either loosely flexed or tightly

flexed. The majority of individuals were oriented in a N/S direction.

Table 4.4 also contains information about age and sex for Late Classic

individuals. Decedents of all ages were recovered from Late Classic contexts, though

Adults outnumbered Subadults; Young Adults outnumbered all other age ranges. Males

and males? still outnumbered females in the sample, though the Late Classic period has

the largest number of females and females? of any time period. Indelible body

modifications, discussed later, were most prevalent in remains from this period 12

individuals had modified dentition and 7 either surely or possibly intentionally modified

their skulls.

Late Classic Attributes Total (N=53) % of Total

Grave-type:
Cache 1 1.9
Simple 23 43.4
Pit 11 20.8
Chultun 1 1.9
Cist 13 24.5
Crypt 1 1.9
Tomb 1 1.9
Unknown 2 3.8

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 Orientation:
E/W 11 20.8
N/S 18 34.0
NW/SE 3 5.7
NE/SW 2 3.8
Unknown 19 35.8
Age:
Subadult 8 15.1
Adult 42 79.2
Unknown 3 5.7
Sex:
Female 4 7.5
Female? 5 9.4
Male 13 24.5
Male? 7 13.2
Unknown 24 45.3

Table 4.4. PfBAP Late Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex

The next largest segment of the sample pertains to the Late/Terminal Classic

period [Tepeu 2-3 pottery, ca. A.D. 700-900]. Admittedly, the dividing line between the

Late Classic and Terminal Classic periods is blurry, and all burials arguably still date to

the Late Classic period. Of 132 individuals in the PfBAP sample, 28 (21.2%) were

recovered from Late/Terminal Classic contexts. Table 4.5 summarizes the number and

variety of grave-types, body positions, and body orientations in the Late/Terminal Classic

period. All graves were encountered in residential contexts in sites of varied size, except

for two burials associated with water management features at the site of La Milpa. No

Tombs are known from this period, and excavators encountered more Simple graves than

any other grave-type. Grave goods, when recovered, were highly varied in terms of

quantity, type, and material. As discussed later in more detail, there is no consistent

pattern for grave goods interred into Late/Terminal Classic burials. All known primary

124
interments were either loosely flexed or tightly flexed. Decedents bodies were oriented

N/S more often than E/W.

Late/Terminal Classic Attributes Total (N=28) % of Total

Grave-type:
Cache 1 3.6
Simple 13 46.4
Pit 9 32.1
Cist 5 17.9
Tomb 0 0.0
Orientation:
E/W 2 7.1
N/S 13 46.4
NW/SE 0 0.0
NE/SW 1 3.6
Unknown 12 42.9
Age:
Subadult 6 21.4
Adult 19 67.9
Unknown 3 10.7
Sex:
Female 4 14.3
Female? 2 7.1
Male 3 10.7
Male? 7 25.0
Unknown 12 42.9

Table 4.5. PfBAP Late/Terminal Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex

Table 4.5 also provides information about age and sex in the Late/Terminal

Classic burial sample. Similar to the Late Classic period, individuals of all ages were

encountered, and Young Adults represented the largest segment of documented decedents

in the Late/Terminal Classic period. Males and males? again outnumber females and

females? in the burials encountered. Individuals had fewer modified teeth than their Late

Classic predecessors but the same number of shaped skulls (N=7) as individuals with this

type of modification who lived during the Late Classic period.

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 Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3 pottery, ca. A.D. 800-900) interments comprise the

smallest portion of the sample (N=7; 5.3% of total PfBAP sample) so what little can be

said about those who lived and died during this period is done with even greater

hesitation than for other periods. All burials were found either in House Ruins or the

center of the three Major Centers. Table 4.6 summarizes the number and variety of grave-

types, body positions, and body orientations for the Terminal Classic period. Graves were

either Pits or Simple graves. All Pits were intruded into benches. Variability in terms of

numbers, types, and materials characterizes grave goods. No known bodies were loosely

flexed during this period; instead they were found tightly flexed, kneeling, or

disarticulated. In the case of body positions, the sample is too small and variable to

identify any patterns.

Table 4.6 also includes information about age and sex for Terminal Classic

decedents. All individuals known from this period were adults, none of whom was over

the age of 40 years at the time of death. All individuals that could be assessed for sex

were males or males?. For such a small sample, the Terminal Classic period yielded quite

a few individuals with indelibly modified bodies; there were two individuals with

modified dentition and three with intentionally shaped skulls.

Terminal Classic Attributes Total (N=7) % of Total

Grave-type:
Simple 4 57.1
Pit 3 42.7
Orientation:
E/W 1 14.3
N/S 1 14.3
Unknown 5 71.4
Age:
126
 Subadult 0 0.0
Adult (20-40 yrs) 7 100.0
Sex:
Female 0 0.0
Female? 0 0.0
Male 1 14.3
Male? 4 57.1
Unknown 2 28.6

Table 4.6. PfBAP Terminal Classic burials by grave-type, orientation, age, and sex

Graves: Types, Orientations, and Material

Varieties and descriptions of PfBAP grave-types are detailed in Chapter 2. In the

PfBAP sample, I was able to assign grave-types to all but five burials. Grave materials

and orientation for each grave-type are also covered in this section. I also identify the

presence or absence of grave goods, though more detailed coverage concerned with grave

goods types, locations, and materials appears in the next section. Table 4.7 summarizes

grave-types by time period.

% of total
Preclassic

Unknown
Terminal

Terminal
Classic

Classic

Classic

Classic

PfBAP
Early

Total
Late/

l
Late

Grave-types

Cache 1 1 1 1 0 0 4 3.0
Simple 11 5 23 13 4 3 59* 46.2
Pit 1 2 11 9 3 0 26 19.7
Chultun 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 .8
Cist:
Informal Cist 0 0 8 1 0 0 9 6.8
Capped Cist 0 3 5 4 0 1 13 12.1
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 Crypt 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 .8
Tomb:
Rock-cut Tomb 1 2 0 0 0 0 3 2.3
Stone-lined Tomb 0 2 1 0 0 0 3 2.3
Unspecified Tomb 0 0 0 0 0 6 6 4.5
Unknown 0 0 2 0 0 3 5 3.7

Table 4.7. PfBAP grave-types by time periods. Two Simple graves could not be assigned
to a more specific Classic context and are not included in the table though the total
number of Simple graves is 61.

Caches

For all Caches, human remains were disarticulated and interred in ceramic

vessels; a variety of vessel types and forms were used. In all cases, human remains

represent a single individual. With the exception of one burial (Individual 71), which

excavators exhumed from beneath the floor of a residential building, all Caches were

located in Major and Minor Centers main plazas. One burial at El Intruso/Gateway

provided insight into one process of disarticulation (Individual 71). Muoz (1997:95)

argues that following the decedents original interment, presumably in a fully articulated

state, the individual was disturbed during a subsequent construction phase. The individual

was then incompletely removed and reinterred in the niche of a wall as a secondary

interment when building activities ended. Of the four Caches, only two yielded grave

goods as well as skeletal remains. Each of these Caches is the sole example known from

its time period, from the Terminal Preclassic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods (see

Grave Goods, below).

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Simple Graves

By far, Simple graves predominate in the PfBAP sample (N=61; 46.2%). For 3 of

the 61 Simple graves, burials had been included within the fill of benches; they were not

intrusive. One individual (Individual 120) had been placed into a dip in the bedrock

(Everson n.d.), which I have also deemed a Simple grave, as no intrusion into the

surmounting or surrounding architecture was detected. Since Simple graves are defined

as having no formal architectural feature integral to the interment, grave materials were

composed of matrices from surrounding construction fill. For instance, if a decedent was

in a bench, then bench fill was identified as the predominant grave material. In eight

instances, bedrock served as the floor of Simple graves. Bedrock was either modified to

accommodate the interment, or decedents were placed into natural dips as mentioned

above. Grave orientation is not identified for Simple graves since there was no

discernible grave cut, though one researcher assigned a NW/SE orientation for the Simple

grave of Individual 119. In the case of 24 individuals (39.3% of total number of Simple

graves), no grave goods were recovered. The presence or absence of grave goods could

not be assessed for 10 individuals, and 27 individuals did have at least one associated

item. Simple graves date to all time periods, and as indicated earlier, comprise the bulk of

the Preclassic sample (N=11; 73.3%).

Pit Graves

Pit graves constitute the next largest segment of PfBAP grave-types (N=26;

19.7%). Pits are distinct from Simple graves in being characterized by intentional

intrusion in architectural features, most often the fill of plaster floors within residential
129
buildings. These floors may or may not have been resurfaced following interment. Two

of the 26 Pit graves were questionable (Individuals 86 and 114) because available

documentation did not permit a more definitive categorization. Three of the 26 Pits

intruded into benches. Two additional burials from the site of El Intruso/Gateway require

justification of their designation as Pit graves, as this was not the excavators description

but my classification (Individuals 78 and 83). Muoz (1997:100) originally argued that

these individuals burials preceded the floors construction and designated their grave-

type as simple. However, he (1997:63) also notes,

Near the location where two burialswere later found, holes were
noted in the floor. At least one of these appeared to have been
intentionally cut and perhaps covered with the remains of a pottery
vessel. Unfortunately, the potential importance of these holes was
not realized in the field and their exact location within the
excavation units and relative to the burials is not recorded. They
are only noted in photographs and on a rough plan map of the unit.
It is possible that the holes in the floor were cut to inter the bodies
of people who had died sometime after the completion of the
structure. The inability to match exactly the location of the holes
with the location of the burials below, however, makes this only
vague speculation.

Based on this information, it is at least as likely that the grave-type is a Pit and not a

Simple grave interred prior to the building's construction. The unspecified grave, either

Individual 78 or 83, whose Pit was found in association with the remains of a ceramic

vessel bears a striking resemblance to another Pit grave in the PfBAP sample, at Bronco

Group site. There, ceramic sherds representing multiple vessels were scattered atop a

plaster floor and adjacent to a hole that intruded into the floor (Individual 3).

130
 Twelve of the 26 Pit grave burials contained graves goods; types and materials

were variable and are discussed in greater detail later. In two more cases, it remains

unknown whether grave goods were present or absent.

Excavators did not document orientation of Pit graves for 10 burials. For the 16

Pit graves with discernible orientation, N/S prevails (N=8; 30.8%), followed by E/W

(N=5; 19.2%) and NE/SW (N=3; 11.5%). As gleaned from researchers documentation,

Pit graves shortest dimension (width) is between 21 and 160 cm, and the longest

dimension (length) is between 47 and 300 cm. Though the aforementioned two possible

Pit graves date to the Late Preclassic period, the other 24 pertain to the Classic period,

with examples known from all sub-periods, within the Classic.

Chultun

The sole Chultun encountered is poorly known from the current PfBAP sample

(Individual 18). At the site of Chawak Butoob, a single Chultun was used as a space for

an individuals interment. As exploration and excavation of Chultuns is a difficult

endeavor, I do not rule out the possibility that more of these graves exist or will be found

at a later date. There is no information about orientation, associated grave goods (with the

exception of a single ceramic sherd which may not necessarily represent a grave item), or

the period to which it dates.

Informal Cists

There are 9 individuals associated with 7 Informal Cist graves in the PfBAP

sample. As noted in Chapter 2, Informal Cists are highly variable in terms of shape, size,
131
and quantity and quality of construction materials. One grave had irregular cut limestone

blocks placed in the vicinity of the primary decedents head (Individual 80). Three graves

had irregular cut limestone blocks completely surrounding but not on top of the body

(Individuals 16, 58, and 60). Two graves, containing three individuals, involved plaster or

marl that was laid around the bodies and allowed to solidify (Individuals 79, 80, and 81).

One grave containing two individuals was comprised of stone alignments that partially

lined the graves area (Individuals 89 and 90); the same grave is adjacent to a bench. This

grave and an additional one (Individual 1) represent Informal Cists that post-date

construction of the surrounding building. In fact, in the case of Individual 1, the decedent

was laid to rest between the pyramids retaining walls, which ran parallel to one another

but at a distance of about 50 cm.

Within the same sample, individuals in Informal Cists were less often interred

with grave goods than were individuals in Capped Cists. In six of nine cases, no grave

goods were recovered in association with individuals interred in Informal Cists. Among

the 7 Informal Cists, the most prevalent grave orientation encountered was N/S (N=5;

71.5% of total number of Informal Cists), but there is one Informal Cist oriented NE/SW

(14.3% of total number of Informal Cists). I could identify only approximate grave

dimensions, and only for two Informal Cists. Width of the grave associated with

Individuals 89 and 90 was documented as 60 cm, while Individual 1 was 40 cm x 45 cm.

Given that the sample is so small, it is impossible to say whether Informal Cist burial

construction was standardized. Informal Cists were encountered only in Late and

Late/Terminal Classic contexts.

132
Capped Cists

Thirteen of the PfBAP burials are Capped Cists. Though all Capped Cists have

capstones, not all capstones were plastered into place. Between 6 and 8 cut slabs were

arranged in an ovoid shape and capped by one to four capstones. Cist stones and

capstones were usually hewn from limestone, but in one grave, travertine was used as a

capstone (Individual 72). Three of these graves are stratigraphically located beneath

benches (Individuals 22, 72, and 92). Seven of the Capped Cists post-date the

construction of associated buildings; to accommodate these graves, holes were intruded

into buildings floors and cists were built within. In the 8 Capped Cists where grave

goods were encountered, their content varied with regard to quantity, material, and type.

Three instances lacked grave goods and it was unknown if grave goods were present or

absent in the case of two Capped Cists. Most graves were oriented N/S (N=9; 69.2% of

total number of Capped Cists), though 2 Capped Cists were possibly oriented E/W

(15.4% of total number of Capped Cists). Based upon their grave dimensions,

construction of Capped Cists is somewhat standardized, or at least more so than in the

case of Informal Cists. As evidenced by six of the Capped Cists, widths of cists were

between 40 and 73 cm, while lengths are between 60 and 75 cm. Capped Cists are known

from all Classic contexts, from the Early Classic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods.

Crypts

Crypts are rarely found at PfB sites. Indeed, Late Classic Individual 42 from Dos

Hombres is the single case. A Crypt had been constructed around a Cache; cut marl

blocks were tightly stacked to form walls 76 cm wide and a crude dome reaching 102 cm
133
high inside. I identify this grave as a Crypt rather than a Cache in order to emphasize its

distinct form, as well as the energy required to construct such a grave-type.

Tombs

Of the 12 Tombs included in the PfBAP sample, lamentably, looters had ravaged

6 Tombs. Despite the tremendous loss of information, investigators can detail Tombs

architectural components, construction phases and stratigraphic locations. Moreover,

while looters have taken with them the contents of Tombs, they have generally

disregarded Tombs decedents. Human remains were often recovered from the backdirt

of looters trenches. Three of the Tombs in the sample were cut from bedrock, two were

Stone-lined, and six were identified by excavators as Tombs, though they did not

document more specific details about type. It was these six Tombs, which I refer to as

Unspecified in form, that were looted.

As evidenced in the PfBAP sample, Tombs are not always associated with

monumental pyramids in the center of large sites. At the sites of Dos Hombres and Barba

Group, investigators unearthed two Tombs beneath eastern buildings of residential

groups, a position inferred elsewhere to mark ancestor shrines (Individuals 65 and 132,

and Individual 2, respectively). Moreover, Tombs were not necessarily placed inside of

buildings, as indicated by two Tombs in PfBAPs sample that were situated in front of

buildings and beneath plaza floors (Individuals 4 and 111). In all, six Tombs were

associated with buildings or spaces located in the eastern section of their groups,

including the aforementioned two Tombs. There is no standard orientation for Tombs.

Nor do they have standard dimensions; their lengths extend from 192 cm to 300 cm, and
134
their widths from 70 cm to 120 cm. Their heights range between 58 cm and 200 cm. The

oval-shaped, bedrock cavity at the Barba Group site was the smallest of the PfBAP

Tombs. Three decedents were interred in extended positions. The Barba Group

individual, however, was laid to rest in a tightly flexed position on his back with his head

to the north and his pelvis to the south.

Grave furniture included organic litters, grave goods, and traces of red pigment.

The two Rock-cut Tombs from the sites of Chan Chich and La Milpa (Individuals 4 and

111, respectively) contained evidence of organic litters upon which decedents were laid.

In all four Tombs, grave goods were well preserved, plentiful, and diverse with respect to

types and materials. There was not, however, a typical set of grave goods interred

specifically with the occupants of Tombs. Ceramic vessels included polychromes,

Teotihuacan-style tripods, and zoomorphic and anthropomorphic vessels. The sealed

contexts of Individuals 4 and 111 facilitated the preservation of painted or stuccoed gourd

vessels, as well14. The Barba Group Tomb contained the fewest number of ceramic

vessels and grave goods in general. Five vessels were recovered there, in comparison to 6

vessels in the Tomb of Individual 111, 10 vessels in the Tomb of Individual 65, and 11

vessels in the Tomb of Individual 4. Jade items in the form of beads, ear spools, flecks,

and pendants were found with every Tombs decedent, though quantities varied. Shell

unaltered and transformed into beads and pendants appeared in all but the Tomb of

Individual 4. Evidence of a red substance, possibly cinnabar or powdered hematite, was

discovered in three Tombs, those in which Individuals 4, 65, 11, and 132 were interred.

14
As an alternative suggestion, Robichaux (1998:49) notes that the painted fragments may also represent
the remains of a perishable headdress, further supported by their location near the decedents head.
135
The substance was found in association with decedents heads or upper bodies. There

were also grave goods unique to Tomb interment, and to specific individuals among the

PfBAP Tombs. For instance, Individual 65 was the only one in the PfBAP sample

interred with hematite fragments, a stone ball, or a bone needle and pin (or toggle).

Though the cause may be simply inadequate preservation, grave goods known from

Maya Tombs elsewhere but not found by PfBAP included stingray spines, ceramic or

stone figurines, whistles, eccentric lithics, and faunal materials such as jaguar teeth or

claws.

With the exception of the Dos Hombres Tomb, which contained evidence of a

primary decedent and incomplete human remains of a secondary one, all Tombs

contained only one individual. Tombs occupants were all male; though Dos Hombres

decedents were identified less conclusively as males?. All were also adults over the age

of 20 years at the time of their death. Such is not the case for decedents in other types of

grave, all of which contained males and females, as well as Adults and Subadults. With

respect to indelible body modifications, Individual 111 appeared to have unintentional

lambdoid flattening, while the secondary individual (Individual 132) interred in Dos

Hombres Tomb exhibited possible tabular erect shaping. In Tombs at the sites of Dos

Hombres and Chan Chich, decedents had modified dentition. In the case of the occupants

of La Milpa and Barba Group Tombs, presence of ante-mortem tooth loss may have

masked dental modification. In fact, the decedent from the site of La Milpa had a fully

edentulous mandible. Hence, it is entirely possible that these individuals possessed dental

modifications, but there is not sufficient evidence to prove or disprove such a claim. Ear

136
spools, suggesting pierced ears, were also found in association with all Tombs decedents,

save Individual 2.

Associated Architecture

Floors represent the most common architectural features associated with PfBAP

burials. Unless otherwise noted, all graves were beneath buildings floors, whether placed

there before the floor was laid or intruded into it. Exceptions comprise burials placed in

association with staircases or interred within benches.

Aside from their association with floors, burials were often found together with

benches. These are an important architectural feature, both in a symbolic sense and a

practical one, in Maya society (Chapter 6). Eighteen graves were associated with benches

(13.6% of total PfBAP sample). Burials were either placed directly within the bench in

construction fill, or situated stratigraphically beneath the floor atop which the bench was

constructed. When located beneath benches, bodies are generally placed into Cists of

both the Capped and Informal varieties; however, when found directly within benches,

Simple graves and Pits predominate. They date from the Early Classic to the Terminal

Classic periods. Benches vary between 15 cm and 100 cm in height. As they are rarely

unearthed in their entirety rather excavators expose and/or penetrate only a portion of

these features it is difficult to determine the extent of their dimensions with respect to

width and length. Their orientation is difficult to surmise, as well. Bench fill was

comprised of artifacts (i.e., ceramic and lithic fragments), cobbles, and poured plaster.

Burials are found in association with building walls in 17 cases (12.9% of total

PfBAP sample). For instance, Individual 1 was placed between the sequential walls of a
137
pyramid, creating an Informal Cist. The association between walls and graves appears to

be the result of architectural renovation that followed decedents earlier interments.

Other associated architectural forms include staircases, domes, and construction

features associated with water management. Five individuals (or body parts representing

five individuals) were encountered in association with staircases. Two roughly

constructed domes, labeled so by excavators, were erected by stacking cut blocks to

form walls and a roof. One was found overlying a Rock-cut Tomb from the site of La

Milpa (Individual 111), and a large Cache Vessel with decedent inside had been placed

into the second domed Crypt (Individual 42). Considered unique within the PfBAP

sample, two burials, both from the site of La Milpa, were linked to construction features

utilized for water management. In one case, a Subadult individual was placed loose inside

of a courtyard drain (Individual 113). Not much information is available for the second

burial (Individual 126), but the possible male had been interred beneath the floor of a

platform possibly related to water management (Scarborough, personal communication

1998).

Grave Goods and their Locations

In the case of 24 of 132 individuals, it was not possible to determine whether

grave goods had been interred; in the Appendix, this is recorded as ?. In the case of 49

of 132 individuals, no recognizable grave goods had been interred (37.1%); in the

Appendix this is recorded as None recovered. However, it is also possible that

perishable items, such as textiles, baskets, and gourd containers, were placed with

decedents. In the context of Maya burials, these items are generally not archaeologically
138
recoverable. Fortuitously, the PfBAP sample does contain some items that were

preserved despite their fragility. Remnants of these highly perishable objects were

uncovered within the sealed contexts of Tombs. In the Tomb from the site of Chan Chich

(Individual 4), for instance, a fragment of a possible codex, a wooden staff in the shape of

a serpent, a stuccoed gourd, and evidence of an organic litter to support the decedents

body were recovered. The possible codex and the staff were the only ones of these

categories found in the entire PfBAP sample.

Fifty-nine individuals were accompanied by at least one item (44.7%). While the

majority of grave goods were placed in direct association with interred decedents, direct

associations could not always be identified. Therefore, as it was difficult to determine

which grave goods were associated with which decedents in some cases, this number

encompasses the multiple individuals placed into single graves. Fragments from ceramic

vessels and stone tools, for instance, were sometimes located in the graves surrounding

matrix. Grave goods were interred in all grave-types encountered, though individuals

interred in Tombs possessed the most grave goods in terms of sheer numbers. Grave

goods were interred in graves from all time periods. I now elaborate upon the specific

types of items placed into the graves of PfBAP decedents.

Ceramics

Ceramic materials represent the most commonly interred item. These include

whole pottery vessels, fragments of vessels, and in one case, a single fired clay disk. The

PfBAP sample as a whole yielded 63 ceramic vessels. Tombs held the greatest number of

vessels. Moreover, Tombs vessels were often polychrome, anthropomorphic, or

139
zoomorphic, as opposed to those in other grave-types, that mostly comprised plain

vessels of various types. Graves other than Tombs usually held only one or two vessels.

As there is considerable variation in the sample with regard to vessels type and

location, discerning patterns was somewhat difficult. In the case of Tomb decedents,

vessels were placed adjacent to, but not inverted over, various body parts, and not

oriented to any evident cardinal direction. Alternatively, they were found beneath human

remains; this location is perhaps the result of decedents bodies being laid atop perishable

litters underneath which vessels were placed. To support this assertion, I look to evidence

from Early Classic Tombs at the site of Copn, where excavators have encountered stone

slabs atop which bodies were laid and beneath which were intentionally situated ceramic

vessels (Bell 2002; Bell et al 2000). When vessels were used for cache purposes, human

remains were interred either inside of them, or unlike Tomb contexts, beneath the body

with the vessel inverted over skeletal materials.

In grave-types other than Tombs and Caches, excavators uncovered 9 vessels or

their fragments in close proximity or inverted over decedents skulls or teeth. Three

vessels (or their fragments) were placed at decedents hands or feet, and for one of these

three vessels, the loosely flexed individuals hands and feet appeared to clasp the vessel

(Individual 10). Five vessels were also found either adjacent to, inverted over, or on top

of decedents knees, torsos, and pelvises. Two vessels had been inverted over the area of

decedents chests, and cranial and dental remains were also found beneath these vessels

(Individuals 1, 53, 56, and 57). Ceramic vessels were not always situated in close

proximity to decedents. Ten vessels or their fragments were located in fill of graves,

140
inasmuch as it had shifted down into otherwise sealed Cists or was intermingled with

matrices that covered decedents bodies in graves.

Vessels were interred with people of all ages. Correlation of sex and presence of

ceramic vessels shows that pottery was interred more often with males and males?

(N=20; 40% of total number of males and males? [N=50]) than females and females?

(N=7; 33% total number of females and females? [N=21]).

Semi-Precious and Ordinary Stones

Jade/Greenstone

Though petrographically distinct, greenstone and jade are considered together as a

single grave good type. Hammond and his colleagues (1977) have referred to greenstone

as social jade despite source and mineral variances. From visual inspection, jade and

greenstone are easily mistaken, and their different mineral compositions would have been

less obvious to Maya producers and consumers.

Of 59 individuals interred with grave goods, excavators unearthed 16 decedents

(27.1%) with jade/greenstone. As evidenced in the PfBAP sample, this material was used

to make ear spools, beads, pendants, and objects of unknown ornamentation. The

majority of jade/greenstone artifacts were located in close proximity to decedents. In fact,

the location of ear spools, beads, and pendants suggest that these items were worn when

individuals were interred, rather than being placed in graves separately after interment.

Aside from ornamentation, jade/greenstone items were also found placed into or near

decedents mouths. Welsh (1988:217) identified placement of small jade beads or objects

inside of decedents mouths as a pan-lowland Maya custom. Landa (in Tozzer 1941:130)
141
writes that mourners filled decedents mouths with ground maize, which is their food

and drink which they call koyem, and with it they placed some of the stones which they

use for money, so that they should not be without something to eat in the other life. In a

footnote about this quote, Tozzer (ibid) identifies numerous archaeological instances of

jade beads placed in the mouths of skeletons. In his examination of the Nahuas, Lpez

Austin (1988a:326-327) also details the placement of precious stones in decedents

mouths. Aside from financially facilitating ones journey to the underworld, he also

suggests that stones retained a portion of the decedents departing, animating spirits,

namely the yolia (Chapter 6).

The Capped Cist of Individual 26 contained 42 pieces of small, thin jade pieces.

These jade pieces were, perhaps, part of a mosaic mask or plaque whose frame was of

more perishable material. Excavators also uncovered jade pendants with symbolic

reference to rulership in the Tombs of Individuals 4 and 111. While small jade items,

beads, and pendants are widespread in the PfBAP mortuary remains, the quantity,

designs, and artistic manipulation of the jade items from these two Tombs are not

replicated in any other burials. As evidenced in the PfBAP sample, it would seem that

while all members of society had access to jade/greenstone, not all jade/greenstone items

were regarded equally.

While jade/greenstone was interred with both males and females, it was interred

only with adults; jade/greenstone was not found in any burials that contained Subadults.

However, jade/greenstone was more often interred with males and males? (N=10; 20% of

all males in the sample) than females and females? (N=2; 9.5% of all females in the

sample). Excavators uncovered the semi-precious stone in burials that dated from the
142
Late Preclassic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods. Jade/greenstone was also found in

association with all grave-types but the Informal Cist. However, Simple graves (N=4;

6.6% of all Simple graves) with jade/greenstone dated only to the Late Preclassic period.

In materials recovered from Early Classic to Late/Terminal Classic contexts,

jade/greenstone is restricted to placement in Caches, Pits, Capped Cists, and Tombs of

both the Rock-cut and Stone-lined variety.

Hematite and Mica

Though not as plentiful as jade, hematite and mica did appear in the PfBAP

sample. Hematite was interred with three decedents and mica with one individual. The

three instances of hematite were uncovered in two Pit graves (Late Classic and

Late/Terminal Classic periods) and one Early Classic Stone-lined Tomb (Individuals 66,

102, and 65, respectively). The individuals interred in these graves were all Adults, and

they were males or males?. Small circular pieces of hematite were also inlaid into four

individuals teeth (Individuals 4, 65, 66, and 132). Nineteen pieces of mica were interred

with Individual 63, a Young/Middle to Middle Adult female who also possessed a shell

ornament, obsidian blade and biface. She was interred in a Late Classic Simple grave.

Obsidian

Although obsidian is a volcanic glass, it is included in this section on semi-

precious and ordinary stone as is customary in other analyses. Obsidian flakes,

utilitarian bifaces and blades, a core, and ear spools accompanied 13 decedents.

Obsidian grave goods were encountered in Late Preclassic to Terminal Classic contexts.
143
Table 4.8 summarizes the number of obsidian grave goods in relation to grave-type, and

decedents age and sex. In the PfBAP sample, a 2 cm thick layer of obsidian, comprised

of approximately 20,000 flakes, was located directly above the Early Classic Stone-lined

Tomb from Dos Hombres (Individuals 65 and 132). Excavators have discovered similar

phenomena in association with, for example, Burial 116 at the site of Tikal (Trik 1963).

Mortuary Category Total (N=13) % of total

Grave-type:
Cache 0 0.0
Simple 7 53.8
Pit 2 15.4
Cist 2 15.4
Tomb 2 15.4
Age:
Subadult 2 15.4
Adult (20+ yrs) 11 84.6
Unknown 0 0.0
Sex:
Female 1 7.7
Female? 1 7.7
Male 1 7.7
Male? 6 46.2
Unknown 4 30.8

Table 4.8. Number of obsidian grave goods in PfBAP burials

Chert and Granite

Stone items interred within PfBAP burials included lithic flakes, granite and stone

balls, bifaces of chert, a granite mano and metate, and one expended chert core. Seven

individuals were interred in association with bifaces. Two stone balls, slightly smaller

than a fist and of unknown function, were interred in a Late Classic Simple grave and the

Early Classic Stone-lined Tomb at the site of Dos Hombres (Individuals 62 and 65). The

144
burials of males and males? more frequently contained chert and granite than females and

females?; only one female? (Individual 5) was interred with a possible expended chert

core. The grave of a single Subadult individual (Individual 87) contained a chert biface;

however, the same Pit grave also held an Adult (Individual 88), and it remains unclear

who the primary interment was.

Aquatic Materials: Shell, Stingray, and Coral

Though not as plentiful as ceramic vessels, shell was ubiquitous across time

periods and sex categories in the PfBAP sample. Of 59 decedents interred with grave

goods, 21 were buried with shell objects (35.6%). Both Subadult and Adult decedents, as

well as males and females, possessed grave goods of modified and unworked shell.

Freshwater and marine shell were used to fashion buttons, disks, beads, pendants,

tinklers, and even a ladle in one burial. Spondylus, as beads or whole valves, was

generally uncovered in grave-types that required considerable energy to construct, such

as Crypts (Individual 42) and Tombs (Individuals 65 and 111). Included in the sample are

also seven shell tinklers, named for the distinctive sound they make when strung and

striking against one another. The tinklers were produced from olivella shells, a marine

gastropod (possibly Oliva porphyria). They were found in one grave that contained six

individuals, though only two individuals (Individuals 52 and 53) were associated with the

tinklers. As the individuals were both Subadult, no sex could be assigned (Figure 4.1).

145
 Figure 4.1. Shell tinklers found with Individuals 52 and 53

Landa (in Tozzer 1941:102, 106) details the practice of placing a thin cord around

the waist of girls between the ages of 3 to 12 years. Attached to the cord was a small shell

that covered the genital region. The cord and shell were taken as a token of the childs

purity, and could not be removed until after a baptismal event, or rite of passage, was

performed. Interment of tinklers with PfBAPs Subadults, perhaps, indicates this practice.

Another possible explanation is that the tinklers evoke Yum Cimil, or Death God A. The

deity is often depicted wearing sleigh-bell ornaments inserted into his hair, attached to

bands around his forearms or legs, or affixed to a collar (Sharer 1994:534). Placement of

bells with decedents may have symbolically sounded out their passage or need for

146
accompaniment through the lowest of the underworlds nine levels, with which Yum

Cimil is paired. I, however, have no further support for either of these explanations, as

tinklers were uncovered only in the aforementioned grave.

The only stingray spine in the sample was interred in a Late/Terminal Classic

Capped Cist with a female from the site of Dos Barbaras (Individual 22) (Figure 4.2).

The pre-Columbian Maya used stingray spines, as well as obsidian blades, for

bloodletting rituals, and it is possible that this female engaged in such activities. Coral

was another item rarely interred, or preserved, in graves. It does, however, appear in

sealed contexts. One piece of coral was interred with a Young Adult of unknown sex;

Individual 42 had been placed into a Late Classic Cache Vessel that in turn was placed

into a Crypt with a crude dome. An object tentatively identified as coral was also

associated with Individual 65.

Figure 4.2. Stingray spine found with Individual 22 (drawn by Sheryl Alberico)

147
Faunal Remains: Worked and Unworked Bone

Faunal remains were fashioned into utilitarian and decorative items, as well as

interred as whole-bone elements. Utilitarian items included an awl, needle, and

pin/toggle. The latter two items were interred within the Dos Hombres Tomb, while the

awl had been closely grouped with a drilled marine shell, shell disk, animal teeth, and

obsidian bladelet in a Capped Cist at El Intruso/Gateway site (Individual 72). Bone was

also used as a raw material for ornaments. Two labrets in the sample were created from

bone, presumably non-human mammal. One labret was fashioned in the shape of a flower

and was uncovered from an Informal Cist near the head of the possible male decedent

(Individual 89). The position of the labret in relation to the individuals skull suggests

that the decedent was wearing the ornament during his life and when he was buried.

Unworked remains of deer or turtle were found with six individuals. Faunal

remains were found only in burials that dated from the Late Classic to the Terminal

Classic periods. With the exception of an Adult of unknown age and sex, faunal remains

were interred only with males or males? between the ages of 20-40 years, Young Adults

and Young/Middle Adults. Non-human mammal teeth were also found in a Capped Cist

at the site of El/Intruso Gateway (Individual 72), as mentioned earlier. Faunal remains

were recovered from a Pit grave, Capped Cist, Cache, and several Simple graves.

Red Matter and Copal

Red matter in PfBAP Tombs has yet to be formally identified by chemical

analysis. Rather, identification is based on in-field observation. However, we do know

that at the site of Ro Azul, red paint is cinnabar, or mercuric sulfide (Hall 1989:173), and
148
at the site of Piedras Negras, Coe (1959:134) has referred to red paint as powdered

hematite, or iron oxide. Red matter was applied directly to the human remains of five

individuals, or their grave goods. For Individual 111, for instance, red matter had been

placed in the area of the decedents head, and during excavation fragments of pigment

adhered to his skull. Moreover, a shell valve pendant, placed in the decedents pelvic

region, contained more red matter. Application or deposition of red substances appears to

have occurred prior to inhumation, as there is no evidence of grave reentry. With the

exception of one adult of unknown age and sex, all individuals interred with red matter

were males, between the ages of 20 and 50 years. This substance was found in a Stone-

lined Tomb (Individual 111), two Rock-cut Tombs (Individual 4 and 65), a Capped Cist

(Individual 38), and a Simple grave (Individual 62). In the PfBAP sample, burials with

red matter date to as early as the Late Preclassic, but no later than the Late Classic.

Copal, either in incense or resin form, was detected in a Crypt and looted Stone-

lined Tomb (Individuals 12 and 42). Nothing is known about the individual in the former

grave, and the latter grave contained a Young Adult of unknown sex. It is highly unusual

that this organic substance was preserved. I suspect that the pre-Columbian Maya used

copal frequently during ritual activities, particularly those that were mortuary in nature.

In fact, Coggins and Ladd (1992) have noted that a fair amount of copal was recovered

from the Cenote of Sacrifice at the site of Chichen Itza, though the context is a non-

mortuary one.

149
Bodies: Orientation, Condition, and Position

Body orientation with regard to cardinal directions could be determined in 70

cases (53%) of the PfBAP sample; the indeterminate information was either not recorded

by archaeologists or not measurable due to decedents highly disarticulated or fragmented

state. Table 4.9 summarizes body orientations of PfBAPs decedents by grave-type.

Within the sample, cardinal directions were involved in at least 59 cases (44.7%).

Simple Grave

Informal Cist

Capped Cist

% of Total
Unknown

Total # of
Chultun

Burials

PfBAP
Cache

Tomb
Body

Type
Orientation Pit

N/S 0 13 13 0 5 6 2 1 40 30.3
N/S ? 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 2.3
E/W 0 9 6 0 0 1 2 1 19 14.4
E/W ? 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1.5
NW/SE 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 3 2.3
NE/SW 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 2.3
Unknown 5 31 7 1 2 5 8 3 62 47.0

Table 4.9. Body orientation in relation to grave-type in PfBAP sample

More than half of the individuals in the PfBAP sample represent primary

interments (N=76; 57.6%), including questionable cases. Twenty-nine individuals (22%)

were encountered as secondary interments, 10 of which were questionable. Twenty-six

individuals body conditions were indeterminate (19.7%).

In the case of 38 individuals (28.8%), there was not enough information to

determine decedents body positions. An additional 23 individuals (17.4%) were

disarticulated, or secondary, burials with no discernible body position. However, one

150
disarticulated individuals long bones had been crossed over the cranium (Individual 71).

As previously discussed, careful excavation and documentation of this burial yielded

insight as at least one process of disarticulation.

Head W & Hips E

Head E & Hips W
Head W & Feet E
Head E & Feet W

Head NW & Hips

Head SW & Hips
Head S & Hips N
Head N & Hips S
Head S & Feet N
Head N & Feet S

Head SE & Hips

% of PfBAP
Unknown

decedents
Total # of

sample
NW
NE

SE
Disarticulate n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ 1 14.
d a a a a a a a a a a a a 9 4
Disarticulate n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/
4
d? a a a a a a a a a a a a 3.0
Articulated:
Loosely 4 34.
0 0 0 0 2 11 6 22 1 1 1 1
flexed 5 1
Tightly 1 15.
0 0 0 0 1 4 3 11 0 0 0 0
Flexed 9 2
Inverted
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1
Flexed .8
Kneeling 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1
.8
Extended 2 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
3.8
n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ n/ 3 28.
Unknown
a a a a a a a a a a a a 8 8
Table 4.10. PfBAP body positions and orientations

As mentioned in Chapter 2, bodies were either extended or flexed; the latter

category was described as tightly or loosely flexed. In the case of articulated individuals

with perceptible body positions, arms locations were too variable to discern a pattern. It

was, however, possible to identify patterns regarding the side on which the body was laid

(e.g., on back, on left side, on right side) and orientation with respect to cardinal direction

151
of head, face, hips, and feet. Table 4.10 summarizes the number of decedents placed in

different body positions, as well as cardinal directions to which body parts were oriented.

The five individuals in extended positions were all laid on their backs. Only one

of these individuals (Individual 49), whose body was oriented E/W with her head west

and feet east, is documented as having a turned head, in this case, facing to the north.

Two individuals have their arms placed alongside their bodies; for the three other

extended decedents, no arm position was noted. Two males?, one male, and one female?

had been placed in an extended position; the fifth individual was a Subadult and thus of

indeterminate sex. Only Tombs and Simple graves, which dated to Late Preclassic and

Early Classic contexts, contained bodies in extended positions.

Loosely Flexed Tightly Flexed

Side:
Right side 10 4
Left side 19 11
On back 4 2
Face down 0 1
Unknown 12 1
Grave-type:
Simple 23 4
Pit 13 6
Cist 8 7
Tomb 0 1
Unknown 1 1
Age:
Subadult 6 1
Adult 37 18
Unknown 2 0
Sex:
Female 6 3
Female? 7 0
Male 10 8
Male? 12 5
Unknown 10 3
Table 4.11. Loosely flexed and tightly flexed body positions in PfBAP sample

152
 Table 4.11 synthesizes data about tightly flexed and loosely flexed bodies;

additional information about body positions and skeletal data is included. Not noted in

the table is the fact that, among the PfBAP instances known, tightly flexing bodies

largely occurred in the Classic period; there is only one Late Preclassic grave containing

a tightly flexed individual (Individual 53). On the other hand, bodies were loosely flexed

in grave known from the Late Preclassic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods.

Skeletal Data Categories

Age

Estimation of age ranges is important for addressing demographic questions

related to burial customs and beliefs, per the goals in Chapter 1. Who exactly was

receiving formal burial treatment within the PfB sample? Delineation of age ranges is

discussed in Chapter 2. As learned from PfBAP analyses directed by the Sauls, all except

12 of the 132 individuals could be assessed for age ranges (N=120; 90.1%). When age at

death could not be determined it was because the remains were too fragmentary, they

were located in unexcavated spaces, they had been severely disturbed by looting, or they

were misplaced prior to analysis. Table 4.12 summarizes PfBAP individuals ages at

death.

153
 % of total
Age Ranges (in years) Total
PfBAP sample
Subadult 0-20 2 1.5
Infant 0-4 9 6.8
Infant to Child 3-5 4 3.0
Child 5-12 2 1.5
Child to Adolescent 5-14.5 2 1.5
Adolescent 13-20 2 1.5
Adolescent to Young Adult 13-25 3 2.3
Young Adult 20-34 49 37.1
Young to Young/Middle Adult 20-40 2 1.5
Young/Middle Adult 30-40 7 5.3
Young/Middle to Middle Adult 30-50 2 1.5
Young to Middle Adult 20-54 1 .8
Middle Adult 35-54 13 9.8
Middle to Old Adult 45-55 2 1.5
Middle/Old to Old Adult 50+ 1 .8
Old Adult 55+ 1 .8
Adult* 20+ 19 14.4
Unknown n/a 11 8.3

Table 4.12. PfBAP decedents by age. *Individuals who could not be assigned to
restricted age ranges were placed in general categories of Subadult or Adult.

Adults comprise the largest portion of the PfBAP sample (N=97; 73.5%). They

were recovered from all grave-types and time periods. A total of 21 individuals in the

PfBAP could be categorized as Subadult (15.9%). An additional three individuals were

on the cusp of adulthood, and were aged as Adolescent to Young Adult (see Table 4.12).

In this sample, Subadults were just as likely to be primary interments (N=9; 42.8% of

total Subadult) as they were secondary interments (N=8; 38.1% of total Subadult). They

were interred most often in Simple graves (N=16; 76.2% of total Subadult), but grave-

types also included Pits (N=2; 9.5% of total Subadult), a Capped Cist, an Informal Cist,

and a Cache (each 4.8% of total Subadult). However, when they were interred in grave-

154
types other than Simple graves, they were not the primary individual; rather, they were

represented by secondary, disarticulated interments. When articulated, Subadult

decedents body positions displayed no significant difference between E/W (N=4; 19% of

total Subadult) and N/S (N=3; 14.3% of total Subadult) orientations. Excavators

encountered Subadults in contexts ranging from the Late Preclassic to the Late/Terminal

Classic periods.

Adults constitute the preponderant quantity of decedents in PfBAPs burial

sample. However, Chamberlain (1997:249) writes, There is now considerable evidence

that most prehistoric populations had childhood mortality of at least 50%, and for a stable

or slowly growing population this implies that at least half of the living individuals in any

given community were children (defined here as people under the age of 18). Such

evidence implies that age-at-death in the PfBAP sample distribution should include more

Subadults than excavators have recovered. As mentioned in Chapter 2, however,

investigators historically have found Subadults less likely to preserve than adults (e.g.,

Gordon and Buikstra 1981). PfBAP researchers sampling strategies also provide an

explanation for the prevalence of Adults and the dearth of Subadults. Few investigators

conducted extensive excavations of sites, which might have exposed not only

architectural sequences but also ensconced burials. Or, perhaps, Subadults were buried in

locations not targeted by archaeologists for excavation. Either way, the PfBAP skeletal

population does not provide sufficient data for accurate reconstruction of

paleodemography.

155
Sex

The category of sex is considerably more difficult to assign with any degree of

certainty. Aside from the theoretical obstacles discussed in Chapter 2, there are also more

practical, analytical issues with which to contend. As generally recognized, the pelvis

possesses the best indicators of sex, though Janet Monge (personal communication 2003)

has noted that even pelvic indices of sex are at best 80% accurate. Moreover, as a result

of its thin cortex, the pelvis rarely preserves as often or as well as other skeletal elements

(White 2000:410). With these cautionary words in place, I consider the PfBAP sample.

As learned from PfBAP analyses directed by the Sauls, 71 individuals in the

sample could be assessed as to sex (53.8%). However, three individuals (Individuals 7,

94, and 95) are ambiguous; two are either females? or small males, and one is either a

male? or robust female. Of the 61 individuals of unknown sex, 19 are Subadult.

Subadults are generally designated unknown or uncertain as to sex because sexual

dimorphism usually becomes distinct only in late adolescence (Saul and Saul 1991:135).

This being said, four individuals (Individuals 37, 47, 48, and 121) included in the

Subadult category could be identified more specifically as either Adolescent or

Adolescent-to-Young Adult, and could be sexed tentatively as female? (N=3) or male?

(N=1).

F F? F+F? M M? M+M? ?
N= 10 11 21 21 29 50 61
% of total 7.5 (?) 15.9 15.9 (?) 37.9 46.2

Table 4.13. PfBAP decedents by sex

156
 Table 4.13 summarizes PfBAP decedents by sex. As we can see, males

encompass the largest portion of the PfBAP sample, if we do not include those

individuals of unknown sex. According to this sample, females and females? died most

often as Young Adults (N=9; 42.9%). One possible explanation is that Young Adult

females and females? died during childbirth or as a result of complications related to

childbirth. To add further support to this suggestion, three adolescents sexed as females?

are also included in the sample. However, the explanation is a tentative one, as most

males and males? were Young Adults at the time of death as well (N=29; 58%).

Body Modifications

Artifacts and human remains speak to the occurrence of indelible and intentional

body modifications. I now discuss evidence for piercing, cranial shaping, and dental

modification.

Piercings

The tropical environs of PfB do not permit preservation of flesh. Nonetheless,

artifacts associated with burial spaces indicate that individuals were pierced some time

prior to their deaths. Proximity of items like labrets and ear spools to specific areas of the

body adds further support for the piercing of ears, lips, noses, and cheeks. Labrets were

found in association with two individuals in the PfBAP sample. Individual 89 was a

Young Adult and male? placed into a Late Classic Informal Cist at the site of Guijarral;

the labret was recovered from the same area as cranial fragments (Figure 4.3) (Geller

2003). In the case of Individual 114, a Young Adult male from the site of La Milpa, a
157
labret was found while screening the grave matrix around him. Though the association is

less than fully convincing, it is possible that the decedent wore the labret while alive.

Figure 4.3. Individual 89s labret

The presence of ear spools suggests that decedents ears were pierced. These

items were recovered only from Tombs (Individuals 4, 65, and 111). Individual 2, buried

within the Barba Group Tomb, was the only individual interred in such a context without

ear spools, or at least none that were created from durable material. The significance of

different materials used for ear spools is not known, but it is important to note.

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Cranial Shaping

Despite the fragmentary nature of the PfBAP sample, 25 individuals could be

assessed for cranial shaping. Both intentional and unintentional types of cranial shaping

were encountered. Table 4.14 summarizes absence and presence of cranial shaping, as

well as the type of shaping when present.

Total
Types of Cranial Shaping % of total
(N=25)
Absent 4 16.0
Present:
Unintentional occipital flattening 4 16.0
Unintentional postcoronal depression 1 4.0
Tabular Erect 5 20.0
Tabular Erect? 1 4.0
Tabular Oblique 2 8.0
Tabular Oblique? 0 0.0
Tabular ? 5 20.0
Cranial shaping? 3 12.0

Table 4.14. Occurrence of cranial shaping in PfBAP sample

The four assessable individuals without cranial shaping, intentional or

unintentional, included two males, one male?, and one female. Respectively, they were

interred into Pits, a Rock-cut Tomb, and a Capped Cist.

Unintentional shaping possibly resulted from two practices transportation of

infants via cradleboards and usage of tumplines for carrying heavy loads. As mentioned

in Chapter 2, cranial modeling via the former produces flattened occiputs, while the latter

is suggested by depression of the postcoronal region (Saul and Saul 1991:154). All

individuals with unintentional shaping were males (N=3; 14.3% of total with cranial

shaping) or possible males (N=2; 9.5% of total with cranial shaping). These individuals

159
were buried in all grave-types but Cists and Chultuns. Individuals with unintentional

cranial shaped were encountered in contexts ranging from the Early Classic to the

Late/Terminal Classic periods.

In the PfBAP sample, more than half of all individuals (52%, N=13) who could

be assessed for cranial shaping displayed conventional shaping of some sort. With respect

to intentional cranial shaping, there were no instances of annular modeling in the PfBAP

sample. Tabular erect and tabular erect? (N=6; 24%) occur more frequently in the sample

than tabular oblique (N=2; 8%), though caution is needed when making inferences as the

sample is small. Degree of shaping ranged from slight to extreme. In the case of those

individuals with tabular erect modification, there were three instances of extreme, one

moderate, and one slight. One individual with tabular oblique modification exhibited

moderate shaping and one individual exhibited extreme shaping. Flattened cranial

fragments suggested the presence of questionable cranial shaping (cranial shaping?) for

an additional 3 individuals in the PfBAP sample.

Table 4.15 summarizes intentionally shaped skulls in the PfBAP sample with

respect to sex. From the very small sample, we can see that males skull were shaped in

an intentional tabular variety more often than females within the sample.
% of total

% of total
M+M?

F+F?
(N=25)

(N=25)
M?

F?
M

Cranial shaping + 3 5 8 32.0 1 0 1 3.6

Cranial shaping - 2 1 3 12.0 1 0 1 3.6

Table 4.15. Intentional tabular cranial shaping by sex in the PfBAP sample

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 All instances of tabular cranial shaping occurred during the Classic period.

Presence of the tabular erect variety is known from the Late and Terminal Classic

periods, and there are two skulls, one with tabular erect and one possible tabular erect

modification, that date to the Early Classic period. In the case of tabular oblique

modification, one individual was encountered in a Terminal Classic context, and no date

could be assigned to the second individual. The sample is too small to identify patterns or

make any inferences. The confinement of cranial shaping to the Classic period in the

PfBAP sample is possibly owing to sampling. At the nearby site of Cuello, the Sauls

(1997) have documented a skull with tabular oblique modification that dates to 850-750

B.C., or the Middle Preclassic period. Future excavations at PfB sites with a known

Preclassic component might reveal shaped skulls comparable in date to the Cuello human

remains.

Individuals with intentionally shaped skulls were encountered in all grave-types

except for Informal Cists, Caches, and Chultuns, and these graves were located in all site

types House Ruins, Minor Centers, and Major Centers. There is also no established

assemblages of grave goods that appears with those decedents whose skulls were shaped

in infancy. Individuals with intentionally shaped skulls were found both with and without

grave goods. Hence, individuals with shaped skulls in the PfBAP sample may or may not

display any markings of significant social prestige, as evidenced by the simultaneous

consideration of graves types, locations, and goods (Chapter 8).

Of the 17 individuals with intentional cranial shaping, eight individuals (50%)

also bore at least one dental modification, five (31.3%) had no modified teeth, and dental

161
modification could not be determined in the case of four individuals (25%). Hence, the

shaping of infants crania did not necessitate modification of their permanent dentition.

Dental Modification

As discussed in Chapter 2, and elaborated upon in Chapter 8, Romeros

classificatory scheme (Figure 4.4), which looks at types and locations of dental

decoration, was referenced to categorize modified teeth in PfBAPs sample. Of 132

individuals in the PfBAP sample, 34 (25.8%) bore no dental modification. However, 4 of

these 34 are represented by fewer than five teeth. Twenty-six individuals possessed at

least one modified tooth, and one individual displayed fully 8 modified teeth. In the case

of 22 of the 26 individuals with dental modification, maxillary teeth had been modified; 4

other individuals had modified mandibular teeth. The former are decidedly more

prominent when mouths are open. In the case of maxillary dentition, central incisors

(N=27) were modified more often than were lateral incisors or canines (N=12 and N=13,

respectively). Individual 132 had the single modified premolar. Incidence of designs on

the visually prominent maxillary, anterior teeth is in keeping with the larger Maya pattern

(Fastlicht 1962).

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 Figure 4.4

Stylistically speaking, 17 different Romeros types are evidenced on maxillary

and mandibular teeth in the PfBAP sample (Table 4.16). There were three instances in

which a modified tooth could have been categorized as two different types; these are duly

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noted in the table below. Individuals 4, 65, and 132, the only individuals with Type E-1,

were all encountered in Tombs.

Romeros Types Total

A-1 1
A-1 or B-7 1
A-3 1
A-4 5
B-2 2
B-2 or B-4 1
B-3 1
B-4 7
B-4 or B-5 1
B-5 4
B-? 1
C-3 1
C-5 1
E-1 3
F-1 1
F-4 1
F-9 1
G-3 1
G-15 1

Table 4.16. Number of individuals with Romero types in PfBAP sample

The PfBAP sample includes modified teeth in all time frames from the

Protoclassic to the Terminal Classic periods. Dental modification was encountered most

frequently from Late Classic contexts (N=19); this number combines Late Classic,

Late/Terminal Classic, and Terminal Classic instances of modification. There are three

individuals with dental modification whose chronological assignment is unknown. As

Individual 4 is the only Preclassic [Protoclassic] individual with dental modification,

inlays of Romero Types G-15 and E-1, one cannot conclude that inlaying preceded filing.

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 Individuals with modified teeth were encountered in all grave-types but Caches

and Chultuns. Individuals with modified dentition were uncovered in Tombs richly

arrayed with grave goods, and no grave goods accompanied 11 of the 26 individuals with

modification. Hence, not all individuals with modified dentition were interred with lavish

grave goods (in quantity and quality) or in elaborate settings, suggestive of social

prominence (Chapter 8).

Both females and males in the same sample bore modified dentition (Table 4.17).

See Figure 4.4 for Romeros typology of modified dentition. Females and females? bore

modified teeth of only Romero Types A-4, B-4, B-5, F-1, and F-9, while males displayed

all types identified in Table 4.16. Types E and G are the only types that involve insertion

of semi-precious stones, and in the case of the PfBAP sample, hematite was the mineral

most frequently used.

% of total

% of total
M+M?

F+F?
(N=50)

(N=21)

Total
Romeros
M?

F?
M

?
Types

- 10 7 17 34 2 0 2 9.5 15 34
+ 5 11 16 32 4 2 6 28.6 4 26

Table 4.17. Romeros Types by sex in the PfBAP sample

Though not of import when considering cranial modeling, as individuals skulls

are generally shaped in infancy, age is important to consider when examining dental

modification. Individual 121, an Adolescent between 14 and 20 years at the time of

death, was the youngest individual in the PfBAP sample with dental modification.

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Though this individual qualifies as Subadult, the male? does not possess any deciduous

teeth; all dentition that is modified was permanent. I would argue that such evidence links

the enactment of dental modification to a social perception of adulthood a process of

becoming an adult realized and facilitated by the painful transformation of teeth. I will

discuss this further in Chapter 8. In any event, dental modification is not contingent upon

age, wealth as inferred from grave-types and goods (Chapter 5), sex, or other coincidental

body modifications.

Summary

In this chapter, I have outlined findings in the PfBAP burial. The sample is small

and it is received from investigators with varied excavation strategies, but it is

nonetheless interpretable. For these same reasons, it is not necessarily amenable to

extrapolate beyond the sample, however. Throughout this chapter, I have correlated data

sets that will be most useful for drawing out more theoretically oriented concerns in

subsequent chapters. In the chapters to follow, I pinpoint particular findings outlined here

to address issues of identity construction (social identity and ones sense of self), ritual

activity, embodiment, and sensuality.

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 CHAPTER 5

THEORIES ABOUT THE BODY AFTER DEATH

Bodies change as a result of involuntary biological phenomena, self-intent, and/or

social norm. In the next chapters, I specifically consider corporeal changes after death

(Chapters 5 and 6) and in life (Chapters 7 and 8), or body processing and body

modification, respectively. I take the transformed, and transforming, body as a

springboard in this bioarchaeological assessment for four reasons. First and foremost,

there exists a historic fascination, and often repulsion, for the changed body, as evidenced

in historic accounts, ethnographies, and theorizing. Therefore, this assessment has drawn

on all of anthropologys sub-fields, as well as other social sciences. Second, many

corporeal alterations possess an observable, material dimension, thereby making them

accessible to bioarchaeologists. Third, bodies present a widely accessible and easily

malleable medium. Whose bodies are or are not altered allows for important and

insightful interpretations about individuals and the societies they comprise. Finally, from

these transformations, archaeologists can make more directed inferences about significant

cultural issues like identity constitution, ritual practices, sensuality, and cosmological

beliefs in particular cultural settings.

I first provide a historical overview of mortuary studies in archaeology, accenting

methodological strategies and theoretical undercurrents. As a convenient heuristic device,

I categorize different approaches according to conventional considerations of

archaeology (i.e., culture historical, processual, or postprocessual models). Regardless of

different interpretive perspectives, many archaeologists have considered the constitution

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of identity in their studies of death either explicitly or implicitly. However, prevalent

models are not without their conceptual limitations, for which I account.

I next consider the applicability of a theoretical perspective that derives from

early 20th century sociologists. Concerned with the links between death, ritual, and

corporeal transformation, sociologists have done much to inspire subsequent

anthropologists studies of death in varied cultural contexts and at distinct historical

junctures. Specifically, sociocultural anthropologists have recognized that implicit in

these sociologists discussions was the issue of identity construction. In citing this rich

and varied theory, I take my cue from an increasing number of archaeologists and

physical anthropologists, who have profited greatly from incorporating sociocultural

theory in recent examinations of mortuary and human remains (e.g., Fitzsimmons 2002;

Hall 1989; Hill 1998; Joyce 1999, 2001; Meskell 1999; Parker Pearson 1999; Rakita and

Buikstra 2001; Tarlow 1997, 1999). Hence, a theoretically informed study of death

certainly establishes a space for dialogue amongst and beyond the varied practitioners of

anthropologys sub-fields.

Chapter 5 is concerned expressly with death as a process and not an end point or

moment frozen in time. Standard archaeological approaches to burials tend to simplify

the ritual activities often associated with dying and death. I stress the connection between

transformations of dead bodies and expediting transformations of decedents identities;

although not as detectable archaeologically, death often necessitates transformation of

mourners identities, as well. In the subsequent chapter, I apply these models to

understanding pre-Columbian Maya peoples response to death. PfBAP burial data offer

actual corporeal evidence to ground the conceptual reconstructions of the logistics

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surrounding death. Treating a non-Western case study also enables us, perhaps, to come

to terms with our own mortality, as modern-day American culture indeed generates

ambivalent, and often negative sentiments about this subject (e.g., Davies 2002; Kubler-

Ross 1969; Metcalf and Huntington 1991:191-214; Palgi and Abramovitch 1984).

Waking the Dead, and Other Archaeological Concerns

I begin this discussion with an overview of archaeologists approaches to the

study of death. Archaeologys early history emphasized excavation, often bordering on

looting of burials. Prior to the 20th century, amateur forays and armchair interpretations

characterized archaeological investigations.

As part of the professionalization of the field, culture history developed in

response to a tradition of weekend collectors and antiquarians, the data-free speculation

of the 19th century, and the need for chronological frameworks within archaeology

(Watson 1995:684). Emerging out of a Boasian school of anthropology in which data

collection was stressed, archaeologists deployed an informal methodology in their

excavations of materially rich deposits. That is, researchers did not require much

methodological rigor as material remains were used primarily to establish essential

temporal and spatial baselines, or culture histories. The construction of what Flannery

(1972:103) refers to as time-space grids was privileged over reconstruction of past

lifeways and the illumination of cultural meaning. Material culture was classified into

like categories contingent upon functional dimensions (e.g., ceramics, lithics,

architecture). Description of material culture served to identify synchronic and diachronic

changes of cultural norms, as culture historians treated culture as a body of shared ideas,
169
values, and beliefs the norms of a human group (ibid). This normative approach is

primarily descriptive and virtually absent of explanation, answering the what, when, and

where questions about the past but not the why. Thus explanations of cultural changes

were argued simplistically to occur via diffusion of ideas and movement of materials. The

legacy of culture history lives on today in many researchers theoretical and

methodological endeavors; Preucel and Hodder (1996:6) identify this framework as one

that continues to dominate archaeology.

In their examinations of burials, cultural historians studies often concentrated on

classification of findings with respect to grave-type, architectural features, and grave

goods. Kroeber (1927), however, provided one of the few models for examining burial

data beyond typological systematization and temporal location. He recognized that

burials could be used to make inferences about funerary rituals; the latter, as suggested by

the data, were inherently unstable, a whim of fashion on par with etiquette and clothing

styles. In general, culture historians placed emphasis on monumental and elite mortuary

spheres (i.e., tombs), and they did not integrate contemporaneous sociocultural theory as

a means of further informing their understanding of burial data. Of lasting importance,

culture historians assessment of burials significantly augmented chronological

frameworks, typological inferences, and museum collections (Chapman and Randsborg

1981:2).

In retort to culture historians descriptive investigations, processual archaeologists

Lewis Binford (1971) and Alan Saxe (1970) formulated testable models that greatly

advanced understandings of burial practices and their encoded meanings. Their analyses

170
were informed (to a limited degree, I argue) by sociocultural scholarship. Of greater

importance is the way in which their models fomented emerging processual frameworks.

In the 1960s, researchers supporting a New Archaeology highlighted and

responded to the shortcomings inherent in the culture historical approach. However, as

Watson (1995:686) points out, Binford and the New Archaeologists were not the first

researchers to express dissatisfaction with culture historys emphasis on typology and

stratigraphy. They were only the individuals who gained the most recognition for having

done so. As a reaction to the shortcomings of culture history, W.W. Taylors

(1983[1948]) earlier conjunctive approach went largely unrecognized. As a means of

reaching past the construction of chronologies and cultural continuity through time and

space, Binfords (1962) instigation of a processual research design attempted to answer

new questions about cultural systems and their evolution, issues that had been regarded

by culture historians as unimportant. According to Preucel (1991:19), the logical

positivism posited by Binford counter[ed] the unstructured empiricism of traditional

archaeology [culture history].

Processual archaeology derided culture historians emphasis on cultural norms,

and instead emphasized cultural processes. Borrowing from Leslie Whites culture

evolutionary scheme, Binford (1962:218) defined culture as the extra-somatic means of

adaptation for the human organism. According to Binford (ibid), culture operated as the

intermediary between populations and the environments they inhabited. He assumed that

people who inhabited similar environments came to manifest cultural similarities that

were materially observable. This view of culture enabled researchers to conceptualize

regularities and universal laws of human behavior. However, processualisms early

171
emphasis upon human behavior, ecological factors, and the formulation of universal laws

did not sit well with some practitioners, and as a result investigators expanded their focus

to include social interactions (e.g., Flannery, ed. 1976).

A processual methodology implemented a research design that was regarded as

generally more scientific than intuitive (Binford 1964). It was believed that such a

scientific endeavor would permit objective excavation and explanation of the

archaeological record. The rigorous, scientific methodology utilized by processualists

includes hypothetico-deductive testing, statistical techniques, probability sampling,

ethnoarchaeological references, actualistic studies, and middle range theory. Whereas

culture history approached the archaeological record from a localized level,

processualism uses a cross-cultural perspective concentrated within a regional area.

Ultimately, Binfords and Saxes examinations of burials, which illuminated

social relationships and used hypothesis testing, were a product of processual theory and

method. Over three decades later, this model remains the principal one investigators use

to interpret burial data (e.g., Buikstra and Charles 1999; Gamble et al 2001; Hammond

1999; Pollard and Cahue 1999). My own and others critical assessments of the

Binford/Saxe model stress that the suppositions proposed in the model should not be

transposed unquestioningly to wide-ranging cultures and time periods. Consequently, this

dissertation looks to sociocultural theory, which many archaeologists have incorporated

only superficially, to provide a richer reconstruction of pre-Columbian Maya mortuary

practices and beliefs, the selected case study for this dissertation (Chapter 6).

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Binford/Saxe Model: Description

Of primary concern for Binford and Saxe15 is the correlation between mortuary

variability and social differentiation. They argue, in what has become known as the

Binford/Saxe model, that increasing variation in mortuary practices and manifestations

are related directly to increasing social complexity. Increasing social complexity

necessitated proliferation of certain individuals social identities.

The Binford/Saxe model hinges upon Ward Goodenoughs important treatment of

social identity. Through a synthesis of Goodenoughs contribution we may see how these

archaeologists (mis)appropriated his understandings in their own analyses. Following

my discussion of Goodenough, I return to utilization of the Binford/Saxe model in

ensuing scholarly work.

Ward Goodenough and the Study of Social Identity

In constituting their identities, individuals may identify with age cohorts, living

communities, ancestral groups, or supernatural entities. Goodenoughs (1965, 1966,

1990) explication of social identity offers the conceptual means for better understanding

this identity formation. His consideration of social identity is more fully developed than

that of self-identity. To distinguish between social and self-identity, I refer the reader to

my earlier overview of definitions of Goodenough and others (Chapter 1).

15
Saxe (1970), in his doctoral thesis, explicitly laid out eight hypotheses to be tested using three different
ethnographic case studies. He writes, The first, hypotheses #1-4, are concerned with the way social
personae are differentially represented within disposal domains. The second, hypotheses #5-8, are
concerned with the way different social structures are differentially represented among different disposal
domains (ibid:65).
173
 Goodenough recognizes that individuals have multiple and variable identities

(e.g., age, sex, occupation, ethnic affiliation), rather than one. This characteristic was

considered in Chapter 1. He (1965:7) defines social persona as the intersection, or

composite, of these multiple identities. More layered social personae complicate social

interactions between individuals. Identifying social personae is the challenge taken up by

archaeologists under the Binford/Saxe model.

As I also discussed in Chapter 1, an important feature of identity that Goodenough

(1966:Chapter 9) considers thoroughly is their mutability throughout individuals lives.

This final feature of identities is, and most directly relevant to my later discussion of rites

of passage, as well as practice and performance in Chapter 7. Goodenough (ibid:199)

even suggests that ones identity changes imperceptibly, day by day, as a persons

experience and knowledge of himself and his societys experience and knowledge of him

accumulate change. Archaeologically, however, such subtle transformations are difficult

to reconstruct. On the other hand, rites of passage represent occasions in an individuals

life, which archaeologist may detect materially. These events necessitate a shift in

identity to create compatibility with the persons new position in life. However,

Goodenough argues that sexual identity is the one type of identity that does not change

throughout an individuals life 16.

While Goodenoughs work is often cited in archaeologists examinations of

mortuary remains, he does not identify death as a catalyst for identity change. Instead, the

desire to match ones self-image with a public image is one important motivator of
16
However, social theorists have critiqued the fixed, and hence predetermined, nature of even sexual
identity in writings that span the past decade. Several scholars have articulated the sociocultural and
historical construction of sex, a concept previously held as unchanging biological fact (Butler 1990, 1993;
Laqueur 1990).
174
change, and in this respect societys perception of the individual reaffirms the voluntarily

altered identity. Desire for such change results from new experiences, mounting

achievements, or socially debilitating failures. Desire may be driven by an individual or

imposed upon the individual by the community. Finally, Goodenough (1966[1963],

1990) treats the impact of sociopolitical turbulence or cultural sanctions on the

transformation of social identities. Social turbulence, as in the case of colonial or

imperialist encounters, can incite people from diverse backgrounds to come together

upon common ground or for a common goal, thereby evoking a sense of shared group

identity.

In their archaeological assessments of burials, Binford (1971) and Saxe (1970) do

not adopt Goodenoughs consideration of social identity in its entirety. Rather, they

isolate and integrate specific components, namely social personae. Age, sex, status,

social affiliation, and conditions and location of death (especially if these are at all

peculiar) contribute to ones composition of social persona and directly impinge upon

ones treatment after death. Binford and Saxe argue that only certain components of a

decedents social persona can be inferred from mortuary remains. Selection of

components to present in mortuary contexts is contingent upon the individual in question

and his or her sociocultural standing. Kings, for instance, are generally buried as with

royal trappings, whereas it may be less obvious from burial data that the king was a

father. Drawing briefly on the writings of Robert Hertz (1960[1907]), whom I will

discuss later, Binford and Saxe assert that as a result of increasing social complexity,

social position becomes a more prominent and primary determinant of a decedents social

175
identity. Hence, an individuals rank, which is generally predicated upon wealth, comes

to the fore.

Aside from social personae, this model also emphasizes the composition and

size of the social aggregate recognizing status responsibilities to the deceased (Binford

1971:21). This dimension of death dictates proper ritual treatment of the decedent, and

illuminates the larger groups reaction in mourning individuals involved; I would argue

that the latter notion is developed only cursorily in the model.

The Binford/Saxe model significantly advanced archaeological examination of

mortuary phenomena. Nonetheless, closer inspection of the model reveals certain

problems with respect to application of Goodenoughs ideas. First, absent from Binford

and Saxes consideration of social identity is Goodenoughs emphasis on how identities

change over time. Moreover, in treating burials as events, or moments frozen in time,

they do not recognize that death is a process, which is an oversight in Goodenoughs

work as well.

Second, is the problematic assumption, best stated by OShea (1984:3), that an

individual's treatment in death bears some predictable relationship to the individual's state

in life and to the organization of the society to which the individual belonged. In other

words, the social group (i.e., mourners) determines with whom, what, and where an

individual is buried. As a result, social personae displayed in death are often societal

constructions not subject to individual negotiation. We can see only societys perception

of the individuals identity, and not the individuals conception (or presentation) of self.

Thus, while Binford and Saxe allow for Goodenoughs things people want to know

about others, they do not provide a space in their theory for things about himself a
176
person wants others to know (Goodenough 1966[1963]:187-188). In this respect, the

Binford/Saxe model contradicts Goodenough, as the latter argued that individuals

exercise a certain degree of agency in deciding which social identities to implement in

any given social situation. Granted, individuals do not bury themselves, but they can

request certain mortuary treatments. For instance, monumental mortuary phenomena,

such as architecturally elaborate and materially rich royal tombs that we see in ancient

Egypt and the Maya lowlands, were designed and initiated during a rulers life. The

Temple of the Inscriptions at the site of Palenque provides an example of a mortuary

temple designed and erected during the life of the ruler to be entombed within. Having

ruled for 67 years, Kinich Janahb Pakal (b. A.D. 616, d. A.D. 683) would have had

sufficient time to oversee the initiation of his final resting place, if not its completion. He

might also have supplied suggestions and made specifications during its construction

(Coe 1988:234). The tomb lies at ground level, 25 meters beneath the temples peak and

was associated with human sacrifices, elaborate carvings, and grave goods. The

significant construction effort and riches found within speak to the considerable planning

that was required.

A third criticism is leveled at Binfords and Saxes correlation of social personae

with wealth and status, which they discern by quantity of grave goods. In some instances,

this correlation is a compelling one; for royal burials, decedents roles are larger and

more lasting than themselves God save the king, the king is dead is heard in endless

repetition. The notion of kingship has considerable longevity and persists even if the

individual in the role of king does not. However, in making this link, Binford and Saxe

negate less materially obvious social identities. The king, for instance, may also be a
177
father, a brother, a husband. Reconstruction of an individuals life history is decidedly

skewed. The Binford/Saxe model underscores the role of the social body leaving little

space for a discussion of the individual body highly informative, but nonetheless

myopic. This is largely a product of processual archaeologists emphases on societies as

systems and on long-term change, eloquently noted and critiqued so roundly by Brumfiel

(1992). She (ibid) contends that in giving preference to environmental explanations for

cultural processes, human agency, creativity and intentionality are viewed as mere

behavioral variation incapable of large-scale cultural change.

Finally, Emile Durkheim and Robert Hertz are cited as part of the theoretical

foundation of the Binford/Saxe model. However, Metcalf and Huntington (1991:15)

argue instead that instead the significant intellectual debt is owed to Malinowskian

functionalism; Binfords and Saxes project is decidedly not Durkheimian, as collective

representations are, after all, as difficult to excavate as beliefs (ibid). As I will discuss

later, religious beliefs, ritual practices, and emotive dimensions were central in the

writings of early 20th century French sociologists, especially with respect to their

considerations of death. These concerns were of marginal interest to, if not deemed

unknowable by, processual archaeologists who implemented the Binford/Saxe model.

Binford/Saxe Model: Application

Despite its shortcomings, subsequent processual archaeologists found inspiration

in the Binford/Saxe model. However, lines of dissension were drawn among

practitioners. Some examined the relationship between the proliferation of social ranks

and energy expended in grave construction and treatment of the body (e.g., Brown 1971,
178
1979, 1981; Tainter 1978). These investigators expressed social dimensions, such as

corporate group differentiation and rank, in quantitative terms (e.g., Tainter 1975).

Within processual perspectives, there were also critics of quantitative approaches (e.g.,

Goldstein 1981). These archaeologists instead centered on more qualitative concerns,

such as the spatial dimensions of burials, which I next explore.

Contextualizing Death

While mostly unexplored by sociocultural anthropologists17, archaeologists have

investigated the link between spatial dimensions and death, and their findings have

greatly informed reconstructions of the past. Processualists seminal work with burials

demonstrated how productive analyses of deaths spatial dimensions could be. In their

study of spatial dimensions, some investigators concentrated upon the implied social role

and rank of the decedent (e.g., Peebles and Kus 1977). More specifically, Saxe (1971:50)

pondered, Do cemeteries occur only in certain types of socio-cultural systems? This

Hypothesis #8 is more formally worded as the following:

Hypothesis #8: To the Degree that Corporate Group Rights to Use

and/or Control Crucial but Restricted Resources are Attained
and/or Legitimized by Means of Lineal Descent from the Dead
(i.e., Lineal Ties to Ancestors), Such Groups Will Maintain Formal
Disposal Areas for the Exclusive Disposal of Their Dead, and
Conversely. (Saxe 1970:119)

Replying in the positive, Saxe argued for a direct relationship between a groups

veneration of ancestors and specially demarcated areas for their burial. Taking up this

line of inquiry, other researchers stressed the connection between burial arenas and

17
As always, there are notable exceptions (e.g., Bloch 1971; da Cunha 1980).
179
corporate groups (e.g., Chapman 1981; Charles and Buikstra 1983; Goldstein 1981;

OShea 1981, 1984). In particular, Lynne Goldsteins (1981) reassessment of Saxes

Hypothesis #8 substantiated his original claim; corporate groups establishment of

specialized, demarcated burial areas validated their control over scarce, though essential

and localized, resources18. In their study of prehistoric, midcontinent North Americans,

Buikstra and Charles (1999; Charles 1992) have more recently assessed the spatial

dimensions of mortuary data not only to isolate corporate groups repeated use of certain

landscape features for burial, but also to draw out the sacred aspects of and varied ritual

practices associated with these spaces. As is evident from this work, recent interests in

space have shifted markedly from quantitative studies, and in doing so have expanded

qualitative considerations; the latter currently represents an important subset of the well-

developed literature concerned with space and place (e.g., Richards 1999; Silverman and

Small, ed. 2002).

Processualists studies of connections between space and death have indeed

facilitated edifying reconstructions of past cultures practices and beliefs; they are,

however, not without deficiencies. Mike Parker Pearson (1995, 1999) has identified and

best articulated postprocessual critiques of this corpus. Postprocessualism as an

interpretive perspective will be discussed more fully later. According to Parker Pearson,

the materialist and cultural ecological grounding of these models privileges economic

activity, rather than ideology or religion; we are left with a very limited perspective on

the placing of the dead and the variety of ways in which ancestors are implicated in

18
Following Goldsteins work, the Saxe/Goldstein Model was born. This model is not to be confused with
the Binford/Saxe Model. I would argue that the latter represents a more comprehensive model for studying
burials, while the former involves a more focused, spatial examination of burial data.
180
human affairs (Parker Pearson 1999:137). Moreover, stressing intra-cemetery variability

does not suffice, since it provides a constrained understanding of the spatial and social

contexts in which the dead were situated (Parker Pearson 1982). Ultimately, Saxes

original question hints at the broader, more important query: What can spatial distance,

or proximity, convey about the relationship between living communities and their

decedents? Reformulating investigation to address this broader question permits

expansion of the spatial scope from both an analytical and intellectual standpoint. With

this in mind, contributors to the edited volume Regional Approaches to Mortuary

Analysis (Beck, ed. 1995) offered models to address connections between death and

spatial patterning at varied scales. Individual bodies, burial spaces, burials from a site,

and burials across a region all qualified as disparate though interrelated analytical scales.

From the grand span of the settlement survey to the fine-grained of the soil sample,

investigators can glean varied information from burials at multiple, nested scales. The

views afforded at different spatial scales have brought to the fore new intellectual foci

and more sophisticated considerations of spatial dimensions with respect to cosmological

beliefs, religious guidelines, and/or personal and social memories, as I now discuss.

As noted by Parker Pearson (1999:124), contexualizing the dead in archaeological

studies informs understanding of the past in the following ways:

Firstly, the relationship of the living to the dead can be explored

through their spatial and topographic separation and the extent to
which the dead occupy the sacred and secular places within the
landscape. Secondly, the micro-topographic and landscape setting
of the places of the dead may provide further insights into the ways
in which the dead were incorporated into cosmologies and social
practices. We can discover how barriers (physical and symbolic)
are placed to protect the living from the dead, and what places,
views and routeways are associated with the dead. Thirdly, the
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 architecture and spatial organization of the place of the dead may
also be examined in such terms.

In other words, he highlights three archaeologically observable and interrelated facets

comprising studies concerned with contextualization of death physical distance between

the living and the dead, sacred landscape features, and built spaces (e.g., burials, barriers,

surrounding architecture); a more detailed account of these three facets follows in the

next section. Moreover, the living maintain ongoing interactions with the dead, or more

specifically the spaces that the latter occupy, indicated by activities like pilgrimages or

repeated land use. In fact, in some cultural cases, this interaction, which can inform ritual

activities, (re)formation of group identity, and/or placement of other built features, is long

term, extending over millennia (e.g., Illinois River Valley: Buikstra and Charles 1999;

Sardinia: Blake 2001, 2002). Intersection of mortuary and landscape studies enables

archaeologists to situate burials within their larger contexts, as defined physically

(architecturally) and conceptually by a group.

Burials Physical Location

Investigators have emphasized physical location in their considerations of

relationships between the living and the living. For instance, and as discussed earlier, a

corporate group can make claims to territories via designation of bounded burial spaces.

Economic incentives provide but one plausible explanation for territoriality. Demarcated

burial arenas may also serve as memory markers, not just territorial boundary markers, as

well as spaces for communal gathering. Physical distance (or proximity) between the

dead and the living, though not in all instances a direct reflection, may also indicate the

182
regard in which the dead are held by the living. This relationship may be shaped by fear

of, deep respect for, indifference to, memorialization of, or grief over the dead.

Distance between the physical locations of the living and the dead may point to

intentional forgetting or de-emphasis of the latter by the former. In some cultural cases,

the living may situate their decedents in increasingly distant locales over time, thereby

suggesting that the dead played a diminishing role in the lives of the living. Or, physical

separation of the corpse from the community may comprise the full spatial displacement,

as compared to several steps in the process of burial. Infrequent interactions between the

living and the dead may also be the result of ritual scheduling. For instance, in his

analysis of British Neolithic and Bronze Age society, Barrett (1988, 1990) highlights how

both routine and ritual cycle structure use of the landscape, especially in regard to

construction, visitation, and modification of burial mounds.

Conversely, proximity between the living and the dead may point to the

importance of ancestors as viable actors in lifes ongoing dramas. Communication may

occur everyday. Cannon (2002:192) has asserted that placement of decedents near at

hand speaks to ongoing interaction with and personal knowledge of the dead rather than

abstract commemoration McAnany (1995) has made a similar argument in her study of

the pre-Columbian Maya. In fact, the general pattern of Maya burials, within or beneath

residences, serves as an excellent counterpoint to the majority of case studies that

highlight the links between death and space. The corpus concerned with space and death

overwhelmingly looks at bounded spaces, easily discernible, measurable, and fixed on the

landscape (i.e., cemeteries). And, while residences qualify as a bounded space,

investigators generally foreground cemeteries, whose intended purpose is limited to

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interment of the dead. In the volume edited by Helaine Silverman and David Small

(2002), The Space and Place of Death, only two of the twelve case studies offered

consider cultures whose mortuary practices involve interring the dead in these bounded

and distinct spaces. Interestingly enough, the two case studies that assess decedents who

have been interred in residential arenas still in use are Mesoamerican examples Susan

Gillespies (2002) examination of the Maya and Linda Manzanillas (2002) study of the

site of Teotihuacan. As the literature has focused on the bounded and/or spatially distant

nature of burial spaces, Maya interment of decedents beneath and within residences

(Chapter 6) presents a distinctive and important case study that complements the corpus.

However, as is also developed in the following chapter, house burial was only one

method of interment utilized by the Maya. As Webster (1997:4) notes, the Maya situated

decedents within detached cemetery zones, as at Jaina, or natural repositories, such as

caves, and also placed illustrious dead in special burial contexts, such as great tombs

beneath specially prepared mortuary buildings as at Palenque. In considering disparate

modes of interment for the dead, I suggest that interaction between living and dead

members of Maya society was pervasive and complex, informed not just by personal

memories, but also religious tenets, cosmological beliefs, and identities. Moreover, at

work in Maya society were multiple scales of commemoration for the living, ranging

from the personal to the social.

My final thoughts on physical location pertain to the spatial location of decedents

in relation to one another. By this I mean that mourners may place decedents in close

proximity, either in neighboring structures, in the same grave chamber, or commingled in

the same space. As a point of interest for this study, these patterns are evidenced in burial
184
data from the Maya world (Chase and Chase 1998; Hammond et al. 1975; McAnany

1995, 1998; Robin and Hammond 1991). For example, at the site of Kaxob, Belize,

McAnany and her colleagues (1999) contend that multiple interments represent the

gathering together of ancestors, thereby instilling them with authority. Ashmore and I

(n.d.) have argued that the north-south alignment between two royal tombs at the site of

Copn is intentional. In this case, the tomb of Yax Pasah, the citys 16th ruler, is located a

kilometer directly south from a tomb in Group 8L-10. Yax Pasah possibly commissioned

this latter tomb in commemoration of the 13th ruler, 18 Rabbit or Waxaklahuun Ubah

Kawil, who had been assassinated far from Copn (see also Stuart 1992). Such an

alignment speaks to ancestral commemoration and deliberate linking with the past.

Secular and Sacred Landscapes

Moving from discussion of placement of decedents in relation to the living and

the dead, I now turn to their placement in relation to the larger landscape. In her study of

Iron Age west-central Europe, Bettina Arnold (2002:129) acknowledges that the dead

were placed with reference to particular topographical features, to certain places of the

living, and to ritual structures such as shrines and temples. Her classification spans a

continuum between sacred and secular. For some cultures, selected landscape features fit

into all three of Arnolds spatial categories. Caves within Mesoamerican societies, for

instance, were intimately tied to the dead (Chapter 6). Indeed, these spheres represent the

earliest, natural spaces for which we have evidence of intentional interment in many parts

185
of the world19. Moreover, in Mesoamerica, caves facilitated communication between the

worlds of the living and the dead; therefore, they supplied an arena for the ritual activities

of societys living members. Finally, these ready-made burial sites were imbued with

cosmological importance; functioning as ritual structures, they promoted the

transformation of decedents to ancestors (Heyden 1981; Vogt 1990[1970]).

As evident from the cave example, societies sanctify certain aspects of their

landscape. Identification of these sacred features sheds light upon a groups interaction

with the settings in which members conduct themselves, as well as significant facets of

their symbolic repertoire and motivating social behavior. These landscape elements may

loom large in the distance (e.g., mountains) or factor into quotidian affairs (e.g.,

agricultural fields). Or, the sanctification of a space may derive from religious tenets and

cosmological beliefs. In Chapter 6, I elaborate upon this relationship between the dead

and sacred landscape features, such as caves and mountains, with reference to the PfBAP

case study.

Built Spaces and Burials

The built spaces of burials convey considerable information about a cultures

approach to memorialization, cosmological beliefs, and construction of identity.

Investigators can treat built spaces as nested and interlinked scales, from a small space of

the single grave to the large arena of a cemetery. Documentation of burials location,

orientation, and composition contribute to understandings about rituals and beliefs.

19
In Mesoamerica, Richard MacNeish and colleagues (1972:266-270) have excavated artifacts and human
remains suggestive of elaborate mortuary ritual and body processing in caves. Specifically, burials in the
Tehuacn Valleys Coxcatln Cave date to as early as ca. 5000 B.C.
186
Investigators may also assess spaces reserved for the dead and how the living members of

society construct and interact with the former. That is, for the living, the built spaces of

burials can commemorate the dead, demarcate territory and resources, and legitimate

authority (e.g., Barrett 1990; McAnany 1995). Investigators can also contextualize the

burial within its fullest surrounding landscape. In many cultural settings, the built spaces

of burials have been designed to artificially replicate adjacent or looming landscape

features, many of which are regarded as sacred. In this instance, there is the production of

an architectural metaphor for that which is culturally revered, as sacred landscape

features are artificially replicated (e.g., Brady and Ashmore 1999; Geller in press). In

turn, this construction may mark a previously secular space as sacred and imbued with

power. As I will detail in the next chapter, like their sacred landscape models,

architectural spaces for the Maya function to transform decedents to ancestors, and they

serve as a sphere for the living to communicate with the dead.

While the interment of decedents in constructed burial spaces is highly

informative, what is absent or treated anomalously in these same spaces is also telling.

Treatment of subadults often differs dramatically from that of the preponderance of the

population. While not the only explanation for their absence, infants may be excluded

altogether from the usual burial settings in cultures with high infant mortality rates; as

they may have yet to acquire personhood or embodied status, their death may not

necessitate typical mortuary handling (Ucko 1969). Or, when they are encountered,

subadults may be exhumed from spaces that were not formal graves. Soren and Soren

(1995), for example, have unearthed children from rubbish piles and construction fill in

their Roman case study. Though the same can be said for slaves, prisoners of war, and the
187
physically or mentally impaired, osteologically identifying these socially marginal

categories of persons presents more of challenge than identifying subadults with standard

aging techniques. Archaeologists have also identified burial areas demarcated with the

specific intent of interring infants and children (e.g., Finlay 2000). Given historical and

cultural divergences, it is important to recognize the extent to which childrens mortuary

treatment contrasts or overlaps with that of adult decedents (Buikstra 1981). Hence, the

overall mortuary treatment of subadults the physical placement and processing is

suggestive of a cultures conceptual regard for this subset of individuals. The relative

value placed on children in certain cultures may be reflected in elaborate or non-existent

mortuary treatment.

Binford/Saxe Model: Limitations

The previous discussion linking space with death has touched briefly on

postprocessual evaluations of processual models. In this section, I explain in greater

detail postprocessual criticisms of processualists mortuary analysis. But first, I delineate

the theoretical milieu in which these critiques were written. Born of the postmodern day

and age, the eclectic postprocessual approach addresses theoretical concerns which

processualism thought insignificant. In doing so, Preucel (1995) has highlighted

archaeologists engagement with structuralism, poststructuralism, neo-Marxism, gender

theory, and critical theory. Consequently, there are many strains of postprocessual

archaeologies.

In their interpretations of the past, postprocessualists strive to understand

symbolic and ideological meanings implicit in human behaviors, and move beyond
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processualists explanations of these behaviors (e.g., Hodder, ed. 1982). Interpretive

archaeology, a facet of the larger postprocessual project, specifically gives credence to

the following: the past is meaningfully constituted from different perspectives,the role

of agents actively using material culture needs to be considered,there is a relationship

between structure and practice, andsocial change is historical and contingent ( Preucel

and Hodder 1996:7).

The methodology for a postprocessual approach has been relatively undefined and

remains a work in progress (e.g., Hodder 1997). With this being said, many

postprocessualists believe that scientific objectivity can never be achieved during

archaeological excavation, explanation and interpretation. In particular, Hodder (ibid)

contends that subjective interpretation is an integral part of the excavation process, and

should be actively incorporated into archaeologists research strategies given the non-

repeatability of archaeological excavation. Additional methods include multivariant

approaches that incorporate distinct lines of evidence (Hill 1998b), alternative writing

projects (Spector 1993), and archaeology as social practice (Preucel 1995:162).

Poststructuralism is not without its limitations, as pointed out by adherents and

proponents alike. James Hill (1991:51) critiques postprocessualisms inability to test

inferences, which he argues is unscientific and counterproductive to cumulative

knowledge. Moreover, postprocessual emphasis on subjectivity lends itself to an

anything-goes attitude that causes critics to question the legitimacy of its methods (Earle

and Preucel 1987). Truth (although a loaded word in itself) becomes more and more

elusive to researchers since a contextual interpretation is constantly transforming the

189
meaning of material culture. Finally, Erika Englestadt (1989) has provided a powerful

critique of postprocessualisms ambivalence to feminism and its relevant theories.

With postprocessualisms theoretical and methodological advances and

limitations in mind, albeit in an abbreviated fashion, I now turn my attention once again

to the study of death.

For postprocessualists, most obviously problematic in processual investigations of

death is the evolutionary subtext that infuses them (Metcalf and Huntington 1991:14-19;

Parker Pearson 1982). The most common intent was to locate a social groups place on an

evolutionary scale according to models of Service and Fried (Fried 1967; Service 1962;

Brown 1971; Peebles and Kus 1977). Heightened architectural elaboration and wealth as

expressed in grave goods (in quantity and quality) were taken as fairly direct and

unproblematic evidence for increased social hierarchy.

Citing multiple ethnographies, Peter Ucko (1969) was the first to champion

prominently the notion that things are not always as they appear; cultural distortions

rarely figured into archaeologists traditional interpretations of funerary remains. Later

postprocessualist critiques echoed these concerns. They recognized that evidence from

ethnoarchaeology and ethnography destabilized processualist reconstructions; these later

authors identified power and ideology in ways different from processualists, inasmuch as

these social dimensions played just as significant a role as socioeconomic status in

structuring mortuary rituals (e.g., Hodder, ed. 1982). Hence, mortuary remains may in

190
fact distort or invert events in certain cultural cases20. Though there are many cautionary

tales, British Gypsies represent, perhaps, my favorite.

The Gypsies contrast their movement with the sedentary way of

life of non-Gypsies. In a metaphorical sense the death and burial of
a Gypsy marks a strange change, for instead of the living Gypsy
moving about the countryside the dead Gypsy comes to a fixed halt
in the grave. The grave is the opposite of the moving caravan; it is
much more like the fixed house of the non-Gypsyin death, the
Gypsy comes to be like a non-Gypsy, involving a kind of symbolic
turn-around reflected in the way the corpse is dressed in clothes
turned inside out. At death, Gypsy identity is similarly turned
inside outThey prefer death to take place in hospitals belonging
to non-Gypsies, whom they call GorgiosThe dead body is
dressed in clothes that are turned inside out and taken on its last
journey to a church, where after a Christian funeral service, it is
buried. (Davies 2002:106-107)

Gypsies mortuary practices contrast strikingly with everyday activities and interactions.

As they mask quotidian beliefs and practices, Gypsy funerary rites would complicate

interpretations about burial data. The point is that archaeologists, regardless of their

theoretical persuasion, should be well informed about their local ethnography, history,

and context.

Additionally, Parker Pearson (1995:1048) has raised the point that processualists

understandings of mortuary phenomena really stress economic factors, and not social

organization; such an emphasis highlights latent materialist thinking. As a result,

wealth in terms of grave goods and architectural expenditure presents one of many

indices of social status and by extension, social identity. Contrary to many

archaeologists claims, however, social identities are not always predicated upon

socioeconomic status, or acquisition of wealth. Burials are rich not just for their material

20
However, I would point out that processual practitioners are not unaware of the problems that
ethnography presented for their archaeological reconstructions (e.g., Tainter 1978).
191
riches, but for what they can tell us about other aspects of peoples lives and deaths. I

alluded to a related critique earlier when evaluating Binfords and Saxes incorporation of

Goodenoughs ideas about social identity.

In processual examinations of death, many of the conceptual limitations derive

from what was historically deemed appropriate to study. In practical application,

processualism recreated Hawkess ladder of inference (Conkey and Williams 1991:108-

110). According to Hawkes (1954), a hierarchy of knowable cultural dimensions dictates

interpretability of archaeological evidence, technology being the easiest to identify,

followed by economic and social information; ideology, religion, and spirituality were

the most difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct. Binfords (1962:219-220)

classification of material culture into three categories technomic, socio-technic, and

ideo-technic artifacts reworked Hawkess earlier conceptions only slightly. Such a

classification established the guidelines for what could be identified and interpreted from

the material and physical remains of mortuary contexts. Hence, processual archaeology

with its materialist underpinnings proved far more amenable to reconstructing social

status and economic organization and not ritual practices or things of the mind, like

identity constitution, symbolic associations, or cosmological beliefs. Understanding the

latter was not a goal of processualists. Ultimately, we never do gain an understanding of

death as a rite of passage or underlying beliefs that guide the outcome of mortuary

manifestations.

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Finding Inspiration for Bioarchaeological Studies of Death

To address the shortcomings of the Binford/Saxe model, I turn now to a

discussion of religious beliefs, ritual practices, and emotive dimensions. These aspects

are not only central in mortuary rituals cross culturally, but also inform an understanding

of identity constitution pertaining to social dimensions in addition to socioeconomic

status. Moreover, rather than reconstruction of death as an isolated episode, they facilitate

reconstruction of death as a process.

I first review understandings about death set forth by early scholars who

influenced the field of anthropology, such as Emile Durkheim, Robert Hertz, and Arnold

van Gennep. I have selected these authors because their sociological work is seminal, and

still relevant for anthropological studies of death and mortuary rituals. Furthermore,

bioarchaeologists have recently realized more fully the potential of these scholars

theoretical insights, (e.g., Duncan n.d.; Rakita and Buikstra 2001). Consideration of

burials with regard to these theoretical frames humanizes archaeological assessments of

burials. Sociologists, however, conceptualized their models as universally applicable, a

notion which subsequent investigations have invalidated. Thus, while death is universal,

of greater interest here are the nuances that associated practices and beliefs acquire in

specific cultural circumstances, such as in the case of pre-Columbian Maya society. In

many cultures, death necessitates identity change for mourners and decedents. Though

not the case for all decedents, ritual activities related to body processing confer upon

select individuals new ancestral identities. Recent anthropological and sociological

considerations of such identity constitution call for reconceptualizing certain Cartesian

dualities that have historically framed the study of death.

193
Sociologists Take a Stab at Death

To initiate an archaeological examination of dying and death, turn-of-the-century

anthropological theory offers fruitful interpretive feeding ground. At issue are the impact

that religion, emotion, and symbolism have on mortuary rituals and their material

residues. Carr (1995:107) designates such concerns philosophical-religious in nature.

These are categories of socially institutionalized folk beliefs and world view

assumptions about disease, dying, death, the soul, the afterlife, and the cosmos (ibid).

Regarding these concerns emergence as areas of anthropological interest, Emile

Durkheim21 set the tone. In 1898, he founded LAnne Sociologique, a scholarly journal

whose young, like-minded contributors were influenced by Durkheim and his approach to

the study of society. A shared school of thought grew from these scholars written

collaborations and general collegiality. In their writings, these scholars stressed that the

intricacies of religion and ritual illuminate a cultures conception of human mortality.

Two ideas in Durkheims works that greatly informed his and his students conception of

death as a life-crisis event are the Cartesian distinction between body and soul and the

role of ritual.

Western scholars fascination with the body is framed by Cartesian duality,

juxtaposing the body in relation to, or more explicitly pitted against, the soul (Chapter 1).

Durkheim (1915:298) gravitated to this body/soul split:

21
Though treated as an intellectual origin in this discussion, Durkheim himself drew on earlier sociological
works by William Robertson Smith and N.D. Fustel de Coulanges, which delineated the connection
between society and religion (e.g., Bell 1997:23; Parkin 1996:22).
194
 So we are really made up of two beings facing in different and
almost contrary directions, one of whom exercises a real pre-
eminence over the other. Such is the profound meaning of the
antithesis which all men have more or less clearly conceived
between the body and soul, the material and spiritual beings who
coexist within us.

According to Durkheim, the soul animates, as well as supplying ones personality and

general human qualities. The body, on the other hand, remains peripheral, functioning

merely as a vehicle for the soul. However, this relationship between body and soul is

complicated by an individuals death. Death underscores the bodys transient materiality

and eventual degeneration. The body (or corpse) is associated with the profane, the soul

with the sacred. While body and soul are entwined in life, divine derivation enables the

soul to exist and endure independently of the body after death.

Durkheim (1915) extended the profane/sacred dichotomy22 to account for not just

the body and soul, but all of human existence. In his view, beliefs about the sacred and

profane are the cornerstone of religion. Rituals dictate the proper emotive response to that

which is sacred or that which is profane. He writes, Negative rites...attempt to separate

the human realm from the realm of the sacred by imposing restrictions or taboos, while

positive rites attempt to bring the human and sacred realms into contact or communion

(Bell 1997:93). As a result, the performance of rituals strengthens a groups social bonds

by making individuals a part of something larger than themselves. For instance, in the

event of an individuals death, a group unites via rituals to compensate for the loss of one

of its members. Durkheim (1915:434) classified mourning and funerary rituals as

piacular rites, sad celebrationswhose object is either to meet a calamity, or else

22
Mary Douglas (1966) later dissected this sacred/profane dichotomy extensively in her work, Purity and
Danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo.
195
merely to commemorate and deplore it. He also asserted that emotive response to death

was socially sanctioned and need not be heartfelt. His analysis of totemism in aboriginal

Australia provided evidence, albeit second-hand from written accounts, for the

collectivitys violent and vocal, though preordained, reactions to death (ibid:435-442).

Subsequent functionalist models continued in this Durkheimian understanding of

how society worked (e.g., Malinowski 1925:47-53; Radcliffe-Brown 1922). However,

Malinowski explicitly rejected the view of religion as a [collective] social phenomenon

and promoted the idea that religion is rooted in individual experience (Bell 1997:28). In

fact, Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown were quite at odds with one another; the latter

contradicted the former by arguing that rites and beliefs are the root of anxiety and fear of

death, rather than a remedy for them. Regardless, their thinking runs counter to

Durkheims conceptual project, which was decidedly not concerned with the individual

and his or her emotions.

Robert Hertz: Durkheimian Influence and a Discussion of Death

As a student of Durkheim and contributor to LAnne, Robert Hertz was more

sympathetic to the role of the individual in society. Like his mentor, Hertz argued that an

individuals death generated considerable social disruption and mental anxiety; mortuary

rituals rewove the social fabric during times of tension and high anxiety. However, unlike

Durkheim, he saw individuals as retaining significant roles, not simply as passive ciphers.

Thus, Hertz recognized that individuals still have sufficient minds of their own to

threaten this [social] solidarity and, more generally, that there are aspects of individual

existence that disturb the collectivity (Parkin 1996:25). Hertzs writings with their nod
196
to the individual hint at an ideational branching off from Durkheim, but such a possibility

was never fully realized, as a result of Hertzs untimely death23.

Under Durkheims tutelage, Hertz was well schooled in the comparative method.

His suppositions about religion and ritual found much support from his cross-cultural

comparisons. Hertz was especially fascinated with those beliefs and practices involving,

in Mausss words, the dark side of humanity (as quoted in Parkin 1996:25). Hertz shed

light upon that which was profane, most notably death, sin, and by far the most

dangerous and sacrilegious the left hand. Despite the brevity of his sociological career,

Hertzs ideas continues to impact anthropological studies of death (e.g., Barley 1980;

Carr 1995; De Coppet 1980; Metcalf and Huntington 1991; Rakita and Buikstra 2001).

In his important essay A Contribution to the Study of the Collective

Representation of Death, Hertz (1960[1907]) noted that societies rarely regarded death

as natural; mortality was rather the work of ancestor, deity, or supernatural force. He

presents a more ambitious model for understanding death as a process; decedents are

reborn as ancestors, spouses become widowers. He identifies three phases in this

progression: 1.) the actual death, which signals a dramatic separation from the group; 2.)

an intermediary or temporary phase, which is fraught with danger and uncertainty and

included initial and sometimes protracted mortuary rites; and 3.) the final ceremony,

which involves reincorporation of altered decedent into the ancestral community and

mourners into the social group of the living. Mourning rites and restrictions

simultaneously exacerbated and eased these states during the intermediary phase. Final

23
Many of the young, European intellectuals from this period profoundly felt the effects of World War I,
psychologically if not physically. Hertz himself was killed on April 13, 1915 during the attack on
Marchville; he was 33 years old (Parkin 1996:13).
197
funerary rites had a two-fold consequence: to repair the rift between the social

collectivity and mourners and to deliver the dead safely into an ancestral afterlife.

Regarding this latter point, death was not regarded as a finale, but the beginning of

another phase in the decedents existence; in the eyes of primitives, death is an

initiation (Hertz 1960[1907]:80). The ritual events associated with an individuals death

often continued for years after the decedents demise. Separation, liminality, and

reincorporation within the context of life-cycle rites would be revisited subsequently and

greatly expanded by van Gennep, as I discuss next.

To further explicate the practices and beliefs surrounding these phases, Hertz

concentrated on the relationship between the decedent (i.e., the corpse), the soul, and the

living (i.e., mourners). These parties to death were not mutually exclusive; practices and

ideas surrounding them were all intimately connected. Ultimately, their interrelations

reproduced or restructured social organization and status, as well as aforementioned

philosophical-religious conceptions (Carr 1995:176-177). In other words, they offered a

means for making sense of death, and they ensured the connection between generations.

The Corpse

All cultures through space and time must contend with dead bodies. Disposal

techniques range on a continuum from indifference to excess. One need only contrast

abandonment of a corpse in a locale far removed from habitation with the myriad,

complex techniques involved in ancient Egyptian mummification. While Hertzs specific

focus was secondary burial in Borneo, the cross-cultural occurrence of corporeal

transformation after death figures prominently in his study. Transformation via corpse
198
processing produces permanence. Hertzs train of thought picked up where Durkheim had

left off; death engenders an inherent fear of the corpse24, which needed to be properly

channeled. Therefore, the decomposing, wet body, leaking, messy, and foul-smelling,

required proper management (cf. Kus 1992). As a result, corpses and those individuals

who handled them were often viewed as polluted and profane. Exposure, excarnation,

mummification, and cremation represent several corpse processing methods that

facilitated this shift from the corporeal profane something to be contained, feared, and

in some instances avoided altogether to that which was precious, potent, and safe. Thus,

the dry bones, a more stable form by having been shorn of any ooze, rot, or funk, were

linked more directly with that which was sacred, namely the soul and the ancestral. For

bioarchaeologists, concentrating on the methods for processing of the corpse, which are

often observable osteologically and archaeologically, illuminates a cultures beliefs about

mortality and mortuary rituals.

Hertzs case study underscored the culturally unique meanings encoded in the

universal event of decomposition (1960[1907]:32):

The fact that the state of the corpse has an influence upon the final
rites is clearly shown by the care the survivors take in hermetically
sealing all cracks in the coffin and in ensuring the flow of putrid
matters to the exterior, either by draining them into the ground or
by collecting them in an earthenware vessel. This is not a matter of
hygienenor even, exclusively, a concern to ward off foul
smellsthe putrefaction of the corpse is assimilated to the
petrifying thunderbolt because it threatens with sudden death the
members of the house which it strikesThe reason they consider it
so highly desirable that the putrefaction should take place in a
sealed container is that the evil power which resides in the corpse

24
Frazer (1886) had earlier broached this notion fear of the corpse in his work on burial customs
connection to primitives conception of the soul. However, he failed to contextualize his examples within
their varied social and historical settings.
199
 and which is linked with the smells must not be allowed to escape
and strike the living.

In tropical environs, like Borneo, or the Maya lowlands for that matter, sentience of

decomposition is brought into sharp relief (see also Kus 1992). Although Hertz states

otherwise, it is rather convenient that ritual behaviors produce a pragmatic and hygienic

response to the messiness of death, and symbolic associations mediate dying and deaths

often sensually unpleasant events and processes.

The intriguing relationship between mortuary rituals and sensual reception

deserves elaboration. Hertz recognized that deaths dramatic corporeal changes

necessitated appropriate handling, hence the body processing of corpses. Unfortunately,

bioarchaeologists are frustrated in their identification of putrefaction resulting from death

for the obvious reason that fluids and gases are unlikely to preserve25. In the Maya

lowlands, even the most durable of skeletal elements often do not survive. Nonetheless,

investigators can infer much from burials about sensual experience of and corresponding

reaction to death. That being said, how do we study that which leaves but the lightest of

archaeological traces?

Returning to this point of decompositions universal quality, we find that

decomposition of corpses produces powerful and pungent chemical forces. They ooze,

change color and texture, emit foul odors, substances, and sounds, attract insects and

animals, and in some instances explode as the result of internal abscesses. Christine

Quigley (1996:227) provides a comprehensive sequence of bodily changes that occur

25
Even harder to reconstruct in the past, though no less interesting, are the sounds associated with dying
and death, which I will discuss later.
200
after death in her highly informative book, The Corpse: A History (see also Furst

1995:40-41):

Livor mortis, or change in color, takes place soon after death, and
the face and vulva or scrotum begins to discolor and swell. A
greenish coloration appears over the right lower abdomen within
two or three days, rigor mortiscomes and goes, and the abdomen
distends with gas that turns the skin from green to purple to black.
Gas may also cause the tongue and eyes to protrude, the intestines
to be pushed out through the vagina or rectum, and fluid to be
purged from the nose, mouth, and other orifices. Surface veins
appear brownish, and within a week the skin may develop blisters
that burst. Soon the epidermis sheds in large irregular patches, and
blood-stained fluid may run from the mouth and nostrilsLater
the abdominal and thoracic cavities burst open and the body
dissolves.

As I discuss in Chapter 6, the Maya depicted many of these processes artistically. While

decomposition generally occurs in an ordered fashion, rate of decomposition is

contingent upon a host of factors, including internal and/or surrounding temperatures,

climate, individual body size, body processing methods (e.g., bundling, wrapping,

embalming, mummifying), and insect infestation (ibid:227-228). Thus, in acknowledging

both the universal dimensions of decomposition and specificity of the surrounding

environs in which any instance of decomposition occurs, we have a window into

identification of a cultures symbolic associations and ritual responses to death. Although

decidedly more challenging, we also may make speculative inferences about sensual

experiences of dying, death, and decomposition.

In addition to universal physiological processes associated with dying,

ethnography offers a starting point for investigating sensual reception. Metcalf and

Huntingtons (1991:105, emphasis added) synthesis of funerary rites practiced by the

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Mambai of Timor (Indonesia) makes the connection between corpse decomposition,

sensual reception, and timing of rituals.

At death, a corpse is immediately removed to the cult house of its

agnatic descent group, where it is laid on a mat. The corpse is
dressed in ritually appropriate clothes, but is not put into a coffin.
It is allowed to remain there for several days while all close kin are
summoned. When the stench of the corpse can no longer be
tolerated by the mourners, it is rolled into its mat and buried in the
dancing ground at the center of the village.

Drawing from her interactions with the Betsileo of Madagascar, Susan Kus (1992)

eloquently argues that all facets of death the practical, sensual, emotive, and ritual

impart significant qualitative information about sociocultural systems. Sensual

experience figures prominently in her anecdotal recounting of how natural processes (i.e.,

decomposition) and humid climatic conditions structure funerary rites and body

processing. In her case study, smell is inescapable, not only in the sense that an inhaler

cannot avoid the odor, but also in the Proustian sense that the smell of death evokes the

memory of deceased individuals in general, playing on emotions like grief and fear. She

contrasts her vibrant ethnography of death in a Betsileo village with the more sterile

museum display of the mummified Rameses II. What is noticeably absent from the latter

is the malodor of death. The museum exhibit offers a sanitized version, avoiding

altogether the general messiness death entails. The museums representation of death

resonates with contemporary Americans who have little direct interaction with corpses

and their posthumous processing, or more specifically the strong odors and leaky bodies

which decomposition generates.

We can draw out further a connection between dead bodies, smell, and rites of passage.

Odors placed on the body (e.g., perfumes) or emanating from the body can signify
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transitions and/or ensuing changes in status (Howes 1991b; Metcalf and Huntington

1991). For mortuary rituals, tapping into the olfactory dimension often ensures the proper

performance of ceremonies. For instance, during the native North American Calumet, a

pipe ceremony often performed at weddings and funerals, the burning of the sacred

medicinal herb, sage, often figures prominently. In May 2002, I participated in an Odawa

pipe ceremony at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and

Anthropology (UPMAA)26. The ceremony was performed in the context of a repatriation

consultation regarding Odawa human remains in the UPMAA collection. While the

ancestors in question had once presumably received proper funerary treatment,

exhumation by 19th century Anglo-Europeans had interrupted their journey to the land of

the dead. To rectify this problem, the religious leader ritually smoked these human

remains. Smoke purified ancestors and ceremony participants as well of any negative

forces that might obstruct the formers safe passage to the land of the dead. Finally, the

wafting sage smoke offered a channel for communicating with God and initiated

decedents transition to ancestral status (i.e., reconstitutes identity). Howes (1991b:131)

discusses a similar Dakota practice in which religious specialists burn sweetgrass to

purify ritual participants. The acknowledged link between odors and death is somewhat

befuddling for modern Americans. Our fascination with the clean and sanitized presents

an obstacle for understanding other cultures appreciation and tolerance for the pungent,

overpowering, rich, and offensive. For the Maya in their humid hot tropical setting,

26
This discussion is based upon my own experiences and talks with two individuals from the Little
Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians of Michigan a religious leader and a NAGPRA representative.
These tribal members also provided a self-authored manuscript, A Guide for Identifying Odawa (Ottawa)
Cultural Objects and their Culturally Appropriate Care and Treatment: Guidelines Museums Pursuant to the
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act Definitions, which contained additional
information about the Calumet ceremony.
203
however, powerful odors would have been inescapable. And, as I explain in the following

chapter, the physiological aftermath of death could have played an important role in

structuring practice and belief. Given the Maya practice of interring decedents beneath

the floors of residential structures that they might have continued to occupy (Chapter 6),

the smell of decomposition from corpses would have presented a challenge met by

symbolic association and practice, like copal and its burning, which might have signaled

transition from decedent to ancestor and/or the individuals passage into the underworld.

The Soul

Returning to Hertzs triad, I now consider his second dimension, the soul.

Mortuary attention to the body facilitates the proper disengagement of the soul. In Hertzs

discussion concerned with the separation of body from soul, we see Durkheims

influence. Often acquisition of ancestral status was contingent upon this separation.

Decomposition signified this progression in action, and the completion of decomposition

the full exposure of bone confirmed the decedents transformation to ancestor in

Hertzs study. He (1960[1907]:35) noted, It is only when the decomposition of the

corpse is completed that the newcomer among the dead is thought to be rid of his

impurity and deemed worthy of admittance to the company of his ancestors. However,

Hertz was also quick to recognize the decedents continued presence in the world of the

living.

While Hertz found the body/soul opposition applicable to his case study,

uncritical transposition of this binary to other non-Western case studies, such as the

Maya, is indeed problematic. We should not assume that the distinction between body
204
and soul is a universal one, nor can we assume a cultures conception of the soul is static.

Chapter 6 delves into the specificity of soul belief in the context of pre-Columbian Maya

society.

The Mourners

The third facet of Hertzs examination of death involves mourners roles and

responses. According to Hertz, intensity of mourners emotional states or duration of

ritual enactments was contingent upon the decedents importance (i.e., social status)

during life. Varying degrees of mourning, in terms of quantity and quality, were allotted

to slaves and chiefs; deaths were not all equal. Mourners, often decedents family

members, set rituals of body processing and body/soul separation in motion. Just like the

corpse, mourners were often subject to avoidance and aversion by the community at large

during the period of mourning. Mourners and corpses both underwent transformations

with noticeably different outcomes. During the intermediary phase, the larger social

group held mourners apart, in a liminal state. Such treatment, occurring concomitantly

with the loss of a family member, produced shifts in psychological and emotional

conditions. Inasmuch as rites occurred over a period of time, rather than immediately

after death, there was sufficient time for the shock of an individuals death to dissipate,

though this was not always the case.

Returning to my earlier discussion of sensual experience, mourning often involves

weeping, wailing, drumming, and singing. Metcalf and Huntington (1991:64) note that

most funerals are noisy affairs. In the specific case of the Maya, Landa (in Tozzer

1941:129) remarked upon mourners wailing that preceded an individuals death. In his
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ethnographic consideration of X-Cacal, a Maya village in the state of Quintana Roo,

Alfonso Villa Rojas (1945:149) remarks upon the making of noise, in the form of

instrumental music, prayers, and vocalized songs, following the sad and untimely death

of a child.

All night, during the wake, three or four musiciansremain in the

house playing cheerful music of the sort known as sones. The
music is played not to give the occasion a festive air but to
contribute to the rejoicing of the angels in heaven on the arrival of
a new companion.

However, at an adults funeral noisy or extravagant expressions of grief rarely occur

(ibid). Gunshots signal the individuals death, but most sounds are stifled as the period

following death and prior to burial is fraught with danger and uncertainty about the fate

of the decedents soul. Rather, it is while proceeding to the graveyard that the maestro

cantor27 prays and sings hymns. While actual vocalizations and musical accompaniments

are lost to contemporary researchers, artistic representations of musicians, like those

portrayed in the murals at the site of Bonampak, and archaeological remains of

instruments supply evidence of sounds importance in ritual instances.

As wailing usually, though not always, indicates grief, discussion of mourning

invokes concerns about the feasibility of assessing, or reconstructing, a cultures

conception of emotion. Metcalf and Huntington (1991:43) are quick to note that

sociocultural anthropologists are indeed challenged when studying emotions, as these

reside in the sphere of inner states, which according to them is altogether less accessible

27
According to Villa Rojas (1945:73), maestros cantores are lesser priests who conduct daily religious
services, as well as those associated with various ritual occasions, like baptisms, marriages, and deaths.
206
subject matter. Nonetheless, ethnographers are not as constrained as are archaeologists

when interpreting culturally constructed emotive responses to dying and death.

Recognizing the difficulty of materially investigating emotion, a few

archaeologists have risen to the challenge (e.g. Kus 1992; Meskell 1999; Parker Pearson

1982:110-111; Tarlow 1997, 1999). In particular, historical archaeologist Sarah Tarlow

(1997, 1999) has recently examined in great depth the connection between material

culture, death, and bereavement, drawing on Scottish (Orkney) cemeteries from the past

four centuries as a case study. She maintains that archaeologists can broach the issue of

identifying the self through a discussion of emotion. As she gleans from literary sources

and tombstone iconography, individual responses to the loss of a loved one and personal

experience of commemorative practices are underscored. Her conception of mourning

with its accent on the individuals sentiments and experiences differs from French

sociological representations of group emotional outpouring discussed earlier. Those

models do not address individual mourning. Rather, mourners perform as a collective

group to ensure social stability following the uncertainty that death brings, and in this

respect their conception of mourning also differs from Villa Rojass (1945)

aforementioned Maya case study in which sorrowful outpourings are discouraged.

Tarlows project is not entirely focused on idiosyncratic responses, since she does

recognize that delineation of individuals emotional experiences supply invaluable insight

about the emotional values of a culture in general (Tarlow 1999:34).

While Tarlow lays innovative groundwork for archaeologists mortuary analyses,

I am uneasy with a few of the points upon which her project is based. My comments are

words of caution, rather than refutation of her work. First, she assumes that in all cultural
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and historical instances there exists a direct relationship between death and emotion; she

writes, How can we consider burial (death) without considering grief, fear, and other

emotions which inform and structure funerary practices? (Tarlow 1999:31). In doing so,

I feel that she makes a subtle argument for psychic/subjective unity. Tarlow notes, As a

starting point, examination of ones own subjective experience can enable subtle and

nuanced approaches to the complex realities of what it means and has meant to be

human (1999:28, emphasis added). And, while I argue for the utility of empathy in

certain instances (Chapter 7), I do not believe it is solid enough ground upon which to

base an assertion of emotional universals. The problem is that Tarlow aligns emotion

with sensuality, as both are central to a discussion of human experience. However, her

association in fact conflates psychology and physiology. Sensual experience does indeed

have a distinct biological basis, as my consideration of pain in Chapter 7 draws out. The

same point is arguable for emotion, as Tarlow herself recognizes (ibid:33-35). Emotional

value placed upon certain experiences may vary culturally; that which is perceived

positively in one culture, may be tolerated in a different culture given its negative

associations. Of more immediate note, Tarlow is fortunate in that her project is informed

by historical documentation, textual inscription, iconographic imagery, and currently

understood metaphors relating to death from memorial monuments. However, such

source material is often unavailable to archaeologists who study cultures far removed in

time and space from their own.

In her theoretically sophisticated examination of death and burial in ancient

Egypt, Lynn Meskell (1999) also considers emotive dimensions that structure mortuary

rituals. Different from Tarlow, Meskell (1999:130) stresses that emotional elements
208
might be universal but emotional experiences are not, citing fear as the one possible

exception. In her case study, she considers two aspects of mourning who was depicted

as visibly mourning the dead and who was being mourned. Regarding the first aspect,

Meskell (ibid:127) suggests that mourners were distinguished along the lines of class and

gender; women were generally portrayed in tomb art as weeping and grieving, while men

were described in texts as emotionally reticent. Furthermore, she argues that based upon

significant energy expended in tomb construction and inclusion of varied grave goods,

childrens deaths in ancient Egypt were indeed mourned, though not on the same scale as

adults (ibid:130-131). In doing so, she counters many scholars earlier assertions that

childrens deaths were neither noticed nor lamented, especially in societies that exhibit

high infant mortality rates. However, as in the case of Tarlows study, Meskell

examination of deaths emotive dimensions is also well informed by data not available to

many archaeologists translated texts, artistic representations, and exceptional

preservation of mortuary and skeletal remains. Nonetheless, this does not make the

interpretive situation bleak for archaeologists with data sets that may not be as materially

and textually rich, as I will argue later.

Arnold van Gennep: Les Rites de Passage

Though not a contributor to the journal LAnne, Arnold van Gennep was a

contemporary of both Durkheim and Hertz. In particular, his research echoes two

important points of Hertzs work transformation of the individual and description of

life-cycle events. Van Gennep (1960[1908]) realized that rituals initiating change give

rise to social stability and continuity. Rites of passage, or life-crises rites, guide an
209
individuals transformation, or becoming, from the cradle to the grave to the beyond.

While rites of passage can coincide with biological changes, such as puberty, they are

fundamentally socially structured.

Indeed, the life-cycle rituals seem to proclaim that the biological

order is less determinative than the social. Physical birth is one
thing; being properly identified and accepted as a member of the
social group is another. Likewise, the appearance of facial hair or
menses does not make someone an adult; only the community
confers that recognition, and it does so in its own time. (Bell
1997:94)

Rites of passage facilitate an individuals or cohorts changing status, such as child to

adult, uninitiated to member, single to wedded, and living to ancestral. Therefore, they

are directly linked to the (re)construction of identity. Included in this category are birth

rites, initiation rites, marriage rites, and mortuary rites (Hertz 1960[1907]:80-81).

A sequence of stages separation (sparation), transition (marge), and

incorporation (agrgation) comprise these rites. In the first stage, the individual (the

initiate) is symbolically or physically (i.e., spatially) separated from the larger social

group; the individual relinquishes his or her identity. Transition produces an ambiguous,

liminal status in which the individual is neither part of the larger group nor entirely

socially distinct; the individual has either no socially known or no acceptable identity.

Symbolism associated with the transitional stage is largely characterized by an

omnipresent sacred/profane dichotomy. The individual replete with a new status is

incorporated into the community in the last stage of van Genneps scheme.

Van Genneps (1960[1908]:146-165) conception of the stages processes,

material associations, and proper responses mirrors Hertzs points discussed earlier. In

funerary rites, corpses were regarded as liminal, and the transitional phase involved
210
mortuary rituals. Kin and/or appointed specialists performed ritual activities, such as

body processing and mourning. These rituals facilitated the decedents safe passage to the

next world or underworld. Van Gennep identified the transitional phase of funerary rites

as the most prominent and lengthy. His contention with Hertz contrasted their

understandings of corporeal transformation as means of separating body from soul during

the transitional phase. Only very seldom do the remains (bones, ashes) constitute the

new body of the deceased in the afterlife, whatever Hertz may think on the matter, he

stated (ibid:164). Thus, van Gennep did not deem body parts or residues potent; death

brought a marked dissolution of body and soul and corporeality was of no concern to

decedents in the afterlife.

In later anthropological work, Victor Turner (1967) gave careful consideration to

societies whose rites of passage possessed a well-defined liminal phase, though the

dichotomous symbols he cited were different from those of van Gennep. In his

structuralist discussion of ritual liminality, Turner highlighted symbols associated with

biological processes of life and death fertility, birth, decomposition, putrescence. The

selection of metaphors for the rituals of death referenced the symbols of life, and vice

versa; hence, a fine line was drawn between life and death.

Turners consideration of rites of passage eventually segued into a more

developed discussion of social dramas, or performances, which reside at the intersection

of ritual and theatre (Turner 1982, 1986, 1990). In doing so, Turner (1990:10) locates

Van Genneps three stages of rites of passage within the larger context of social dramas.

Social dramas have four stages. Public breach of a rule instigates social friction. Crisis

within the community soon follows, necessitating redressive actions. Either reintegration
211
or recognition of irreparable breach is the outcome. Turners social drama phases are

described in the language of social deviance and criminal action. He does, however,

recognize that his third stage, redressive actions, involve ritual processes and not judicial,

political, or military ones (ibid:11). Ritual processes contain the subset of rites of

passage, or life-crisis rituals. Of these, he (ibid) writes:

Moreover, many of those rites that we call life-crisis ceremonies,

particularly those of puberty, marriage, and death, themselves
indicate a major, if not altogether unexpected breach in the orderly,
customary running of group life, after which many relationships
among its members must change drastically, involving much
potential and even actual conflict and competition (for rights of
inheritance and succession to office, for women, over the amount
of bridewealth, over clan or lineage allegiance).

As they are expected occurrences within community members lives, events associated

with rites of passage are socially disruptive but generally not deviant.

Taking this more layered schema in hand, it is often during the course of

redressive actions transitional stage that changes are wrought to the body. In the context

of death, corpses are manipulated; mourners are distinctly garbed. Ritual processes

associated with individuals lives, rather than their deaths, similarly involve corporeal

transformations, (Chapter 7). Foreskins are excised; lips, ears, or nasal septa are pierced;

flesh is tattooed or scarred. In the specific case of pre-Columbian Maya culture, crania

are shaped and teeth are modified (Chapter 8). In all of these ritual circumstances, living

individuals experience emotional, mental, and physiological stress. Generally, these

events are not experienced in solitude, but are shared as a group, thereby contributing to

the formation of communitas, a bond which coheres those ritual participants who

simultaneously experience liminality (Turner 1969). Ultimately, this stage is associated

212
not just with change to ones social identity; the alteration of physical countenance and

psyche can also occur. In the final stage, the individual is reintroduced into the

community, replete with a newly constituted identity. Thus, life-cycle events assist in an

individuals becoming, constituting a viable and evolving personhood for the

individual within the community.

Model Building: Identity Conceptually, Ritually, and Materially

I recognize that the French sociological models are not universally applicable.

However, they do provide a foundation for proposing testable models with due

recognition of cultural and historical specificities. Specific, interrelated components of

these models that I develop further in the section to follow are identity, ritual activities,

and corporeal transformations. Identity constitution is particularly underscored, as death

necessitates reconstitutions of mourners and decedents identities. Identity reconstitution

is often realized through ritual activities and coupled with specific spaces. In addition,

corporeal transformation, which involves ritual body processing, can either incite or

complete successful reconstitution. The connection between all of these dimensions is

implicit, but nonetheless significant and relevant to the pre-Columbian Maya as I discuss

in Chapter 6.

Identity and Death: Conferring Ancestor Status

To ascribe certain identities to an individual after his or her death is an act of

memorialization, veneration, derision, or forgetting. Biographical accounts of an

individuals life may also be abridged, embellished, censored, or revised. While the
213
corpus is not expansive, ethnographies have been highly informative about the complex

interplay between identify formation and mortuary rituals, as well as resultant materiality,

(e.g., Chambert-Loir and Reid, eds. 2002; Kan 1989; Metcalf and Huntington 1991;

Weiner 1976). Archaeological studies that examine funerary rites and remains as a locus

for constructing social identities28 attend to those identities accrued by the individual

throughout the course of his or her life (e.g., Binford 1971; OShea 1984; Saxe 1970).

Alternatively, scholars have concentrated upon the livings use of the dead and their

interment to negotiate identities and interrelations for themselves (e.g., McAnany 1995;

Joyce 1999, 2001). For example, in her assessment of Preclassic burials at the site of

Tlatilco in central Mexico, Rosemary Joyce (1999) highlights mortuary practices as a

means of delineating social relations, identities, and differences. Her application of two

scales at the group and individual levels facilitates reconstruction of the decedents

individuality and social ties to the larger community. The performance of mortuary

rituals by the group recreates and transforms the decedents social identity as a means of

repairing any chinks in the armor of their social solidarity. Coupling grave locations with

clusters of associated grave goods and costumes, Joyce identifies relationships between

and within communal or residential groups, and she infers gender relations, identities,

and differences. While Joyce does touch upon the decedents shifting identity, many

studies of death in pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures do not fully consider how

burial evidence informs reconstruction of individuals changing identity after their death.

28
The most recent literature on the subject more commonly refers to the constitution, negotiation, or
maintenance of a decedents social identity as the creation of memory (Chesson, ed. [2001]).
214
In many cases (Maya culture representing but one), death as a transition necessitates a

shift from that of living social actor to dead, though still active, ancestor.

Hallam, Hockey, and Howarths (1999) distinction between social death and

biological death offers a point of reference for archaeologists consideration of ancestor

identity constitution. Citing myriad case studies, these scholars spotlight ambiguous and

marginal categories of personhood. For instance, both vegetables29 and vampires are

hybrids in that they confuse the cultural categories of life and death; they represent the

dissolution of boundaries which organize key phases of the life course (ibid:1). What

becomes clear is that perceptual experience and mode of presence and engagement in

the world Csordass (1994:12) definition of embodiment neither necessitates actual

physical bodies nor biological life. In this instance, ghosts, spirits, and ancestors, the

biologically dead but socially alive, serve as valid cases in point. According to Hallam,

Hockey, and Howarth, selves may in fact be disembodied. Moreover, individuals without

cognizance of self may have bodies free of biological malfunctions. While biologically

alive, they are in fact socially dead; these include aforementioned vegetables as well as

Alzheimers sufferers.

Hallam, Hockey, and Howarths hybrids, which underscore the dissolution of

boundaries, complicate several longstanding Cartesian dualisms body/mind (or body

/soul), life/death, subject/object, and interior/exterior. As the authors stress through

contemporary, Western examples, binary oppositions are not universally applicable.

Rather, hybrids intercede as third categories. Hybrids ultimately represent the gray areas

that complicate black and white understandings. In the case of the body/mind dichotomy,

29
Vegetable refers to a person who is biologically alive but in a catonic state.
215
a dichotomy which has historically pervaded Western scholarship concerned with the

body, social theorist Elizabeth Groszs (1994:62) has identified body image as a third

term intervening between and requiring the operations of both mind and body. Body

image makes sense of, adjusts to, and integrates transformations that are wrought on or in

it be they indelible, removable, fragmenting, or painful (ibid). Chapter 7 here delves

more explicitly into changing body images via changes to bodies.

Of relevance to a consideration of death, the aforementioned disembodied hybrids

not only break down the boundary between life and death, but also complicate a clear

understanding of what qualifies as an object and what a subject. Bioarchaeologists have

traditionally and narrowly, viewed the body as an object of study. As noted in Chapter 1,

archaeological field laboratories cataloguing of human remains provides an instance of

objectification; bones, bone fragments, or bags of bones, are counted and recorded in the

same manner as potsherds and lithics. Museums have catalogued their skeletal material

by element rather than individual, one of the most famous cases being Samuel G.

Mortons nineteenth century collection of human skulls. How bodies are objectified is an

issue that that I will revisit more fully in my discussion of bodies in life (Chapter 7). As a

result, the human dimension of these remains is considerably de-emphasized,

consequently this makes more difficult interpretations about their presence and

participation in the world of the living.

Ancestor veneration is validated by a societys belief in a social life despite

biological death. In many non-Western communities, ancestors, often represented by

preserved human remains, are imbued with great power and presence. Death does not end

their activity, and veneration of their bodies and/or body parts is not uncommon. For
216
example Michael Moseley (1992:54) has noted, Inca royal mummies, regarded as quasi-

alive, were regularly paraded about, and formally seated at important council meetings so

that they might be consulted and guide the living. Moreover, Quigley (1996:247-250)

has identified ample Western examples in which body parts are regarded as relics to be
30
revered by living members of the community . On this notion of partibility, Grosz

(1994:81) remarks,

Detachable, separable parts of the body urine, feces, saliva,

sperm, blood, vomit, hair, nails, skin retain something of the
cathexis and value of a body part even when they are separated
from the body. There is still something of the subject bound up
with them which is why they are objects of disgust, loathing, and
repulsion as well as envy and desire.

Regarded as both object of worship and active subject, corporeal relics are attained from

individuals deemed holy or adored. These include saints, political leaders, kin members,

and prominent cultural figures (e.g., poets, musicians, philosophers). Suffice it to say,

individuals held up for veneration are special, supporting the argument that not everyone

is anointed as an ancestor upon his or her death.

Even within the category of ancestor, there are shades of difference. In revisiting

Hertzs Borneo case study a century later, Bernard Sellato (2002) distinguishes among

the different categories reserved for the dead. In the past, scholars have grouped

indiscriminately, and hence problematically, all references to the dead under the umbrella

term of ancestor. Rather, Sellato identifies two categories of ancestors exclusive and

inclusive. Exclusive ancestors are imbued with larger social importance and publicly

30
Quigley (1996:247-250) distinguishes between relics and souvenirs. Souvenirs, the collection of which is
motivated by lust and not love, have a secular association. In this category, Quigley includes trophies
acquired during war (e.g., skulls, ears, scalps) and serial killers rampages (e.g., severed genitalia, skin,
hair). Relics, on the other hand, are regarded as sacred and consequently revered.
217
renowned; this public perception of them is fostered while they are alive and continues

after their deaths. Inclusive ancestors are associated with a particular kin group; they are

genealogical forebears. Inclusive ancestral identity is conferred in two ways. Either

prominent figures can identify themselves as ancestors while alive, or contingent upon a

decedents deeds and lasting place in their memory, a group can impart such an identity

after an individuals death.

Christian Pelras (2002) similarly identifies ancestor gradation in his Indonesian

study of the Bugis of South Sulawesi. According to Pelras, nobles and commoners

conceive of and interact with their ancestors in different ways. Among the nobility,

generational links are made between descendants and their ancestors through the sharing

of personal names. Their ultimate origin point is characterized as divine and/or mythical

and situated far back in time, which serves to justify noble status. Pelras (ibid:127-128)

further discerns between noble ancestors, sorting them into ordinary and original.

Ordinary ancestors may have been very important and even

extraordinary persons in their time, but they are only a link in the
genealogical chain of noble families. Their graves are not very
different form other graves, except that most are more ornate,
having, for instance sculpted steles (msang) and being grouped in
burial complexes (jra lompo) together with the graves of other
members of the local dynasty. Some of them are surmounted by a
pyramidal or possibly a cubic buildingOriginal ancestors are
those (to-manurung and to-tompo) who initiated genealogical
chainsThe sites in which they are worshipped are thus not
exactly graves but places arranged as graves, and simple ones at
thatThey are considered to mark the spot where the ancestors
returned to the divine worlds whence they came. The sites may
also be part of a complex of sacred placesThese sacred places
thus do not concern noble families as private families but with
regard to their political function.

218
Thus, these differences among ancestors are wedded to unique material and spatial

dimensions. In contrast, commoners do not memorialize their ancestors as individuals,

but as an indivisible group in the Bugis example. Nor do they possess a far-reaching

genealogical memory. However, this is not to imply that commoner ancestors lack

identifiable material and spatial associations. Rather, commemoration is simple food

offerings, grave visitations, silent prayers.

Perception (and reception) of ancestors begs inquiry in specific cases. As I will

suggest in the subsequent chapter, in Maya society decedents were also grouped into

discriminate categories forebears, ancestors, good and evil spirits. Not all dead Maya

were accorded the same treatment and appraisal as evidenced by cultural and human

remains; some were venerated, others were vilified, and some were just buried.

Summary

Several physical anthropologists have recently criticized their sub-fields long-

standing commitment to description and reticence to theorizing aspects, with the

exception of evolutionary theory (Armelagos and Van Gerven 2003; Caspari 2003).

Bioarchaeologists today seeks to redress these criticisms by looking to anthropologys

other branches for inspiration and enrichment. Such is the intent of this chapter.

I have provided an overview of investigators varied inquiries and foci related to

the study of death. Processual archaeologists, as these investigators were the first to

interpret and not simply describe burial data, neglected the seminal sociological works of

earlier scholars despite claims to the contrary. Rather, Goodenoughs consideration of

social identity supplied a conceptual touchstone for processual archaeologists, as

219
channeled through the Binford/Saxe model. To reiterate, a key component of

Goodenoughs conception of identity is the way in which it changes throughout an

individuals life. However, Goodenough did not specifically examine death as a catalyst

for transforming identity, nor did he consider the social consequences of a decedents

identity transformation for the living. Thus, it is somewhat anomalous that archaeologists

would first turn to his work in order to better understand the connections between

identity, death, and burial.

In more recent examinations, processual and postprocessual archaeologists

contextualization of the dead has been a common investigative concern. With this being

said, postprocessualists have generated some valid critiques of studies that have adapted

the Binford/Saxe model. Nevertheless, this body of work concerned with analysis of

death in light of spatial dimensions comprises a significant contribution to both mortuary

and landscape studies. These considerations further underscore the importance of

studying death as a process and a transformation. They have also stressed that where

burials are situated is often, though not always, intentional, and thereby encoded with

revealing information about individuals, groups, and worldviews.

With criticisms in hand, I stress that the issues uniting disparate studies of death

are identity and its constitution. Death necessitates identity change, or reconstitution.

However, previous archaeological studies have only hinted at this posthumous change, or

else they have privileged the repercussions of identity changes for the living. While the

latter is an exceedingly important project, and one that I address in Chapters 7 and 8, it

presents but a single facet of a complex issue. To consider identity, I have drawn from

sociological and anthropological considerations concerned with the ways that beliefs
220
about death, ritual activities, and corporeal transformations intersect. Fortunately for

archaeologists, bodies how they are culturally transformed, naturally changed, situated

in space, symbolically aligned, and reacted to by the living offer an excellent empirical

entry point for making inferences. As illustrated in Chapter 6, pre-Columbian Maya

bodies, particularly those exhumed from PfBAP burial settings, furnish data for realizing

or negating theories synthesized in this chapter.

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 CHAPTER 6

BREATHING LIFE INTO THE STUDY OF DEATH AND THE MAYA

Given the extraordinary variety of methods used throughout the

world and at different epochs to dispose of the dead, we are
provided with a rich vein of material analysis (Metcalf &
Huntington 1991:84).

Now, Mr. Barlow, what had you in mind? Embalmment of course,

AND after that incineration or not, according to tasteNormal
disposal is by inhumement, entombment, inurnment or
immurement, but many people just lately prefer
insarcophagusment (Waugh 1999[1948]:42-43)

In this chapter, I apply the models discussed previously (Chapter 5) to interpret

pre-Columbian Maya burials from PfBAP sites. Analysis of decedents corporeal

treatment after death provides the evidentiary springboard for reconstructing ritual

practices, identity reconstitution, and cosmological and mythological beliefs. I also argue

tentatively that sensory perception plays an ancillary role in structuring mortuary

phenomena. These dimensions are oft deemed archaeologically unrecoverable or

ephemeral, though I propose means of identifying their material expressions.

In discussions of pre-Columbian Maya peoples response to death, archaeologists

have looked to ethnography and ethnohistory for analogical explanation (e.g.,

Fitzsimmons 2002; Gillespie 2002; Hall 1989). They have inferred from architecture and

artifacts evidence of ancestor commemoration (e.g., Coe 1956, 1988; McAnany 1995;

Welsh 1988). Decipherment of iconography and hieroglyphs has contributed to

reconstruction of mortuary ceremonialism (e.g., Fitzsimmons 2002; Schele and Miller

1986). However, few investigators have looked at the dead themselves the actual

physical remains to talk about death, one exception being work conducted

222
collaboratively at the sites of Cuello, Belize (Hammond 1999; Robin 1989, 1996; Robin

and Hammond 1991; F. Saul and J. Saul 1991; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997) and Kaxob,

Belize (McAnany 1995; McAnany et al. 1999). When Maya archaeologists do include

bodies in their studies, their discussions have focused upon elite (minority) phenomena

(e.g., Bell 2002; Buikstra et al. 2003; Gillespie 2001; Hammond et al. 1975; Houston and

McAnany 2003). These investigations have produced invaluable insights about Maya

society and specific individuals. Furthermore, while the corpus does contain works that

briefly acknowledge non-elite31 burials (e.g., Fitzsimmons 2002:77; Krejci and Culbert

1995; Shaw 1998), rarely do investigators give these non-elite burials their full

interpretive attention. With the proliferation of settlement surveys, piqued interest in

household studies, and increasing penetration into densely forested areas, work over the

past several decades has dramatically advanced our understanding of non-elites. As a

result, the size and number of burial samples has increased, of which PfBAPs sample

represents but one of a growing number (Adams 1998 [Xunantunich]; Becker 1999

[Tikal]; Chase 1994, 1997 [Caracol]; Haviland 1967, 1997 [Tikal]; Reed and Zeleznik

2001 [Copn]; Robin 1989 [Cuello]; Saul 1972 [Altar de Sacrificios]; Saul and Saul 1991,

1997 [Cuello]; Storey 1986, 1992, 1997 [Copn]; Whittington 1989 [Copn]). Excavators

encountered the bulk of PfBAPs sample in non-elite contexts, though mortuary remains

were also excavated from elite venues. Thus, this research seeks to rectify the lacunae of

past investigations by spotlighting a burial sample comprised of individuals from all

levels of society royalty to rural farmers. This study has the opportunity to examine

31
The terms elite and non-elite are inadequate ones at best to describe the complex social organization
of Maya peoples. Nonetheless, I use them as heuristics for acknowledging social difference. The former
group fills more socially, politically, and/or religiously prominent positions in society than the latter.
223
mortuary variance or overlap between elites and non-elites by comparing their burials, as

well as recognize intra-class variation and the individual.

I will first provide a historical sketch of general trends in Mayanists studies of

death, highlighting those studies that have examined death as a rite of passage.

Ethnographic and ethnohistorical documentation also provide direct analogues for

considering pre-Columbian soul belief, corpse processing, and mourners ritual response.

The PfBAP burial sample offers evidence of mortuary rites that imply reconstitution of

individuals identities after death. Comparison of mortuary variation reveals nuances

distinguishing individuals social personae, which is predicated upon multiple, cross-

cutting identity markers such as age, gender, class, familial ties, religious or political

roles, and possibly occupation (Chapter 5). PfBAP Tombs are considered first, followed

by closer examination of other grave-types encountered within residences. Structural and

conceptual parallels conveying pan-Maya practices and beliefs, as well as disparities

suggesting variability with respect to distinct social levels, are brought to the fore.

Special attention is paid to grave-type, location, and material; architecture; grave goods

and location; body position, orientation, and condition; age at death; sex; and markers of

cultural changes to the body. From these observations, I make inferences about ritual

activities and embedded meanings associated with identity transformation that results

from death. Despite patterned behaviors, there are also indicators of decedents

idiosyncratic treatment. Such evidence also bespeaks the personal natures of individuals

lives, an idea expressed more fully in Chapters 7 and 8.

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Maya Studies of Dying and Death

What follows is a brief historical overview of assessments of Maya burials,

highlighting significant analytical contributions32. Archaeological study of burials

represents a disciplinary building block. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, typological classifications of artifacts, chronological sequences, and museum

collections all burgeoned as a result of antiquarians investigation of burials (e.g., Gann

1916; Gordon 1896).

Early scholarly contributions to Maya mortuary studies were largely descriptive,

corresponding with culture-historical agendas (e.g., Thompson 1939; Wauchope 1934;

Woodbury and Trik 1953). The practice of providing an inventory of burials mortuary

and skeletal data without interpretation has considerable perseverance, and despite

significant advances, still fills the back pages of many site reports and dissertation

appendices. Oliver Ricketson (1925), however, provided a notable early exception to the

general tendency by drawing on burial data to reconstruct social status and organization.

Lamentably, a paucity of reliable data hindered reaching any definitive conclusions.

The first half of the twentieth century brought an increase in the number of

archaeological excavations, and hence, data sets grew. In consequence, scholars

conducted comparative studies of burial data. Assessments, however, often juxtaposed

burials from spatially distant sites that were not necessarily contemporaneous (e.g., Coe

1959; Ruz Lhuillier 1965, 1968). Such studies fit squarely into a culture-history paradigm

in which burials associated material culture was employed to explain cultural diffusion
32
Physical anthropologists have long studied and published assessments of Maya bones and teeth. For
reviews of this corpus, I refer the reader to Jacobi (2000:77-80) and Danforth, Whittington, and Jacobi
(1997). I do not review this literature here, as the focus is bioarchaeological studies and not studies that do
not contextualize osteological and dental data more broadly.
225
and mortuary styles. Krejci and Culbert (1992) have more recently used a comparative

approach to discern a diachronic shift in social organization and ritual practices,

restricting their examination to burials from the southern Maya lowlands that date

between the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods.

In early comparative studies, establishment of a grave typology was a central

preoccupation of many researchers (e.g., Ricketson and Ricketson 1937; A. Smith 1950;

R. Smith 1937). In these writings, however, there is no recognition that disparities in

grave-types between sites may reflect regional variation and construction of community

identity. The issue of grave-type classification resurfaces periodically, though

interpretations of burials also involve significant information about social processes and

practices (e.g., Tourtellot 1990; Welsh 1988). Marshall Becker (1988), for instance, has

called attention to subtle distinctions and conceptual congruences between caches and

burials (Chapter 2). This issue is also one that investigators have revisited more recently,

expanding understanding of ritual activities with the advantage of added data (e.g., Krejci

and Culbert 1992; Kunen et al. 2002).

Succeeding culture historians descriptive assessments, subsequent studies of

Maya burials garnered inspiration from emerging processual models, which explained

variation in mortuary practices and manifestations as directly related to increasing social

complexity (Chapter 5). To reiterate a critique made in the previous chapter, investigators

claim to make inferences about social identity and status, when in fact they are examining

economic organization; conception of social identity and status is primarily predicated

upon burials wealth in terms of grave goods, labor expenditure, or sacrificed human

lives. In Maya studies, reconstruction of social identity is largely restricted to the

226
institution of kingship, or prominent royal members of society. William Rathjes (1970)

diachronic examination of burials from the sites of Uaxactun, Guatemala and Barton

Ramie, Belize exemplifies the use of a processual framework. To argue for increasing

sociopolitical complexity, Rathje contrasted burial evidence from domestic and

ceremonial contexts dating to the Early Classic and Late Classic periods. He concluded

that Early Classic recruitment of political and religious leaders metamorphosed into Late

Classic hereditary rulership.

Similarly applying processual models, W.B.M. Welshs (1988) Analysis of

Classic Lowland Maya Burials represents perhaps the most significant comparative effort

to date, though one that is inattentive to diachronic distinctions (Robin 1989:13-14). His

sample contains 1170 burials from 16 sites. Welsh created a comprehensive grave

typology, identified burials context and content, and argued for long-term, pan-Maya

burial patterns. Moving beyond description, he asserts that burial data signal a decedents

wealth and social status. He also uses burial data to suggest, albeit in a preliminary

fashion, the material correlates of ritual practices associated with ancestor veneration,

human sacrifice, and skeletal mutilation. In this sense, he recognizes that burials present

important insight about death as a rite of passage.

However, Welsh (1988:11) avoids discussion of body modifications. He avers

that such practices transpired during an individuals life, and consequently convey little

information about mortuary customs. In locating Welshs study within its processual

framework, his dismissal of information about individuals lives becomes clearer.

Processualists focus on universal laws of human behavior and environmental

227
explanations of cultural processes left little room for integration of the human dimension,

agency, creativity, and intentionality (Brumfiel 1992).

Contrary to Welshs assertion about body modification, I would argue that the

specifics of mortuary rituals are indeed shaped by a decedents identity and actions in

life. Skeletal analysts have humanized the study of burials with their reconstructions of

individuals lives. For instance, Frank and Julie Saul (1985, 1989, 1997) have

demonstrated how skeletal and dental remains narrate osteobiographies. Their pioneering

work has provided impetus and inspiration for a growing number of Maya

bioarchaeologists (e.g., Whittington and Reed, eds. 1997). Bioarchaeological

examinations have approached the study of burials as a holistic enterprise in which

mortuary and skeletal data are examined concurrently. For example, Keith Jacobi (2000)

has examined dental remains, mortuary evidence, and architectural setting from the site

of Tipu, Belize to discern genetic relationships among burials interred following

assimilation of the Maya by European conquerors. Bioarchaeological approaches also

inform our interpretations about identity constitution in life. This reconstruction goes

beyond the social identity of kingship to encompass gender identity (e.g., Geller 1998,

2000; Haviland 1997), as well as identity constitution associated with life-cycle junctures

(e.g., Storey 1992, 1997).

In Chapter 5, I discussed processualisms shortcomings with respect to the study

of burials. In Maya studies, post-processualists critiques have engendered new foci and

interpretations that look beyond socioeconomic explanations. Investigators recognize that

burials contain considerable evidence suggestive of belief systems, religious and ritual

practices, and ideology. Setting the tone, Michael Coe (1988) argued that royal Tombs
228
locations, physical spaces, and accompaniments symbolically reflected ritual practices

and ideological beliefs. Citing numerous examples throughout the Maya world, Coe

(ibid:234) concluded, Classic Maya cities were, in my view, basically necropolises, in

which the living were gathered to worship the honored dead. Grant Hall (1989), for

instance, argued that the built spaces and accompanying symbols Tombs at the site of Ro

Azul, Guatemala contained cosmological metaphors and mythological references; these

facilitated decedents passage through the Underworld. I discuss these Tombs in greater

detail below. His work is important for discerning ideology shared amongst Maya nobles,

as well as interaction with other non-Mayans groups in Mesoamerica. Moreover, in

considering comparatively burials from the Late Preclassic to the Late Classic periods,

Hall materially and symbolically identifies the dawning, development, and decline of

kingship as a political institution.

Perhaps, the most perceptive work to treat Maya decedents in recent years has

been that of Patricia McAnany (1995, 1998; McAnany et al. 1999). In Living with the

Ancestors, she erects a theoretical frame for grounding mortuary evidence from the site of

Kaxob, Belize. Long have archaeologists remarked upon the intentional interment of

select Maya decedents in association with their residences. McAnany has elaborated upon

the connection between decedents proximity to living community members, as well as

the latters claim to and inheritance of the land from actively venerated ancestors.

Ultimately, then, ancestors have an active social life in spite of their biological demise.

McAnany has identified functional parallels between commoners residential ancestral

shrines and monumental, funerary temples. The difference is that royal decedents link

themselves with mythical figures in their own transformations to ancestors, while

229
commoner decedents ancestor status is contingent upon lineage connections, which are

neither as temporally deep nor as publicly powerful.

From this historical consideration of studies concerned with Maya burials, it is

apparent that interest in particular issues is cyclical. Revisiting previously examined ideas

and materials, from new perspectives and with additional data, often yields important

new insights. Future investigators of Maya burials are poised to further enhance

understandings of the past by reaping the benefits of multiple models integration. In the

section that follows, I apply the models discussed in Chapter 5 to the Maya case study.

Ethnohistorical and Ethnographic Analogy: Critical Use and Important Insights

It is important to preface a discussion that draws from ethnohistorical documents

with some words of caution. Several scholars have noted that the production of

ethnohistories was contoured by personal and political agendas (Gillespie 1989;

Greenblatt 1991; Todorov 1984). Conquistadors and missionaries sought varied ends,

such as material wealth, mercantile options, creation of an internal empire, dismantling of

indigenous structures, evangelical conversions, self-aggrandizing adventures, political

and terrestrial appointments, and assertion of loyalty to the Crown - to name a few. In

order to expedite these plans, recorders often misrepresented native peoples cultural

practices and beliefs, giving rise to myths which modern scholars have perpetuated.

For example, Columbus (1960) often depicted native people as naked, innocent,

and peaceful. Consequently, the Spanish government bestowed upon them the legal and

experiential status of children. Iberian justification of ownership and validation of empire

were couched in terms of care-taking (Pagden 1990). Furthermore, this portrayal found a
230
hallowed place in academic accounts. For archaeologists, this image grounded the

contrast between peaceful Maya and bloodthirsty Mexicans (e.g. Gann 1924; Morley

1946). The colorful military events illustrated in Room 2 at the site of Bonampak,

Mexico have deflated long-standing characterizations of Maya society as serene and non-

combative (Miller 1986, 1995). Additional archaeological evidence of pre-Aztec

militarism and sacrifice are now argued to occur throughout Mesoamerica (e.g., Cowgill

1997:144-148; Cabrera et al. 1991; Redmond 1983; Webster 1976). Nevertheless, Jones

(1995:33) has noted that peaceful Maya/bloodthirsty Mexica dichotomy endures in

popular representations of pre-Columbian societies.

Despite their shortcomings, ethnohistories can offer important insights into the

past; in citing them, however, investigators must do so critically. Use of these sources as

a heuristic device is facilitated by the identification of a writers intended audience, the

genre of writing, and the reasons under which pen was taken to paper. Identifying the

historical and intellectual contexts in which these documents were produced works to

deconstruct persistent myths and misunderstandings.

I approach ethnographies of contemporary Maya peoples with similar interpretive

optimism. Gossen and Leventhal (1993) have argued that despite syncretism of

indigenous and Christian beliefs and practices, resilient structuring principles -

religious, ideological, and intellectual - provide an analytical bridge between

contemporary and pre-Columbian Maya peoples. The direct historical approach, which

draws from ethnographic and ethnohistoric sources to make inferences about the past, is a

useful method for identifying these structuring principles. Indeed, identification of

inconsistencies between past and present data sets also bespeaks cultural change. Marcus
231
and Flannery (1994:56) assert that the direct historical approach is particularly useful in

understanding Mesoamerican cultures, as the ethnohistoric and ethnographic data from

that region emphasize how conservative and slow to change those aspects of culture

were. In the particular case of the Maya, Carlsen and Prechtel (1991) have argued that

despite Spanish colonial societys dominance and invasiveness, there is cultural

continuity from the Late Classic period onwards. They make a rather pointed argument

for comparability of religious beliefs and practices at the modern Tzutujil town of

Santiago Atitlan (Guatemala) and Classic Palenque (Mexico). Their assertion centers on

the concept of Jaloj-Kexoj, a term with two roots, jal and kex, that signify two types of

change life-cycle and generational changes, respectively. They (1991:26) write,

Together jal and kex form a concentric system of change within change, a single system

of transformation and renewal. At Santiago Atitlan, Jaloj-Kexoj connotes transference,

reincarnation, and vegetal life, and permeates both sacred and secular aspects of Atitecos

lives. Carlsen and Prechtel also suggest that pervading tales in the Popol Vuh, especially

the Hero Twins descent into the underworld, are the beliefs embodied by the concept

Jaloj-Kexoj. According to them, the Popol Vuh is an ancient text that provides the

foundation for many significant religious concepts of modern Atitecos. How ancient in

date remains the question. Translated text and images inscribed upon Palenques stone

monuments point to a Late Classic date. Death, ancestral regeneration, and vegetal

imagery encapsulate monuments messages and design motifs. Thus, Carlsen and

Prechtels examples rebut scholarship that discounts the Popol Vuh as a key to beliefs in

the Classic period.

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 Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century recorders imbued with missionary zeal did

pay careful heed to native peoples religious practices and beliefs. Ability to comprehend

indigenous peoples existential concerns (im)mortality, the afterlife, rebirth and

concomitant ritual practices facilitated missionaries conversion efforts. Fortunately for

contemporary researchers, sentiments about the dead and activities surrounding their

inhumation were covered in recorders musings. Moreover, the direct historical approach

enlightens our reconstruction of pre-Columbian Maya soul concepts, sentiments

surrounding the corpse, its processing, and handlers, and mourners pragmatic and ritual

responses to a family members death.

Death as a Rite of Passage

Maya Soul Belief

Of the Maya, Calvin (1989:869) writes, Based on the ethnographic literature, the

various manifestations of the soul can be broken into four broad categories: the pre-

determined length of a human life, the socially conscious soul, the blood-soul of

individual essence, and the animal or supernatural spirit-companion soul. As different

Maya groups use different words to refer to these four concepts, and flexibility indeed

characterizes Maya soul beliefs (Linn 1989), making sense of the soul is no easy task.

Fortunately, the Harvard Chiapas Project has instigated and influenced much exceptional

ethnographic work concerned with Maya souls (e.g., Gossen 1974; Linn 1989; Vogt

1969, 1990[1970]; Watanabe 1989).

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Length of a Life: ?ora

Though Calvin identifies it as a type of soul, the pre-determined length of a

human life is not such an accurate example of the soul concept. This notion does,

however, directly impact various conceptions of the soul. The Tzotzil word ?ora is the

candle lit by the sun deity that burns for a fixed period of time, and hence, signifies an

individuals life span (Gossen 1974:15). When this candle is extinguished, the life of the

individual and his or her animal-soul companion is similarly snuffed out. Gossen

(1974:210) identifies this soul as residing on the tip of the tongue, though does not

elaborate. Material evidence of the concept is cited in Calixta Guiteras-Holmess study of

the Tzotzil village of San Pedro Chenalh, where villagers often place a candle into a

corpses hand, which is lit and then promptly extinguished (Guiteras-Holmes 1961:142;

Villa Rojas 1945:148-149).

Social Soul: Naabl

Watanabe (1989:269) remarks that while the Zinacantecos identify a connection

between the soul and social sensibility, they have no linguistic distinction for these

concepts. Mam speakers from Chimaltenango do, however. Indeed, Chimaltecos

underscore the importance of naabl, the social soul or a communitys particular and

proper way of being as distinct from aanma, or the inner personal soul, discussed later.

Calvin (1997:869) elaborates,

Because each specific Maya community possesses a unique naabl,

its members can recognize each other and distinguish strangers.
The concept of naabl is grounded in the continuities of local
ancestry, received tradition, and the features of the environment

234
 that are the loci of ritual. Naabl survives the death of the
individual and remains as part of the communal collectivity.

Given its more communal qualities, the social soul is intimately linked to place and

constitution of group identity. This complex soul concept has received little attention in

the literature; I came across few references outside of those cited in Watanabes

ethnographic study of the village of Santiago Chimaltenango. Despite the limited number

of ethnographic considerations, however, I suggest that the socially conscious or

collective soul had an important place in the religious system of the pre-Columbian

Maya. As I elaborate later, individuals whose interment is highly suggestive of ancestors

and their veneration by a group evoke this notion of naabl.

Animal-Soul Companion: Chanul

Ethnographers have paid far more attention to the soul concepts chanul and

chulel, or the animal-soul companion and the inner, personal soul, respectively (Vogt

1969:369-374, 1990[1970]:24-27). In the case of chanul (pl. chanuletik), when the

ancestral gods install a [personal] soul in the embryo of a Zinacanteco, they

simultaneously install the same soul in the embryo of an animal (Vogt 1969:372). This

animal companion significantly structures ones conception of self and destiny, inasmuch

as each animal is associated with specific qualities - jaguars for people of wealth and

power, opossums for the poor and humble, and so on (Gossen 1974:15). Unlike chulel,

an individuals chanul is not inherited, and can change as a result of an individuals

personal or physical transformation during life (Linn 1989). Several scholars have

suggested that Classic period Maya iconography depicting animals in human garb,

235
humans in animal garb (i.e., jaguar paw mittens and skin mantle), and shaman-animal

relationships refer to this idea of chanul (Calvin 1997; Grube and Nahm 1994). If this is

the case, then it is possible that the animal companion is a resilient, religious concept.

Inner, Personal Soul: Chulel

The final category of Maya soul belief is chulel, or the inner, personal soul.

Watanabe (1989:263) explains that in planting inner, personal souls soon after an

individuals conception, ancestral deities pass down the patriline, drawn from a pool of

souls previously held by members of the same descent group. Each new individual is

paired with a deceased relative, and a continual recycling of chuleletik (pl.) occurs. This

idea of replacement ensured that ancestors were not only memorialized but continued to

play a vital role in the sphere of the living. Chulel is analogous to the Tzutujil concept of

Jalol-Kexoj, discussed earlier (i.e., Carlsen and Prechtel 1991). This notion of social life

despite biological death extends far back into the pre-Columbian past (McAnany 1995;

Geller in press), as I will discuss later.

Chulel resides in an individuals blood and heart during life, providing animation

to the body. And, hair and nail clippings retain the inner, personal soul during an

individuals life and after death (Guiteras-Holmes 1961:140-141; Lpez Austin

1988a:219). However, links between body and soul are fluid. The soul can leave the body

without causing death, such as during sleep, moments of great fright, or drunken states.

The young, elderly, and ill are more susceptible to departure of the personal soul, though

curing rituals serve to stabilize cohesion of body and soul. Vogt (1990[1970]:84-85)

identifies newborn infants as especially susceptible to loss of their inner, personal souls.
236
Connection between the two is reinforced through swaddling and maintaining proximity

between mother and child. Guiteras-Holmes (1961:110) also remarks upon newborns

ritual wrapping; New-spun cotton is tied around one little wrist and another around the

opposite anklethe thread symbolically crosses over the babys body, tying it up, and

therefore preventing the soul from fleeing. Bundling, or swaddling, will be discussed

more fully later.

Baptism, which occurs three or four months after birth, securely fixes the inner

soul to the infants body. Christian baptism perhaps melded with long-standing ritual

activities of native peoples. In contemporary settings, an infants death prior to baptism

involves distinctive burial treatment, in terms of body position and grave location (Vogt

1969:218, 222). Such alternative treatment might be discernible archaeologically.

As the Maya home is generally the location of death and corpse processing in

general, mourners must loosen the decedents soul from this space; they do so today in

Zinacantan by spitting saltwater intermittently throughout the house (Vogt 1969:218-

219). At San Pedro Chenalh, Guiteras-Holmes (1961:141-142) has noted that burning

chilies in the family hearth frees the dead from the house. Inasmuch as the soul is

characterized as fixed or loosened in life, death produces a more lasting dissolution

between body and soul, and while the body succumbs to the vagaries of decomposition,

the soul carries on in a disembodied, though recyclable, state.

In their discussion of the Kaqchikel Tecpanecos, Fischer and Hendrickson

(2003:80) elaborate upon the inner, personal soul, though they use the term anima instead

of chulel:

237
 In traditionalist Kaqchikel belief everyone has both a heart (kux)
and a soul (anima), and the two are central to Kaqchikel notions of
the self. Everything is said to possess kux, but only humans have
the vitalistic force of anima, and that is what makes them human.
The distinction between kux and anima helps us understand the
fine distinction made in many Maya beliefs between fate (or
destiny) and individual volition.

As noted before, Watanabe (1989:269) also considers aanma, derived from the Spanish

anima. As for the Kaqchikel, for Mam-speaking Chimaltecos from Guatemala, aanma

denotes the inner soul that resides in the heart. Watanabe distinguishes between aanma

and naabl, existence and essence, respectively. The two offer a complementary contrast

to one another, as they indicate that two parts comprise each person - one that imbues

individuality and the other that imparts a sense of ones place within a larger social unit.

Materiality of and rituals surrounding death allow for a fuller realization of these

concepts, as considered later.

This notion of the inner, personal soul makes an appearance in other

Mesoamerican cultures as well. In Nahuatl, the concept of yolia, or teyolia, bears a

striking resemblance to this inner, personal soul, given its connection to the heart, ability

to animate and impart individual identity, and indestructability (Furst 1995:17-22; Lpez

Austin 1988a:190-191). And, like the personal soul after death, an individuals yolia

leaves the body permanently and commences a journey to the underworld. Departure of

the yolia from the body occurs four days after death, and during this time mourners

continue to converse with the decedent (Lpez Austin 1988a:319). In other words,

biological death does not signify inevitably social death, an idea alluded to above in the

context of ancestor veneration (Chapter 5).

238
 In his highly influential The Human Body, Alfredo Lpez Austin (1988a:228, 230)

argues that chulel is comparable to both yolia and tonalli, which I define momentarily.

Rounding out Nahua soul belief is a third animating spirit, ihiyotl, which takes the form

of wind, air, or breath (Furst 1995:153). I will treat this concept later when considering

the corpse. Lpez Austin (1988b:288) defines chulel as the following:

Name given by southern Mayas to two animistic entities; one that

leaves during sleep, and another that is located in the heart and
which is inseparable from the living person. The first is the same
as the tonalli and the second the same as the teyolia of the ancient
Nahuas.

In Maya ethnographies, I have yet to come across chulel described with two

components, as argued for by Lpez Austin. Moreover, almost two decades prior to Lpez

Austins study of Nahua corporeality, Vogt (1969:369) stressed that

In a very general way these Zinacanteco souls [chulel and

chanul] signify that the people are animistic in the Tylorian
sense of the term; they also signify local manifestations of
widespread Middle American beliefs about tonalism and
nagualismBut these statements tell us little about the complex
and subtle meanings implied in the Zinacanteco conceptsneither
tona nor nagual defines precisely the Zinacanteco concept of
chulel and chanul.

While there is ideational overlap between diverse Mesoamerican groups belief systems,

care should be taken not to posit a direct one-to-one relationship. Tonalli does share

many of the same characteristics of chulel impartibility of individual personality,

departibility and consequential death, proper performance of mortuary rituals to ensure a

safe journey to the underworld. Lpez Austin (1988a:211-213) also mentions that pre-

Columbian Nahuas secured a childs tonalli with ritual bathing (i.e., baptism)

immediately after birth, or on an auspicious date soon after. However, tonalli possesses

239
some significant differences, as well. In particular, Lpez Austin (1988a:214) recognizes

that tonalli is dispersed throughout the body by the blood, but he also associates it with

the head and hair, rather than the heart. Perhaps for the pre-Columbian Maya tonalli is

more closely linked to the Maya term ba(h), as James Fitzsimmons (2002:57) suggests.

Stephen Houston and David Stuart (1998) have translated the term as self, person, or

head, and link images of the head, or face, with the construction of individual identity.

Regardless, for all of these terms, Nahuatl and Maya alike, there is a strong connection

between animating spirits and specific body parts. Such a connection directly contradicts

the strict dichotomy of body/soul long prevalent within Western frames of understanding.

Life in the Afterlife

As the inner, personal soul is fairly indissoluble by all accounts, unlike the corpse,

where does it journey after earthly death? Woven through Maya mythology is a

conception of the cosmos shaped by a concern with death and the souls journey, or life

in the afterlife. The Maya conceive of the cosmos both horizontally and vertically. The

earth, depicted as a flat, horizontal plane, has four corners associated with the four

cardinal directions and a central point. These cardinal directions are in turn associated

with particular colors (east/red, west/black, south/yellow, north/white, and center/blue-

green), trees, birds, deities, and rituals associated with said deities (Schele and Freidel

1990:66). The heavens in their celestial sphere arc over the earth, while watery Xibalba,

identified as such by the Quiche Maya in the Popol Vuh (Tedlock 1996), is situated

beneath the earths terrestrial surface. Or, more simply stated, there are the Upperworld

(or Overworld), Middleworld, and Underworld. The celestial sphere is composed of

240
thirteen realms, and the underworld possesses nine levels. For the pre-Columbian Maya,

warriors slain in battle, women who died during childbirth (a metaphoric battle), those

who committed suicide, priests, and rulers all ascended to the heavens (Sharer 1994:525).

All others were set upon the dangerous path to Xibalba. The journey is often depicted

taking place aboard a canoe, as illustrated by 4 of 37 incised bones found with Burial 116

at the site of Tikal, Guatemala (Schele and Miller 1986:269-271; Trik 1963).

Schele and Miller (1986) describe Xibalba as powerfully scented with rotted

fleshing and odoriferous flatulence. Based on iconography and epigraphy, Schele and

Miller (1986:267) describe Xibalba as having the following qualities:

Its primary characteristic was the stench of decaying corpses and

rotting blood; it was the origin of diseases that entered the
MiddleworldIt was a watery world that could only be entered by
sinking beneath water or by passing through a maw in the surface
of the earth.

All in all, Xibalba is a generally disagreeable place to take up residence in the afterlife, a

point further underscored by an analysis of the names root, xib, meaning fear, terror,

trembling with fright (Coe 1975:89). Fitzsimmons (2002:74-77) argues that Xibalba was

not a final resting place; rather, it served as a place where the souls of select individuals,

specifically rulers and their spouses, acquired supernatural status. In their description of

the souls progression through the afterlife and subsequent rebirth, the Maya perhaps

built upon the Popol Vuhs epic tale of the Hero Twins descent into the underworld.

Their defeat of the Death Lords during ballgame play, repeated success in numerous

trials, and resurrection and release from the underworld provided a frame for conceiving

of Maya soul belief, the afterlife, rebirth, and ancestor constitution (Schele and Miller

1986:266-267). Iconographic imagery and epigraphic accounts are silent on the subject of
241
non-royal souls, though I would presume that individuals slated for ancestor status,

regardless of social status, would similarly triumph over Xibalbas decay and suffocating

flatulence. As discussed earlier, Carlsen and Prechtels (1991:35) consideration of Jaloj-

Kexoj testifies to an understanding of death and rebirth in operation at all levels of

society. Material and osteological evidence from burials interred within commoners

residences offers a window into practices and beliefs concerned with death and the

afterlife that potentially overlapped or diverged from elite phenomena.

Sacred Spaces: Bridging the Cosmos

Vertically, natural landscape features bridge the distance between the spheres of

the cosmos. As depicted in iconography, the World Tree, a tremendous ceiba, traverses

all three realms; its roots are situated in the Underworld, its trunk in the Middleworld,

and its branches reach into the Upperworld (Schele and Miller 1986:42). Looming

mountaintops bring the earth-bound closer to the heavens. Caves within mountains

provide for passage to and from Xibalba. For the Maya, as well as numerous other native

groups throughout the Americas, specific landscape features not only sanctify, but also

play an active role in structuring cultural practices and beliefs (e.g., Benson, ed. 1981;

Brady and Ashmore 1999; Carrasco, ed. 1991; Kolata 1996; Sofaer 1997). As a result,

these sacred spaces often serve as the setting for ritually charged activities many of

which are intimately tied to death.

Several scholars have demonstrated that mountains and internal caves facilitate

transformation from a socially liminal decedent to a socially viable ancestor; hence, they

function as powerful venues for rites of passage like those related to mortuary activities
242
(e.g., Vogt 1990[1970]:5-6). Caves and mountains emblematize axes mundii (Ashmore

1991; Brady and Ashmore 1999; Coggins 1980). Imbued with liminal connotations, axes

mundii mediate between past and present, natural and supernatural arenas. Thus, these

sacred spaces are an ideal arena for situating and transforming ambiguous elements of

society, such as corpses. Throughout Mesoamerica, there exists an enduring link between

sacred spaces and interment of decedents bodies. For the Maya, natural caves,

ubiquitous in the karstic Yucatan Peninsula, served as ready-made final resting places as

early as Middle Preclassic period (ca. 900-400 B.C.) (e.g., sites of Cueva del Rio

Taluga33 [Brady 1997], Copn [Brady 1995], and Cuyamel Caves [Healy 1974]). Within

PfBs boundaries, rockshelters contain the remains of Classic ceramic vessels; however,

these features have yet to be fully explored for evidence of skeletal materials and formal

mortuary practices (Sagebiel, personal communication 2000). Future investigations might

identify these spaces as ossuaries, or as places of interment. As confirmed by

ethnographies, ritual cave use, evocative of ancestor veneration, survived the Conquest

and continued into modern times (e.g., Vogt 1969; Wagley 1949).

The Maya conception of caves is not limited to the formal geological definition of

these features. Rather, caves comprise a number of topographical features. In his study of

the community of Zinacantan, Vogt (1969:375, 387) translates chen [pl. chenetik], a

Tzotzil variant of a proto-Mayan word, not only as cave but also as natural holes in

the ground, limestone sinks, waterholes, and openings. In their study of the pre-

Columbian Maya, Brady and Ashmore (1999) have further emphasized this connection
33
The cultural affiliation of the decedents is in question. Brady and his colleagues (1995, 1997) assert that
they are ethnically non-Maya. The caves location in northeastern Honduras places the site out of the Maya
cultural sphere, though such evidence points to the general Mesoamerican pattern of associating sacred
landscapes, cosmology, and mortuary rituals.
243
between caves and water, as the two are often geologically, symbolically, and ritually

linked. It is this understanding of the cave as simply a hole or opening in the earth that I

underline, because most Maya commoner burials in the PfBAP sample fit such a

description. To solidify the connection between simple holes and burial spaces, Alfa

Murley de Delgaty (1978), who authored a Spanish-Tzotzil dictionary, translates chen as

grave.34 Mountains, or vits [witz is the proto-Mayan term], on the other hand, have

more ethereal associations with ancestral gods, who reside inside of these features (Vogt

1969:375, 378).

The pre-Columbian Maya often designed built spaces to reproduce sacred

landscape features in structure and meaning. Vogts explanation of replication

structural and conceptual advances understanding of the motivations and meanings that

underlay these built spaces. Vogt (1990[1970]:125) writes,

Over the centuries Zinacantan has evolved a network of beliefs,

symbols, structural forms, and behavioral sequences that, taken
together, form a consistent way of life. This way of life includes
social structural forms and ritual behaviors that are systematically
replicated at various levels in Zinacanteco society; it also includes
concepts, expressed explicitly in Tzotzil that are replicated in many
different domains of Zinacanteco culture.

It is appropriate to think of the built spaces, material correlates, and symbolic references

associated with pre-Columbian mortuary rituals as replicating sacred landscape features

and their embedded meanings, namely their transformative and liminal qualities

(Gillespie 2000; Heyden 1981).

34
Tzotzil is not the only Maya language possessing a singular word that has multiple meanings related to
natural landscape features, built spaces, and cosmological elements. According to Attinasi (1973), the Chol
word muuc translates as to bury, mountain/hill, grave, and navel.
244
The Royal Maya Treatment

Mayanists investigation of elite burials and related monumental architecture has

provided a valuable contribution to understanding Maya society. The mortuary spaces of

Maya royalty, such as temple-pyramids, were designed to replicate sacred elements of the

landscape, and in doing so evoked their embedded meanings (Brady and Ashmore 1999;

Vogt 1990[1970]). To argue for this phenomenon as pan-Maya, I compare findings from

geographically disparate centers; these sites also vary in distance from those in PfB

borders. Moreover, as I am relying on published materials, adequate documentation of

sites Tombs was a prerequisite. The Classic Tombs selected for consideration are

exceptional examples. However, this is not to suggest uniqueness and incomparability,

since they all have features in common. Several lines of evidence support an argument

for these Tombs being metaphoric caves deep within or beneath mountain-buildings.

Aside from their locations, iconography and/or texts contained within Tombs often allude

to sacred features and mythological narratives. Associated features also buttress this

contention, either grave goods included within burial chambers or external structural

elements. Later in my discussion of PfBAPs non-elite burials, I will apply this

understanding to these mortuary phenomena, thereby identifying differences or

similarities between different levels of society.

Monumental architecture and iconography from the Chiapas highland site of

Palenque (Mexico) testify to structural replication of sacred spaces (Brady and Ashmore

1999). Situated atop (and not within) bedrock, Kinich Hanabh Pakals Late Classic

Tomb is located 25 m beneath the Temple of the Inscriptions. This temple was

constructed in a single building episode during the rulers life (Chapter 5). A corbel
245
vaulted staircase leads down to a vaulted burial chamber, which is 10 m long, 5 m wide,

and 7 m high. The human remains of five sacrificed individuals, four men and one

woman, had been placed within the chambers entryway. The chambers walls were

decorated with panels onto which was carved a text narrating Palenques dynastic history.

A carved sarcophagus filled the majority of the chamber, and within were Pakals

remains, as well as a diverse array of grave goods.

This Tomb is a metaphoric cave situated within a metaphoric mountain.

Furthermore, Miller (1996:128-129) remarks,

The Temple of the Inscriptions rises in nine distinct levels. At the

time of the Conquest the underworld was perceived by both Aztecs
and Mayas to have nine layers, and Pacals funerary monument
evidently conforms to the same idea of the afterlife, with the lords
Tomb placed at the nadir of the pyramid. Likewise, at the
Conquest, Mesoamericans believed the heavens to have thirteen
levels, a vision of the universe reflected in the stratified Maya
world of Pacal, for thirteen distinct corbels connect the Tomb to
the upper galleries.

As evidenced by iconography on his sarcophagus lid, Pakals descent into the maw of the

Earth Monster, an additional metaphoric cave opening, illustrates the rulers entrance into

the Underworld (Bassie-Sweet 1996). Unlike Xibalbas watery entrance, Pakal falls into

the Underworld via the World Tree, thus mirroring the setting suns passage (Schele and

Miller 1986:268-269). Encircling the sarcophaguss sides are depictions of ancestors

intertwined with and emerging from various flora. These carved images signify Pakals

transformation and rebirth, emphasizing beliefs and symbolic associations that Carlsen

and Prechtel (1991:35) identify as historically far-reaching and central to past and

modern Maya society, as discussed earlier.

246
 I next consider Burial 116, Ah Cacaus (or Ruler As) Tomb, located deep

beneath Temple I at the site of Tikal, Guatemala. The Late Classic Tomb established a

new mortuary pattern, as it was the first to be situated outside of the North Acropolis, the

previously preferred space for interring royal decedents (Sharer 1994:160). Sealing the

Tomb was a layer of flint and obsidian flakes, literally thousands in the words of Trik

(1963:5). The Tomb was vaulted, and painted on the bottom of the central capstone was a

10-inch red spot. Similar to Burial 116, a capstone with a red spot was encountered and a

layer of flint and obsidian capped Burial 23s Tomb, which housed the ruler who

preceded Ah Cacau (Coggins 1975:456-457). Ah Cacaus chamber, which was cut from

bedrock, measured 5 m long, 2.5 m wide, and 4 m high. A masonry bench, atop which

the body was placed, abutted the east wall and filled most of the chambers space.

Between the extended body and the bench were the remnants of a woven straw mat.

Accompanying Ah Cacau were lavish grave goods, including three pyrite mirrors,

stingray spines, numerous jade beads of different shapes and sizes, marine shells, and 22

ceramic vessels, amongst other things. The Tomb also contained traces of textiles,

leather, jaguar and ocelot skins, and feathers. As discussed earlier, one spectacular find

involved the 37 bones incised with hieroglyphs; these had been placed in the extreme

south end of the burial chambers aisle. Four of these bones contain images and

hieroglyphic relating decedents journeys on canoes to the watery Underworld (Coggins

1975:469-489).

In their extensive tunneling excavations beneath the Acropolis at the site of Copn,

Honduras, investigators have uncovered and diligently recorded royal resting places. The

Hunal Tomb is a vaulted burial chamber, intentionally preserved and entombed within
247
larger and later superstructures. The Early Classic burial chamber is argued to be the final

resting place of the dynastic founder Kinich Yax Kuk Mo (Bell et al. 1999; Bell et al.

2000; Bell et al. 2004). The body had been laid upon an elevated stone slab in an

extended position. The body was placed on top of a textile or woven mat, as indicated by

traces of organic materials. Grave goods were numerous and varied, including jade, shell,

modified bone, stingray spines, jaguar canines, and numerous ceramic vessels amongst

other things. Evidence for re-entry of the Tomb is inferred from the disturbed nature of

the decedents remains and postmortem application of cinnabar.

Yax Kuk Mos presumed unnamed queen is interred within the adjacent

Margarita Tomb (Bell 2002). Bell and her colleagues (2000) uncovered an upper offering

chamber, and a stairway spanned the distance between this area and a large vaulted burial

chamber. The second chamber measured 4.2 m long and 1.5 m wide and was oriented

north/south. Accompanying the decedent were more than 2,000 objects, including shell,

jade, ceramic vessels, two pyrite mirrors, stingray spines, modified bone objects, and

perishable items like gourds and baskets. As in the Hunal Tomb, the decedents body had

been laid upon a stone slab and was extended on her back. Coating skeletal and material

remains was a large quantity of red cinnabar. However, concentrated in the eastern side

of the Tombs floor were bone needles stained bright green (ibid). Bell (2002:102) has

suggested that objects placed within the Hunal and Margarita Tombs were intended to

create an association between the interred individuals and cosmological protagonists,

such as the Sun God and Moon Goddess. Excavators did not encounter flint and/or

obsidian layers capping either the Hunal or the Margarita Tombs.

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 Finally, Tombs from the site of Ro Azul, Guatemala further support my

contention that mortuary spaces replicated architecturally and symbolically sacred

elements of the landscape. They bear a striking resemblance to PfBAP Tombs, to which I

will return. Proximity to PfB the site of Ro Azul is approximately 15 miles from Dos

Hombres and overlap with respect to grave design, accompaniments, and location hint

at shared, regional mortuary practices and beliefs. To date, investigators have located 26

Tombs at the site. While looters had ransacked the majority of these Tombs, a few

undisturbed ones were diligently excavated and documented by archaeologists. From

looted Tombs, archaeologists also detailed surrounding stratigraphy, construction phases,

grave materials, wall paintings, and salvaged artifactual and osteological contents. Grant

Halls (1989) dissertation provides an in-depth consideration of several Early Classic

Tombs; these were either undisturbed or looted, and were associated with structures

dispersed throughout the sites core.

Tomb shafts were often cut through plaster floors and underlying subfloor fill,

and then chamber spaces were hewn from bedrock35. This appears to be more than just an

Early Classic trait, as Tikals Burial 116 was also hewn from bedrock. This is a point of

contrast with aforementioned Tombs from the sites of Palenque and Copn. Hall

(1989:301) argues, The shafts and formal entries built outside the bedrock chambers

were intended to represent cave mouths providing access to the Underworld from earth.

Moreover, chert debitage-filled layers surrounded and sealed Tombs, also similar to

Burials 23, 116, and 196 at the site of Tikal; layers varied in number from Tomb to

35
Hall (1989:182-185) also discusses several Tombs not cut from bedrock; rather, they were placed within
temple-pyramids. While no conclusive dates could be assigned to these looted spaces, Hall suggests that a
shift in Tomb locations occurred in the Late Classic period.
249
Tomb. As to the significance of chert layers, Hall (1989:308) posits an intriguing

explanation. He argues that the Maya may have conceived of them as physical remains

from lightening strikes. Finally, Tombs contained wall paintings that allude to

supernatural figures and cosmological elements, which seems to be the case for all

Tombs discussed thus far. Tomb 23 at Ro Azul held wall paintings that decorated a

crystalline boulder, protruding about 40 cm down from the ceiling. Glyphs of the Earth

Monster and the Moon Goddess were painted on the boulders west face. While the

boulder was a natural inclusion, the Tombs builders opted to leave it in place, and the

decedents torso was positioned directly underneath it (Hall 1989:111). If the Tomb

indeed represents a metaphoric cave, than the protrusion possibly stands for a stalactite.

These references to caves are complemented by images that symbolize water. Tomb 12,

for instance, was a bedrock cavity with numerous iconographic symbols evocative of

Xibalbas watery realm.

Hall (1989:306) has also surmised that organic remains carefully excavated from

within Tombs 19 and 23 signify the World Tree. Decedents in these Tombs, both Middle

Adult males, were laid to rest on kapok (ceiba cotton) mattresses, which were placed atop

wooden litters or bark mats (also found at the site of Altun Ha [Pendergast 1969:21]). As

mentioned before, the Maya not only revered the ceiba tree, but also identified the World

Tree as one. And to reiterate, Schele and Miller (1986:268-269) suggest that the World

Tree and its roots offer an alternative entrance into the Underworld.

Ultimately, Tombs were designed to artificially replicate sacred landscape

features caves, water, trees, and mountains. To reinforce their message, these spaces

contained images and/or texts that depicted deities of celestial and netherworld spheres,
250
as well as sacred elements of the cosmos. Hence, as metaphoric caves, these chambers

facilitated the passage of interred decedents from Xibalba to the heavens, thereby

conferring decedents with supernatural or ancestor identities.

The Corpse: Experiencing and Contending with the Dead

To return to a discussion of the Underworlds noxious atmosphere, I now

elaborate upon the soul concept ihiyotl and its relationship to the corpse. It is the

connection between ihiyotl and the corpse, as well as the importance of odor in rituals

related to life transitions, that I develop here. In Chapter 5, I have detailed transformation

of the body after death. These changes are of two types. In processing the corpse,

mourners or ritual specialists prepare the decedent for a major life cycle transition. In

addition to intentional physical changes, the corpse is host to intense and naturally

occurring gaseous activities. In the case of the Maya, I would suggest that these two types

of transformations cannot be regarded independent of one another. Rather, body

processors proceed in such a way as to manage changes associated with the second

category, as suggested by a Nahua analogue, pre-Columbian Maya iconography, and

zooarchaeological experimentation.

For the Nahua, ihiyotl resides in the liver and designates the bodys vital gaseous

element, breathed into a person by the gods at the beginning of his or her life (Furst

1995; Lpez Austin 1988a:179, 232-236). Death releases ihiyotl from the body, after

which it is associated with free-floating lights and nearly visible, foul-smelling air. The

odor is likened to flatulence. Lpez Austin (1988a:233) identifies this soul categorys

251
resonance in modern Chorti Maya society; the term ijiyo, or hijillo, refers to foul and

often contaminating odors that emanate from corpses.

According to Furst (1995), for the Nahua, postmortem changes associated with

death and decomposition correspond to tonallis, yolias, and ihiyotls more metaphoric

activities. For instance, there is an explicit link between ihiyotl and internal rumblings

and stinking vapors emanating from the corpse (ibid:168); escape of the first is

signified by expulsion of the second. Furst (ibid) also contends that this extensive

olfactory metaphor derives from the marshy environment, replete with pungent swamp

gas, where the Nahua lived in antiquity. Hence, consideration of ihityotl enlightens

understanding of the connection between the decomposing corpse, subsequent separation

of the soul, and the unique ecological setting in which these events take place.

Likewise, the Maya have long associated death with strong, flatulent odors. Pre-

Columbian iconography presents an obvious link between foul odors and corporeal

decay. Schele and Miller (1986:268) remark, Xibalbans are pictured emitting farts so

pungent that they emerge in huge scrolls, and their breath is so foul it is visible.

Moreover, Underworld inhabitants are represented in

various states of decomposition, dismemberment, and

disease. For instance, as depicted in Figure 6.1, Schele

and Millers (ibid:53-54) description of Death God A

follows: [his] face has skeletal features, his limbs are

thin and his body is marked by a bloated stomach

associated with starvation and parasitical infestation.

Figure 6.1. Death God A
(adapted from Schele and Miller
252
 1986:53)

He is also illustrated with gas and/or feces extruding from his anus in a foliated scroll.

Contrary to Schele and Miller, I would argue that Death God As portrayal depicts

natural phases of decomposition. As outlined by Quigley (1996) in the previous chapter,

a build-up of internal gas causes the corpses abdomen to swell, and can even expel the

tongue, eyes, and intestines. Evacuation of effluvia from various orifices is quite

common, too.

The hot, humid environment of the tropical Maya lowlands is a climate that

dramatically accelerates decomposition of corpses. Experimenting with four immature,

domesticated pigs36 (Sus scrofa sp.), Alaina Goff (2001) has recently documented this

rapid decay within PfBs environs as a component of her undergraduate thesis. She

conducted her work during the rainy season (June 23-July 16, 2000), and it is presumed

that decomposition will vary seasonally but this degree of variation is not known. Goff

recorded observations twice daily about the pigs internal temperature fluctuations, smell,

36
Forensic analysts easily mistake the skin of pigs for that of humans (Julie Saul, personal communication
2001). Thus, when conducting experiments to determine decomposition rates, pigs represent an excellent
substitute for human corpses.
253
physical appearance, biomass reduction, and myriad insects that the carcasses attracted;

in addition she documented environmental conditions (e.g, temperature, local vegetation,

humidity). The pigs were first killed humanely with a bullet to the head. One pig was

placed in a loosely flexed position, and a second was wrapped in cloth; all pigs were

placed in a cage to dissuade scavenging animals from feasting. Rigor mortis occurred

within the first 24 hours of death, followed quickly by algor mortis, reduction of the

bodys temperature after death, and livor mortis, the settling of blood in the lowest

portion of the body; the second process causes discoloration of the skin. Bloating, as a

result of putrefaction, happened between the first and third days; the bloated stage

begins when gasses produced by the metabolic activities of anaerobic bacteria cause

inflation of the abdomen, slight at first and later producing a fully inflated, balloon like

appearance (Goff 2001:18). The next two stages, decay and post-decay, involved insect

infestation and the general dissolution of biomass, skin, and bone. Throughout all of the

stages, foul odors and fluids were pervasive. Goff determined that in tropical settings, full

skeletonization of unburied corpses occurs within two weeks. Ultimately, the

decomposing body underscores the inevitability of corporeal change.

It is highly plausible that rapid corpse decomposition would have significantly

structured body processing. At the site of Ro Azul, analysts have detected allspice leaves

(Pimienta dioica) placed atop the body of Tomb 19s decedent, as well as their being

layered within textiles wrapped around the corpses body; the leaves fragrance would

have masked somewhat odors resulting from decomposition (Hall 1989:62). If mortuary

rituals were drawn out over the course of multiple days, it is presumed that this olfactory

254
screening would have been in effect. PfBAP excavators have yet to uncover organic

materials, like plant leaves.

Following from my discussion of Hertz in Chapter 5, I would suggest that when

the corpse no longer emitted gas and foul odors, Maya mourners were provided with their

first signal of the souls departure from the decedents body. Furthermore, the Maya

might have characterized decedents bodies and bones, when no longer in the throes of

active decomposition and devoid of foul odors, as having successfully transformed from

befouled and liminal corpse to clean and revered ancestor. As I will discuss later with

respect to PfBAP burials, ritual treatment of corpses to expedite both separation of body

from soul and ancestor identity reconstruction is indeed observable materially.

The Mourners: Living with the Dead

How do the living, the mourners, respond to death emotionally, ritually,

pragmatically, and sensually? As discussed in Chapter 5 and reiterated here,

contemporary Maya mourners often respond with great emotion, signaled by wailing, to

the death of a family member (Vogt 1969:219). Friar Diego de Landa (in Tozzer

1941:129) writes,

These people had a great and excessive fear of death, and they
showed this in that all the services which they performed for their
gods served no other end, and no other purpose, than that they
might be granted health and life and sustenance. When they came
to die it was a sight to see how they lamented and wailed over the
dead and the great sadness which death caused them. During the
day they wept for them in silence; and at night with loud and very
sad cries, so that it was pitiful to hear them. And they passed many
days in deep sorrow. They made abstinences and fast for the dead,
especially the husband or wife; and they said the devil had taken

255
 him away, since they thought that all evils came to them from him,
and above all death.

However, rather than fear, Guiteras-Holmes (1961:34) remarks that for the Tzotzil (of

San Pedro Chenalh) the dead are welcome, as their presence brings good fortune and

abundance. In fact, planting commences soon after the annual celebration of the Day of

the Dead on November 1, when decedents souls return for a visit. Linking these events

brings to mind the aforementioned paradigm put forth by Carlsen and Pretchel (1991).

Moreover, as mentioned in Chapter 5, stoicism and not grief was the expected

emotional response for some Maya groups (e.g., Villa Rojas 1945:149). It is this idea of

emotional restraint that Houston (2001) contends characterized the responses of Classic

Maya nobles, as well. On the rare occasions that emotions were displayed, Houston

(ibid:209) has identified four distinct categories (1) the terror and distress of captives;

(2) drunken abandon or delirium; (3) lust; and (4) grief and mourning. Relying largely

on depictions of human bodies, Houstons consideration is generally restricted to select

categories of social persons, such as warriors, rulers, and deities. However, he does not

assume that images painted and carved into monuments are inclusive for all of Classic

Maya society. Rather, Houston suggests that emotional displays, characterized by either

restraint or abandon, were contingent upon individuals social statuses. The difficulty of

reconstructing these displays for all levels of society, but especially for commoners, is

underscored.

In his study of Chamula, Gary Gossen (1974:12) notes that despite the Catholic

Churchs viable presence in the Tzotzil-speaking community, the smallest social entity -

the domestic group - oversees all rituals related to birth and burial. He and Richard

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Leventhal (1993:197) have more recently noted that it is the households female members

who usually conduct the corpses preparation in this domestic setting, as they hold the

most prominent roles in the household. In other words, the family members who bring

you into the world are most likely the ones who properly effect your exit from it. In the

PfBAP burial sample, known decedents were interred overwhelmingly in close proximity

to residential structures. It is not unreasonable to suggest (though also not proven) that

women, or other specially appointed family members, would have conducted body

processing. Vogt (1969:217-219), however, identifies several restrictions placed upon

family members as far as handling of and contact with the corpse and its foul odors are

concerned; these checks are in place so that the souls of the living are not in jeopardy of

similarly becoming loosened. For instance, an older man or woman from a lineage other

than the decedents own clean the corpse, and family members are prohibited from

serving as pallbearers.

Conducted in a ritual sequence, grave digging, interment of the coffin, and

interment of the decedents personal items follow procession to the cemetery. These steps

must be enacted properly to ensure dissolution of links between body and soul, as well as

safe passage of the soul into the afterlife. Accidental disturbance of earlier burials is

remedied by placing loosened bones atop the newly interred coffin (Vogt 1969:219).

Interment of decedents in a demarcated cemetery space, however, is markedly different

from evidence of pre-Columbian burial practices. Few scholars have argued for the

presence of cemeteries, though the island of Jaina (Moedano Koer 1946) and Copns

Group 9N-8 (Fash 1985, 1990) present exceptions. Rather, in almost all known Maya

burial samples (and excluding royal examples), interment of decedents occurred within
257
residential spaces (e.g., Copn [Carrelli 1990; Reed and Zeleznik 2001]; Cuello [Robin

1989; Robin and Hammond 1991]; Tikal [Becker 1999]; Yaxuna [Shaw 1998];

Xunantunich [Adams 1998]). The same is true for known PfBAP burials.

As discussed in Chapter 5, the physical distance or proximity between the living

and the dead facilitates reconstruction of their relationship. Because of the contrasts

between the spaces used by pre-Columbian and modern Maya for burial, it is likely that

the nature of relations between the living and the dead have changed over time. However,

investigators should not dismiss continuity, as underscored by Carlsen and Pretchel

(1991) in their identification of enduring and pervasive representations of ancestral

veneration and regeneration. Material remains, such as grave goods, suggest long-term

continuance of mortuary practices. Contemporary examples of grave goods, which are

said to possess the soul of their owner (Vogt 1969:220), include jewelry, eating

accoutrements, and clothing. For his Quintana Roo case study, Villa Rojas (1945:150)

also characterizes grave goods as useful to decedents in the afterlife. Inasmuch as grave

goods from PfBAP burials are eclectic and idiosyncratic, I will argue more fully later that

assemblages, similarly comprised of ornamental and utilitarian items, represent the

individual natures, or souls, of their owners.

PfBAP Burials in Perspective

I now consider the PfBAP burial data set in light of the above discussion. In my

analysis, I make three contentions. First, burials from both elite and non-elite spheres

offer convincing evidence of the artificial (or architectural) replication of sacred spaces.

Graves are metaphoric caves, and entombing architecture acts as metaphoric mountains.
258
At issue is scale and elaboration of burials, and this discussion will identify differences

amongst social levels. Second, identity (re)constitution, religiosity, cosmological beliefs,

mythological narratives, and practical concerns have discernible material expressions.

Finally, body processing indicates ancestor veneration, ritual activities, and beliefs about

the soul. Burial of decedents within prominent (monumental) locations and active

residential spaces transformed them to ancestors, and stressed the significant connection

between the living and the dead. I first examine these phenomena in elite spaces, and then

assess the bulk of the sample, non-elite burials. I draw inferences specifically from grave-

types, materials, orientations, and locations; grave goods and their provenience; body

positions and orientations; and architecture associated with graves.

Elite Tombs

Thus far, investigators have excavated and documented four undisturbed Tombs

in the PfBAP sample; these are from sites of Barba Group, Chan Chich, Dos Hombres,

and La Milpa (Chapters 3 and 4). These four Tombs have many similar features; at the

same time, they exhibit a few unique attributes. Furthermore, the Protoclassic and Early

Classic Tombs [ca. A.D. 150-600] in the PfBAP sample have several characteristics in

common with aforementioned Tombs from other Maya sites, though there are points of

departure. Regrettably, PfBAP Tombs iconography is not rich, as there is a dearth of

translatable glyphs. Allusions to the cosmos and mythology, however, seem to be

encoded in the careful selection of grave locations and inclusions, as well as the

construction of their architectural spaces. In particular, I examine the phenomena of chert

or obsidian layers capping Tombs, modifications of bedrock in order to fashion Tombs

259
spaces, arrays of grave goods, and application of red matter (i.e., cinnabar) to particular

human remains and grave goods. This information is drawn from the following

categories: grave goods and their location, grave-types and materials, body positions,

location of graves, and associated architectural features (Appendix). With all of this in

mind, I assert that PfBAP Tombs represent spaces that transformed decedents into

supernatural or ancestral figures.

There are Tombs included in the PfBAP sample that were looted and yielded

nearly no information. These were situated within monumental structures, and are

reported in at least a minimal way in the Appendix. Four Tombs, however, were

excavated and documented in great detail by PfBAP investigators. Three of the four

known Tombs were discovered at large urban centers, and only two of these Tombs were

found in association with (but not inside of or directly beneath) monumental structures.

These two Rock-cut Tombs from the sites of Chan Chich and La Milpa (Individuals 4

and 111) were found beneath plaza floors in front of monumental public architecture

(Structure A-15 and Structure 1, respectively). Nothing on the surface of the plaza

marked the exact locations of these Tombs, though adjacent, later public buildings might

have filled this role, as well as a commemorative one.

The Tombs of Individuals 4 and 111 share several defining, intentional features37.

Cuts began at a plaza level and extended deep through strata, comprising numerous

plaster floors and subfloor construction fill, into bedrock. At base, both Tombs were cut

directly from bedrock, reaching a depth of 1 to 2 m. In the case of Burial 111, a rough

37
Information about the La Milpa and Chan Chich Tombs was drawn largely from Ryan Mongelluzos
senior thesis (1997) and Chan Chich field reports (Houk, ed. 1998, 2000).
260
staircase was also cut into the bedrock, leading down into the burial chamber. According

to Mongelluzzo (1997), additional architectural details, like niches, were not present, but

a shelf and an antechamber had been fashioned roughly from the western and eastern

walls, respectively (Figure 6.2). Individual 4s Tomb also lacked niches, and builders had

cut an antechamber from bedrock, which was adjacent to the north end of the Tombs

main chamber (Figure 6.3).

Figure 6.2. Profile of the Chan Chich Tomb (from Robichaux 2000:59)

261
Figure 6.3. Profile of the La Milpa Tomb (from Mongelluzzo 1997:11)

262
 Atop the Tomb of Individual 111 was a vaulted roof stacked nine stone slabs

high, which plausibly corresponds to the nine levels of the Underworld. Individual 4s

Tomb lacked a vaulted roof, but a 90 cm high mass of large stones, distinct from

surrounding matrices, was situated atop the Tombs capstones. Cut limestone capstones

nine in total were laid side-by-side perpendicular to the long north-south axis of the

Tomb. More irregularly shaped sidestones bordered the capstones. Capstones were

placed into ledges, which were also cut into bedrock (Figure 6.3).

Capping Individual 111s Tomb were three distinct layers of chert debitage,

totaling around 17,000 pieces; the chert layer closest to the Tomb (the earliest) had been

poured into mortar, and left to consolidate. Burial 124, a looted Tomb situated at the base

of La Milpas monumental Structure 1, also contained a layer of chert debitage that

surrounded and sealed the grave space. It is plausible, but not demonstrable, that these

layers symbolically represented the place where lightening struck, as was suggested by

Hall (1989) for Tombs at the site of Ro Azul. Burial 4s associated stratigraphy included

no comparable chert layer(s). Finally, the Tombs architectural features and stratigraphic

locations indicate that re-entry was not feasible.

Location of skeletal elements in relation to grave goods indicated that the bodies

in Individuals 4 and 111 were originally placed upon wooden litters of indeterminate

species, which had subsequently decomposed and collapsed. As discussed earlier,

wooden litters were a frequent feature of Classic Tomb burials (e.g., Altun Ha

[Pendergast 1969], Ro Azul [Hall 1989]). Pragmatically, placement of decedents atop

wooden litters would have facilitated their interment within the space of the grave.

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Wooden litters, especially ceiba wood, also suggest symbolic mediation of passage into

the Underworld, as Hall (1989) argued was the case at the site of Ro Azul.

Figure 6.4. Vulture glyph and La Milpa pendant. Glyph drawing from Sharer
1994 :623 and pendant drawing from Mongelluzzo 1997 :64

Comprehensive consideration of the PfBAP sample reveals that these two burials

are unique among the known Tombs in linking decedents with symbols of rulership.

Individual 111 was found with a jade pendant in the shape of a vulture head. Schele and

Miller (1986:325-326) identify the vulture form as one of many ways in which ahau can

be written (Figure 6.4). They write, When a vulture head was used as ahau, it always

appears with the headband crown of Maya kings to ensure that the vulturewas read

with the meaning ahau, lord. With this in mind, Mongelluzo (1997:65) argues that

Individual 111s vulture head symbolically refers to the decedents royal status. In the

Chan Chich Tomb, Individual 4 was buried with a jade pendant depicting a stylized face.

In her analysis of jade from Chichen Itzas Cenote of Sacrifice, Tatiana Proskouriakoff

(1974:10), crediting Elizabeth Easby, named the design bib-and-helmet, as these items

appear to top the upper and encircle the lower portions of the face. Chan Chichs pendant

bears a striking resemblance to those found elsewhere (Figure 6.5). A Late Classic Tomb

at site of Piedras Negras, Guatemala, Burial 10, which was also cut from soft bedrock,
264
contained a similar jade pendant (Coe 1959:46, 127). As these pendants generally date to

the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods, the Piedras Negras example may be an

heirloom. In fact, at Cerros, 5 Late Preclassic pendants were found arranged in a

quincunx at the bottom of a clay bucket; hematite and pearl mirrors, spiny oyster shells,

beads, and a ceramic lid topped the pendants (Schele and Freidel 1990:120-121).

Excavators unearthed the cache just below the summit of a pyramidal structure. Schele

and Freidel have suggested that these four pendants were sewn to a cotton band, which

was subsequently tied around the head of an ahau, or ruler. A fifth, larger bib-and-helmet

pectoral was perhaps worn encircling the individuals neck. They (ibid:102) note, These

kingly jewels assert the inherent superiority of their wearer within the community of

human beings, transforming a person of merely noble rank into a being who can test and

control the divine forces of the world. In this vein, Robichaux (1998) argues that the

image represents the face of the Sun God, and marks the decedent as royal. Nothing

comparable appears in any other known PfBAP graves.

Figure 6.5. Bib-and-helmet pendants from Chan Chich and Cerros. Chan Chich
drawing from Robichaux 1998:47; Cerros drawing from Schele and Freidel 1990:102.

265
 The two other unlooted Tombs in the sample occurred within residential spaces at

Barba Group (Individual 2) and Dos Hombres (Individuals 65 and 132). Unlike the

Tombs of Individuals 4 and 111, location and layout of residentially situated Tombs

made them inaccessible to the wider public in antiquity. On the ground, Barba Group is

small, unassuming, and located some distance from the center of either La Milpa or Dos

Hombres (Chapter 3). The sites Early Classic Rock-cut Tomb was discovered beneath a

stepped Late Classic pyramid measuring approximately 2 m in height. Unlike the

extended positions of Individuals 4, 65, and 111, Individual 2 had been placed in a flexed

position. The entire grave space was hewn from bedrock. Bedrock modification in

association with graves is not uncommon in the PfBAP sample, though the cavity-like

appearance of Individual 2s grave is unique (Figure 6.6). I contend that despite

morphological differences, the cavernous bedrock cavity functioned similarly as an

artificially constructed sacred space, facilitating its decedents transformation to ancestor.

Figure 6.6. Barba group Tomb. Photograph taken by Jon Hageman, June 1998.

266
 The pyramid was the easternmost of three structures, which were arranged in a U;

the group sat atop a raised platform. Based on his excavations at the site of Tikal,

Guatemala, Becker (1971, 1999) has labeled the configuration of this house group Plaza

Plan 2 (PP2). Reiterating many of Beckers original ideas, Welsh (1988:188) refers to

PP2s eastern structures as household shrines for four reasons:

1) in order to emphasize their residential association,

2) to distinguish them from the more elaborate, centrally located,
temples,
3) to simplify terminology,
4) to imply an association with ancestor veneration.

I would suggest that Barba Groups small pyramid served as a household shrine intended

to commemorate the decedent in Burial 2, an opinion also shared by the primary

investigator (Hageman, personal communication 2003). Based upon stratigraphic

evidence, the pyramid was erected after the decedents interment, apparently in a single

building phase. First, the ground surface above the decedents bedrock cavity was made

level by scraping soil from the top of the bedrock and filling pockets in the bedrock with

small cobbles. Next, on all four sides of what became the pyramid, three retaining walls

were erected; composed of courses of large cut stones, these were placed directly atop

bedrock. The walls top courses also served as steps in the staircase that ascended the

pyramid. Hence, they varied in height, with the shortest one at its base and the tallest one

nearest the pyramids center. Packed between these walls was dry laid rubble fill,

depositionally uniform. In the Late Classic period, a second decedents burial (Individual

1) was intruded into the top of the pyramid on its eastern face. The individual had been

placed in between two retaining walls. Individual 1s placement, horizontally above and

267
vertically in line with the Early Classic Individual 2, perhaps was an intentional act

designed to link the later individual to his earlier ancestor.

It is possible that Individuals 65 and 132, discovered within the Dos Hombres

Tomb, were similarly situated within a structure that functioned as a shrine for ancestor

veneration. The Early Classic Tomb was discovered beneath the eastern structure of an

elite house group, Group B, which was located southwest of the primary plaza at Dos

Hombres (Figure 3.13). Located at the western end of Structure B-17, the Stone-lined

Tomb lay beneath two distinct plaster floors and a bench (Figure 6.7). Sullivan and

Sagebiel (2003:28) write, An Early Classic Tomb was recovered underneath a small

mantle of Late Classic (Tepeu 2-3) construction. Late Classic construction included a

bench and two plaster floors, Floors 1 and 2. Archaeological evidence suggests that the

lower floor, Floor 1 was cut into, permitting tomb re-entry, and subsequently re-plastered.

Osteological evidence provides tentative support of re-entry. Cranial fragments and

dental remains indicate the presence of two individuals. One individual (Individual 65)

was fully articulated and extended with his head at the Tombs eastern end and his feet at

its western one. A second individual (Individual 132) is represented by cranial,

mandibular, and dental remains, which were located at Individual 65s feet. More

accurately, Individual 132s cranium faced east and was at Individual 65s left ankle and

foot, while the formers mandible was uncovered just north of the latters right lower leg.

Individual 132s remains do not appear as well preserved, given bone texture and

discoloration (J. Saul, personal communication 2003). It is conceivable that these remains

represent an individual of greater antiquity than Individual 65. The question remains

which interment is primary and which is secondary?

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 Figure 6.7. Profile of east wall strata overlying the Dos Hombres Tomb

At the site of Caracol, Belize, Diane Chase (1994, 1997:21) has recognized that

Tombs multiple interments were not situated simultaneously within the grave; rather,

some decedents were primary, while others were secondary. To clarify who is primary or

secondary in the Dos Hombres Tomb, I offer two plausible explanations. There are,

269
however, no definitive conclusions, as the series of events involving interment of

Individuals 65 and 132 are still not well understood. One is that Individual 132 is a

sacrificial victim or a war trophy accompanying Individual 65 in the afterlife.

Unfortunately, insufficient preservation masked any indicators of decapitation (J. Saul,

personal communication 2003); thus, the nature of partibility is unknown. Moreover, this

explanation does not account for differential state of bone preservation.

A second explanation, and one which I favor, is that Individual 132 is the initial

decedent, disturbed by later interment of Individual 65. Such a sequence would explain

the Tombs re-entry and individuals differential in preservation. After passage of some

time, Individual 65 was interred, and cranial and dental fragments were all that remained

of Individual 132; these were subsequently placed at the feet of the newly deceased.

However, this sequence raises a significant concern about timing. When was Individual

65 interred? I consider more closely the Tombs grave goods and re-entry cut to shed

some light on the series of events.

Based on provenience, grave goods appear to have been interred with Individual

65. If this is so, than it is plausible to argue that Individual 65s interment was during the

Early Classic period, but still occurred some time after the interment of Individual 132. If

both burials do in fact date to the Early Classic period, it is feasible to argue for multiple

re-entries of the Tomb. First, Individual 65s interment may have disturbed Individual

132, sometime during the Early Classic period. Second, Late Classic re-entry perhaps

occurred, but did not disturb Early Classic interments. And third, if Late Classic re-entry

did happen, it might have masked evidence of previous re-entries.

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 Confusing the matter further is the fact that the Tombs re-entry cut was through a

Late Classic floor. Perhaps, interment of Individual 65 represents a Late Classic intrusion

that disturbed the earlier Individual 132, and the latters grave goods were repositioned

around the former individual. With this being said, I am not convinced that intrusion of

Individual 65 into the Tomb would have disturbed Individual 32s human remains but not

his associated grave goods, especially since several vessels were situated directly atop

Individual 65s body. And it is altogether possible that Individual 132 did not have any

grave goods. Regardless of the scenario, ancestor veneration or desecration is sufficient

motive for tomb re-entry(ies) and repositioning of material and human remains.

While a conclusive assertion regarding the reason for tomb re-entry cannot be

made, presence of multiple decedents contrasts with Individuals 4 and 111, which

contained no additional skeletal or dental elements. Multiple inhumations in a single

grave do occur elsewhere in Belize (e.g., sites of Caracol [Chase 1994, 1997; Chase and

Chase 1996] and Lubaantn [Hammond et al. 1975]), but Welshs (1988) more

comprehensive treatment of Maya mortuary phenomena did not find the practice to be a

common one. In particular, multiple-individual interments are a large number of the

burial sample at the site of Caracol, Belize (Chase 1994, 1997:21; see also Chase and

Chase 1996). As in the case of the Dos Hombres Tomb, Diane Chase notes that these

burials, of which Tombs comprise a significant portion of grave-types, were often (but

not always) associated with eastern structures within residential complexes. Her

description of Caracol Tombs calls to mind the Tomb of Individuals 65 and 132 at Dos

Hombres (ibid:124-125):

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 The deposition history for a single Tomb may be extremely
complicated and indicate multiple entries with the placement of
new (articulated) bones, movement of original Tombs occupants
(within the chamber or, to another locale), and placement (or re-
placement) of non-primary (non-articulated) skeletal remains.

Perhaps multiple interments represent additional evidence of a regional style, one typified

by burials exhumed at different Belizean sites. However, it is also possible that they are

indicative of chronological tendency or political affiliations.

The difficulty of assigning primary and secondary conditions to decedents hints at

the complex sequence of events associated with the Tomb (cf. Chase 1994, 1997:21).

Architectural and material complexity of the Dos Hombres Tomb also suggests that ritual

activities were not limited to a single episode. In his decipherment of texts from the site

of Quirigu, Guatemala, Matthew Looper (1995:186-187) identifies the passage of time

between one rulers physical death, soul departure, and actual interment. Butz-Tiliws

date of death is recorded as 27 July 785 (9.17.14.13.2). The rulers burial took place ten

days after this date on 6 August (9.17.14.13.12). After interment, the soul of Butz-Tiliw

entered the path to the Underworld through a cave (Looper 1995:186), as suggested by a

passage on Zoomorph G. There is also evidence of a time lag between death and burial at

site of Dos Hombres. Charcoal was found in ceramic vessels and shell valves on the

Tombs floor, and it is possible that organic materials were burned while the Tomb

remained opened or afire as the Tomb was being sealed. If such can be inferred, several

days could have passed between biological death and departure of the inner, personal

soul. I would also suggest that this time lag ensured that proper mortuary rituals could be

enacted to facilitate the decedents journey. Multiple mortuary phases and rituals are

272
plausible in the cases of Individuals 2, 4, and 111, though archaeological evidence of

such ritual activities is questionable.

In sealing Individuals 65 and 132s Tomb, for the final time, builders had placed

an uneven undulating layer of obsidian debitage, approximately 2 cm thick, in fill above

the capstones and just below Floor 1. The obsidian layer sat atop a thin coating of plaster.

Altogether there were about 20,000 individual pieces of obsidian, which included broken

and whole cores, blades and bladelets, debitage, and unworked chunks. Within this layer

of obsidian, distinct deposits could be isolated. To clarify, the layer is comprised of

smaller pockets of fine debitage in one area, blades and bladelets in another area, and

cores and core fragments in yet a separate area. Underneath the northern edge of the

obsidian layer was a layer of chert flakes. Beneath this layer were additional fill layers

comprised of large cobbles, soil, and small rubble; interspersed throughout additional fill

layers were sporadic pockets of obsidian. The Tomb was situated directly beneath these

various strata. As mentioned earlier, layers of chert, flint, and/or obsidian were

discovered capping Tombs at the sites of Tikal (Burial 116) and Ro Azul. Though not

discussed previously here, Tomb A-1/A and Tomb E-54/9 at the site of Altun Ha, Belize

(Pendergast 1979) were also sealed with layers of flint chips and flakes.

After the Tomb was sealed, occupation and renovation of Group Bs eastern

structure (Structure B-17) occurred. From evidence of continued use, I infer that the

structure was the site of both ceremonial and mundane activities. As I mentioned, a

plaster bench, about 15 cm in height, was erected on top of Floor 2, overlying the Tomb.

Welsh (1988:188) has remarked that as an alternative to construction of a whole building,

an altar, bench, or some other construction was built over a burial as a commemoration
273
to the deceased in, or by, the household shrine. As they are generally found in

association with PfBAP commoner burials, benches are discussed more fully below. At

some later date in the Late Classic period, this room was filled in. Into this construction

fill was placed a Simple grave (Individual 62). There was no discernible grave cut and a

cement-like substance had been poured over the human remains. Vertically, the decedent,

an Adult of unknown sex, was just east of the Dos Hombres Tomb. Inverted over cranial

remains, located in the graves eastern section, was a ceramic polychrome vessel. A

greenstone bead was found beneath the polychrome vessel, perhaps worn on a necklace

or placed in the decedents mouth. Granite and stone balls were found northeast of the

vessel, and a concentration of red paint was found to the northwest. Additional skeletal

materials extended to the west; investigators characterized the burial as disarticulated. It

is, however, highly possible that they were unable to detect the primary status of the

burial given the extreme state of fragmentation. Two more vessels were found west of the

inhumation, one stacked inside of the other. An obsidian core was unearthed east of these

two vessels. The connection between this burial and the Tomb burial is unknown. It is

possible that the two decedents were temporally distant kin or Individual 62 represents a

sacrificial interment. Moreover, the decedents interment could have also led to

terminating or sealing the room.

In assessing Tombs subtle details, some interesting patterns and idiosyncrasies

are observed. In the case of three burials, the exception being Individual 2 from the Barba

Group site, select skeletal materials and grave goods possessed trace amounts of

cinnabar. What might postmortem application of such a substance signify? As mentioned

earlier, red is one of five symbolically significant colors, linked to the rising sun in the
274
east (Schele and Freidel 1990:66). Treating corpses or skeletons with cinnabar perhaps

invoked the color reds cosmological themes of death and rebirth. Moreover,

concentrating application of cinnabar to certain areas of the body may indicate a

connection between particular body parts and Maya soul beliefs. PfBAP data provides

tentative evidence to support these inferences, as does evidence of this practice at other

Maya sites, like at the site of Copn in the Margarita Tomb discussed earlier (Bell 2002;

Bell et al. 2000). Individual 111s handlers had deposited cinnabar on the anterior portion

of the head. In Individuals 4 and 65, the heart and the head (or locations within the

vicinity of these elements) were also coated with cinnabar. As discussed earlier, chulel,

the inner, personal soul, resides in the blood and heart, while ba(h) is translated as head

or face. Deposition of cinnabar on these areas of the body seems intentional, and perhaps

is tied to loosening of souls from bodies, resulting in ancestor regeneration. While this

circumstantial evidence does not prove such a connection, it is intriguingly plausible. I

hesitate to infer further about the meanings encoded by these activities.

Symbolic connections between red and blood, as seen in the Guatemalan

highlands today, provides an alternative explanation (Sharer 1994:725). The pre-

Columbian Maya also symbolically linked the two, as suggested by depictions of

bloodletting activities (e.g., Schele and Miller 1986). From grave goods and their

proveniences, I infer the plausibility of a similar association. In addition to the cinnabar

deposit near Individual 111s head, a Spondylus shell pendant filled with cinnabar was

positioned at his pelvis. Schele and Miller (1986:180, 193, 196) have identified painted

and sculpted images of males perforating their penises during rituals acts of self-sacrifice.

275
Plausibly, cinnabar concentrated in the pelvic region may symbolize perforation of

genitalia, a type of blood that lasts longer than decedents actual lifeblood.

Figure 6.8. Individual 2s ceramic vessels (courtesy of Jon Hageman)

While all Tombs occupants were interred with ceramic vessels, the vessels are

mutually distinct in their decorative elements. Vessels in Individual 2s Tomb included

two animal effigy pots (Figure 6.8), one of which was an orange polychrome vessel with

a jaguar. Interred within Individual 65 was a polychrome basal flanged bowl and

polychrome lid with a macaw head handle. The bowls interior depicted a man in profile

with a headdress; the exterior depicted him lying on his stomach with bent knees. While

neither the vessels makers nor their intended purposes are known, it is possible that these

animals could represent decedents wayoob.

276
 In addition to the zoomorphic vessels, anthropomorphic vessels were found in

Individual 2s Tomb. One vessel contains the head of a man emerging from a shell; he is

wearing a headdress of folded fabric. I compare this vessel to an unprovenienced Late

Classic polychrome vessel described by Schele and Miller (1986:288, 298-299):

This cylindrical pot depicts the final defeat of the Lords of Xibalba
by the Hero Twins. One of the Twins strains to pull God N from
his shell. In his other hand, he holds the flint knife ready for the
sacrificial cut. God N wears sectioned shell ornaments on his ears
and a folded napkin headdress. His function as one of the patrons
of writing is marked by the paintbrush that is thrust into his
headband.

Actors in both vessels display similar traits, and from this information, I infer that

Individual 2s anthropomorphic vessel depicts God N. Moreover, recognizing that God N

was an important player in the Hero Twins victory, the figure represented on the pot in

Individual 2s Tomb may allude to this mythological narrative. It is also possible, though

highly speculative, that the interred individual was associated in some way with the

scribal arts. According to Schele and Miller (ibid:142), God N, or pauahatun, is a title

often borne by scribes or masters of arithmetic. Endowing this individual with noble

characteristics might provide an explanation for the location of this richly arrayed Tomb

in a rural setting.

However, how were scribes chosen? Many scholars have argued, based upon

hieroglyphic texts and material remains, that scribes were recruited from the noble

sectors of society and that their highly specialized and esoteric worked required them to

be in close proximity to Major Centers rulers (Inomata 2001; Webster 1989). Such is the

case at the site of Copn, where William Sanders encountered an elite residence, Structure

9N-82, inhabited in life and death by a royal scribe (Sharer 1994:332). Fash
277
(2001b:108) also describes Burial XXXVII-4 located beneath Copns Structure 10L-26.

This Tomb held the remains of an important noble figure who was possibly a royal

scribe, as evidenced by accoutrements like paint pots. In the PfBAP sample, the Chan

Chich Tomb of Individual 4 contained a possible codex fragment. Though excavators

have encountered what were interpreted as codices in mortuary contexts elsewhere (e.g.,

Pendergast 1979:60 [Altun Ha]; Smith 1950:fig. 125 [Uaxactun]), Individual 4 is the only

known individual in the sample interred with a possible codex. In its allusion to reading

and writing, this find potentially reveals much about the individual with whom it was

inhumed.

Alternatively, Schele and Miller (1986:40) suggest that skill was an important

criterion, and they allow for the possibility that status followed from skill. Was Individual

2 an exceptional individual whose artistic abilities propelled him from the commoner

farmstead to a more elite socioeconomic level? Or, perhaps the Tomb is an example of

either forced or chosen social dislocation, an elite individual opting to live (and die) in a

peripheral setting. Regardless, the location of Individual 2s Tomb pointedly contrasts

with Individual 4s central placement at Chan Chich. Thus, Individual 2s combined

mortuary categories potentially indicate much about the decedents sociopolitical identity

that goes beyond the simple descriptive dichotomy of elite and commoner.

Lastly, I consider these Tombs in the PfBAP sample with respect to sex. The

individuals interred in Tombs were all males or males?. The small sample size does not

permit definitive conclusions about gender and burial in Tombs, though it does raise

some interesting questions. Since PfBAP excavators have yet to exhume females from

architecturally complex graves and with wealthy arrays of goods, do available mortuary
278
remains speak to gender inequality, as Haviland (1997) argues is the case at the site of

Tikal and Ardren (2002) at the site of Yaxuna Or, is complementarity a gender ideology

applicable to all Maya communities? Citing several examples, many scholars characterize

males and females as different but interdependent. Far from pawns, females legitimated

males right to rule (e.g., Yaxchilan [Schele and Freidel 1990:265-273]), founded

lineages (e.g., Copan [Bell 2002]), presided at accession rituals (e.g,. Bonampak [Miller

1986]), and played key political roles (e.g., Calakmul [Joyce 1996]; Palenque [Schele and

Freidel 1990:221-224]). Nonetheless, I accept the possibility that while noteworthy, these

few cases are atypical examples.

Excavation and meticulous documentation of elite burials and their encasing

monumental architecture has provided a valuable contribution to investigators

understanding of Maya practices and beliefs. Coe (1988:235) refers to the latter as

house-sepulchers writ large, and with this in mind, I now turn to mortuary phenomena

intentionally positioned in residential groups of a considerably smaller scale, or more

appropriately the house-sepulchers writ small. The majority of Maya (both alive and

dead) acted out their daily roles, relationships, and rituals in domestic spheres. Moreover,

scholars have described Maya houses as microcosms of sacred landscape features and

human bodies, as I below discuss in greater detail (e.g., Gillespie 2000; Vogt

1990[1970]). Houses are imbued with power and represent important arenas for decisions

that impact the larger community. It is in these spheres that females were encountered in

graves that were less elaborate and labor-intensive than Tombs. For example, Group B at

Dos Hombres contained not only the Tomb of Individuals 65 and 132, but also the

Simple graves of two females (Individuals 63 and 64). However, burial of females in
279
these spaces perhaps attests to their decision-making roles and centrality in societys

smooth functioning (Geller 1998, 2000). It is a fuller discussion of burials within

residential spaces to which I now turn.

Residential Burials

Excavators have recovered the vast majority of PfBAP burials from residential

settings. The two Tombs from the sites of Dos Hombres and Barba Group discussed in

great detail above attest to this practice at all levels of society. However, the following

discussion concentrates upon non-elite burials (Appendix).

Home is where the Heart isburied

Many scholars have argued that cross-culturally houses and their internal ordering

represent and reproduce the cosmos, as well as reinforce ideologies (e.g., Blanton 1994;

Bourdieu 1973; Griaule 1965; Kus 1997; Yates 1989). For the Maya, division of the

cosmos into four quadrants and these quadrants associated symbols serve as points of

reference for construction of their houses38 (Bassie-Sweet 1996:4; Gillespie 2000; Vogt

1970). In addition, scholars recognize Maya equation of various human body parts with

domestic architectural elements (i.e., mouths with doorways, hair with roofs), and

metaphoric souls enliven and ensoul the entire built space (e.g., Fischer and Hendrickson

2003; Gillespie 2000; McAnany et al. 1999; Vogt 1969; Wauchope 1938).

38
For examples of artificial replication at the larger scale of civic planning see the work of Ashmore (1989,
1991, 1992), Coggins (1980), and Houk (1996).
280
 While not so pronounced in contemporary Western society, pre- and post-

Columbian Maya houses, on the other hand, have served as arenas for major life-cycle

events births, initiation rites, marriages, and deaths. Thus, houses are not just spheres

associated with mundane activities, but are also the hub for special, ritual events that

imbue these structures, or specific features, with sacred meanings. Wagley (1949:23; see

also Guiteras-Holmes 1961:108; Vogt 1969:181) describes the Tzotzil Maya practice of

burying afterbirths beneath the floors of ancillary, residential spaces such as patios and

sweathouses. Fischer and Hendrickson (2003:80) identify a similar practice among the

Kaqchikel, though it is instead the umbilical cord that is buried or planted. As with

swaddling, which I discussed earlier, this planting fixes a newborns unstable inner,

personal soul. The fact that pre-Columbian Maya decedents were also buried beneath

house floors supports inference of cultural continuity with respect to the structure and

meaning of life-cycle activities that fix or loosen the link between body and soul.

As life-cycle rites, per van Gennep (Chapter 5), mortuary rituals initiate

transformation of the decedent from liminal corpse to venerated ancestor. For the Maya,

body processing, inhumation, and transformation occurred within the sphere of the

residence. Death was just as much a part of the Maya household as life. The sixteenth

century Friar Diego de Landa (in Tozzer 1941:130) recounts:

They were buried inside or in the rear of their houses...Usually

they abandoned the house and left it deserted after the burial,
except when there were a great many persons in it, so that they
with their society lost some of the fear which remained in them on
account of the death.

Assuming that residences continued to be occupied and not abandoned after a decedents

burial (cf. Haviland 1972; Thompson 1971), interment of the dead beneath house floors
281
emphasized the intimate connection and enduring dialogue between the socially

alive/biologically dead and living family members. Such continuing interaction is

similarly implied in ancient elite settings in which tomb re-entry occurred as discussed

earlier (e.g., Caracol [Chase and Chase 1998]; Copn [Bell et al. 2004; Bell 2002; Buikstra

et al. 2004]; Lubaantn [Hammond et al. 1975]). Nonetheless, in acknowledging parallels,

I also recognize that not all ancestors were or are created or imbued with power equally.

Consideration of distinct categories of ancestors in Chapter 5 is relevant here as is

commoner commemoration of ancestors as an indistinguishable group. Humble

residential structures as final resting places for a familys deceased kin provide stark

contrast to and yet conceptual consistency with the monumental, funerary temples of

rulers. Again we see Coes house sepulchers writ large reduced in scale but not

changed significantly in meaning.

Unassuming Holes in the Ground and Metaphoric Caves

Following from a discussion of burials residential context, I now inquire about

the types of and meanings encoded in related grave spaces. I focus upon grave-types

within the PfBAP sample that represent chen in its form as an artificially created hole in

the ground. To be a metaphoric cave, graves are characterized by the following

attributes. First, though not on the same scale as Tombs, graves required some

intentionality, planning, and effort. Second, graves are located beneath a floor in a

residential structure. Third, benches and bedrock, the latter in both modified and

unmodified states, are commonly found in association with graves. Fourth, decedents

were Adults. Finally, graves may deliberately intrude upon completed construction or
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they may be ensconced within building episodes. The absence of a prepared opening may

simply be a Western view of what qualifies as a cave. With these criteria in mind, graves

as metaphoric caves are intimately connected to transformation and commemoration of

ancestors. I now consider more closely the cave-like attributes of each PfBAP grave-type,

from most to least labor intensive.

I believe that Informal and Capped Cists provide the most convincing evidence of

metaphoric caves. As defined in Chapter, 2, Cists are spaces formally bound by stones,

haphazardly or well cut. Though Cists scales are significantly smaller, their spaces are

delineated like those of Tombs. In this respect, Cists are distinct from Simple and Pit

graves. With few exceptions, decedents interred in Cists were arranged in loosely flexed

or tightly flexed positions. Head and hips were generally aligned along a north-south

axis. This patterned body position and orientation provides an additional contrast with

Simple and Pit graves, which varied with respect to these mortuary categories.

Pit graves may also represent metaphoric caves. By definition (Chapter 2), Pit

graves are observable burial spaces not formally demarcated by construction materials, as

is the case for Cists. Fill in direct association with skeletal remains is distinguishable

from fill outside of the burial space. On the ground, Pits are intruded into plaster or earth-

packed floors. PfBAP excavators also uncovered a few Pit graves within benches.

Bedrocks proximity to the living surface did not impede initiation of Pits, and

concomitantly bedrock was modified to accommodate the corpse. There is no apparent

pattern with respect to placement of Pit graves in a specific area of the room. Bodies with

few exceptions were kneeling, loosely flexed or tightly flexed. The possible significance

of this position within the context of the Pit grave is discussed in the section on body
283
position and bundling. Pit graves were found sealed by plaster patches, as well as with no

capping. The former indicates that the living surface continued to be used, while the latter

suggests abandonment of the building.

Individual 3 from Bronco Group site was possibly interred in the most intriguing

Pit within the PfBAP sample. It intruded into the plaster floor of the rural house groups

southeastern structure. More specifically, it was encountered in the northwestern corner

of a structures room. Fortunately, the groups occupants filled in the structure prior to

abandoning it, thereby enhancing preservation. Atop the Pit and plaster floor were

densely scattered sherds. Moreover, ceramic fragments refit with one another, suggesting

that a whole vessel had been intentionally smashed over the area of the grave. The edges

of several other ceramic fragments appear to have been intentionally modified after the

vessel was broken. Elsewhere in the Maya world, there is archaeological and

ethnographic evidence for the ritual smashing of whole ceramic vessels, sometimes

followed by modification of the fragments (Hammond 1999:58; Moyes 2001; Tedlock

1982). And, often vessels are smashed inside of or adjacent to caves (Colas et al. 2000;

Stone 1995:129). Some scholars have identified smashed vessels as connected to

termination rituals (e.g., Freidel and Schele 1989; Mock, ed. 1998; Schele and Freidel

1990). As an alternative explanation, Moyes (2001:74) infers that ritual breakage refers to

mythological narrative; to punish resident Xibalbans, the Hero Twins reduced gifts to

those that are fragmented, or broken to pieces. Plaster had been poured into the Pit and

left to consolidate. All that remained of the decedent were three teeth. There are three

possible explanations. First, the caprices of humidity and bioturbation conceivably

devastated skeletal materials, leaving only three teeth preserved. However, surrounding
284
architecture and associated artifacts were notably well preserved. Therefore, as a second

explanation, it is possible that the decedent was originally interred within this Pit grave,

or metaphoric cave, in order to instigate ancestral transformation. And, prior to ritual

termination and abandonment, family members removed most of their ancestors skeletal

elements. When they relocated, they took their socially viable ancestor, or at least parts of

his or her body with them. Just as interment of ancestors in specific areas could suggest

ownership of land (McAnany 1995), disinterment could suggest the relinquishing of these

same areas. One kind of archaeological context that might support this theory is a grave

that was emptied intentionally. Archaeologists have tentatively identified these at other

sites in the Maya region (e.g., Sharer et al. 1979:722-725; [Quirigua, Guatemala]; Yaeger

2000:210 [San Lorenzo, Belize]). While it is possible that decedents were never interred

in these spaces, which archaeologists may never know, these spaces might instead have

contained decedents that were disinterred prior to associated residences abandonment.

As a final explanation, the three teeth may represent a tooth cache, of the kind described

by Saul (1975:389) from the site of Lubaantn, Belize. As such, the interment might relate

potentially to a larger category of earth offerings, described by Becker (1988). In fact,

interment of specific skeletal elements was a common Maya practice, as I discuss later.

Unlike Pit graves and Cists, closer consideration of the Simple grave-type

complicates conception of what qualifies as a metaphoric cave. Based on criteria outlined

at the onset of this section, I suggest that not all Simple graves represent metaphoric cave.

Not all Simple graves necessitated planning and effort. For example, included in the

Simple grave-type were graves informally commingled with construction fill or midden

materials. Nor do the body positions and/or conditions of many individuals interred in
285
Simple graves indicate formal mortuary processing, especially in the case of secondary

burial. Mortuary treatment that involved simultaneously disarticulation and minimal

effort may be suggestive of indifference at the death of a socially marginal person (e.g.,

slave). Exploration of meanings encoded in disarticulated human remains is treated later

in this chapter, in the discussion concerned with body partibility and potency.

Moreover, the exclusive occurrence of Subadults in these Simple graves raises a

point of inquiry about nature of personhood. In this regard, Gillespie (2002) considers

more fully the idea of Maya personhood, and its more enduring (and intangible)

components, such as names, titles, and souls. These are regarded as corporate and not

individual property, and are passed down through the generations. Gillespie (ibid:68)

writes, When archaeologists investigate emic attitudes toward the placement of the dead,

they should realize that people are concerned not only with the disposition of the body

but also with the disposition of the soul and the other metaphysical components of the

deceased. However, Gillespie concentrates upon interment of Adults and the

constitution of ancestors identities. She (2002:71-72) does not consider burial of

Subadults, though she does consider the ways in which children acquire souls from Adult

ancestors who have died. In fact, this practice of rebirth was discussed in my earlier

treatment of the inner personal soul, or chulel. To expand her understanding, I suggest

that Subadults alternative mortuary treatments do not reflect intangible components of

personhood, but rather their absence. As I discussed earlier, ethnographies attest to

different mortuary treatment reserved for Subadults, since their social identities are not

fully formed when they die. Allowing for sampling limitations (Buikstra 1981), certain

mortuary and skeletal data, such as grave location and materials, body condition and
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position, and age, suggest that individuals with particular social identities did not receive

formal and/or elaborate mortuary processing and burial.

Certain exceptional individuals in a given community or family group were

selected to serve as ancestors after their deaths. It is the ritual processing of these select

decedents, careful construction of their grave spaces, and inclusion of specific grave

goods that orchestrated their transformation from liminal corpse to important ancestor. In

acknowledging that labor expenditure varies for Cists, Pit graves, and Simple graves,

different degrees of effort and planning perhaps testify to different valued afforded

individual ancestors. As I discussed in Chapter 5, many scholars in their ethnographic

and archaeological observations have recognized different classes of ancestors (e.g.,

Peebles and Kus 1977; Pelras 2002; Sellato 2002). According differential value also

seems to be the case for the ancestors of the pre-Columbian Maya, as suggested by

increasing formalization of mortuary treatment with respect to grave-types, associated

architecture, and body positions, conditions, and orientations.

Benches and Ancestor Commemoration

To further support an argument that PfBAP graves replicated caves, or spheres of

ancestral transformation, I now consider benches. As architectural features that are often

found in direct association with burials, I will contend that benches were also altars used

for venerating ancestors. Michael Deals (1987) ethnoarchaeological study of Maya

peoples from the highlands of Guatemala and Chiapas, one Chuj and two Tzeltal

communities, considers the ritual aspects of household altars. According to Deal,

household altars are conceived of as spaces for appeasing, petitioning and venerating
287
ancestors, and they also provide a space for more quotidian activities like sleeping and

food preparation (see also Bassie-Sweet 1996; Gillespie 2000; Welsh 1988:194). Hence,

benches served as built spaces for ordinary and extraordinary activities. In Deals study,

altars were constructed of perishable wood or stone masonry, and often take the form of

tables or benches positioned against the interior back wall of a domestic structure (see

also Wauchope 1938:142-143). Vogt (1969:83) notes that household altars were located

against the domicile wall opposite the hearth. I would argue that this juxtaposition

intentionally links the focal point of the living community, providing warmth and a

source for cooking food, with the space used for communicating with ancestors. Benches

at PfB sites were placed against buildings rear walls. Hearths, however, were not

detected; they might not have preserved, or occupants might have situated them outdoors.

Iconographic and epigraphic evidence illustrate benches central function as

arenas for practical, ritual, and emotional responses to death. An unprovenienced vase

currently in a German collection depicts a deceased nobleman, identified in the

accompanying text as the younger son of a Motul de San Jose lord (Zender et al. in

press). The individuals closed eyes and mortuary shroud are signs of his recent death. He

is arranged on a long bench, around which crowds of mourners gather.

Gillespies (2000) careful analysis of Maya houses calls attention to the

cosmological and social meanings encoded within their architectural arrangements and

features. She specifically discusses the four-sided table altar, arguing that its shape

intentionally replicates the quadrilateral form of the cosmos. Citing relevant

ethnographies on the Maya, Gillespie (ibid:145) also distinguishes residential altars as

spaces for ancestor veneration in particular, recognizing their variant forms, benches or
288
beds. From this connection, Gillespie deems benches sleeping houses of the ancestors.

While her argument is crafted from citation of ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts,

she does identify archaeological correlates of these bench-beds, which are associated with

elite Tombs (ibid:149). As I discussed earlier, location of Individuals 4 and 111 in

relation to grave goods indicates that the bodies were originally set atop wooden litters

that had decomposed and collapsed. Aside from Tombs at the sites of Chan Chich and La

Milpa, PfBAP data offers evidence of these sleeping houses at all levels of society.

Atop plaster floors, PfBAP investigators have unearthed plastered benches

comprised of cobble construction fill. Benches at PfB sites are not always associated with

burials. But, in 18 cases burials Simple graves, Pits, and Cists were found in

association with benches. Following Gillespie and others, I suggest that co-occurrence of

benches and burials at PfB sites reflect ancestor veneration on a scale that is accessible to

the members of a family or small community, more so than elaborate funerary temples.

To support the characterization of benches as ancestors sleeping houses, I

identify five material correlates evident in 17 PfBAP benches, encompassing 19 buried

individuals; two benches contained two individuals. First, the simplest, is that benches

are quadrilateral in shape, though their measurements may vary.

Second, graves are situated directly within, beneath, or adjacent to benches. For

instance, Individual 22 from Dos Barbaras was placed in a Late/Terminal Classic Capped

Cist centered directly beneath the bottom of a 1 m high bench (Figures 6.9 and 6.10).

There was a distance of about 25 cm separating the bottom of the bench and the top of the

Cists capstones. Beneath the bench was a floor followed by subfloor fill and then the

capstone. Included as a grave good was the only stingray spine in the entire PfBAP
289
sample; even Tombs elite occupants were not interred with stingray spines. Stingray

spines were commonly used to let blood and consequently communicate with ancestors

(Schele and Miller 1986:175), and the appearance of one in Individual 22s grave perhaps

290
 291
BENCH
CIST
Figure 6.9. Profile of south wall in west room of Dos Barbara Figure 6.10. Profile of south wall in west room of
Structure 11 (drawing). Note location of Individual 22s Cist in Dos Barbara Structure 11 (photograph).
relation to the bench. Excavated area is location of Individual 22s Cist.
reinforces the individuals identity as an ancestor. As another example, at the site of

Guijarral, Individuals 89 and 90 were encountered in an Informal Cist, which intruded

through a plaster floor. The grave cut was in front of a bench, so the grave was directly

beneath the bench. A similar burial scenario was uncovered at the site of El

Intruso/Gateway (Individual 84), though in this case, the intrusive grave-type was a

Capped Cist. Individual 101, a female encountered at a rural house group in La Milpas

bajo community, had been placed in a Simple grave set into a bench. Directly beneath the

bench was an earlier Pit grave intruded through the plaster floor (Individual 102). While

Individual 102, a male, was aligned north-south, Individual 101 was aligned east-west.

There are at least three possible interpretations for the spatial linking of the bench,

Individual 101, and Individual 102. Seen in plan view, it is possible that orientation of

two bodies intentionally replicated the quadripartite form of the cosmos. A second

plausible interpretation is that the death of Individual 102 provided impetus for the

sequence of building events and mortuary rituals, while Individual 101 represents a

sacrifice. Finally, Individual 102 represents an earlier burial episode used as a known

reference point to orient Individual 101s later interment and the bench. This final

interpretation suggests that both decedents acquired identities as ancestor.

Third, benches are often contained within structures that were extensively

renovated over time. At the site of Chan Chich, Individual 10s Pit grave intruded into a

plaster bench, and following interment the bench was patched and a patolli board was

etched into its surface, suggesting the house continued to be used in a specific capacity.

Individual 22s entombing Structure 11 underwent numerous renovations; the west room

the one with the bench long remained a major location for social activities and
292
additional, intrusive burials. As part of a termination ritual, this western room was filled

in and its entry way was plugged sometime after the benchs construction. Mortuary

activity subsequently shifted to the adjacent eastern room, which did not contain a bench

but did contain numerous interments beneath its floors.

Fourth, all decedents were adults at the time of their deaths. More specifically, the

majority were Young Adults. These individuals were indeed old enough to have ancestor

identities conferred upon them given the truncated life spans of individuals at the time.

Finally, decedents bodies were arranged in tightly flexed positions within graves

associated with benches. It is possible that placing an individual tightly bundled,

reminiscent of the fetal position, in the metaphoric cave of the constructed burial space

materializes the decedents rebirth as an ancestor.

Not all benches are sleeping houses for the ancestors. However, when

associated with burials and situated within residences, I would argue that such is indeed

the case. Consideration of bench morphology, stratigraphic relations, architectural

renovations, grave accompaniments, age, and body positions archaeologically support the

contention that these functioned as spaces for ritual activities related to ancestor

transformation and communication.

Body Processing

Up to this point much mention has been made of decedents body positions.

However, little has been said by way of interpretation. Continuing from the above

discussions pertaining to grave spaces as metaphoric caves and benches as conduits for

ancestral transformation and communication, I would argue that body processing

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prepares decedents souls for their journey to the underworld and/or their new roles as

ancestors. Body processing takes several different forms among the Maya. As discussed

in Chapter 5 and earlier in this chapter, this included deliberate excarnation, bundling,

natural defleshing, decapitation, intentional positioning, and partibility. The PfBAP

sample has evidence of bundling, intentional positioning, and body partibility.

Wrapping and Bundling Bodies

Once dead, they put them in a shroud, filling their mouths with
ground maize. (Landa in Tozzer 1941:130)

The importance of wrapping as a method of processing is indicated by multiple

known instances of burial shrouds, preserved serendipitously within sealed Tombs. For

instance, Ro Azuls Early Classic Tomb 19 contained the remnants of textiles discovered

over, around, and beneath the chest, waist, and lower body areas of the corpse,

indicating that the textile was wrapped around the body two or three times (Grant

1989:60-61). As noted earlier, there is also evidence that allspice leaves had been tucked

into the shroud, which was in turn coated with bright red pigment. The connection

between burial shrouds and red pigment surfaces earlier in the Late Preclassic period and

extends into the Late Classic period. To cite just a few instances, at the site of

Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, one decedents skeletal remains, exhumed from Structure E-

III-3s Miraflores phase Tomb II, retained traces of red paint and fragments of textile

were also recovered (Shook and Kidder 1952:64). Residues of burial shrouds painted red

were also discovered in association with Late Classic skeletal remains from the site of

Palenque (Ruz Lhuillier 1954:98). At the site of Calakmul, Mexico vestiges of textiles

294
indicate that Yuknom Yickak Kak, the decedent interred within Structure 2Bs Late

Classic Tomb 4, was arranged in an extended position, wrapped, and coated with a thick

layer of cinnabar (Garca-Moreno and Granados 1999).

In the PfBAP sample, three of the four Tomb decedents were interred in an

extended position; if mortuary shrouds were used, they would have been wrapped around

the entire length of the body. Grave contexts in the PfBAP sample did not allow for

preservation of textiles, even in sealed Tombs. However, tightly flexed bodies in the

PfBAP sample attest to bundling, as an alternative to wrapping to the wrapping of

extended bodies in elite Tombs. To avoid the confusion between bodies simply arranged

intentionally in specific positions and those that were bundled and then so placed, I

distinguish between bodies that had been loosely flexed and those that had been tightly

flexed (Chapter 2). As discussed earlier in the chapter, the Maya lowlands environmental

setting triggered the rapid decomposition of corpses and the onset of insect infestation

(Goff 2001). To flex a corpse tightly in a manner that is pest-free and practical, therefore,

necessitates immediate bundling. Moreover, bundling would have safe-guarded the

physical integration of the body until construction of the grave space was complete. I

believe most grave spaces in residential settings were constructed following the death of

an individual, in contrast to elite decedents monumental funerary temples and/or

architecturally complex Tombs that may have been built during their lives.

Aside from the pragmatics of bundling, I propose several explanations for its

ritual practice (Reese-Taylor, Zender, and Geller, in press). First, for contemporary Maya

peoples, sacred bundles figure prominently in ceremonial events. The Tzuthuhil Maya of

Santiago Atitlan, for instance, regard a particular sacred bundle, the San Martin Bundle,
295
as a contemporary version of ancient Maya divinities and perform the same rituals in

association with it as they would for a saint (Mendelson 1958:121). As McAnany

(1995:61) recognizes, Classic period iconography attests to the resilience of bundles as

sacred and powerful entities often with ancestral associations. Moreover, the Tikal

emblem glyph depicts a sacred bundle. In the case of other Mesoamerican groups, like

the Mexica, bundling of ancestors or patron deities facilitated the transportation of them

to new settlements (Bernan 1982:5). Thus, the practice of bundling, throughout

Mesoamerica, connotes sacredness, conferral of ancestor status, and deification.

Moreover, ethnographic analogy informs reconstruction of the meanings encoded

in bundles and the act of bundling bodies or body parts. As discussed earlier, infants are

bundled in order to fix or stabilize their inner, personal souls immediately after birth.

Parallels can be drawn between ritual activities related to the onset of an individuals life,

as well as its conclusion. Tzotzil informant Juan Perez Jolote relates how Chamula

decedents were wrapped tightly in a cloth prior to interment (Pozas 1962). Tradition

dictates that family members wove the rectangular woolen cloth, or chamarro. As such,

the chamarro provided protection during the decedents long and perilous journey to the

land of the dead. Death and birth represent major life-cycle events in which specific ritual

activities wrapping bodies for instance ensure the acquisition of new social identities.

Death necessitates dissolution between body and soul, but for the Maya, souls were

recycled and reinstated in newborns. Hence, ritual bundling or wrapping the dead may

have stabilized decedents souls for rebirth, in much the same way that newborns souls

are affixed via swaddling. At issue for the newly deceased and newly born is the

precarious status of the inner, personal soul.

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Body Partibility and Potency

Whole articulated bodies, primary interments, were the subject in the preceding

discussion. Also noteworthy as a method of body processing is secondary burial, or

intentional disarticulation either before or after initial interment. Secondary burial may

include the entire skeleton or select skeletal elements. Examples of secondary burial

comprise a smaller portion of the sample than do primary burials. For this discussion, I

will emphasize select skeletal elements, which indicate the bodys partibility and

deliberate disarticulation. However, as fragmentation and fragility characterize most of

the PfBAP burials, I acknowledge the difficulty in determining across all cases whether

complete skeletons or select skeletal elements actually represent secondary burials.

Furthermore, interpretation of body partibility challenges investigators, inasmuch as

removal of body parts may signify desecration or veneration. How might we distinguish

between the two?

In many mortuary settings, body partibility speaks to desecration or erasure of the

individuals identity. Mutilation of skeletal elements, as in the cases of decapitation and

flaying, but of which may leave subtle marks on skeletal remains, sends a signal of

violent ritual sacrifice. Skull pits discovered at the sites of Colha, Belize and Seibal,

Guatemala provide excellent cases in point. Massey and Steele (1997) examined 30

decapitated skulls interred within a single pit. Political upheaval has been posited for the

untimely death of these individuals, who were perhaps connected to a defeated governing

body. Interment of the skulls occurred at around the time of the centers Terminal Classic

demise and destruction of adjacent monumental architecture. Identification of sacrifice

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and desecration may be further supported by burials spatial dimension, namely in

association with architectural features utilized for religious or political activities. A skull

pit was also encountered at the site of Seibal, though the pits location suggests a

different set of circumstances that lead up to decedents decapitation. Opposite the sites

ballcourt and 50 cm beneath a platform was a grave that contained the remains of a mass

burial, identified as Burial 4. The skulls of 11 individuals, all Adult males, were interred

within a single grave. While there was some evidence of burning, no grave goods were

recovered. Excavators argue that context, human remains secondary conditions, and age

and sex data point to ritual sacrifice of a losing ball team (Smith 1982:60, 62).

Unfortunately, there is little evidence at PfBAP for ritual sacrifice39 and partibility of

victims bodies that speaks to desecration or defeat.

Welsh (1988) cites numerous instances of Maya ancestor veneration inferred from

iconography, ethnohistoric documentation, and mortuary remains. However, he

recognizes that his sources only treat elite or royal ancestor veneration. Welsh (1988:201,

emphasis added) concludes, Future excavations, if conducted looking for the right signs,

could better reveal the practice of ancestor worship among the commoners. In her more

recent work, McAnany (1995) has argued for ancestor veneration as a means for lineages

at all social levels to legitimate and maintain their resource and land rights, thereby

establishing an active dialogue between the dead and the living. In the case of the PfBAP

sample, I would argue that body partibility provides additional evidence of ancestor

39
To add to the confusion, not all ritual sacrifices are enacted with equivalent ends in mind. Sacrifice of a
warrior has a subtext of violence, defeat, and desecration. The sacrifice of a nobles attendant, however,
may connote an honorable or necessary sacrifice, seeing that the individual was carefully selected to
accompany an important person in the afterlife. The latter are often articulated, primary burials. I do not
discuss them here, but they are relevant to wider interpretive issues.
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veneration. To support my assertion, I highlight lone skeletal elements interred as part of

primary burials and caches.

Single skeletal elements are often detected only during the course of skeletal

analysis when duplicate skeletal elements are disentangled from the larger burial. For

instance, an individuals finger bones or teeth were often placed into the grave space of a

complete individual buried at a separate point in time. This is different from finding a

grave with only teeth, as in the case of the tooth cache that I discussed earlier. As an

explanation, it is possible that construction of a grave disturbed the burial of a decedent

interred at an earlier date. As a result, disturbed materials were placed intentionally into

the newly constructed grave space. Such seems to be the case for Individuals 46, 47, and

48, placed into Simple graves beneath a small, rural house group patio in the Dos

Hombres hinterlands. The area available for interment was especially small and bedrock

was close to the patio surface. Allowing for fragmentation and poor preservation of

remains, Individual 47 is unquestionably articulated, Individual 48 is possibly articulated,

and Individual 46 is possibly disarticulated. In the absence of grave stratigraphy, body

conditions are suggestive of the sequence of mortuary events, and these imply that the

three burials were not interred simultaneously. Rather, individuals died and were buried

at different times; later inhumations disturbed earlier ones after which disarticulated

remains were simply reinterred with the recently deceased. This cluster of burials is

considered more fully in a later discussion.

On the other hand, retention of certain body parts by the living was perhaps

intentional, and enabled the owner to tap into the skeletal elements power and potency.

Body parts take on a type of agency. Parallels can be drawn between the Maya and other
299
Mesoamerican cultures. In Mexica society, women who died in childbirth were venerated

as goddesses. Berdan (1982:83) relates,

When her relatives went to bury her, they had to guard her
carefully, since young warriors eagerly sought her middle finger
and locks of her hair. These they would place on their shields when
they went into battle to assure themselves of courage and success
in capturing enemy warriors. Similarly, thieves tried to steal her
left forearm, which reputedly assisted them in their business.

Society identified the activities and individuals involved in childbirth, a precarious time

in womens and newborns lives, as power and potent; furthermore, these meanings were

transferred to associated body parts. In Maya burials, investigators have encountered

isolated incidences of finger bones that are cached or do not belong to the primary

decedent. Chase and Chase (1998) have identified finger caches, which contain only

human phalanges, in association with Late Classic residential buildings at the site of

Caracol. PfBAP investigators have not yet encountered finger caches, though isolated

human phalanges that do not belong to the primary decedent have been found in burials

(e.g., Individual 30). From these interments, we may infer practices similar in form and

perhaps meaning to aforementioned Mexica practices.

Partibility may also be considered with regard to what is absent, rather than

present. Welsh (1988:192) cites 11 burials whose decedents were missing certain skeletal

elements; faces or skulls, femora, and hands were body parts most often removed. He

provides two mutually exclusive explanations worship and mutilation. Alternatively,

Danien (1988:5) has documented that among the Yucatec Maya a mother will remove a

portion of a finger upon the death of a male child. This practice is not easily identifiable

300
as worship or mutilation, and is perhaps related more closely to mourning. Unfortunately,

poor preservation at PfB sites obscures recognition of absent skeletal elements.

Whether brought about by acts of veneration or desecration, the Maya often

characterized body parts disassociated from whole bodies as potent and powerful. For

instance, as discussed earlier, ethnographies concerned with contemporary Maya peoples

identify the practice of burying body parts like umbilical cords or afterbirths deemed

potent beneath residential structures; the Mexica had a similar practice (Berdan 1982:83).

Numerous epigraphic considerations underscore the importance of body parts

representation and semantic value in pre-Columbian Maya texts (Danien 1988; Houston

and Stuart 1998). There are also iconographic representations of body parts in paintings

and sculpture. Schele and Freidel (1990:124) note, The image of the severed head is a

central symbol of royal power or stelae and panels of the Classic period. Severed heads

often belong to decapitated victims as depicted in Bonampaks battle scene in Room 2.

On the other hand, disembodied heads may represent revered ancestors, as carved into

Yaxchilans Lintel 15; the disembodied head of an ancestor emerges from a vision

serpent to converse with Lady Xoc. In both cases, imagery points to the fact that

disembodied heads are potent body parts whose meanings vary depending upon context.

However, how do we discern between desecrating sacrifice and veneration?

Caches represent a small portion of all grave-types in the PfBAP sample (less than 4% of

132 individuals), but are important for what they can reveal about veneration of

ancestors. Welsh (1988:169-170) defines Caches as sacrificial interments comprised of

infants or adult skulls; they were interred in front of temple altars, stelae, and temples.

Fitting this description, a Cache of lip-to-lip vessels contained the disarticulated remains
301
of Individual 107, an infant. The Cache, which had been placed beneath the plaza floor of

La Milpas main Plaza A, was directly in front of an altar by Stela 10. Nonetheless,

Welsh is unclear about the impetus for caching events do natural deaths provide

impetus for votive interments or are decedents slain with the intention of caching their

remains? Welsh assumes that decedents interred in Cache vessels were human victims

slain against their will.

An example from PfBAP burial data seems to counter his assumption that all

dedicatory Cache burials are human sacrifice. Individual 71 from the site of El Intruso-

Gateway (RB-11) presents an instance of special treatment afforded to bodies long after

the decedents death. The burial was encountered in Group As Structure 1, 60 cm

beneath the floor. Perhaps not coincidentally, Structure 1 is the groups eastern structure,

and as previously mentioned, eastern structures are often recognized as ancestral shrines.

The structures construction history is complex, involving at least three renovations to the

original building, which spanned the Early Classic to the Late Classic periods (Muoz

1997:38). The second remodeling episode, in the middle of the Late Classic period,

required several phases; builders enlarged the platform to accommodate the building. In

erecting walls atop this platform, construction of the rear wall penetrated through earlier

floors; its base was located just above bedrock. Placed into the Late Classic rear wall was

a niche with disarticulated human remains fragmentary femora crossed over cranial

bones and fragments of an Early Classic plate inverted over these remains. It seems that

during the course of renovation, construction of the rear walls disturbed an Early Classic

burial that may or may not have been articulated originally (Individual 71). Muoz

(ibid:95) has inferred that the burial was found incompletely removed and then
302
reinterred after the construction activities ceased. To clarify, Individual 71s remains

were contained within a Cache vessel, which was situated in a niche in the rear wall.

I believe that Individual 71 was a revered kin member and not a sacrificial victim

based upon two observations. First, long bones and cranium were selected for

reinterment, as opposed to other skeletal or dental remains. McAnany (1995:46) links the

skull-and-crossbones motif with ancestors.

Symbolic of generational continuity and the rights and privileges

that are inherited from the previous generation, crania and/or long
bones are potent images symbolic of social order and orderly
successions, be they transmissions of royal power or of the fields
and orchards of wealthy commoners.

Aside from selection of skeletal elements and their encoded meanings, Individual 71s

location and associated architecture suggests careful attention to the Early Classic burial

after its Late Classic disturbance. Rather than hastily reburying the disturbed remains in

construction fill, a niche was fashioned in the rear wall to house the remains of a person

who was perhaps a venerated ancestor.

To conclude, regardless of intent as reverential or irreverent partibility

bespeaks the notion that body parts were repositories for potent forces.

All in the Family: Multiple Interments of Decedents in House Ruins

There are many examples of multiple interments within Tombs and repeated re-

entry of these graves following initial decedents inhumation (e.g., Caracol [D. Chase

1994; D. Chase and A. Chase 1996, 1998], Lubaantn [Hammond et al. 1975], and

Caledonia [Healy, Awe, and Helmuth 1998]). Investigators argue that these are family

303
crypts. I have already discussed the possible occurrence of this phenomenon at PfB sites,

specifically with respect to the Tomb housing Individuals 65 and 132.

Moreover, interring multiple decedents within single grave spaces other than

Tombs was a common Maya burial practice (e.g., Kaxob [McAnany 1995]; Tikal

[Becker 1999]). Evidence for multiple interments within a single grave space occurs at

PfB sites40. Moreover, the occurrence in residential structures of graves with multiple

decedents or multiple graves with single decedents suggests longstanding use of

buildings, perhaps over the course of several centuries. Careful reconstruction of building

phases often identifies continuing habitation of these structures following interment of

the decedents body; a similar phenomenon has been documented in other Maya regions

(e.g., Caracol [Chase 1994]; Kaxob [McAnanay 1995]; Tikal [Becker 1999; Haviland

1988]). I believe that PfBAP burials support McAnanys (1995; see also Gillespie 2000)

argument that family members were living with their ancestors, thereby making the entire

residential structure a metaphoric family crypt, rather than there being an actual and

functionally separable family crypt. Such would have been the case for families from all

levels of society nobles and commoners.

I now offer a comparison of multiple interments from four distinct residential

groups in the PfB. These four residential groups with multiple interments are from the

sites of Dos Hombres (RB-2), Dos Barbaras (RB-4), El Intruso/Gateway (RB-11), and a

rural house group situated in the Dos Hombres hinterlands (RB-2; Transect A-VII-4).

Excavators sampled intensively at all four locations. The residential groups differ in four

40
It should be noted that there is only one grave in the entire PfBAP sample that contains more than three
decedents (Individuals 52-57), and the aforementioned elite Tombs from the sites of Lubaantun, Caledonia,
and Caracol contain a minimum number of individuals (MNI) of 15, 9, and 20 individuals, respectively.
304
ways: 1.) distance from large centers; 2) size and architectural elaboration; 3.) length of

occupation; and 4.) socioeconomic status of residents, as suggested by proximity to site

centers, grave-types, and quality and quantity of grave goods. These four cases are

representative of broader customs in northwestern Belize, though they also provide

information to contrast or compare with residential burials from other Maya regions.

From the site of Dos Hombres, I consider Plaza Bs Courtyard B-4 (Figure 3.13).

From excavation evidence, investigators interpreted the group as an elite residence with

several ancillary cooking and storage structures. Occupation extended from the Early

Classic into the Late/Terminal Classic periods, as suggested by multiple construction

phases, artifact assemblages, and burials. Elite status of residents was inferred from the

groups elaborate Stone-lined Tomb housing Individuals 65 and 132, its proximity to the

sites main plaza, and its well constructed buildings. Courtyard B-4 structures yielded a

total of 10 burials, as well as sporadic pockets of human and faunal bone dispersed

throughout construction fill. Excavators did not record dispersed bone in situ, so those

mortuary data are difficult to discuss in any detail; no grave-type was assigned.

Decedents recorded were found in association with either Structures B-16 or B-17, the

exception being one fragmentary burial in Structure B-12. Structure B-16s decedents

were interred within a single area and stratigraphic zone between Floors 1 and 2, aside

from one Pit grave (Individual 66) which intruded through both of these floors.

Decedents situated in Structure B-17 were in different corners of the same room;

Structure B-17 was stratigraphically above the Stone-lined Tomb. The Tomb is locally

anomalous in terms of labor expenditure, as all other grave-types in Courtyard B-4 are

Simple graves and one Pit grave. From my earlier discussion, it is possible that the
305
Tombs occupants were important ancestors venerated throughout the groups residency.

Individual 66s intrusive Late Classic Pit grave and flexed body position also suggest a

designation of ancestor, though one who was perhaps not as prominent as Individuals 65

and 132 as indicated by grave-types. A mano and metate were situated 36 cm above and

in line with Individual 66; burnt and unburnt faunal bones were also scattered in strata

overlying the grave. Stratigraphic assessment and artifacts allow for tentative inference of

a ritual feasting episode after the individuals death and burial.

There is no consistency in terms of body orientation in these burials. When a

determination could be made, primary interments were flexed, though further inferences

about tightness or looseness of flexed bodies could not be made.

Burials at the residential group contained both males and females, though the

former outnumber the latter. The two females were interred beneath Structure B-17; in

one case, it is unknown if the decedent was buried with grave goods, but the second

female was accompanied by obsidian blades and biface, a shell ornament, and 19 pieces

of mica. From her assemblage of grave goods, which is unique in the sample, and her

considerable age of 30-50 years at the time of death, this female was perhaps a prominent

figure within the family group. Individuals of all Adult ages are represented. The average

ages at death for the groups decedents is slightly older than at other sites; individuals

over the age of 30 years (Young/Middle Adults and older) outnumber Young Adults

between 20 and 30 years. Perhaps the elite status of the courtyards inhabitants afforded

easy access to food, thereby ensuring their health and longevity. However, the

community was not buffered from infant mortality, as is evident by Individuals 69 and

70. No grave goods accompanied these infants burials, which contrasts with known
306
adults burials; the latter contained at least one item. There is no evidence for shaped

crania, but five individuals had modified dentition one male, three males?, and one

female. Both individuals interred in the Tomb displayed dental modification involving

insertion of hematite; the Pit graves decedent also had hematite inserts (Chapter 8).

Moving to the site of Dos Barbaras, Group B contained 15 of the 17 burials

encountered at the site (Figure 3.6). Of the burials in Group B, ten were interred within

Structure 11. This structure is positioned on the western edge of the courtyard, rather than

the eastern one often allied with ancestor shrines. The eastern structure (Structure 6), less

architecturally complex than Structure 11, contained four decedents. However, in terms

of labor expended in grave construction and quantity and quality of grave goods, the

people interred within Structure 11 seemed to have been more prominent among the

residents at the site of Dos Barbaras. No grave goods were found with any of the people

buried in Structure 6, whereas in Structure 11, decedents were buried with grave goods

unique in the PfBAP sample, including a stingray spine and shell ladle. Furthermore,

Structure 6 grave-types were restricted to three Simple graves and one Pit, while 5 of the

10 burials in Structure 11 were Capped Cists. As is the case at other sites, Structure 11

architectural data suggest the occurrence of multiple renovations during the buildings

occupation, which extended from the Late Preclassic into the Late/Terminal Classic

periods. Rooms, a staircase, and bench were added; floors were resurfaced; and walls

were erected. Construction of graves may have incited and intruded into these building

renovations.

307
 Similar to Dos Hombress Courtyard B sample, there is no consistency in terms of

body orientation at the site of Dos Barbaras. When Dos Barbaras interments were

primary, they were both loosely and tightly flexed.

Females and males were both interred, though the latter is represented in greater

number. At the time of their death, decedents ages ranged from Infant to Middle Adult.

Most died as Young Adults, a point of contrast with Dos Hombres; perhaps the Dos

Barbaras inhabitants incurred a more significant health burden. Or, the sample may be

incomplete for both sites. Inadequate preservation hindered identification of either cranial

shaping or dental modification.

There is one distinct difference between the site of El Intruso/Gateway and sites

discussed thus far. The quality of architectural construction declines over time at El

Intruso/Gateway. As compared with structures of the Early Classic period, those of the

Late Classic period appear to have been built hastily and roughly (Davis, personal

communication 2003). Based on personal observation, Late Classic buildings at the site

of Dos Barbaras appear more skillfully constructed than those assigned to the same

period at the site of El Intruso/Gateway. As a possible explanation for observable

architectural differences, these sites may have had different relationships with

surrounding Major Centers, which would have resulted in uneven access to economic

interactions and political privilege.

In other respects as well, the burials at the sites of El Intruso/Gateway and Dos

Barbaras are similar. As was the case at Dos Barbaras, El Intruso/Gateways burials were

confined largely to one residential group, Group A (Figure 3.8), as intensive excavations

at the sites other residential groups unearthed only a single, additional burial (Individual
308
86). Occupation of both Dos Barbaras and El Intruso/Gateway extended from the Late

Preclassic to the Late/Terminal Classic periods, with population peaking during the latter

period. Group A is the only residential group at El Intruso/Gateway with a possible Early

Classic component. While the entire site has evidence of significant occupation in the

Late Preclassic period and again in the Late Classic period, there is little material

evidence for Early Classic occupation elsewhere at the site. As these are the earliest

inhumations at the site, it is possible that Group A is the sites original center, or the

earliest hub of ancestor veneration. And, as the site grew over time, decedents were still

placed beneath its buildings, perhaps to facilitate or safeguard sanctification and ancestor

transformation. Structure 4 might have been the focus of interment in the Early Classic

period. In the Late Classic period, interment of decedents shifted to Structure 3, as

evidenced by 7 decedents who were spatially distinct but interred in separate graves at the

same stratigraphic level. Their mortuary treatment appears less formal than that of

Individuals 71 and 84 placed in the eastern Structure 1, suggesting different classes of

ancestors at the site.

In terms of body position and orientation there is considerable consistency in the

El Intruso/Gateway sample; in the case of body orientation, a discernible pattern offers a

point of contrast with other sites discussed. All primary decedents were flexed. With the

exception of one primary inhumation oriented in an east-west direction, bodies all other

burials were aligned north-south. Furthermore, these north-southerly aligned bodies all

had their heads facing west, even the one individual who had been placed on his right

side with head to the north. Placing decedents heads with respect to a certain cardinal

direction may have been intentional. For El Intruso/Gateways decedents, westerly

309
positioned heads, more than simply looking into the groups interior courtyard space,

perhaps faced the La Milpa polity center.

Demographic findings are similar to those at the sites of Dos Hombres and Dos

Barbaras. Females and males were both interred, but males outnumber females among the

burials documented. Subadults are represented, but there were neither preserved remains

of individuals under age 9, nor Old Adults. As at the site of Dos Barbaras, Young Adults

are the most numerous in the El Intruso/Gateway sample. Instances of intentional body

modifications were more numerous than at the site of Dos Barbaras. There are three cases

of cranial shaping, though two of these are questionable. Two cranially shaped

individuals had their teeth modified as well. As at the site of Dos Hombres, four

individuals had modified teeth.

As this data suggests, there are patterns indicative of practices shared among these

sites inhabitants. All sites demonstrate continuity with respect to material evidence of

ancestor veneration; these include grave-types, grave locations, and associated

architectural features. Hence, ritual processing that I believe selected and guided the

constitution of ancestors, though ancestors accorded different value, appears to have been

relatively consistent across PfB. However, there are idiosyncrasies that speak to a

residences unique conception of community identity. At site of El Intruso/Gateway, for

example, decedents congruent body positions and orientations, possibly with respect to

points on the natural or social landscape, reflect a cohesive community identity that is not

present at other sites.

I now offer an additional example of distinct community identity at a small, rural

residential group in the Dos Hombres hinterlands (RB-2; Transect A-VII-4); the site is
310
unique within the recorded data of the PfBAP. As I will discuss, ancestor veneration does

not seem the motivation behind mortuary ritual and body processing at this site. Indeed,

uneven treatment of decedents in terms of grave goods and their proveniences, body

positions and orientations, and markers of intentional body modifications suggests that

individuals were also dealt with in life and death as such individually. This is an idea

that I more fully explore in Chapter 8 when I consider living bodies.

Memory, Space, and Death

Much of the preceding discussion has regarded multiple interments of Classic

period burials within a single residential group. The house group to which I now turn

attention is distinctive in that it contains multiple interments of Late Classic and Late

Preclassic decedents. In general, PfBAP Preclassic burials comprise a small portion of the

known burial data set (N=15; 11.5%). In a rural residential group about 2 km distance

from Dos Hombress center, Operation 28 yielded 9 of the 15 Preclassic inhumations, or

60% of those from that time period, plus an additional 3 inhumations that date to the Late

Classic period. As a reminder, the house group is small, comprising only two perishable

structures that were situated atop an L-shaped earthen platform. Twelve individuals had

been interred beneath the patio adjoining the two buildings, rather than beneath the

interior spaces of structures rooms. Two clusters, defined here as an intentional grouping

of human remains, date to the Late Preclassic period (Individuals 49-51 and 52-57), and a

third, which I discussed earlier, dates to the Late Classic period (Individuals 46-48).

Dating was based upon associated ceramic evidence (Appendix). For convenience, I refer

311
to these respectively, as Clusters 1, 2, and 341. No evidence of Early Classic period

habitation was found at this group. The Late Preclassic clusters Clusters 1 and 2 are in

the same depositional stratum and about 30 cm apart horizontally. In the patios northern

half, Cluster 1 is to the west of Cluster 3 but also slightly underneath that Late Classic

interment, and Cluster 2 is in the patios southern section. As burial markers, Cluster 1

had a U-shape stone alignment near its northeastern edge, while stone alignments

bordered the northern and southern sides of Cluster 3. In no clusters were decedents

interred at the same time. These three distinct spaces were repeatedly re-entered in order

to inter the newly deceased as indicated by varying levels of disturbance within clusters.

In this way, the house group is comparable to the aforementioned family crypts.

Late Classic Cluster 3 contains three individuals. Individual 46 was disarticulated,

Individual 48 was possibly primary, and Individual 47 was primary and loosely flexed

with head to the west and hips to the east. The degree of articulation suggest that

Individual 46 was interred first, Individual 48 second, and Individual 47 last, and that

each successive interment further disturbed earlier decedents body positions (cf. Chase

and Chase 1996).

Three individuals comprise Late Preclassic Cluster 1; Individuals 50 and 51 are

secondary burials and Individual 49 is a possible primary burial that appears to have been

extended on his or her back with the head to the west, feet to the east, and facing north.

Based upon the states of these bodies, I believe that Individual 49 represents a later

interment than either Individuals 50 and 51; it is difficult to say whether Individuals 50

41
The use of Cluster in this instance should not be confused with Bullards use of the term in his settlement
typology, as discussed in Chapter 3.
312
and 51 were buried at the same time, or if one was interred earlier than the other. Not

only did disturbance result from the sequence of ritual events following these three Late

Preclassic individuals deaths, but the portion of Late Classic Cluster 3 that overlapped

with Cluster 1 also disturbed the earlier interments.

Six individuals comprise Late Preclassic Cluster 2 to the south of Clusters 1 and

3. Individuals 52 and 53 are primary, and Individuals 54-57 are secondary burials.

However, in the case of the two primary burials, Individual 53 appears to be the earlier

interment disturbed slightly by Individual 52s subsequent interment. In excavations, I

uncovered a cranium to the west of the body of Individual 53, while leg bones were

relocated to the east, which was adjacent to Individual 52. As suggested by their

secondary condition, Individual 54-57 may have been earlier inhumations disturbed by

sequential interments. Successive inhumation in a restricted space would have resulted in

subsequent disarticulation of primary burials and further disturbance of secondary ones. I

suggest that corpse handlers, and/or mourners, remembered where decedents graves

were located, at least approximately, and returned to these areas to conduct rituals and

body processing for the newly deceased.

The considerable span between the Late Preclassic and the Late Classic burials (at

least 300 years) indicates that multiple generations occupied this small, unassuming

house group, though in what appears to be an interrupted sequence. With this in mind, I

inquire about the relationship between the residences occupants. One problem draws

from diachronic shifts in burial practices. It is possible that the house group was occupied

continually by successive generations from the Late Preclassic to Late Classic periods.

Knowing that the house group is otherwise devoid completely of Early Classic materials,
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perhaps Early Classic decedents were not interred in association with the residential

group, but rather elsewhere. This would account for lacunae in the material record. While

the Early Classic burial sample is indeed small (N=14; 10.6% of 132 individuals),

excavators have uncovered Early Classic burials in association with residential structures

at other sites in PfB. In Chapter 4, I outlined diachronic shifts with respect to mortuary

practices, but one pattern that persisted through all time periods was interment of

decedents in association with residences. Future excavations might yield sufficient data

for identifying finer distinctions between Preclassic, Early Classic, and Late Classic

burials with respect to practices and beliefs.

An alternative interpretation can be offered for this rural house groups history of

habitation and burial practices. Because there is no evidence that the house group was

continually occupied from the Late Preclassic period to the Late Classic period, it appears

likely that a certain point in the Late Preclassic period, its inhabitants abandoned their

residence. The house group was reoccupied by the Late Classic period perhaps by people

who had some connection to past residents. From comparison of Late Preclassic and Late

Classic mortuary assemblages, I have detected similarities with respect to selection of

spatial location, grave-types, grave accompaniments, and body processing methods.

The first similarity is that, while the residential groups elevated platform is small,

the Late Classic burials are still confined to an area that overlaps with and disturbs Late

Preclassic inhumations. It is possible that later inhabitants were made aware of the

residences early decedents only after finding them during the first burial of one of their

Late Classic decedents. They did not, however, disinter Late Preclassic decedents.

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Rather, Late Classic residents continued to inter their decedents bodies in this same

location, keeping it as the focus of mortuary activities.

Second, all grave-types of both time periods are Simple graves with little energy

expended in their construction42.

Third, when discernible, bodies of both time periods were placed in an east-west

alignment.

Fourth, ceramic vessels appear as grave goods in all clusters, and they were

arranged similarly with respect to areas of the decedents bodies. At least two ceramic

vessels were unearthed in association with each cluster of decedents; there were a total of

eight whole ceramic vessels unearthed at the residential group. Late Preclassic and Late

Classic vessels were often inverted over cranial and dental remains. Inversion of ceramic

vessels over decedents skulls is a common Late Preclassic phenomenon, as further

supported by burials from the sites of Cuello, Belize (Robin 1989) and Kaxob, Belize

(McAnany 1995:59; McAnany et al. 1999). However, the practice occurred less

frequently in the Late Classic period, as evidenced by known PfBAP burials. In the

PfBAP sample, Late Classic cranial and dental remains are associated mostly with Cache

vessels or fragments of ceramic vessels. To clarify, cranial and dental remains are not

isolated; rather, individuals were interred as whole skeletons. There are only three Late

Classic cases of cranial and dental remains being placed within or beneath whole ceramic

vessels (Individuals 1, 62, and 86). Other than that, there are Late Classic incidences of

42
It is possible that grave-types are both Simple graves and Pits. However, the living surface under which
decedents were located is today a low-lying area. During heavy rains, water flows there intermittently. The
entire area was therefore much disturbed by bioturbation, and as a result it was very difficult to identify
observable grave cuts, which would indicate Pit graves.
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whole vessels inverted over a decedents torso (Individual 10) and a decedents pelvis

(Individual 123).

Finally, I consider age at death. The age profile of the decedents at the rural house

group contrasts with those at sites discussed earlier, though sample completeness can be a

cause here. Late Preclassic interments highlight the performance of mortuary rituals for

infants, children, and adolescents as well as Adults. In fact, Subadults outnumber Adults.

This contrasts with PfBAP Late Classic period burials elsewhere. In other parts of PfB,

some Late Classic Subadults were encountered, but not as often as Adults. Moreover,

these Late Classic Subadults are seldom associated with grave goods. On the contrary,

Late Preclassic Adults and Subadults from Operation 28 were buried with ceramic

vessels, as well as shell beads, tinklers, fragments, disks, and pendants. However, at

Operation 28, jade was interred only with Young Adults, suggesting status and/or identity

differences. As suggested from the larger PfBAP sample, conception of childhood and

the value placed on the lives of Subadults may have changed from the Late Preclassic to

the Late Classic periods. Formal mortuary treatment and accompanying grave goods

suggest as much, as with tinklers, which were only found in this time period and with

Subadults (Chapter 4).

From examination of burials from sites in PfB, I have made a case for ancestor

veneration. The living venerated ancestors as a means of maintaining continuity between

past and present. Veneration is structured by well-established and long-lasting social

norms. Correlates of this veneration include specific body positions like flexing,

associated architectural features like benches, grave-types like Capped or Informal Cists,

and spatial locations beneath the rooms of residential structures. However, as a unit, these
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correlates are not obvious at Operation 28 in the Dos Hombres hinterlands. Perhaps this

example may highlight the subtle distinction between ancestor veneration and social

memory, one that is rarely drawn out in the available literature (Cannon 2002; Chesson,

ed. 2001). That is, rather than venerating their decedents, archeological and skeletal data

from Operation 28 suggest that Late Classic residents were memorializing the mortuary

spheres of earlier Late Preclassic inhabitants to whom they may have had no direct

familial connections. Through an act or set of acts, memory can be called up to control or

direct social relations. Memory is situated firmly within the sphere of the living, and can

be contoured to fit given circumstances (Kuijt 2001; Meskell 2001). Memory has its

greatest social impact when it is experienced by a collectivity, as a historical narrative. As

Cannon (2002) has pointed out, social memories are considerably more durable

archaeologically than personal memories. Memories are also created by linking people

with places; there is a distinct spatial dimension to memorialization (Buikstra and Charles

1999; Cannon 2002). In the case of Operation 28s Late Classic burials, house group

residents perhaps used Late Preclassic burials as a point of reference in the creation of

social memories. Enactment of similar mortuary practices would have reinforced a

connection between the two groups of people in time and space.

Summary

This chapter commenced with a review of investigations concerned with Maya

burials. In linking Maya burials, bodies, and bioarchaeology, my dissertation presents an

additional contribution to this corpus. In studying Maya responses and reactions to death,

I center the body and its manipulation following a decedents death. Such a focus
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conveys much about the reconfiguration of individuals identities following their

biological death, as well as the impact that identities formed during the course of

individuals lives may have had on this reformation. It also speaks to conceptions of the

afterlife, soul beliefs, mortuary rites, and emotional responses that are uniquely Maya. In

regarding these issues, I have presented a systematic framework for identifying the

material correlates of immaterial phenomena, belief and ritual. Moreover, aside from

identifying shared practices and perceptions, this study also underscores the residues of

individuality that can be gleaned from individual decedents burials. The PfBAP sample

has provided excellent points of reference for patterns and particularities.

The PfBAP sample has also provided a basis for a host of new questions. Future

investigations either comparative reconsiderations or exhumation of new burials may

further inform our understandings about a host of issues. We may detect finer details

about diachronic shifts between the Preclassic and Classic periods, which may in turn

inform our understandings of shifting conceptions of childhood, emerging sociopolitical

complexity, and concretization of religious beliefs and ritual practices. One additional

question that the PfBAP sample has brought into stark relief is related to demographics.

Buikstras (1981) early bioarchaeological work recognized how cultural factors can shape

considerably the demographic composition of samples. In her study, she found that

contingent upon decedents ages at death, health profiles, and social statues different

locations were selected for interment of certain decedents. Her cautionary words ring true

for the Maya. While the PfBAP sample offers a cross-section of societys social levels,

the burial sample does not include and may not be statistically representative of the entire

population. This is the case even if we take into account the loss of human remains via
318
inadequate preservation over the course of millennia. Formal and highly ritualized

treatment of decedents Adults and Subadults alike seems to have been reserved for a

small, select percentage of the population.

It has been the goal of this chapter to emphasize the significant insights that

analysis of Maya burials can provide about identity constitution in the context of ritual

activities and practical experience. As a serendipitous consequence, provisional

inferences about PfBAP burials have also brought to my attention what is absent from the

sample. I suggest that many Maya decedents were not buried in spaces that have thus far

received archaeological attention (i.e, houses, temple-pyramids). Plausibly, abandonment

or inhumation of corpses occurred at some distance from residential zones, perhaps in

agricultural areas that have not been as extensively explored by archaeologists. In her

ethnography of the Tzotzil Maya, Guiteras-Holmes (1961:141) describes the following:

There are two official cemeteries in Chenalh, one in the village and
the other in Yabteklum. The first is used for the Ladino dead and
for those Pedranos whose death must be investigated by the
authorities. The second has become in the course of time the burial
place of one family. The Pedrano custom is to bury the dead on the
family lands. These family cemeteries resemble tiny villages: each
grave is covered with a soul hut, a resting place to keep the soul
from the sun and the rain. The soul hut has the shape of an inverted
V, and is palm or grassthatched. No crosses are to be seen. The
graves have their longitudinal axis from east to west: the head to
the west, the dead facing the east.

Referencing the above Tzotzil practice, we might make the case for pre-Columbian Maya

cemeteries, and accordingly excavate areas that perhaps seem unlikely spaces for

interring decedents, such as agricultural fields. Continued investigations of caves, which

have been found to hold burials, might also prove fruitful for identifying mass interments

of the dead. For the pre-Columbian Maya, cemeteries have been encountered, though
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they do represent rare spatial phenomena. I know of two on the island of Jaina

(Moedano Koer 1946) and at Copns Middle Preclassic Group 9N-8 (Fash 1985, 1990).

The future of the study of Maya death is alive with possibilities.

Ultimately, when analyzing burials, archaeologists are conducting an archaeology

of death and life. With this in mind, Chapter 7 resumes theoretical discussion of identity,

though shifts its focus to the bodies of the living. Rather than consider bodies within the

spaces of their final resting places, Chapter 7 treats bodies as spaces, inasmuch as they

represent important spaces from which bioarchaeologists can also cull valuable

information about ritual activities, corporeal transformations, cultural beliefs, and sensual

experiences.

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 CHAPTER 7

THEORIES ABOUT THE LIVING BODY

In Western discourse, the body as a matter for inspection has historically

possessed a magnetic pull in that it both attracts and repels investigators. This certainly

seems to be the case for dead bodies, which remain objects for study (Chapter 5),

problematically so in the view of some scholars and indigenous peoples (e.g., Fforde et

al., 2002). While in the two previous chapters, I have largely considered the body and its

transformation with respect to dying, death, and mortuary rituals, the ensuing two

chapters emphasize the lived body and its intentional modification. In life and after death,

the body, is a widely accessible and easily manipulated medium, and together with its

alteration plays prominent roles in the process of identity construction. Following the

same format established in Chapters 5 and 6, I first present theoretical underpinnings in

this chapter in order to infer the meanings invested in such corporeal inscriptions, and

then assess PfBAP data in light of theory (Chapter 8). In linking identity constitution with

corporeal transformation, the authors ideas outlined previously in Chapter 5 are wedded

to the corpus of theory discussed in this chapter. Taken as an integrated whole, this

project considers constitutive practices that span life and death. In treating the living

body, I center practices in the life-cycle not developed in Chapter 5 with its explicit focus

on the dead bodys physical transformation and public reception in ritualized spaces.

In turning to the issue of the living bodys intentional transformation, I recognize

that scholarship is historically fraught with what are now seen as misrepresentations or

denigrating attitudes. Descriptions of artificial cranial deformation and dental

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mutilation abound, shaping rather dismissively our reception and understanding of rich,

informative data sets. Such value-laden language obscures the complex and nuanced

meanings encoded within body modifications. I argue that in the particular case of the

Americas, investigators perception of corporeal alterations associated with the Other

have changed little in the past four centuries. As an unshakable legacy of the Spanish

Conquest, I do allow that derivations of such views and subsequent responses may be

different in other cultural settings and at other historical junctures43.

In this chapter, I trace early, anthropologically inclined studies that attended to

living bodies and their transformations. Sixteenth and seventeenth century writings

contain numerous reflections on the human body. Ushering in the Enlightenment was an

Age of Discovery, during which a virtual explosion of information about flora, fauna,

geography, cultures, and human bodies occurred (e.g., Bulwer 1650; Columbus 1960;

Corts 1960; Daz del Castillo 1963; Landa in Tozzer 1941; Lry 1990[1578]; Sahagn

1971). Classification and categorization of that which appeared alien served as catalyst

for a developing literary genre containing travelogues and ethnohistories. Chroniclers of

the New World provided informative contributions. In particular, many writers fixed on

native, non-Western bodies and their malleability as objects of curiosity and

ambivalence.

Drawing on social and anthropological theories, I argue that corporeal changes to

the living body, as in the case of the dead body, are highly (and visibly) suggestive of self

43
This is not to say that conceptions about bodies have not changed in Western society through time. Sarah
Coakley (1997:6-7) articulately demarcates twists in body-history following the Enlightenment and up
to the present day as a result of societies increasing secularization, consumerism, and individualism.
Thomas Laqueur (1990) also eloquently articulates shifting philosophical conceptions of the body from
ancient to modern times, paying particular attention to the concept of sex.
322
and social identification; modifications include obvious and intentional bodily

transformation like tattooing or more covert modeling through repetition, as in the case of

marks produced by habitual activities44. I recall Ward Goodenoughs writings here

(Chapter 5), as I feel his conception of identity is equally applicable, if not more so, to

this discussion concerned with living bodies. Similarly, the writings of Victor Turner

resurface, leading into a fuller consideration of performance and practice theory, since

more recent scholars have been greatly informed by these earlier models. Societys

molding of bodies, in both ritual and quotidian affairs, generates social identity, a forging

of historical connections, aesthetic ideals, and future outlooks. Elaboration of practices of

social identity construction is complemented by a discussion of practices for constructing

self-identity. This second endeavor is indeed difficult for bioarchaeologists, since

material and human remains are privileged in their work. Decidedly more

phenomenological, reconstructing practices of self-identity constitution looks to sensual

dimensions of modification, such as pain. Hence, the construction and reconstruction of

identity, whether in public ritual venues or the individualized space of the body,

possesses not just a conceptual, but a material and corporeal dimension.

Looking at the Changing Body: A Historiography

Western Attitudes in the 16th and 17th Centuries

Out of wise Natures plastique hands thy Head

Came like a Ball of wax, oblongly spread:
Nowts like, in its acuminated line,
44
The focus of this discussion is intentional body modifications. I also, however, recognize that there is
much to learn from osteological evidence that reveals permanent transformation of the body not
intentionally motivated (i.e., disease and disability). Leprosy or tertiary syphilis, for instance, significantly
impacts an individuals experience of the world, as well as his or her reception by societies members.
323
 A sugar-loaf or Apple of the Pine; (round,
Nowts long, now short, now flat, now square, now
Indented now like to a Foysting-hound;
Twas soft, now hard; it is a Blockhead made.
(John Bulwer 1650:A2)

John Bulwer provides an appropriate entre for this discussion about body

modifications. Admittedly, Bulwer does not represent seventeenth-century European

societys sentiments comprehensively. His voice did, however, resonate throughout a

large portion of the continent. In her own consideration of Bulwer, literary historian Mary

Baine Campbell (1999:15-16) writes, This internationalism responds to the fact that,

although the [sixteenth and seventeenth] centurieswere important times of national

consolidation for all but Italy, the book culturewas one of polyglots and, as time went

on, of translation. In particular, Campbell identifies readers of travelogues and

ethnohistories as literate and multi-lingual intellects dispersed throughout Europe. Similar

voracious reading appetites greeted ethnohistories of the New World. For instance,

Gonzalo Fernndez de Oviedo y Valdss (1959[1535]) Historia general y natural de las

Indias Occidentales was translated and offered for sale throughout the European

continent (Campbell 1999:28).

Bulwer, a seventeenth-century London physician, also developed an interest in

rhetoric, psychology, and ethnology. In the course of his lifetime, he authored four texts,

which together integrated his interdisciplinary ruminations. Woven through all of

Bulwers works is his fascination with the body and its communicative capabilities. In

viewing his corpus as a whole, we see that he accorded the same value to traditional

routes of verbal expression as he did to non-traditional media of gestures or corporeal

inscriptions. In his first work Chirologia: or, The Natural Language of the Hand and
324
Chironomia: or, The art of manual rhetoricke (1644), he studied bodily gestures; an

individual could use his or her hands to facilitate and reinforce speech, as well as to

communicate in the absence of speech. His second work, Philocophus: or, The Deafe and

Dumbe Mans Friend (1648), continued this same train of thought by examining the

various communicatory possibilities for deaf and/or mute individuals. Pathomyotomia: or

a Dissection of the significative Muscles of the Affections of the Minde (1649) followed

this volume, centering the non-verbal ways in which one can convey meaning by

gesturing with his or her head.

By far his most influential work, Bulwers Anthropometamorphosis man

transformd; or, The artificiall changeling: historically presented in the mad and cruel

gallantry, foolish bravery, ridiculous beauty, filthy finenesse, and loathsome lovelinesse

of most nations, fashioning & altering their bodies from the mould intended by nature:

with a vindication of the regular beauty and honesty of nature and an appendix of the

pedigree of the English gallant is his fourth and final work. The book was first published

in 1650 with reprints in 1653 and 1654. As its rather protracted title suggests, both

indelible and transient body modifications as inscriptive practice are the texts focal

point. Citing this final work, Campbell (1999) has argued that Bulwer was an earlier

formalizer of ethnographic endeavors and anthropology as a discipline. Thus, Bulwers

text can be considered seminal to early anthropological views concerned with the subject

of corporeal inscriptions.

Taking a closer look at Anthropometamorphosis, we see numerous references to

Classic philosophers as well as to Bulwers contemporaries, who specialized in theology,

medicine, and travel. Written in the style of an armchair ethnography, the text provides a
325
temporally and spatially sweeping consideration of the bodys malleability, somewhat

akin to a literary cabinet of curiosities. For instance, the frontispiece in the 1650 edition

depicts thumbnail sketches of mens artificially deformed heads (Figure 7.1).

Figure 7.1. Frontispiece from Bulwers 1650 edition of Anthropometamorphosis

Bulwer surmises that the changed body is a creation of culture. However, at the time of

Anthropometamorphosiss publication, culture as an anthropologically useful concept had

yet to emerge and its definition proliferate. Rather, culture was aligned with fashion,

connoting style and brevity, as well as the foreign and monstrous (Campbell 1999), and

while this is still one of its meanings, it is not the only one. As a result, Bulwer associated
326
culture with any social group that intentionally altered its members natural bodies.

This sentiment directly contradicted his Iberian colleagues, who often identified New

World inhabitants as of nature and devoid of culture, a view to which I return will later

in this chapter.

Bulwer views all alterations with equal distaste face painting and nose removal,

elaborate hairstyles and dental ablation. According to the author, in its natural, untouched

state, the body represents a flawless blueprint designed by God. Its alteration is therefore

undoubtedly immoral and diabolical. Deforming the body exposes an individuals mental

depravity and renunciation of Judeo-Christian beliefs. This conviction echoes loudly and

often throughout Anthropometamorphosis. It is in the Americas, he asserts, that cultural

modifications of flesh and bone, indeed crimes against God, were at their worst.

However, he does not restrict his censure of body modifiers to the Americas. His

attention to varying degrees turns to ancient Egypt, Germany, Portugal, Greece, Turkey,

and France. Of the latter, he remarks (1650:8), The French are observed to have their

heads somewhat orbicular, to which their disposition and natural temper is analogical.

Such comments regarding cultural disposition are peppered throughout the work.

Vehement in his vocalization of national superiority, Bulwer chastises both European and

non-Western practitioners of body modifications. As a self-appointed arbiter of morality

and good taste, however, he is aghast to see members of his own society deliberately

refashioning their bodies. He criticizes English youths, effeminate gallants, and

cosmetic-ed women who insist upon adopting the corporeal transgressions of other

corrupting nations.

327
 Of course, historically contingent religious, political and ideological contexts are

what frame Bulwers secondary gleaning of corporeal inscriptions.

Anthropometamorphosis emerges from an epoch of Columbus and conquistadores, as

well as Cartesian thinkers. His work is born of the necessity to clarify and categorize

burgeoning knowledge of the worlds flora, fauna, geography, and people, which

emerged during this Age of Discovery. Literary endeavors also underscored the

relationship between global expansion, fantastical corporeal digressions, and colonial

enterprises, as best typified by William Shakespeares (2002) The Tempest. Composed in

1613, The Tempest features a physically ridiculous and grotesque individual, the savage

and deformed Caliban. While portrayed as the comedys villain, Caliban is not entirely

an unsympathetic character, especially when his circumstances are compared to those of

post-Conquest Amerindians. There are striking parallels between Calibans relationship

with the islands new inhabitants and interactions between subjugated Amerindians and

conquistadores. European deceit is masked as amicability, usurpation, and enslavement

of native peoples, initially predicated upon differences in language and corporeal facade.

The writings of Iberians chronicling the New World similarly find a place in this

developing dialogue, as well. For all Europeans, understanding of the world and its

dimensions geographic and human were swiftly expanding and changing.

Bulwers vehement opposition to somatic alterations delves into the long-standing

issue of human constitution, which was also cause for much debate by New World

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explorers45. How to conceive of native peoples in the Americas so dramatically

different in form, style, custom, and belief remained a significant concern of

missionaries, conquistadores, colonizers, and Europeans recipients of information

removed from first-hand experiences. Reaction was at best mixed. Greenblatt (1991:95)

observes,

On the one hand, there is a tendency to imagine the Indians as

virtual blanks wild, unformed creatures, as naked in culture as
they are in body. On the other hand, there is a tendency to imaging
the Indians a virtual doubles, fully conversant with the language
and culture of the Europeans.

Individual writers and readers endowed indigenous peoples with countless personae

slaves, infidels, pagans, children, rebels, noble savages, social barbarians. The debate

reached a head at Valladolid, Spain in 1550 where Bartolom de Las Casas and Juan Gines

de Sepulveda clashed over origins, rights, and the human condition of native peoples in

the Americas, the former admonishing Spaniards enslavement and genocidal treatment

of them (Pagden 1990; Todorov 1984:151-163).

European unease with natives religious differences went hand in glove with

corporeal disparities skin color, permanent body modification, costumes; all provided

cause for reflection about the nature of peoples native to the Americas. Columbuss

(1960:23-24) initial characterization of natives as unabashedly naked, passive, and

generous portrayed these people as metaphoric equivalents to Adam and Eve. The

explorer did not perceive natives painted bodies as detracting from their naturalness.

However, ethnohistorians less than a century later did detail the artificially changed

45
I emphasize that defining the parameters of what makes us human has long been a salient concern. In our
own day and age of organ transplants, genetic cloning, and legally monitored abortion such concerns
remain significant and highly pertinent to current existential, ontological, and theological questions.
329
bodies of native peoples as visibly modified from Gods original blueprint, the thread of

which Bulwer picked up and entwined through his own writings (e.g., Corts 1960; Daz

del Castillo 1963; Landa in Tozzer 1941; Sahagn 1971). In trying to understand the

Other, chroniclers in fact bred misunderstanding, which subsequently contributed to

fallacious and denigrating representations of New World natives. As visual cues,

corporeal alterations seemed to add further support to presumed savagery, technological

failings, cultural inferiority, and Godless-ness. For missionaries in their quest to civilize

and convert native peoples, the continuing presence of indelible body modifications

justified their noble enterprise, and subsequent abolition of these marks highlighted their

success.

Perception and Perpetuation in Contemporary Considerations

Unfortunately, almost four centuries later negative perceptions and responses

persist, further obscuring the complex meanings conveyed by the puncturing of skin, the

reshaping of cranial bones, the modifying of dentition. Reaction to the recent resurgence

of indelible body modifications within contemporary Western society provides ample

evidence of such attitudes. However, from my bioarchaeological standpoint, it is

problematic that the considerable time depth of these practices is rarely addressed in

discussion. While my study is concerned with bioarchaeologists perception of body

modifications, I do briefly survey other disciplines views about alteration of the body.

Variations on a continuing theme are revealed. For example, members of the counter-

culture group modern primitives reference both the styles and techniques of non-

Western body modifiers (past and present) in their own alterations. Popular, medical, and
330
scholarly sources often characterize modern primitives extreme modifications as

disfiguring and symptomatic of latent psychological disorders; counseling is

recommended (e.g., Favazza 1996; Koenig and Carnes 1999; Milner and Eichold 2001;

Stuppy et al. 1998).

Armando Favazzas (1996) recent work Bodies under Siege serves as a telling

(and disturbing) instance of the continuing misrepresentation of body modifiers who

emulate non-Western modifications. His book, now in its second-edition, has been well

received by the majority of his colleagues and reviewers46. In this text, Favazza

appropriates anthropological case studies to buttress his medical interpretations about

self-mutilation. He (1996:xviii-xix) defines self-mutilation as the deliberate destruction

or alteration of ones body tissue without conscious suicidal intent. To better grasp the

phenomenon in contemporary Western societies, Favazza references numerous cases in

which self-mutilation is central to ritual practices; these examples are situated at widely

disparate points in time and space.

While I do not doubt the reality of self-mutilation as a significant psychiatric

concern, there are several things about Favazzas text with which I am uncomfortable.

First, his reference to cross-cultural examples of self-mutilation disturbingly suggests

an obvious and easy connection between self-mutilation on account of mental imbalance

and cultural practices linked with cosmological, mythical, and religious constructs. There

is little correspondence between his initial theoretical discussion of deviant and culturally

46
In his self-congratulatory preface, Favazza states that his work has piqued the interest of both the medical
community and the larger lay public. According to him, positive reviews from professional psychiatric
journals were numerous. The one critical assessment of this work, which Favazza dismissed, came from
anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes.
331
sanctioned types of self-mutilation and the empirical evidence for sacred rituals and self-

destructive acts he later cites. Second, complex ideological structures and social

interactions which serve to normalize and justify such intense phenomena as the cutting

of flesh or reshaping of skeletal elements and musculature are all but neglected. As a

result, all corporeal alterations are homogenized. Following in this vein, synchronic and

diachronic changes in meaning are all but ignored. Closer consideration of the cultural

and historical settings in which these varied practices occur emphasizes that rarely

(though occasionally) are they voluntary, individually motivated, or worthy of an

association with mutilation. Finally, mutilation serves as standard terminology, and no

thought is given to the ethnocentricity and loadedness of such language usage.

Unfortunately, Favazzas text is not an isolated literary representation of body

modifications (e.g., P. Gerszten and E. Gerszten 1995; Sawyer and Allison 1992). Many

medical professionals perceive indelible body alterations, such as tattoos and pierces, as

self-mutilation indicative of mental instability. One study has even shown that the overall

health care of afflicted i.e., altered patients is negatively affected (Stuppy et al.

1998). Regarding his own experiences as a body modifier and hospital patient, Henry

Ferguson (1999:1628) verifies this inequity in medical attention,

At a party several years later, a nurse who had been told I was
editor of Body Art magazine described an incident when he had
been working in accident and emergency. Several of the staff had
wanted to leave a badly injured patient to die on a trolley in the
corridor because they were sure that as he was pierced and a
motorcyclist he must be a gay sadomasochist and therefore likely
to have AIDS. It was only the intervention of the surgeon that
saved the patient's lifeIt was mine.

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In reference linking permanent alterations and diseases (HIV, Hepatitis B or C), gang

membership, and sado-masochism is pervasive. As Mary Douglas (1966) stressed,

boundary disruption is polluting, and subsequent social theorists have commented upon

the negative, homosexual, and/erotic qualities assigned to individuals or groups who

intentionally dissolve the boundaries between the bodys exterior and interior spaces

(Butler 1990:132; Grosz 1994:138-140).

As Bulwer espoused so vocally more than 350 years ago, the body is still

conceived as a space whose boundaries should not be dissolved. Despite proclamation by

modern primitives that their alterations are designed to recreate the ideal, natural,

beautiful, and primal body (Musafars epilogue in Favazza 1996; Rosenblatt 1997),

critics still assert that corporeal modification undermines the bodys unity. Corporeal

alterations remain visually discordant and unsettling to mainstream communities. The

subtext of contemporary, disparaging responses mirrors Enlightenment attitudes

mentioned earlier corporeal modification undermines the bodys integrity, giving rise to

psychological imbalance and anti-social behavior.

Putting aside the suggestion of mental illness, counter-cultural reinterpretations of

body modifications by modern primitives are not without interpretive problems. First,

conflation of these practices into a single corpus of bodily transformations fails to

recognize oft-subtle historical shifts in artistry and meaning, an aforementioned criticism

of Favazzas work as well. Second, many modern primitives assert that body

modifications are personal, thereby reinforcing creation and control of ones self-identity.

However, Orlan, who uses extreme body modifications as a key component of her

performance art, recognizes indeed that the opposite is true.

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 Its quite obvious that the majority of people who are into those
things are liberating themselves from the dictates of a certain
society, but in fact it all boils down to the same thing because they
are conforming to the dictates of a smaller, mini-society. (Orlan in
Ayers 2000:182)

In fact, the increasing trendiness of body modifications, such as multiple piercings and

tattoos, in Western society has demystified these corporeal alterations to a certain extent.

In turn, these practices have in fact become more accessible and accepted by mainstream

communities. Moreover, a certain degree of shock value provides an intrinsic motivator

for modifications, as Orlan also recognizes and uses to her benefit. Extraordinary,

seditious, and individualized performances downplay the fact that such practices and

permanent marks may be quite prosaic and accepted when situated in their original

cultural contexts. Finally, in their glossing of all native peoples as primitive and

immutable (Rosenblatt 1997:322), practitioners neglect or misconstrue the specific

cultural meanings that underlie corporeal alterations.

As a counterpoint to modern primitives, I now reflect upon practitioners of

plastic surgery. Interestingly enough, Western society does not regard plastic surgeries,

generally intrusive and bloody acts of corporeal transformation, with similar derision.

The linguistic usage of deformation, hazard, deviance, and mutilation, is not part

of that domain. Instead, cosmetic surgeries are conceived of as acts of beautification,

designed to produce bodies which appear seemingly natural, or unmarked by culture. In

these instances, the corporeal ends are socially acceptable ones, regulated by an aesthetic

ideology. However, in indelibly modifying the body to approximate a cultural, or

counter-cultural ideal, how different are practitioners of cosmetic surgeries and modern

primitives? Many would argue that while the means of modification are similar, the ends
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are not (cf. Huss-Ashmore 2000). I, however, assert that the ends are more similar than

most might feel comfortable admitting.

Though not without their analogical problems, these very Western and modern

examples of modern primitives and plastic surgery proponents underscore several

significant dimensions of corporeal inscription. Dimensions of modified bodies that I

wish to highlight, regardless of whose bodies they are, are the following: 1.) their

connection to identity (re)constitution, or the process of becoming; and 2.) the

experience derived in irreversible transformation, especially pain. A third attribute of

intentionally altered bodies is the permanence and visibility of their modifications. This

will not be treated in any great detail, but is implicit in and essential to a discussion of

corporeal alterations. All of these traits are interrelated, and may further enlighten

interpretations about case studies distanced in space and time, such as the pre-Columbian

Maya.

Theories about Bodies and Their Modification

Poet and critic, Susan Stewart (1993:104) has eloquently remarked,

The body presents the paradox of contained and container at once.

Thus our attention is continually focused upon the boundaries or
limits of the body; known from an exterior, the limits of the body
as object; known from an interior, the limits of its physical
extension into space.

In other words, the body is composed of, or partitioned into, two distinct spaces, an

exterior space and an interior one. In his phenomenological approach to embodiment,

Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1962) underscores the interconnectedness of the bodys exterior

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and interior spaces by introducing the salience of the body image, or body schema. As

first mentioned in Chapter 5, body image represents a concept that intervenes between the

body and mind, or physiological and psychological processes respectively. Hence,

concentrating upon embodiment, or perceptual experience and mode of presence and

engagement in the world (Csordas 1994:12), presents a useful theoretical mechanism for

bridging (or even collapsing) Cartesian dichotomies, like body/mind (or soul) and

object/subject. In fact, much of Merleau-Pontys project (1962, 1964; see also Csordas

1990, 1994) is concerned with a study of the body as both an object and an individual,

sentient subject. An individuals body, through lived experiences and the meanings

attached to those experiences, becomes both object to ones audience and subject to ones

self. As a result, Merleau-Ponty argues that individuals are at all times perceived and

perceivers. Nonetheless, feminist critics have pointed out that Merleau-Pontys work does

not problematize the ways in which sexuality and sexual difference contour experiences

(e.g. Grosz 1994); the same can be said for race, ethnicity, and age. Individuals

perceptions and experiences of the world are perspectival, in that different variables come

together to constitute identities.

Of added importance, a project that calls attention to individuals embodied

experiences does not limit bodies as fixed, static, and passive entities. The material

resilience of the body, especially within an archaeological context, should not be

construed as evidence of immutability. Current investigations about modern bodies as

process stress interpretive, ontological, and aesthetic conversions (e.g., Butler 1993,

1999[1990]; Comaroff 1985; Csordas, ed. 1994; Laqueur 1990; Lock 1993; Longhurst

2000; Rosenblatt 1997). Society inscribes itself on the body, but to a certain degree,
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individuals direct, experience, and creatively resist that inscription. Bioarchaeologists are

especially attuned to the body in flux given that their data sets include diagnostics of

culturally induced and biological transformations.

Changing bodies through the alteration of flesh, as in the case of body

modification in life or processing after death, entails physical dissolution and/or

consequent suspension of its function as a detectable boundary between the bodys

exterior and interior spaces. In dissolving that boundary via intentional corporeal

modification, two consequences may result: 1). individuals align their image of self with

a social identity that is publicly acceptable; and/or 2.) individuals reference their

internalized body image to realize a sense of self which is independent of accepted social

standards (Grosz 1994:86; Merleau-Ponty 1962). While both outcomes can be construed

as self-identity constitution, only the first is a reflection of social identity constitution.

Goodenoughs consideration of identity constitution is especially salient to this chapters

discussion of social and self-identity (Chapters 1 and 5). Linking the often-

insurmountable expanse between the individual and society, identity constitution

encompasses both individual experience and societys reaction to and/or manipulation of

the individual. In that twofold capacity, intentional corporeal alterations also conjure the

category of body image that intervenes between the body/mind duality (Chapter 5). Thus,

I would argue that through its transformation, the body serves as a nexus for identity

construction and reconstruction. Through a continuing process of change, the body is a

work in progress.

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 The Process of Becoming: Bodies and Identity Constitution

According to Douglas Davies (2002:13), and as noted in Chapter 1, the definition

of identity includes the beliefs and values people hold, as well as the awareness they

have of their own bodies and sensations. Hence, for the living, identity has an intrinsic

dimension that relates to ones physical material body, which I gloss as corporeality. As

noted in Chapter 5, when considering identity constitution in association with death, the

body is central; appropriately costumed mourners interact with and experience

decomposing bodies. When living bodies are altered, the focus of this chapter, sensory

experience can occur internally and be more personally felt, as well. Consideration of

identity and its constitution brings to the fore several questions about the nature of

individual disposition and group membership, and how these can change over the course

of ones lifetime, as Goodenough emphasized (Chapter 5). Whether triggered by acts of

social compliance or individual defiance, I define these changes as the process of

becoming. Scholars like Hertz and van Gennep provided subsequent anthropologists with

the theoretical toolkit for isolating and elaborating upon ritual activities that facilitate

identity changes (Chapter 5). Theories concerned with practice and performance can

further inform our understanding of the connection between the body and the process of

becoming.

Practice Makes Person

Central to Pierre Bourdieus practice theory is the concept of habitus.

Notwithstanding Bourdieus contemplations, it was Marcel Mauss (1979[1950]:101) in

his much earlier piece on body techniques who first identified and grappled with the
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concept of habitus, albeit it in a cursory fashion. In Mauss estimation, habitus designated

a societys corporeal habits. Individual style is not evident, as the use of ones body is

patterned by cultural norms. Rather, body techniques, the ways in which from society to

society men know how to use their bodies (ibid:97), represent a tool for socialization;

children learn by imitation of adults performances. This social instruction involves

sequential body positions, as well as the proper ways in which bodies experience and

respond to their senses when to speak, what not to touch, what sights, sounds, smells, or

tastes are pleasing or offensive.

As Bourdieu (1995[1977]:124) reworked the concept, habitus is a sense of the

world

sense of necessity and the sense of duty, the sense of correction

and the sense of reality, the sense of balance and the sense of
beauty, common sense and the sense of the sacred, tactical sense
and the sense of responsibility, business sense and the sense of
propriety, the sense of humor and the sense of absurdity, moral
sense and the sense of practicality, and so on

that is learned unconsciously through the observation and conduct of mundane

activities. In Bourdieus estimation, habitus resides at the core of individuals shaping of

society and the ways in which they are shaped by society. Shaping in both cases occurs

via body hexis, an embodied version of habitus. Body hexis comprises the unconscious

and enduring practice of everyday physical gestures, facial reactions, and bodily

movements. In other words, experience and reaction to everyday life is realized through

and reflected on the body. Reminiscent of Mauss construal, children read adults

actions (and reactions) as an instruction manual for their own proper body behavior,

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taking into account specific categories of gender, age, and especially class47 (see also de

Certeau [1984:140] for like-minded discussions of practice). The book from which the

children learn their vision of the world is read with the body (Bourdieu 1995[1977]:90).

Body practices are not only lasting, automatic, and inescapable, but also reproduce and

maintain social structures. It is through practice that individuals become viable members

of society, or persons. However, Bourdieu regards corporeal experience of the bodys

symbolic manipulation in physical spaces, rather than the body as an actual space to be

physically manipulated and henceforth indelibly encoded with rich symbolic meanings.

As far as Bourdieus conceptions of habitus and hexis are concerned, there is little

contemplation of the body as it is simultaneously socially constructed, indelibly marked,

physically experienced, and publicly received.

Performance Theory: All the Worlds a Stage

Performance studies pick up and further develop many of the ideas originally

fomented in practice theory. However, Rosalind Morris (1995:571) has observed that

much performance theory has entered anthropology surreptitiously, through the back

door of ritual studies, specifically those of life-cycle rites. As it is relevant for this

project, I delineate the intellectual trajectory in order to locate the point at which the body

enters into the discussion. I begin with Victor Turners representation of rituals as social

dramas. The intersection between theatre and ritual long endured as a point of interest for

Turner. His early consideration of ritual process, as exemplified by life-crises rites

47
Bourdieu distinguishes between bodies and their appearances along class lines. It follows that the body
is the most indisputable materialization of class taste, which it manifests in several waysthe
dimensionsand shapes [etc.] (Bourdieu 1984:190).
340
liminal, transitional stage, presented the entry for later musings explicitly focused on

performance (Chapter 5). Performances entail either permanent or temporary

transformation of being and/or consciousness (Schechner and Appel 1990:4). As

posthumous voices for Turner, Schechner and Appel (ibid:3-5) identify this dimension as

one of six universals of performance; the other five follow from it: intensity of

performance; audience-performer interactions; the whole performance sequence

(i.e., training, rehearsal, warm-up, performance, cool-down, aftermath); transmission of

performance knowledge; and evaluation of performance.

According to Turner, several features characterize performances. First, discussed

in Chapter 5, rites of passage as performative processes of becoming usually represent a

facet of human experience that is special and out of the ordinary; the transitional, liminal

stage necessitates distinction between secular and sacred. For Turner (1986:76, emphasis

in original), the dramaturgical phase begins when crises arise in the daily flow of social

interaction. Second, groups or individual actors may use performances to effect cultural

change. And third, Turner (1986:24) notes explicitly how these first and second

dimensions are brought together:

Since the relationship between quotidian or workday social

processand cultural performance is dialectical and reflexive, the
pervasive quality of the latter rests on the principle that mainstream
society generates it opposite; that we are, in fact, concerned in
cultural performances with a topsy-turvy, inverted, to some extent
sacred (in the sense of set apart, hedged around with taboo and
mystery) domain of human action.

As it follows from the specialness of performances, associated rituals generally occurs

within a designated, constrained time frame.

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 Erving Goffmans earlier approach to performance, best articulated in The

Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, complicates Turners consideration. Indeed, Turner

recognized the contrasts, but did not allow for the complications; Goffman seem[s] to

mean by ritual a standardized unit act, which may be secular as well as sacred, while I

[Turner] mean the performance of a complex sequence of symbolic acts (Turner

1986:75). In Goffmans take on performances, all social interactions represent potential

performances; these can include both routine and ritual occurrences.

Performers may not be aware that they are performing, or what is specifically

being framed in their performance. All the world is not, of course, a stage, but the

crucial ways in which it isnt are not easy to specify (Goffman 1959:72). Or, when

performers are expressly aware of their performances, they modify their behavior to fit

specific circumstances and social interactions. Goffman (ibid:49) writes, By audience

segregation, the individual ensures that those before whom he plays one of his parts will

not be the same individuals before whom he plays a different part in another setting.

Audience segregation coupled with Goffmans notion of performance team, any set of

individuals who co-operate in staging a single routine (ibid:79), highlight the relational

nature of social interactions. The concepts hearken back to Goodenoughs

characterization of social identity as relational inasmuch as social interactions necessitate

proper responses by those participating in them (Chapter 5). Similar to Goodenough,

Goffman (ibid:59) also concedes that individuals may consciously use performances to

misrepresent themselves either through outright deceit or impersonation; however, at

any moment in their performance an event may occur to catch them out and baldly

contradict what they have openly avowed, bringing them immediate humiliation and
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sometimes permanent loss of reputation. Misrepresentation often stems from the

performers desire to maintain or present an idealized impression of himself or herself to

the audience. Finally, performances have distinct spatial dimension to them. Certain

performative behaviors are deemed appropriate or inappropriate in distinct settings.

Raucous behavior, for instance, would generally be frowned down upon in the spatial

context of sacred environs, such as churches or synagogues. Goffman also notes that a

performers backstage behavior contrasts with his or her on-stage, or front region

(ibid:107), activities and attitudes.

The notion of change is not lost on Goffman, as performers use their

performances to expedite social mobility or mediate crisis situations. When a change in

an individuals social position does occur, he or she must learn the new part. Phrased in

the language of the theatre, Goffman (ibid:73) writes, Ordinarily he will be given only a

few cues, hints, and stage directions, and it will be assumed that he already has in his

repertoire a large number of bits and pieces of performances that will be required in the

new setting. Thus, the socialization process is composed of learning, as well as a certain

degree of educated improvisation on the part of the performer. Furthermore, it seems that

Bourdieus later conception of hexis, or body practice, drew upon Goffmans

consideration of performances in the sense that correct social behaviors are observed,

imitated, and embodied.

Recent discussions have taken a cue from Goffman and expanded performance to

include the mundane and habitual body practices of daily life.

The concept of performance makes a connection between daily

self-presentation and more elaborately designed ceremonies,
festivals, and rituals. Performance encompasses the accouterments,
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 gestures, and words through which people express their relation to
a particular social moment. These expressions might be relatively
intuitive or strategic, conventional or improvisational, but they are
so grounded in shared meanings that they convey as much about
the social orders as they do about singular selvesPerformance is
a reliable measure of who one actually is. (Crane 2002:176)

As such, performances make use of visual, palpable, and/or aural cues to overtly

communicate information about individuals. Performances in secular and sacred settings

showcase the material presentation of self. Thus, an individual may strive for a sense of

belonging via imitation, or may deploy this means of identity constitution to actively and

creatively counter social norms.

In building upon earlier scholars contributions to performance models, Judith

Butler consideration of performances accounts for the formation and contestation

identities, primarily those associated with sex and gender. Her selection of terms is

confusing, but nonetheless nuanced. She explains,

It is important to distinguish performance from performativity: the

former presumes a subject, but the latter contests the very notion of
the subject. . . . What I'm trying to do is think about performativity
as that aspect of discourse that has the capacity to produce what it
names. (Butler in Osborne and Segal 1996:35)

In other words, performances involve individual performers; the performance is

constrained within the limits of their actions. Performativity, on the other hand, extends

beyond the individual; the larger social structure is implicated in the processes through

which identities are produced and perpetuated. Furthermore, performativity is not a

singular act, but a repetition and a ritual, which achieves its effects through its

naturalization in the context of the body (Butler 1999[1990]:xv). Hence, her accent is on

repetition, or resignification in her own words (Butler in Osborne and Segal 1996:35).

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And, here in Butlers consideration of the mundane enactment and embodiment of

postures, gestures, dress, language and so on, Gilchrist (1999:82) identifies shades of

Bourdieus conception of habitus. However, this perspective also elucidates more

broadly how one becomes different through performativity. Consequently, it is not

unreasonable to extend this model to encompass identitys construction in relation to

ethnicity, class, age, specialization, geographical situation, and other dimensions.

To do so, I highlight one important element of her argument that performances

center corporeal signs. These signs in conjunction with regulating structures, political,

social, religious, or ideological in nature, produce and preserve individuals identities

(Butler 1999[1990]):173). With this in mind, Morris (1995) has underscored the

intellectual debt that Butler owes to Michel Foucault.

Of considerable concern to Foucault (1990[1978]) is how systems of power and

performances within those systems historically fashion bodies. Foucaults vision presents

a social body that over time becomes strictly controlled and subjugated (Chapter 1). De

Certeau (1984) echoes this notion, citing corporeal inscriptions as mechanisms through

which social, juridical, political, and ideological control are exercised. Grosz (1994:137)

defines corporeal inscription as both a metaphoric description of processes that occur

largely psychologically and as actual inscription of the body through which this

psychological transformation is realized materially. For example, the irreversible and

painful practice of tattooing offers an example of how systems of power can

psychologically and physically inscribe individuals bodies, consequently fashioning

them into a social body. A powerful literary instance of these aspects of corporeal

inscription is Franz Kafkas (1996[1919]) short story, In the Penal Colony. In the tale,
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the offender is repeatedly tattooed in different areas of his body with words describing

the law that he failed to obey; the painful act is intended to bring about the criminals

repentance, which is shortly followed by his death. In a less literary and more

philosophical sense, De Certeau (1984:141) argues that to tattoo a law breaker make[s]

him demonstrate the rule, to produce a copy that makes the norm legible. In this sense,

laws are indelibly marked on the body as a memory of social misconduct for perpetrator

and viewer alike. Ethnohistoric accounts concerned with Maya tattooing relate a similar

narrative. Elaborating upon Landas observations, Tozzer (1941:91, fn. 394) writes, A

thief from the highest class is punished by having his face tattooed on both sides from

the beard to the forehead. However, the institution of marriage also falls under the

jurisdiction of tattooing; Landa tells us that the young men do not tattoo except to a

slight degree until marriage (Tozzer 1941:91, fn. 394). In this instance, permanent

marks indicate a stage in ones social life, which like the breaking of the law is governed

by formalized juridical sanctions or, in some cultures, moral conduct.

While the above meanings and motivations for tattooing are indeed plausible,

such an emphasis on social control is not without problems. As I mentioned in Chapter 1,

Meskell (1998c:141) has identified the inherent problems in citing Foucauldian notions

of control, where power relations are mapped on the body as a surface which can be

analysed as a forum for display. In her conception, individual bodies do not simply

represent artifacts controlled by larger social bodies, but also individual agents.

Inscription of the bodys exterior surface provides a space for individuals to channel a

sense of self, or an internalized body image, that is distinct from societys perceptions of

the individual.
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 To expand upon Foucauldian social construction through body control, Butler

regards the subversive and non-normative qualities of corporeal signs. That is,

individuals can contest the status quo via identity construction. For instance, she looks to

contemporary Western societys normative characterization of sexual identity as

heterosexual. In drag performances, distinguished by queerness and transposition of the

heterosexual normativity, actors can resist and reconstitute mainstream understandings of

sexual identities. However, Butler (1999[1990]:125) also asserts, I want to underscore

that there is no necessary relation between drag and subversion, and that drag may well

be used in the service of both denaturalization and reidealization of hyperbolic

heterosexual gender norms.

Yet, it is on this point of individual agency that Butler has garnered criticism,

namely for the ambivalence with which she approaches the concept (Nussbaum 1999;

Walker 2003). Specifically, Walker (2003:166) has argued that a shortcoming of Butlers

performance model is her insistence that knowledge of the real is always mediated

through the symbolic[which] denies the possibility that there are other ways of

knowing reality, such as affectively and experientially. To circumvent such limitations,

Walker (2003:168, emphasis in original) suggests identifying ways that subject positions

are lived in the body. While Butler attributes intellectual inspiration to

phenomenological models (e.g., Merleau-Ponty 1962, 1964), which treat lived

experience, Walker argues that attention there is in fact debatable since Butler centers

symbols and discourse and not actual, physical experiences or materiality. Performance

models, such as the one promoted by Butler, would benefit from the integration of a more

robust engagement with phenomenological models of embodiment. In these approaches,

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which I discuss more fully in this chapters next section, attention turns to perception and

reception of an individuals experience with the world via his or her body and senses. To

illuminate her ancient Egyptian case study, Meskell (1999:37) has artfully interwoven the

varied strands of models that strive to understand practice, performance, and

embodiment.

First, there is the materiality of the body: the way we eat, sleep,
bleed, menstruate, feel pain and so onSecondly, there are the
elements of construction, the social setting and constitution of the
body, depending largely on cultural contextFor some the body is
not skin-bound but may connect to other bodies, ancestors, spirits
and so onThirdly, there are the operations of sex and/or gender
upon the body plus all the other identity markers of sexuality, age,
race, ethnicity, disability et ceteraAnd, lastly, there is the
individual dimension: what is uniquely our experience of living in
and through our own specific bodies.

The study of intentional corporeal alteration, such as irreversible and painful body

modifications, has much to benefit from drawing on integration of these models, as I

explore with the pre-Columbian Maya example in Chapter 8.

In synthesizing the literature that examines performance of identity, specifically

of sexuality, Morris (1995:575) spotlights the recurring references to writing on the body

in both a literal and figurative sense:

The processes by which different sexes are written on bodies has

become the subject of proliferating discussion in anthropology.
Unfortunately, the emerging concern with performativity often
depends on a suspicious literalization of the rhetoric of inscription.
This is especially true when ethnographers address issues of bodily
reform such as circumcision, scarification, and infibulation
Although there is an obvious analogy between carved flesh and
discursively constructed bodies, the overliteralization of this theory
may actually obscure more than it reveals. If bodies are inscribed
in ways that both imbue them with meaning and mobilize them
into particular sensuousness, physical demarcations may be as

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 much a recognition of the bodys perceived resistance to symbolic
refiguration as its receptivity to inscription.

This is to say that Morris considers these acts of permanent corporeal inscription relevant

to ritual processes of identity construction. However, she cautiously reminds investigators

to regard ritual enactments, either sacred or secular, not as origin points for identity

formations but intricately tied to reiterative discourse and practice. One cannot merely

look at inscriptions in isolation, but one must also consider the complex ideological

systems and social structures in which these markers arise, are reproduced, inscribed,

experienced, and received by individual and social bodies. These marks are indeed

charged with meaning.

For the archaeologist, that which is replicated in any material manner can leave a

recoverable mark. Props or delimited architectural spaces represent just such

archaeological remnants of repetitive acts. In conjunction with these material remains,

human remains the durable (i.e., bone and teeth) and the more perishable (i.e., hair or

costumes) also provide a solid grounding for treating this constructive reiteration tied to

identify formation. Therefore, it is significant to stress that identity constitution, via ritual

and mundane practices, is signaled by materiality. This seems the case for pre-Columbian

Maya peoples, and I argue that identity constitution possessed a distinct corporeality, as

several relevant examples detailed in the next chapter highlight (Chapter 8).

Hence, indelible and visible body modifications present an instance of

performative practices, be they immediate or more gradual through repetition. For this

reason, body modifications serve as signs of identify formation. Resulting both from

single, ritualized events and repeated, prosaic activities, these physical markers provide

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permanent display, reminder, and source for re-interpretation to inscribed individual and

interactive audience on a daily basis. They cross the fine line between the extraordinary

and the ordinary. Societys molding of bodies, in both special and quotidian affairs,

generates unified group identity, fortifies aesthetic norms, and hints at the bodys

changing, symbolic role. However, alteration of bodies also hints, albeit faintly for the

archaeologist, at individuals construction of self and embodied experiences.

Embodiment: Changing and Experiencing Bodies

As indicated above, intentional and permanent body modifications supply a

tantalizing glimpse at that which is decidedly more difficult to reconstruct

archaeologically, embodied experience. While many archaeologists have remained

reticent on the subject, an increasing number of scholars have offered relevant and

innovative studies that examine diverse cultural cases (e.g., Gilchrist 1999; Houston and

Taube 2000; Joyce 1998, 2000; Kus 1992; Meskell 1999). In foregrounding the embodied

experience of corporeal transformation, as evidenced by human and material remains,

this project anticipates expanding understandings further.

Bodies and Sensory Experience

A phenomenological anatomy cannot then be thought of as fixed

over time, or even confined by the physical boundaries of the flesh.
It must take account of the body as a living process (Leder
1990:30).

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 A project designed to elicit the complexities of individuals embodied experience is

incomplete without a discussion of the senses. Merleau-Ponty identifies the senses as

mediators between ones world and ones body. He (1962:211) writes,

The subject of sensation is neither a thinker who takes note of a

quality, nor an inert setting which is affected or changed by it, it is
a power which is born into, and simultaneously with, a certain
existential environment, or is synchronized with it.

More simply stated, individuals know themselves, others, and their surroundings through

the senses.

However, as Merleau-Ponty draws primarily on Western psychological and

philosophical models, his contemplation of the senses is not without problems. With a

brief nod to the other four senses, Merleau-Ponty elevates vision as the primary tool for

knowing and navigating the world. This notion suggests that individuals with impaired

ocular abilities are at a significant disadvantage. However, at least one recent

neuropsychological study by Lessard and his colleagues (1998) finds empirical evidence

to the contrary. The authors (ibid:278) begin with the simple question, Do blind persons

develop capacities of their remaining senses that exceed those of sighted individuals?

After testing four groups (individuals possessing blindness, residual vision, sight with

blindfolds, and sight as controls), they concluded that the blind are not spatially impaired

as a result of their inability to see. Rather, auditory mapping of space exceeds that of

people with sight or residual vision (see also Rder et al. 1999). Their conclusions suggest

that Western society perhaps overemphasizes vision at the expense of taste, touch, smell,

and sound. Or, at the very least, we should not assume that vision primarily shapes

perception of the world without considering other varied cultural cases.

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 In conducting an anthropology of the senses, investigators examine how the senses,

aside from or in addition to vision, contour experiences, perceptions, and expressions

in unique cultural case studies. As David Howes (1991a:3) makes explicit in the

introduction to the edited volume, The Varieties of Sensory Experience:

The most basic tenet of thisfield of study is that it is only by

developing a rigorous awareness of the visual and textual biases of
the Western episteme that we can hope to make sense of how life
is lived in other cultural settings.

To examine, sensory experiences in distinct cultural settings, investigators can highlight a

number of cultural practices. For example, cultures may adorn varied body parts to

accentuate certain senses. Seeger (1975) notes that lips of the Suya (Brazil) are pierced to

stress the cultural importance of oration. Cultures may also have a number of senses other

than Western societys five (Howes and Classen 1991:257-258). In the case of the Hausa

of Nigeria, this group recognizes only two senses; the word gani means to see and ji

designates the four other non-visual senses (Ritchie 1991). On the other hand, as is

evident from this configuration, vision is privileged in this case, just as Merleau-Ponty

proposed. In other cultures, people may conjoin multiple senses in different ways in order

to comprehend their world, similar to Walter Ongs sensorium48.

Experience of and meanings attached to colors provide an excellent example of

the way sensory perception and response is culturally constructed. Merleau-Ponty

(1962:211) contends that seeing particular colors produces psychological responses

48
In his definition of the sensorium, Ong (1991:28[1967]) writes, By the sensorium we mean here the
entire sensory apparatus as an operational complex. The differences in cultures which we have just
suggested can be thought of as differences in the sensorium, the organization of which is in part determined
by culture while at the same time it makes culture. Merleau-Ponty was not ignorant of this notion of the
sensorium. In fact, he touches on in his own writings. Though he does not cite the exact publication,
Merleau-Ponty (1962:235) attributes the initial use of this term to Johann Gottfried Herder (b. 1744; d.
1803); the full phrase for this unity of the senses in all things experiential is sensorium commune.
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which are involuntary, universal, and primal; green, for instance, generates soothing

behavior, while yellow elicits agitation. However, examples from other cultures

demonstrate how different and more nuanced sensory perception of color can be. Take

the color red, of symbolic significance in many cultural cases, for instance. In his work

on Ndembu (Zambia) society, Turner (1967:60-91) not only recognizes the many hues

contained under the umbrella of red (orange and yellow, for instance), but also the colors

symbolic complexities and contradictions. Red simultaneously signifies masculinity,

femininity, life, and blood (produced from menstruation, circumcision, parturition,

murder, and witchcraft/sorcery). For the pre-Columbian Maya, red is similarly linked

with blood (Chapter 6). However, the sacrificial letting of blood in Maya society ensured

the proper and continuous functioning of ritual life and communication with ancestors.

Aside from blood, red was accorded a place of esteem in cosmological configurations of

the Middleworld, or human sphere. Represented by the color red, the east was the place

of the rising sun, and hence, the principal direction (Schele and Miller 1986:42). As these

cases reveal, the color red takes on various meanings in different cultural settings.

Moreover, they also demonstrate how the experience of red need not be confined to

vision, but can be a symbol for the ritually charged act of cutting flesh.

Indeed, ethnographies offer an investigative starting point for discussion of how

sensual experiences are different and/or similar in other cultural cases. However, the

challenge remains for archaeologists when considering sensory experience in past

cultures. Several archaeologists have reconstructed the sights, sounds, smells, tastes, and

sensations of the past innovatively by presenting material evidence that speaks to sensory

experiences (e.g., Kus 1992, 1997; Meskell 1996; Tringham 1994; Vasey 1998). For
353
instance, how do we hear temporally distant threads of music in spite of the silencing

centuries? This question was first posed in Chapter 5s discussion of mourning and

mortuary rituals. As previously noted, remnants of musical instruments offer one

recoverable dimension of sound and performance. In her pre-Columbian west Mexican

case study, Dorothy Hosler (1995) evokes the jingles and flashes of metal bells. Selection

of specific metal alloys for casting produced visually and aurally pleasing bells for

wearers, viewers, and listeners. Within the context of ceremonies, the ritual users of bells

validated their noble authority, recreated the cosmos, and narrated myths.

Identification of indelible body modifications offers a window into for past

sensual experiences. However, investigators should not consider visual reception and

appearance of modifications explicitly, to the neglect of tactile dimensions. I recognize

that Merleau-Ponty was wary of reconstructing tactile dimensions. He (1962:224)

concludes that the tactile field has never the fullness of the visual, that the tactile object

is never wholly present in each of its parts as is the case with the visual object, and in

short that touching is not seeing. However, such a statement seems somewhat

contradictory, as Merleau-Pontys emphasis on vision distinguishes the body as an object

for translation, a notion that he was invested in moving beyond. Moreover, as I

mentioned earlier, emphasis on the visual aspects of corporeal inscriptions tends to

narrowly represents the body as a surface for subjugation and control (Meskell

1998c:141). Grosz (1994:98) has recognized that despite the difficulties, examination of

touch is important and informative:

Touch may well prove to the most difficult and complex of all the
senses to analyze because it is composed of so many interacting
dimensions of sensitivity, involving a number of different
354
 functions (touch, pressure, texture, frequency, pain, and heat). In
other words, touch, like seeing and hearing, is overlaid and
constituted through transcriptions, retracings, modes of
dimensionality that involve a kind of cultural writing which both
(provisionally) separates the sense and entails the possibility of
their realignments and retranscriptions into other terms.

Suffice it to say, perception and experience do not necessarily or strictly occur through

sight linear readings and visual inspections. Rather, participants and audience members

use several of their senses during moments of inscription and subsequent decipherment.

Translation of living and dead bodies modification occurs through touching raised

scarification patterns, hearing the piercing of skin and breaking of bone, smelling the

release of effluvia, and sometimes even tasting for the anthropophagically inclined.

For most permanent body modifications, the tactile experience of pain is

particularly immediate. Consideration of the sensual experience of painful body

modifications allows investigators to move beyond objectification of bodies and enter

into a discussion about embodied subjectivity.

Bodies in Pain

In their production, most permanent body modifications are felt, and are in fact

quite painful. Cranial modification remains an exception as this practice is initiated

immediately after an individuals birth. No pain results from head shaping as the bones

are neither fully formed nor fully fused at such a young age. Rather, the process involves

repeatedly binding the skull between boards or with cloth strips over the course of weeks

and months (Blackwood and Danby 1955). Alternatively, to pierce ears, lips, noses, and

cheeks skin must be perforated with a needle or sharp object, and tattooing entails the

355
repeated puncturing of skin. Scarification involves the fleshs purposeful cutting, and

branding involves its burning. These usually are performed in a single sitting. During

dental modification protective enamel is removed via filing incisal edges, engraving

labial surfaces, or drilling, and in the case of dental inlaying, inserts are placed into ultra-

sensitive root chambers. The body becomes a site for carving, piercing, incising,

molding, and puncturing; the boundary of flesh is broken down temporarily.

The experience of pain, especially as a result of intentional body modifications

raises some intriguing questions about its cultural construction and neurological

transmission: Can we talk about physiological unity? Is pain primal? Or, are encounters

with pain strictly mediated by culture and history? I would argue that certain occurrences

produce pain regardless of an individuals cultural and historical contexts childbirth,

torture, circumcision, and dental modification (i.e. ablation, filing, drilling). Pain can be

channeled positively, such as in the case of yogis, but such negotiation occurs only after

years of discipline, training, and practice. As Bryan Turner (1984:38-39) states, The

body is simultaneously an environment (part of nature) and a medium of the self (part of

culture). In other words, there exist universal physiological needs and responses, though

ascribed symbols are often contingent upon culture and history.

To stress this point, I cite Douglas Zatzick and Joel Dimsdales (1990) review of

psychiatric works that quantified pain stimulus and response through controlled

experiments. Their study took into account response to pain in light of sociocultural and

demographic factors. They (1990:554) concluded, There is no evidence suggesting that

the neurophysiologic detection of pain (i.e. pain threshold) varies across cultural

boundaries. On the other hand, pain tolerance reflects the behavioral aspects of pain that
356
are profoundly influenced by culture.49 In the Absent Body, Drew Leder (1990) has

articulated eloquently that humans are most aware of their bodies when they are not

functioning properly; bodies are perceptually absent in their normal functioning. Pain, or

general corporeal dysfunction, brings the body into sharp relief; it represents something

alien to the bodys normal functioning that must be reconstituted in a meaningful way.

However, the acts of cutting, bleeding, and scarring, for instance, are imbued with very

different significance to members of a modern surgical community, turn-of-the-century

Tabwa (African) group, or pre-Columbian Maya society.

Exploring how pain centers individuals within their bodies expands

bioarchaeological understandings of the body as investigative object to include embodied

experience. Pertinent to a discussion of embodied experience with respect to self and

social identity construction is individual sentience and social empathy.

The Self Made

Scholars have long debated distinctions and connections between the terms self,

person, individual, and identity, as I discussed in Chapter 1. Tracing of these terms

complex historical usage, critique of their semantic conflation, and constant redefining

comprise the corpus (e.g., Becker 1995; Cohen 1994; Crane 2002; Elliott 2001; Harris

1989; Morris 1994; Stewart and Strathern 2000; Turner 1984). Despite the abstract nature

of these debates, archaeologists have identified convincingly material dimensions that

49
They also recognized that the laboratory setting problematically mediates participants responses to pain.
To circumvent this problem, they suggest that future researchers pose certain sociologically and
anthropologically oriented questions to participants and factor in their answers (Zatzick and Dimsdale
1990).
357
illuminate past selves and constitution of self-identity (e.g., Gillespie 2001; Joyce 1998,

1999; Meskell 1998b, 1999). However, when talking about concerns related to the

concept of self and its archaeological recoverability, investigators do encounter

conceptual and methodological hurdles.

Henrietta Moore (1994) has acknowledged that no person can be fully conscious

of ones own self, or conditions factoring into the construction of self. With this in mind,

it is important to draw the distinction between social selves and subjective selves

(Stewart and Strathern 2000:6). To distance this project from the decidedly difficult

psychological endeavor of discerning private, subjective selves, it is more productive to

focus instead on the public, performed presentation of self. This is possible as

constitution of self-identity may overlap and/or contrast with ones social identity to

varying degrees, as I have discussed earlier.

From a methodological perspective, archaeological reconstruction of self-identity

does indeed present a challenge as data sets consist of material evidence that remain

stubbornly uncommunicative on the subject; such silence is especially an issue when

translated historical documents are not available. Anthony Giddens (1991:52-53) has

noted that in the making, or identifying, of the self an individual references his or her

own biography, as I discussed in Chapter 1. Grosz notes that as a bibliographic reference,

individuals can refer to their own bodies, as they are the product of both social action and

self-reference. She (1994:142) writes,

Every body is marked by the history and specificity of its

existence. It is possible to construct a biography, a history of the
body, for each individual and social body. This history would
include not only all the contingencies that befell a body, impinging
on its outside a history of the accidents, illnesses, misadventures
358
 that mark the body and its functioning; such a history would also
have to include the raw ingredients out of which the body is
produced its internal conditions of possibility, the history of its
particular tastes, predilections, movements, habits, postures, gain
and comportment.

In conceiving of the body and its markings as biography, we come to see it also as an

embodied text.

Specifically, bioarchaeological research starts with the analysis of individual

physical bodies. Though investigators can use these bodies to identify larger social

patterns, bodies and the contexts in which they were interred do convey considerable

information about individual biographies (e.g., Buikstra et al. 2004; Meskell 1996; Saul

and Saul 1989, 1997). Such a bioarchaeological project is indeed important, though it has

received less scholarly attention given the idiosyncratic nature of discoveries. The

reconstruction of individual life histories, or osteobiographies (Saul 1972), narrates the

dynamic and personal nature of an individuals life. Investigators can read bodies as

alternative material surfaces upon which intentional changes and accidents are

permanently and often painfully marked. Several scholars have argued that experience of

pain is a very personal one in that it allows for an exploration of ones self through the

body (Honkasalo 1998; Leder 1990). Hence, changing ones body, or having ones body

changed, plausibly also indicates shifting self-identity.

Group Participation: I feel your pain!

Certain cultural instances furnish the forum for creating a shared experience of

pain. Participants particularly empathize with one another during culturally sanctioned

performances, such as life-cycle rites associated with status change, birth, marriage, and
359
initiation, which involve indelible and painful corporeal alterations. As described in

numerous ethnographies from around the world (e.g., Blackwood and Danby 1995;

Kapchan 1993; Rubin, ed. 1988; Seeger 1975) and as I have detailed in Chapter 5, bodies

are often changed during rites of passage to expedite changes to identity.

So, is pain a product or a desired result of intentional corporeal transformation in

these contexts? Alan Morinis (1985) has recognized that pain produced in the moments

of corporeal altering is central not ancillary to the successful enactment of becoming.

The construction of pain becomes a joint venture, and social bodies, not just individual

ones, experience corporeal inscriptions. Feeling someones pain I feel your pain! is

appropriate in these situations, as individuals are dependent upon one another for

imbuing acts of corporeal modification with meaning. A sense of belonging to a select

group is fostered. Ultimately, indelible physical markers are iconic not only for unique

cultural meanings encoded in but also for the pain produced by such practices.

Moreover, painful memories fade, though scars, pierced holes, or other types of

irreversible transformation remain and remind. Despite the transience of pain, marks

inscribed on the body offer an enduring connection for group participants. They also

provide permanent reminder to audience members. The audience is part of the spectacle,

is itself spectacle, and its ways of participating audience performances may

reconstruct the nature and meaning of the spectacle itself (Davies 1998:8). Audience

members use their sense of sight to instill these marks with additional meanings, and in

doing so, the tactile and visual dimensions of these marks are realized.

I contend that osteological and archaeological remains indicative of body

modification facilitate discussion of visual reception by audience members and painful

360
experience by individuals who are modified. As the pre-Columbian Maya modified teeth,

pierced multiple body parts, and tattooed and scarified skin, these indelible marks provide

a rich source of information for further discussion of the connections between ritual and

routine performances, sensual experience, and identity constitution (Chapter 8).

Summary

Throughout the course of an individuals life, the body is constantly transforming

through natural causes, accidents, and cultural or individual actions. In this chapter, I

have highlighted alterations that are intentional, irreversible, and visible, completing my

discussion of constitutive processes that occur throughout individuals life spans. This

discussion commenced with Chapter 5s consideration of bodies after death, and now

reaches full circle with this chapters assessment of living bodies. Bodily transformations

of corpses, unlike the dimensions of many alterations performed on living bodies, can be

as painful as they are enduring. However, I recognize that not all alterations are painful,

such as cranial shaping, and these too inform reconstructions of cultural processes and

individual predilections. In drawing on theory that situates body modifications at the

center of practice, performance, and embodiment, I have moved beyond previous

discussions that have historically misconstrued corporeal alterations or clouded

understandings of their once vibrant meanings.

In the chapter that follows, I now turn to my case study, the pre-Columbian Maya,

and consider how different meanings were invested in different types of body

modifications. Fortunately, for bioarchaeologists, modifications possess conspicuous

qualities as evidenced by human remains, artifactual materials, and artistic renderings,

361
and I use theories outlined in this chapter to interpret findings included in the PfBAP data

set. In examining the heterogeneity of Maya body modifications, I contextualize the

performance of alterations within sacred, special settings or routine, everyday activities.

Furthermore, the same heterogeneity permits distinction between transformations,

expediting constitution of social identity and that of self-identity.

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 CHAPTER 8

FLESH AND BONES: BODY MODIFICATION AND THE MAYA

In this chapter, I consider transformations of the living bodies of the pre-

Columbian Maya. In doing so, I apply the framework erected in Chapter 7 to identify the

associated practices and interpret the meanings encoded in the marks produced. The pre-

Columbian Maya possessed a penchant for varied and irreversible corporeal inscription.

Ethnohistorical documents and artistic representations provide details and images of

alterations less likely to preserve, such as tattoos and scars. Artifacts, such as ear spools

and labrets, attest to body piercing practices. Crania and teeth retain the traces of

irreversible alterations.

Jane Buikstra (1997:227) has recently remarked, Although various explanations

have been posited, ranging from social status to ethnic markers, we are still far from

appreciating the reasons why the Maya chose to alter their appearance. With the body of

theory about the body in mind (Chapter 7) and data cited (Chapter 4), I contend that

Maya peoples indelible body modifications bespeak the connection between identity

(re)constitution, ritual and secular performances, and embodied experience. Communities

may have used body modifications to reinforce individuals affiliation with other social

members. In this capacity, marks may have signified social norms or controls that

underlay the process of becoming and belonging. However, as many modifications were

painful, individual experience, and the ways in which that experience contours ones

sense of self cannot be discounted.

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 I first synthesize past research concerned with permanent body modifications of

the Maya. This chapter then diverges from the general corpus, which is largely

characterized by description and categorization, to offer interpretation of body

modifications. As I point out, Mayanists have tended to invoke value-laden language,

suggestive of deprecating attitudes, in their examinations. For instance, Linn (1940:2)

remarked, Some of these [body modifications], it is true, cannot very well from our

point of view be described as enhancing the beauty of the body, but, as we know, there is

no disputing about tastes. While there are notable exceptions, (e.g., Havill et al. 1997; F.

Saul and J. Saul 1991; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997), many bioarchaeologists still commonly

use phrases like artificial cranial deformation and dental mutilation (e.g., Alt et al.

1999; Cocilovo and Costa-Junqueira 2001; Garrett 1988; Tiesler 1998). In proposing

identity as an explanation, I do not assume that modifiers intent was to deform and

mutilate, or recreate the shocking and bizarre.

In turn, I discuss tattooing, cranial shaping, and dental modification. These

modifications all reflect identity constitution. However, different types of modification

encoded different meanings, involved different activities, and resulted in different

experiences. The most marked contrast is between those modifications that were not

painful, as in the case of cranial shaping, and those that were, which included tattooing

and dental modification. I believe that the former, which were performed on infants, were

done in order to set in motion ascribed social identity. As the latter suggest awareness of

modification of ones own body, I argue that they afford ingress for discussing issues of

embodiment in addition to the constitution of social identity.

364
 Individual expression and reclamation of ones sense of self through the body

resonate as motivations for contemporary corporeal alterations. However, I do not mean

to invariably avow that we can exhume construction of the subjective self, or self-

identity. To do so is to presume that the pre-Columbian Maya possessed a conception of

individualism similar to the one at work in contemporary Western society. I suggest only

that irreversible and/or painful body modifications allow further interrogation of these

ideas and others often regarded as so much ephemera by archaeologists.

As in previous chapters, I draw on varied sources to support my assertions about

identity constitution. These include ethnohistorical documentation and artistic renderings,

as well as PfBAP skeletal and mortuary data. Correlation of body modification and other

skeletal and mortuary data age, sex, social status, and geographical location offer

information about whose bodies were modified, as not all were in the PfBAP sample. I

reiterate that bioarchaeologists, with their integration of biological, archaeological, and

historical data, are primed to enrich reconstruction of body modification practices and

meanings. Ultimately, burial data not only offer insights about mortuary rituals and

responses to death (Chapters 5 and 6), but also inform understandings about constitutive

practices during life.

Maya Body Modifications

Body of Research

Danforth, Wittington, and Jacobi (1997) have compiled a significant bibliography

of studies concerned with Maya skeletal biology. Comprised of 396 entries, publications

extended from the early mid-nineteenth century up until the late-twentieth century.
365
Reflecting upon this bibliography, I track the ebb and flow of investigative trends. In the

nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, musings about racial variation (e.g., Hambly

1937; Len 1928; Morton 1839) and descriptions of body modifications (e.g., Blom et al.

1934; Cave 1939; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938) comprise the bulk of the corpus. Hence,

cranial specimens, more so than any other skeletal elements, were prized for osteological

analysis and subsequent conservation. Cranial and dental materials at the most basic level

provided valuable information about cranial capacity, age, sex, and presence or absence

of cranial shaping and dental modification. I would suggest that these investigative foci

measurable cranial (i.e., racial or biological) differences and identification of intentional

deformation or mutilation of the body fostered the other-ing of indigenous

peoples, and as a consequence native peoples were characterized as intellectually inferior,

exotic, and primitive.

Mounting information about shaped skulls and modified dentition facilitated the

organization of these corporeal alterations into classificatory systems (e.g., Cifuentes

Aguirre 1963; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938; Romero 1951, 1952 1965). In fact, Maya

bioarchaeologists still reference Adolfo Dembo and Jos Imbellonis50 taxonomic system

for cranial shaping and Javier Romeros taxonomic system for dental modification. This

dissertation does not take exception. In Dembo and Imbellonis system, skulls were

organized according to the apparatus and techniques deployed to mold them. The

researchers divided intentionally shaped crania into tabular and annular varieties. Tabular

variety involved the anterior-posterior, or fronto-occipital, compression of the skull

50
In his earlier work devoted entirely to the subject of cranial shaping, Artificial Cranial Deformation,
Dingwall (1931) also established a classification system for geographically and temporally disparate
instances of cranial deformation. While he discussed the shaping of skulls in Maya society, he mentioned
only artistic images with no comparable discussion of physical evidence.
366
between two boards, or tablets. Annular skulls, which are also referred to as orbicular or

pseudo-circular, were produced from winding bands around the heads circumference.

These types were further subdivided into erect and oblique. Subdivision was based upon

the angle of inclination with reference to the horizontal of the Frankfurt plane. For the

erect variety, the occipital bone or lambdoid area, which includes the upper occipital and

adjacent parietals, is significantly flattened and appears vertical in side views; the angle

of inclination is no greater than 100 degrees. Aside from these types of cranial shaping

techniques, Tiesler (1998:30) also notes that the Maya may have molded their infants

skulls manually by applying pressure repeatedly.

Referencing American dental collections housed at Mexicos Museo Nacional de

Antropologa, Romero classified modifications according to design and location on the

tooth (Figure 4.4). Design distinctions included the following: engraving labial surfaces;

inlaying labial surfaces with semi-precious stones, such as hematite, jade, and turquoise;

and filing or removing incisal edges or corners. These designs could either be displayed

singly or in simultaneous combinations. From his analysis of 1212 modified teeth,

Romero organized designs into seven types (A through G); within these types he

numbered smaller sub-types. Altogether, he documented a total of 59 variants, 54 of

which he asserted occurred only in Mesoamerica. While useful, Romeros categorizations

are beginning to show their age; five decades of subsequent excavation and analysis have

uncovered several dental modifications that do not fit neatly into these categories. Later, I

discuss the exigency of regarding dental designs not as categories, but rather as singular

stages in a larger process of modification. Several of Romeros types seem to be

foundational signs upon which modifiers elaborated. Examination of stylistic connections

367
between designs provides a glimpse of the social processes that may have motivated

modifications.

While categorization was invaluable for establishing basic evaluative criteria, the

investigators who authored these early studies often did not contextualize the human

remains they analyzed with respect to geography and chronology. Analysis of human

remains generally occurred in settings quite distant from excavation sites and many years

after exhumation took place. In situ analysis was a rarity, and skeletal analysts were

provided with little background about archaeological contexts and/or associations.

Exceptions include Stewarts (1953) analysis of Zaculeu burials and Agriniers (1963)

analysis of a Late Classic period tomb from the site Chiapa de Corzo. Investigative

interests that emerged in the 1960s brought such lacunae into sharp relief. Spatial

distribution of modification types was becoming an increasingly important concern.

Researchers paid specific attention to identification of shared types in the Maya region, as

well as stylistic overlap with or divergence from other parts of Mesoamerica or the

Americas (e.g., Comas y Camps 1969; Romero 1952, 1965). Ultimately, the

heterogeneity of modifications within and between American communities was duly

noted.

Sauls (1972) consideration of pre-Columbian Maya health and its connection to

collapse of Maya society led the way for more substantial interpretations of data gleaned

from human remains. In his examination of human remains from the site of Altar de

Sacrificios, Saul stressed that despite their fragmentary nature, Maya skeletal remains

indeed contained invaluable information about individuals lives. He and wife Julie Saul

have continued their osteobiographical reconstructions at numerous Maya sites (e.g.,

368
Cuello [F. Saul and J. Saul 1991; J. Saul and F. Saul 1997]; La Milpa [F. Saul and J. Saul

1997] Lubaantn [Hammond, Pretty, and Saul 1975]; Seibal [F. Saul and J. Saul 1989]).

The study of deliberate corporeal alteration as an area of bioarchaeological

concern has not fallen out of fashion. It has, however, remained quiescent. The majority

of work is descriptive an absorption with what (type) and how (process).

Suggestions as to why modification was undertaken appear less frequently in the

literature. Past researchers have ventured tentative interpretations, such as artificial

beautification (Fastlicht 1971), magical motivations (Linn 1940; Romero 1951:50-51),

ethnicity (Boas 1890; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938) or elevated socioeconomic status

(Comas 1969). This last explanation has had considerable longevity. Such an

interpretation was not entirely unfounded, as archaeologists in the late-nineteenth and

early-twentieth centuries were preoccupied with elite tombs. Artistic representations

portraying elites with elaborate body modifications provided further evidence that

elevated social status dictated the alteration of bodies, indelible sumptuary laws as the

case may be. However, an increase in excavations of commoner residences from mid-

twentieth century onward have yielded burials containing modified individuals, and

such findings necessitate rethinking representations of Maya body modifiers identities

and positions within society.

In addition to tentative interpretations, lingering concerns with diachronic shifts in

style are also found interspersed throughout the corpus (Ruz Lhuillier 1965; Saul 1972;

Stewart and Goff 1953). Recently, Tiesler (1998) has revisited these concerns, teasing out

cranial styles in vogue through the centuries. She examined 403 interments from 41 sites

in Mexico. Tiesler argues that over time shaping techniques becomes more
369
homogeneous. While shape types in the entire sample are generally characterized by

heterogeneity in the Classic and Postclassic periods, closer scrutiny reveals commonality

within delimited residential groups. Rather than finding shaped crania suggestive of

cultural diffusion (Stewart and Goff 1953), Tiesler (1998:206-207) concludes Pareciera

que las diferentes ceflicas reflejan patrones familiares, observables en la comparacin de

los entierros primarios de algunas unidades habitacionales en todos los perodos, sobre

todo para el Preclsico y Clsico. Tiesler also proposes that the ritual or sacred meanings

encoded in cranial shaping changed through time, though she does not elaborate further

upon the significance of this shifting phenomenon.

It is the possible meanings conveyed by intentional and irreversible marks with

which this chapter is expressly concerned. I now provide a more pointed examination of

specific modifications. I demonstrate how past investigators have represented them, and I

propose alternative, less disparaging representations and possible explanations.

Tattooing: Ethnohistoric and Artistic Evidence

(Mis)Reading The Warriors Tale

Ethnohistoric accounts contain numerous descriptions of native peoples

corporeal conversions, which I alluded to in Chapter 7. These sources also provide

contemporary researchers with much information about body modifications otherwise

lost to the capriciousness of preservation, most notably the canvas of skin upon which is

purposefully engraved tattoo and scar.

As discussed in Chapter 6, ethnohistory is a valuable source of information about

past practices and beliefs, but one that should also be cited cautiously. As in the case of
370
indelible body modifications, I have argued that chroniclers were not equipped to read the

subtleties in native peoples markings, as the latters bodies were so visually discordant

with their own European ideal. Ultimately, they misread or simplified corporeal

inscriptions messages (Chapter 7). As evidence of this, I cite Bishop Diego Lopez de

Cogolludos account of his initial encounter with natives, vibrantly modified. The

seventeenth-century Franciscan writes:

Only covering the delicate parts with a cloth, the entire body
daubed with earth of many colors so that they appear as most
ferocious devils: the holes in the noses and ears with nose and ear
pieces of cuzas and other stones of varied colors (in Tozzer
1941:49, fn. 240).

Ferocious display might well have been these indigenous peoples intent. Reflecting this

description, Mesoamerican warriors are often elaborately portrayed and extremely

modified in artistic representations. A ceramic Jaina figurine from the west coast of

Mexicos Yucatan peninsula depicts a warrior with dramatically large ear spools and

extensive facial marking (Figure 8.1). Based on raised designs, we can identify highly

detailed scarification or even stylized tattooing. In the case of the Maya, it is also

presumed that ferocity, courage, and skill in battle would be valued cultural attributes of

the warrior.

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 Figure 8.1. Jaina figurine with scarification (from Schele and Miller 1986:224)

However, aside from ferocity, such markings signaled deeper cultural values and

symbolic meanings. About the Jaina figurine, Schele and Miller (1986:224) remark, On

the right cheek, delicately worked in raised clay, is the Jester God, a symbol of rulership;

its visual equivalent, the mat motif (equally symbolic of nobility) is worked like a dyadic

couplet on the left cheek. As translation of markings reveal, European observers

characterization of warriors persona as ferocious is indeed reductive. Not being well

versed in the subtleties of native peoples markings, chroniclers failed to regard the body

as a viable communicative device, both as inscribable surface and graphic resource51.

Moreover, I believe that closer scrutiny of Maya portraiture in painting and

sculpture will yield numerous examples of irreversible scarification and tattooing.

51
Isolated body parts heads, hands, feet, eyes, torsos, penises, mandibles represented significant glyphic
elements in Classic period texts.
372
Ethnohistorical documentation certainly spotlights its ubiquity at the time of Spanish

conquest52.

They tattooed their bodies, and the more they do this, the more
brave and valiant are they considered, as tattooing is accompanied
with great suffering, and is done in this way. Those who do the
work first painted the part which they wish with color and
afterwards they delicately cut in the paintings, and so with the
blood and coloring matter the marks remained in the body. This
work is done a little at a time on account of the extreme pain, an
afterwards also they were quite sick with it, since the designs
festered and matter formed. In spite of all this they made fun of
those who were not tattooed (Landa in Tozzer 1941:91).

As the above passage describes, the process of tattooing was described as painful,

slow, and potentially fatal if infection developed. However, aside from being

distinguished as brave and valiant for having endured the procedure, Landa is silent

about Maya peoples additional motivations for or meanings invested in tattoos. To argue

for identity construction, I present the trials and tribulations of one well documented and

tattooed individual, Gonzalo Guerrero. As presented here, I have compiled Guerreros

story from various ethnohistorical documents (Daz del Castillo 1963; Greenblatt

1991:140-141 & 154-55, ft. 18; Landa in Tozzer 1941; Todorov 1984:195-196). In

Chapter 6, I made a case for societys use of tattooing as a means of social control and

punishment. In this discussion, I examine one individuals active implementation of this

body modification for identity reconstitution.

52
Surely it is significant that native and European writings also contain passages that identify the body as a
surface for less indelible forms of writing. An excerpt in the colonial Chilam Balam describes the markings
painted on various areas of the body: There was a glyph (woo) written on the palm of his handthen a
glyph was written below his throat, was also written on the sole of his foot and written within the ball of the
thumb of Au Uooh-puc (Roys 1933:68). A similar incident is detailed by Landa (in Tozzer 1941:40);
And the latter knew a great deal of the sciences of his father-in-law who, they say, wrote on the fleshy part
of this left arm certain letters which were of great importance and such as to be respected.
373
Gonzalo Guerrero and Identity Reconstitution

Gonzalo Guerrero and Geronimo de Aguilar were two of the first Spanish

explorers to reach the Yucatan peninsula in present-day Mexico. In 1511, these

compatriots, along with several other mates, found themselves the fateful victims of a

shipwreck. After drifting for near two weeks along the Caribbean currents, those who did

not starve to death washed ashore on the Yucatn coast. To add insult to injury, the crew

was subsequently captured by a hostile group of Maya. Guerrero and Aguilar were

spared the untimely sacrifice and alleged consumption that befell their friends, and were

fortunate enough to escape, albeit briefly. In a continuing streak of bad luck, the two soon

found themselves captured once again by a different, Maya group, though one described

as less surly and prone to cannibalism. After eight years of enslavement, famed

conquistador Hernan Corts came to Aguilars rescue in 1519. Now fluent in Yucatec

Mayan, Aguilar served as one of Corts invaluable interpreters during Spanish conquest of

this new world.

Guerrero, on the other hand, opted for group membership and social assimilation,

encouraging native resistance to conquest. Why would he do such a thing? Well, in

answer, Landas chronicling provides some insights. He records,

By adopting the habits of the natives, he [Guerrero] gained a great

reputation and they married him to a woman of high rank, by who
he had children; and for this reason he did not try to escape as
Aguilar did. On the contrary he tattooed his body and let his hair
grow, and pierced his ears, so as to wear earrings like the Indians,
and it is probable that he became an idolater like them (in Tozzer
1941:8-9).

374
Guerrero consciously reconstructed an identity for himself comprised of native

elements marriage, the formation of a household, military accomplishment, and

permanent body modifications. Tattoos and piercings newly marked him as a member of

a native social body. Today, a statue of Guerrero, his wife, and three of his children can

be found on the beach at Akumal on Yucatns eastern coast. The statues plaque contains

the following words: Gonzalo de Guerrero, of Palos de Noguera, Spain, seaman, who in

1511 shipwrecked near this beach, married the Mayan Princess Xzamil and thus founded

the first Euro-American family. Guerrero actively deployed tattoos to express a new

sense of self, one which concurred in image and practice with Maya identity.

Consequently, he is credited with forging a national identity.

Nonetheless, in the eyes of his countrymen, Guerreros marks signified an

otherness that was dramatically at odds with the national identity into which he was

born. To Aguilar, Guerrero says, But my face is tattooed and my ears are pierced. What

would the Spaniards say if they saw me like this? (Daz del Castillo 1963:60). While

abandonment of military and familial obligations was possible if not immoral, Guerreros

highly visible and irreversible physical alterations provided an obstacle to an uneventful

reintegration into European life. As such an example highlights, corporeal disparities

represented the most visually obvious evidence of social and religious inconsistencies for

an European audience.

Them Bones (and Teeth)

Turning from the fleshy, which is indeed perishable in the tropical Maya

lowlands, I now consider the more durable elements of the modified body. From the
375
Neolithic Near East to the pre-Columbian Americas to contemporary Africa, literary,

skeletal, and artistic evidence exist for the relatively painless procedure of cranial

shaping53 and the exceedingly painful practice of dental modification.

Cranial Shaping: Analogical Evidence for Shaping Heads

With respect to the skulls plasticity, closer consideration of naturally occurring

deformed skulls exposes semantic problems arising from uncritical use of the phrase

cranial deformation. Naturally occurring cranial deformation refers to congenital

anomalies like craniostenosis (Krogman and can 1986:400). Craniostenosis includes

turricephaly (microcephaly and oxycephaly), scaphocephaly, and plagiocephaly. These

involve premature closure of one or more cranial sutures, and produce skulls that appear

steeple-shaped, keel-shaped, and asymmetrical, respectively. In the case of

plagiocephaly, there is another level of distinction between that which is true and that

which is positional (Maugans 2002; Moss 1958). Unlike true, or congenital,

plagiocephaly, the positional variety is induced by chronic external forces that flatten

infants occiputs, such as placing them on their backs (Maugans 2002). In medical

literature, positional plagiocephaly is commonly referred to as artificial cranial

deformation and it is not regarded as the product of intentional actions. In fact,

contemporary Western parents often seek medical assistance in order to rectify a

deformity they believe to be pathological, despite medical evidence to the contrary

(Maugan 2002). Helmets are used to remodel infants abnormal skulls. Cosmetic

53
Trinkhaus (1983) even argues for its practice, albeit unintentionally so, by Neanderthals interred at
Shanidar in northeastern Iraq.
376
surgery also presents an alternate corrective, though admittedly an extreme one that may

endanger the individuals health to a greater degree than the perceived abnormality.

Heads are re-shaped to fit with a culturally accepted idea of the beautiful. With these

semantic distinctions in mind, I make the case for cranial shaping that was neither

deforming nor pathological but rather of cultural value and importance.

Contemporary Maya peoples no longer intentionally shape their newborns crania.

To better comprehend the pragmatics of and reasons for cranial shaping by pre-

Columbian people, ethnographic analogues prove edifying. Unlike positional

plagiocephaly, intentional cranial shaping in these instances is never referred to as

artificial cranial deformation. I first consider occurrences of intentional cranial shaping

in contemporary Western society, and then consider a historic case from Melanesia.

Fitzsimmons, Proust, and Penniston (1998) conducted ethnographic interviews

with ethnically diverse individuals living in Chicago, Indiana, and New York. As the

ethnographers described them, interviewees were of European, African, Asian, and

Central and South American descent. Investigators discovered that adults intentionally

molded their infants skulls in order to enhance beauty, alleviate health problems, and/or

promote intelligence. Cranial shaping was deemed ubiquitous, undamaging to the brain,

and a normal, positive element of childcare. Moreover, a recent how-to book by Justine

Dobson (1994) instructs parents in the proper manual techniques for intentionally shaping

their infants skulls. Despite the small, but increasing, corpus devoted to the positive

attributes of parental cranial shaping, the general public and most medical practitioners

remain skeptical. Manual cranial molding when actively initiated by non-specialists (i.e.

377
medical practitioners) is situated squarely under the banner of alternative or folk

medicine.

While cranial shaping in contemporary America represents an activity practiced

rarely by parents, I now consider a culture that commonly practiced intentional cranial

shaping. At the time of their Arawe case study, Blackwood and Danby (1955) noted that

cranial shaping was widespread on the Melanesian island of New Britain, though less and

less so on account of increasing exposure to Westerners and Christianity a scenario not

so different from Spanish conquest and conversion of the New World. As the study in

question is already five decades old, it is likely that contemporary Arawe people no

longer alter their heads in such a manner.

To initiate molding, the Arawe wound a bandage of bark-cloth around the

circumference of the infants head soon after birth. In this variety of annular shaping, the

top of the head was left visible, while the ears were usually flattened and wrapped under

the bandage. A narrow strip of tough fiber was subsequently tied around the bandage.

Throughout the course of a day, the bandage was removed and retied several times, and

was changed after approximately three weeks. By three months, desired skull shape was

achieved, though children wore bandages for as long as two years. Every childs head

was bound, regardless of sex or ascribed social status, though females appeared to have

more pronounced shaping. The childs caregiver determined the degree of deformation

via attention to bindings (i.e., tightness), duration of the procedure, and personal

378
preference. Blackwood and Danby pointedly deny that cranial shaping caused pain or

neurological damage54.

According to the authors, the Arawe bound childrens heads so that they would be

more desirable to the opposite sex. Hence, appearance is often governed by a socially

acceptable and constructed conception of beauty a beauty ideology. In other words,

cranial shaping represented a collective standard of beauty, establishment of a social (and

aesthetic) norm. Self-expression on the part of the modifiee was of little importance, as

he or she was too young to condemn or support the acts of alteration. Rather, physically

and permanently molding members of Arawe society facilitated culturally shaping, or

socializing, individuals into viable and visually pleasing community members (Chapter

7). Cranial shaping, which must occur immediately after birth when cranial bones are

neither fully formed nor fully fused, signaled the initiation of social shaping. In fact,

modification of a fully formed skull is done with great difficulty after a certain point in

the human life-cycle55. Hence, in the case of the Arawe, cranial shaping is intimately

connected to life-cycle rituals associated with birth and becoming, as well as cultural

norms concerned with aesthetics.

What reasons might have underlain the practice of cranial shaping for the Maya?

As in the case of the Arawe, did Maya peoples shape their childrens skulls in order to

54
However, Tiesler (1998:35) remarks that few researchers have conducted medical studies about the
physiological and pathological implications of intentional cranial shaping. In my own research, I came
across several studies. According to pediatric neurosurgeon Maugans (2002:166) brain development and
functioning are not affected by positional plagiocephaly. In his investigation of artificial alterations effects
on crania and tissue, Moss (1958:285) concluded that magnitude of growth of the brain and therefore of
the skull, cannot be altered by extrinsic forces, but its direction can be altered. Moreover, White (1996)
has also argued that shaped skulls exhibit a faster rate of suture closure.
55
However, as suggested by postcoronal grooving, unintentional molding of Maya peoples skulls does
appear at the Preclassic site Cuello in Belize; such an occurrence suggest habitual and laborious tumpline
usage, which may be mistaken for deliberate molding in fragmentary human remains (Saul and Saul
1991:154).
379
initiate the process of becoming? As a pre-Columbian form of plastic surgery in the

truest sense that the body is manipulated and molded to fit a preconceived ideal did the

Maya strive to beautify and/or naturalize the body in their reshaping of the skull? Do we

see individual predilection at work (as far as the modifier is concerned and not the

modifee)?

Getting a Head Start in Life

Saul (1972:10) has speculated that unintentional flattening of the lambdoidal area,

which resulted from carrying infants in cradleboards, supplied the model or inspiration

for intentional cranial molding. It is also possible that pressure exerted on newborns

skulls as they passed through the birth canal inspired intentional acts of shaping. While

origins remain unknown, there is, however, ample evidence confirming the practice as

early as the Preclassic period and occurring well after Spanish contact. The site of Cuello

in Belize holds the earliest example of cranial molding, dating to the Middle Preclassic

period, or more specifically ca. 850-750 B.C. (J. Saul and F. Saul 1997). In addition to

skeletal remains, sculpture, iconography, and paintings attest to the continuance of this

practice into the Classic period; in many of these representations, modification is so

pronounced that the nose appears in line with the receding forehead. Cranial shaping

proceeded into the Postclassic period, and at the time of conquest, Iberian chroniclers

detailed the practice, as well. According to the Spanish friar Juan de Torquemada (in

Tozzer 1941:88, ft. 372):

When the children are very young, their heads are soft and can be
moulded in the shape that you see ours to be, by using two pieces
of wood hollowed out in the middle. This custom, given to our
380
 ancestors by the gods, gives us a noble air, and our heads are thus
better adapted to carry loads.

Landa (in Tozzer 1941:129) recognized that after binding an infants skull, the childs

parents took him or her to a priest for naming. No prescribed length of time or degree of

pressure is recorded. On the subject of gendered distinctions, Landa like Torquemada is

silent. Landa (Tozzer 1941:125) did stress the mothers role in cranial molding as the

decision to modify or not to modify lay in her hands literally and figuratively, speaking.

Regardless of the procedure followed, Landa declared cranial shaping a practice, which

was not only painful, but in many instances one which jeopardized the newborns life. As

we know this not to be the case, Landas characterization of this modification as

agonizing and at times fatal perhaps supplied the Church with added rationale for its

banning of the bodys permanent modification and impermanent decoration.

Hence, we know from ethnohistoric documentation that cranial modification is

borne of ritual circumstances associated with birth. The Maya did not perceive of such

modification as deforming, but rather ennobling and functional; derogatory associations

appear to be solely on the part of chroniclers. The Maya also possessed a working

knowledge of the bodys physiology and anatomy. Family members, rather than ritual

specialists, were responsible for shaping heads. Technique seems fairly uniform, though

degree of shaping appears contingent upon the personal predilection of those who

initiated manipulation. Alteration did not require luxurious materials or laborious

processes, thereby making it accessible to members from different social groups contra to

previous scholars presumptions. Sexual differences did not seem to be a driving force

behind whom did or did not have their crania shaped.

381
 But do burial data support or undermine historic accounts? Of PfBAPs 132

individuals, skeletal analysts could only assess 25 individuals (18.9%) for absence or

presence of cranial modification, be it intentionally or unintentionally produced (Chapter

4). In this chapter, I consider more closely PfBAP individuals who conclusively had

(N=13) or did not have (N=4) shaped crania. Individuals with intentionally shaped crania

were all of the tabular variety. Excavators exhumed them from in association with elite

and commoner residences. These individuals were interred in all grave-types with the

exception of Informal Cists; in fact, they were most often interred into Pit graves.

Individual 132, displaying tabular erect shaping, had been encountered in the richly

arrayed Dos Hombres Stone-lined Tomb. In the case of those with shaped crania, grave

goods were not recovered from five decedents graves. In fact, the graves of all cranially

shaped decedents encompassed relatively few grave goods with the exception of the Dos

Hombres Tomb and Individual 10s Pit, which contained a black-slipped bowl with

anthropomorphic features, two shell disks, and faunal long bones.

The four individuals who categorically did not possess shaped crania were

exhumed from residential settings at two types of sites Minor Centers (Dos Barbaras

and Guijarral) and House Ruins at varying distances from large centers (Barba Group and

La Milpa hinterlands). In the case of the Barba Group Tomb and Capped Cist at Dos

Barbaras, grave goods were present and typologically varied (Individuals 2 and 22),

while no grave goods were recovered from the two Pits (Individuals 91 and 122). Thus,

contingent upon grave-types and grave goods, a specific socioeconomic status did not

appear to be a prerequisite for cranial shaping.

382
 Given these ethnohistorical and bioarchaeological data, it is feasible to argue that

cranial shaping for the pre-Columbian Maya figured into the process of becoming a

viable member of a group, as it did for the Arawe. This practice was not intended to

shock, but rather the irreversibility and visibility of cranial modification speaks to its

ordinary and normative qualities. Physically shaping individuals at a young age

reinforced concomitant cultural shaping, or socializing, of these individuals into viable

community members. In spotlighting the everydayness of cranial modification,

connection to Maya conceptions of personhood and the construction of community

identity are brought to the fore.

However, such an assessment would be most convincing if all members of a

community had their skulls shaped in infancy. How do we account for the fact that there

are individuals in the sample without shaped skulls? Admittedly, preservation, looting,

incomplete documentation, and burials left unexcavated contribute to a dearth of

information regarding shaped skulls (and modified teeth, discussed next). Moreover,

crania recovered in their entirety, indisputable evidence of the presence or absence of

shaping, are indeed a rarity in the PfBAP sample, obscuring finer categorical distinctions.

Nonetheless, we do know that not all members of Maya society had their heads molded,

cranial shaping has little if anything to do with gender distinctions, and socioeconomic

status does not play as prominent a role as previous scholars have presumed. So, what

might cranial shaping signal at least in the case of the PfBAP sample?

Combining population and individual perspectives, I now consider the presence or

absence of cranial shaping on the scale of the community to gain insight into individual

identity construction. Examples are from Group B at the site of Dos Barbaras and the
383
elite residential Group 2 just west of La Milpas Plaza C. At the site of Dos Barbaras, two

individuals displayed tabular cranial shaping. They were interred beneath House Group

Bs eastern Structure 6; Individual 34 was encountered in the southern Room 3 and

Individual 35 in the northern Room 2. Individual 34 is one of three individuals interred

beneath Room 3, the other two being Individuals 32 and 33. Unfortunately, presence or

absence of cranial shaping could not be determined for the latter two individuals.

Individual 34 was encountered in a questionable Simple grave and Individual 35 was

placed into a Pit grave. Grave goods were not recovered for either individual. Both

individuals were adults. More specifically, Individual 35 was a Young Adult male at the

time of his death and Individual 34 is of unknown sex. Both burials date to the

Late/Terminal Classic period. Based on the structures construction phases, Individual

35s interment perhaps preceded that of Individual 34s burial. These decedents with

cranial shaping do not have any overt characteristics of ancestor transformation discussed

in Chapter 6. Thus, it is possible that their intentional interment in a residential structure

coupled with their shaped crania perhaps speak to their identities as ancestors of a lesser

category.

Individuals 34 and 35s burials contrast with the unshaped Individual 22, whom I

encountered beneath Structure 11 located directly across the courtyard from Structure 6.

Unlike Structure 6, Structure 11 may have been the ritual center of the community. Many

individuals were buried beneath this structure, and their grave-types, associated

architecture, and grave goods suggest they were venerated as ancestors. Such is also the

case for the individual without cranial shaping. As suggested by her Capped Cist situated

384
directly beneath a bench, she was perhaps venerated as an ancestor after her death

because she held a prominent position in the community while alive.

I believe that rather than a prestigious, or ennobling, identity within the Dos

Barbaras community, cranial shaping marked certain individuals as distinct for other

reasons, such as an ascribed occupational identity. As mentioned earlier, ethnohistory

makes reference to the functional aspects of cranial shaping. Modifications facilitated the

carrying of loads. Shaping of skulls soon after birth perhaps set the role of transporter or

trader in motion by parents. I informally call this getting a head start in life. Moreover,

interment of the two cranially shaped individuals within the same structure suggests a

familial connection. Perhaps, cranial shaping marked an individual early in life as a

transporter of goods, and in turn this inherited position within the community was worthy

of proper burial via mortuary rituals and distinction as a certain type of ancestor.

Additional examples from my sample support this supposition, despite the samples

admittedly small size.

Turning to the second example, several small house groups (N=4) dispersed

throughout La Milpas boundaries contained individuals with tabular cranial shaping.

Here I consider the elite residential group situated in Plaza Cs southern quadrant. Three

structures surrounding a courtyard comprised the house group. Rigorous excavation of

the group uncovered two individuals, both with tabular cranial shaping. Interred in the

groups northern Structure 70, these two individuals were temporally distinct though

spatially associated. Despite the fact that both date to the Terminal Classic period,

Individual 114s deeper stratigraphic location indicates that it is the earlier interment.

Placed into a cut in the paleosol, the decedent appears to have subsequently been covered
385
with construction fill. According to excavators documentation, it is quite possible that

this burial provided impetus for the buildings construction. This possible Pit grave was

capped by several building episodes including the construction of a plaster bench.

Individual 115 is located within a hole punched into this plaster bench. The Pit grave was

filled in following interment, but sealing did not occur. Grave goods were minimal for

both individuals, though Individual 114 was highly disturbed by looting activities

(Appendix). Both individuals were Young Adults at the time of their deaths. Individual

114 was a male with cranial shaping of the tabular oblique variety, while Individual 115

was a male? with tabular shape that could not be further identified. The former individual

had no dental modification, but the latter individual is noteworthy, as he possessed a total

of eight modified teeth, the most in the entire PfBAP sample, as I will discuss shortly.

As in the case of the aforementioned decedents from the site of Dos Barbaras,

these two individuals spatial proximity, similar grave-types, and tabular shaping indicate

a familial relationship. However, this groups decedents, while sharing mortuary and

skeletal traits with one another, differ from the decedents of the aforementioned Dos

Barbaras burials in two ways. First, these burials are the only known interments in the

group. Second, these decedents burials are characterized by overt ancestor

transformation, as evidenced by grave-type, architectural association, and body position

(i.e., in fetal positions tightly flexed and possibly kneeling). Despite these differences,

Individuals 114 and 115s shaped crania perhaps point to a pre-ordained social identity

within the group as well. Soon after birth, these two individuals were perhaps slotted for

specific roles or prominent positions within the family, a position that may have been

shared only by a select few within the group. Shaping of skulls set this identification in
386
motion. Enactment of cranial shaping in infancy may have placed the modifiee down a

path of social identification predetermined by the modifier.

Dental Modifications

Fortunately, cranial shaping is not the only type of Maya modification that

preserves. Teeth, a very durable element of the skeleton, retain traces of alteration.

Unlike their Zapotec neighbors, pre-Columbian Maya portraiture rarely depicted

individuals with mouths agape and dentition modified. Yet, from dental remains and

historical documentation, we know that Maya peoples long possessed an oral fixation. At

the site of Cuello, J. Saul and F. Saul (1997:45-46) have uncovered the earliest known

evidence of Maya dental modification, a type of filing that dates to ca. 900 B.C.

According to Romero (1970), inlaying surfaced in the Early Classic period; by the Late

Classic period inlays and intricate fillings were both in vogue. In the Postclassic period,

dental modification, predominantly of the filing variety, remained widespread up until its

prohibition by Church sanction around A.D. 1500. While eight Maya individuals interred

beneath or adjacent to Tipus Colonial period mission church (A.D. 1544 to 1638)

exhibited dental modification, investigators suggest that modification of dentition, as was

also the case for cranial shaping, occurred with less and less frequency over time (Havill

et al. 1997:103).

The practice of Maya dental modification has received ample scholastic coverage.

In the sixteenth century, Landa (in Tozzer 1941:125) observed, The Indian woman of

Yucatan are generally better looking than Spanish women and larger and well

madethey had a custom of filing their teeth leaving them like the saw, and this they
387
considered elegant. Rather than emblematic of beautification, twentieth-century Maya

scholars have offered a few alternative explanations. Linn (1940) examined the

connection between dental modification and sex differences. Romero (1958) regarded

decorated dentition as marking elevated social status. Becker (1973) argued for dental

modification as a signifier of occupational specialization. Referencing osteological and

artifactual materials from the site of Tikal, Guatemala, he suggested that individuals with

inlays were in effect dental workers advertising their trade. Such does not seem to be the

case for dentally decorated PfBAP individuals, though the sample is small. One of the

few individuals in the PfBAP sample interred with a possible tool kit for modifying teeth,

which contained a cache of drilled marine shells, a shell disk, animal teeth, a bone awl,

and an obsidian bladelet, displayed no evidence of dental modification on any of his 13

teeth recovered (Individual 72). Thus, if this individual was a dental specialist, he did not

exhibit his own wears. Considerations of technical procedure have complemented these

analytical endeavors (Fastlicht 1962; Havill et al. 1997). Of note, pain resulting from

dental modification has received only passing consideration in the literature (Linn

1940:8).

In my discussion of PfBAP modified dentition, I take a different analytic tack. As

my perspective is a humanistic bioarchaeological one, dental data are better understood

by contexualizing them with respect to cultural, historical, and individual information. I

consider the practice of dental modification as a means for constructing identities.

Discussion of the painful dimensions of dental modification is followed by demographic

reconstruction as it pertains to distributions in social constructions of identities. The

whos of dental modification are considered with respect to age, sex, ethnicity, and
388
social position. I finally turn to a metaphoric reckoning of the body as an alternative

writing surface. I do not conflate inscription of the body with acts of social control, per

Foucault and de Certeau (Chapter 7).

Modification, Dentists, and Pain

By all accounts dental modification seems to be an exceedingly painful process,

seeing that it involves the permanent dissolution of a corporeal boundary. Removal of

protective enamel via filing incisal edges, engraving labial surfaces, or drilling and

subsequently inserting inlays into ultra-sensitive root chambers encompassed

modification techniques. While many societies throughout Africa and Asia purposefully

extracted their teeth for medical, ritual, and aesthetic reasons, there is no evidence that

the Maya practiced ablation, though this may speak more to preservation than practice.

Unlike the pain that chroniclers alleged cranial shaping produced, modifying

dentition generates pain that is very real and experimentally replicable. In a recent

conversation with my family dentist, Dr. Feinhals emphasized the excruciating pain that

would result from all of the aforementioned dental procedures without modern day

novocain or anesthesia. It would hurt like hell, he said to me. And, judging from the

discomfort incurred from my minor scraping of plaque build up, I believe him. This is not

to conclude that the pre-Columbian Maya had no effective analgesic against dental pain.

Surrounding tropical environments contained abundant and readily available natural

resources quite feasibly utilized for brewing up pain relievers. In fact, Landa (Tozzer

1941:198) recorded a tree [Thevetia peruviana] whose milk is an especial medicine for

curing teeth, though its direct application to decorated dentition is not noted.
389
Nonetheless, we all know from our own experiences at the dentist, technologically and

medically savvy in comparison to the pre-Columbian Maya, that pain and discomfort

typify drilling, filing, and inserting, and anesthesia and analgesics do not eliminate these

sensations completely; they only take the edge off. Acknowledgement of pain produced

by execution of dental modification illumines the subjective, embodied experience of this

indelible, altering practice. And, while experience of pain is personal, groups or cohorts

may empathize. For a fuller consideration of the cultural construction of pain, I refer the

reader to earlier discussion in Chapter 7.

In arguing for pain as culturally mediated, how did the Maya make the pain of

tooth modification, or any painful modification for that matter, meaningful? I believe that

modification of teeth figured into a process of becoming, just like cranial shaping. But, it

was a process that the modified individual was meant to feel, which is dissimilar from

cranial shaping. I would suggest that the experience of pain during dental modification

facilitated identity change. We are not really aware of our bodies unless they hurt or do

not functioning properly. Pain brings us back into our bodies and transforms our

experience of the world. Similarly, a shift in individuals identities also changes how they

experience and interact with the world. Painful transformations of bodies provide the

impetus for transformations of selves. I also believe that painful body modifications, like

dental alteration, were meant to be shared, either through empathy or simultaneous

experience. Thus, a sense of belonging to a select group was fostered. And, while painful

memories fade, visible body modifications offer an enduring connection for participants

and a permanent reminder for viewers. Following from this, I now consider more closely

the modified teeth of PfBAP individuals. Consideration of demography perhaps offers

390
greater illumination about the connection between dental modification and identity

constitution.

Demography and Dentition

In the PfBAP sample, modified dentition occurs with greater frequency than

shaped crania. Though outlined in Chapter 4, I reiterate here. Of 132 individuals in the

sample, skeletal analysts could assess only 60 individuals for presence or absence of

dental modification. Dental remains from 34 individuals did not possess any evidence of

modification. However, 4 of the 34 individuals are represented by fewer than 5 or an

unspecified number of teeth. Twenty-six individuals in the sample possessed at the least

one tooth with dental modification. Using Romeros classification system, skeletal

analysts identified 16 different types of tooth modification in the PfBAP sample. From a

population perspective, who exactly were having their teeth modified? I consider this

question in light of age, sex, ethnicity, and social position.

With regard to age, and based on a consideration of physiology and development

of teeth, Lpez Olivares (1997:113-114) recognizes that dental modification is feasible

during only a restricted span in an individuals life.

The enamel does not increase once the crown is completed, but its
level of mineralization increases with age, as does its fragility
Dentins increased thickness occurs at the expense of the pulp
cavity and the dental pulp found in the pulp cavity reduces its size
proportionately with age. This means that the distance between the
tooth surface and the dental pulp increases with the age of the
personConsidering the tooth growth cycle, it is not possible to
apply dental alterations to very young individuals because of the
extent of the pulp cavity, nor to mutilate the teeth of individuals so
old that mineralization of the enamel will not permit work.

391
Evidence from the PfBAP sample supports Lpez Olivaress statement. As a reminder, age

estimates reveal an individuals age at death, not when the dental modification was

undertaken. The youngest individual displaying dental modification in the PfBAP sample

was an Adolescent between 14 and 20 years at death (Individual 121); the male?

displayed a total of three dental modifications as well as extreme tabular erect cranial

shaping. No individuals younger than this were found with dental modification. All

dental modifications were found on permanent, adult teeth. PfBAP evidence suggests that

modification of teeth was linked to a social perception of adulthood a process of

becoming an adult via rites of passage, marked facilitated by the painful transformation

of teeth.

The second dimension considered is variation according to sex. Setting aside for

now the problems incurred from assuming an easy connection between sexed bodies and

gender distinctions, there seems to be no significant sexual differences. In the PfBAP

sample, four females, two females?, five males, and eleven males? displayed modified

dentition; the remaining four individuals were of unknown sex. Hence, bodies sexed as

males and females both have modified dentition, contra to Landas above statement that

only females filed their teeth.

Third, past investigators have argued that dental modification marked ethnic

differences, or, in the case of the more homogenous pre-Columbian Maya, community

identity. If this was the case, the expectation would be to find specific types

predominantly at certain sites. However, there is no evidence to support this argument.

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Analysis of modified individuals spatial distribution revealed that particular decorative

types did not appear to be site-specific.

Finally, I consider dental modification in light of social status. Long thought to

be, and popularly perpetuated as, a marker of social status, dental modification occurred

among individuals of elevated status, but they were not the only individuals so marked.

Predicated upon the PfBAP sample, elevated social status appears to necessitate dental

modification, though the sample is admittedly a small one. For those tombs that

contained assessable teeth, decedents displayed dental modification. No teeth were

recovered from Barba Groups Rock-cut Tomb (Individual 2), though the individual

interred above the Tomb in the same pyramid did display one instance of dental

modification a variation on Romero B on a maxillary, mesial incisor56 (Individual 1).

Individual 111 in the La Milpa tomb had experienced extreme ante-mortem tooth loss, as

evidenced by an edentulous mandible. Therefore, no teeth were available for analysis.

Inlaying of semi-precious stones was largely restricted to tombs occupants,

suggesting abidance of sumptuary laws, or perhaps a stylistic sign of the Early Classic

times. The exception is the Late Classic Individual 66 from the site of Dos Hombres. This

individuals maxillary canines both had a Romero G-3 design with hematite inserts, the

only example of this type in the sample. The individual in question was in fact interred in

a Pit situated above (and later in time than) Individuals 65 and 132s Stone-lined Tomb.

Despite Individual 66s grave-type, other mortuary data grave location, grave goods,

56
Presence of dental modification is not irrefutable. It is possible that alteration, which angles sharply
upward from the horizontal tip on the right edge to the left edge, resulted from use wear and not intentional,
decorative modification.
393
associated architectural features and presumed familial ties suggest he was a person of

elevated status.

When assessable, Tombs decedents displayed

an interesting pattern of modification, hinting that dental

modification perhaps mark cumulative processes rather

than single, discrete events. These individuals all have

Romero Type E-1 with hematite inserts (Figure 8.2), and

they only appear on maxillary teeth. No one else in the

Figure 8.2. Romero Type E-1

entire PfBAP sample had this type. Individual 132s modified tooth was a first premolar.

Lateral incisors and canines were not recovered, and it is possible that these teeth had

been modified, as well. For Individual 65, right and left canines exhibited Romero E-1;

the premolars and incisors did not display dental modification, though the left lateral

incisor and first premolar were missing. Individual 4 from the site of Chan Chich had

three teeth modified; the right lateral incisor displayed the Romero E-1 type, while the

right and left canines had Romero G-15 and C-5, respectively (Figure 8.3). These two

types bear a striking semblance to Romero E-1. However, they appear to be a more

advanced stage in which filing of incisal edges followed drilling and insertion of hematite

pieces. The classificatory distinction among these types indicates that intricate dental

modifications were not undertaken in one fell swoop. Hence, for some prominent

individuals, dental modification appears to be an ongoing process and exercise in

extension of ones pain threshold. Conception of decorative types as works in progress,

or process, further undermines the pigeonhole categorizations of Romeros original

classificatory system. Impetus for additional modification of a dental modification

394
perhaps is tied to reconstitution of identities. For instance, a warriors initial success in

battle may have been celebrated by the filing of incisal edges, while successive victories

resulted in modification of these filed teeth with drilling and

insertion of semi-precious stones. Such seems to be the case in

tattooing, as suggested by the above discussion of Gonzalo

Guerrero. Or, it is possible that in the case of PfBAP

individuals interred within tombs, promotion from one political

or religious office to a more prestigious position was signified

by adding designs to a previously modified tooth. Sustenance of

painful procedures, not once but twice, perhaps stressed the

modifiees worthiness, as closer examination of decorative Figure 8.3. Romero

Types C-5 & G-15
types reveals a progression from one design to the next. Irreversibility of dental

modification provided a lasting image and reminder of moments of performative filing or

inlaying.

An additional point of interest that I wish to discuss has to do with the

relationship between the individuals who display Romero E-1. Specifically, I consider the

two decedents uncovered within the Dos Hombres tomb (Individuals 65 and 132). As

discussed in Chapter 6, the relationship between the primary and secondary decedents is

not uncertain. If we regard the presence of Romero E-1 as a sign of an individuals

elevated status, occurrence of this type on both individuals supports the idea that

Individual 132 was not a sacrificial figure, but an ancestor whose interment was disturbed

by inhumation of the later Individual 65. In comparison, a family tomb at Lubaantn, a

Belizean site no more than 80 miles to the south of PfB lands, similarly contains the
395
remains of multiple individuals with matching Romero types (Hammond et al. 1975).

The tomb contained 15 individuals, of whom 9 had one or more types of dental

modification. Two varieties of dental modification encompassed the bulk of the Lubaantn

sample. Romero C-2 and C-6, easily mistaken for one another57, were the most prevalent

Romero types; combined there were five individuals who displayed these modifications.

The next prevalent type, displayed by three of nine individuals, was either Romero E or

G types (E-1, G-1 to G-5, and G-10 to G-15) that involved a single insert. To reiterate,

Romero E and G are the same varieties of dental modification present in PfBAP tombs.

With this in mind, the presence of Romero E-1 on PfBAP tombs decedents from spatially

distant sites suggests that this Romero type marks a specific, restricted kind of identity,

likely related to rulership and/or sociopolitical prominence. Admittedly, this contention

would gain greater support if non-elite burials at the site of Lubaantn revealed no

evidence of dentition with Romero E or G. Excavations were restricted to the sites core

and did not include commoner burials so comparisons cannot be made with PfBAP

commoner burials.

As evidenced by the PfBAP sample, modification was not performed solely on

the dentition of individuals worthy of Tomb interment. Dentally modified individuals

were uncovered in Capped and Informal Cists, Pits, and Simple graves. In fact, the

individual with the most number of modified teeth, a total of eight, was placed into a Pit

situated within a bench (Individual 115). Further challenging the restriction of dental

modification to individuals of high-status is the fact that no grave goods were recovered

57
Hammond, Saul, and Pretty (1975) documented three teeth with Romero C-2, one tooth with either
Romero C-2 or C-6, and one tooth with Romero C-6.
396
from graves of eleven PfBAP decedents with such modification, although it is possible

that goods were interred but not preserved. Individuals with modified dentition did not

necessarily have shaped crania, as evidenced by one individual who did not have a

shaped cranium but did have four maxillary teeth with modification right and left lateral

incisors and canines with Romero A-4 (Individual 91). In fact, only three individuals

concomitantly exhibited intentionally shaped crania and modified dentition; there were

two additional individuals with modified dentition whose flattened frontal bones hinted at

possible cranial shaping. Perhaps, in these commoner instances tooth modification incited

a transformation to a more prominent role in the community, seeing that not all members

of a community had shaped teeth. Thus, while all individuals had potential access to tooth

modifying practices, certain designs like Romero E-1 were restricted to select, elite

individuals.

Read my lipsand teeth

As a final component of dental modification, I broach the notion of inscriptive

practices as alternative writing systems. As the body was accessible to all everyone has

a body and everyone has the power to modify his or her body, I propose that Maya bodies

represented non-traditional writing surfaces, especially in the case of dental modification.

Such would especially apply to the vast majority of society who did not have access to

scribal training.

The most prevalent dental design in the entire PfBAP sample corresponds to the

Romero B category (Figure 4.4). Hence, the majority of commoners with dental

modification display this design. Specifically, there is evidence for Romero B-2 to B-5
397
and possibly B-7; sixteen individuals display Romero B designs. Teeth exhibiting

Romero B types, the exception being Romero B-7, have notched lateral corners. Though

not the first (Blom et al. 1934:10-11; Linn 1940:14), William Coe (1959:136) expounded

upon the connection between the Sun God and notching of maxillary central incisors

lateral corners in a T-shaped pattern. Houston and Taube (2000:268) identify this

design as the ik sign, denoting wind, breath, and aroma. In the PfBAP sample, there are

eleven individuals who possess at least one tooth with Romero B style. Five of these

eleven have two teeth with lateral notching on their central incisors, forming a T-

shaped pattern. One individual has both central incisors with Romero B notching, but on

the mesial corners and not the lateral ones, creating instead a U-shaped pattern.

Although not accorded the same range of privileges and wealth as Tomb

decedents, it is possible that individuals with notched lateral incisors were central figures

within their communities. I would argue for this prominence despite the relative paucity

of decorated individuals mortuary materials, inasmuch as grave-types, materials, and

goods are concerned. Selection of specific dental designs, as well as endurance of painful

modifications, signaled modified individuals shifting identity as far as self and society

are concerned. An individuals perception of self, as well as the groups reception to the

individual, would have changed with the changing body image. Dentally modified

PfBAP individuals may have legitimated their standing in their communities via divine

reference made visible and corporeally (and painfully) indelible. One individual may

have underscored these connections via simultaneous lip piercing and dental

modification. Burial 89, a Young Adult possible male from the site of Guijarral, was

interred within an Informal Cist. A flower-shaped bone labret, shell button, and shell disk
398
comprised his grave accompaniments (Figure 4.3). The labret was found near his

fragmented skull, and was most likely worn for a time while he was alive. Dental

modification atypically occurred on mandibular teeth, the right canine and left lateral

incisor. Both were decorated with a variation of Romero A-1 type. Dental modifications

and the lip piercing would have impacted the individuals speech patterns and centered

viewers attention at his mouth. Body modifications perhaps spotlight the individuals

oratory skill. Houston and Taube (2000:270) write, Utterances emitted from such

[modified] mouths were probably imbued with qualities of preciousness and purity.

Moreover, mortuary data, namely his flexed body position and associated bench, also

intone this individuals identity as ancestor. Thus, in life, it is possible that this individual

was a respected member of his community, and the material (and osteological) remains of

his burial after death speak to a newly acquired status as venerated ancestor (Chapter 6).

Furthermore, Romeros categorization of dental designs supplies additional

symbols of import in Maya society. As evidenced by Romeros type D-5 and D-6, cross-

hatching of teeths labial surface present the mat symbol, or pop (Figure 8.4).

Hieroglyphic and iconographic images of mats were markers of authority, and often the

words for mat and throne were one and the same (Sharer 1994:727). Rulers were known

as ah po, or lord of the mat. Excavators have found woven mats preserved in the tombs of

Maya rulers [e.g., Tikals Burial 116 (Trik 1963)]. Mat designs are interspersed

throughout wall murals, and were carved onto the back of large stelae. Labial surfaces of

anterior teeth offer an additional site that is decidedly not monumental and out of reach.

For the time being, this remains but an evocative thought, as there is no PfBAP evidence

399
for Romero D-5 and D-6. Dental remains excavated in the future might yield important

clues, however.

Figure 8.4. Mat symbol, or pop

To conclude, the practice of dental modification perhaps indicates the process of

beautification. Rosemary Joyce (2000:11) defines this concept as a social practice

through which sensory attraction of the body is deliberately increased by the addition of

skillfully worked materials that distinguish one person from others. Joyce herself

borrows the notion of beautification from Nancy Munn (1986), who originally applied it

in her Oceanic case study of Gawa society. Distinct from the example of dental

modification, Joyces consideration of beautification particularly emphasizes

ornamentation that is removable and temporary, such as costumes and forms of

movement (see also Joyce 1999). This distinction between transient bodily practices and

indelible inscriptional practices, such as dental modification, is one that elsewhere Joyce

(1998) recognizes and offers evidence for from various Central American examples. The

pain and permanence that characterize dental modification, or tattooing discussed earlier,

indeed adds a more layered dimension in reflections upon the intersection of sensory

experience, corporeal alteration, and identity constitution.

400
 However, I would not argue that typological variability in the case of the PfBAP

sample bespeaks personal predilection, a means by which to reaffirm a sense of ones self

through redirection of ones body image. To belabor personal motivations behind dental

modification would run the risk of confusing indigenous social practice with

contemporary individualism. Rather, emphasis is placed upon the experience of dental

modification as personally embodied though accessible to all who engage in such

corporeal practices. Moreover, it is possible that evidence of typological variability in the

PfBAP sample points to difference between members of distinct social strata and not

within a social stratum. The fact that commoners did not adopt certain dental designs may

be a consequence of access to resources (both material and symbolic) needed to realize

their identities. Thus, by drawing on specific signs imbued with significant cultural

meaning, this practice also communicates a statement about ones transforming role

within communities and the differences between disparate social levels.

Writing on the Body: Corporeality and Textuality

The anthropologist is above all interested in unwritten data, not so

much because the peoples he studies are incapable of writing, but
because that which with which he is principally concerned differs
from everything men ordinarily think of recording on stone or on
paper (Levi-Strauss 1963:25).

Levi-Strausss quotation is exceedingly relevant in this study of the Maya. The

Maya were not incapable of writing. They did, in fact, record their hieroglyphic writing

system in elaborate painting, sculpture, and perishable bark codices. Advances in

decipherment have dramatically enhanced our understanding of sociopolitical and

personal histories from the courtly sector (the minority) of society. Scribal training and
401
production were highly specialized, and therefore, restricted to a fraction of society. Most

Maya people, however, would have communicated cultural knowledge and individual

histories using other available channels. Indeed, Ashmore (1986:46) writes, The ancient

Maya embedded their complex and intriguing ideas in a variety of media. For Maya, and

Mesoamerican people at large, the body supplied the earliest surface for the advancement

of textual technologies. Bodies represent one accessible and easily inscribable surface to

those seemingly illiterate members of society, or those without access to formal

epigraphic training. Nonetheless, with the concretization of a formal writing system, the

majority of Maya would have had varying degrees of exposure to and understanding of

inscriptions messages. For instance, the sun god with filed maxillary incisors was a

common iconographic image (Figure 8.5). Perhaps, many non-elite members of Maya

society recognized iks deified associations, even if they did not know the signs exact

translated meanings. Bodies represented an accessible and easily inscribable surface for

appropriating certain structural signs, communicating cultural knowledge, and actively

narrating individual histories. Changing bodies provide information about changing

identities, inasmuch as perceptions of self and reception by society are concerned. Dental

modifications and tattoos provide direct evidence of inscriptions, shaped crania represent

more subtle ones. Hence, I would argue that for the Maya, textuality and the corporeal are

coessential in some sense. This conjoining of body/text, an embodied text, contrasts

markedly with our Western understanding in which texts are largely divorced from

physicality.

402
 Figure 8.5. Sun god with modified teeth in Romero Type B-4
(adapted from Coe 1959)

Michel de Certeau (1984) identifies contemporary Western cultures fascination

with the production of the scriptural, as dualistically separate from and privileged over

that of more performative practices. For him, the distinction between the two has

contributed, problematically so, to the valorization of the former as progressive,

evolutionarily advanced, and epistemologically legitimate. However, in many indigenous

societies, where transmittal of historical and cultural knowledge occurs through

performative and oral channels, the book as a formally bounded, literary, and linear

phenomenon does not present a viable device for communication. Writing upon and

reading the body ultimately challenges scholarship that regards true writing systems as

characterized by alphabetic, textual and literary dimensions. In underscoring the

connection between textuality and corporal vehicles, we can broaden our conception of

writing systems and the surfaces upon which said writing occurred.

403
Summary

This chapter commenced with a discussion of past investigators disparagement

and/or disregard for indigenous peoples modified bodies, especially the pre-Columbian

Maya. Brief discussion of Orlan, the infamous French performance artist, provides

counterpoint and concurrence. Through her performance art, Orlan58 uses her body and

its modification as a site for the simultaneous reproduction and subversion of the Wests

beauty ideology. In The Reincarnation of Saint Orlan (1990-1994), plastic surgeries as

live performances spotlighted the embodied experience of (and commitment to) her

artistic endeavor (Goodall 2000). Her project also has decidedly feminist underpinnings.

In taking to task classic Western representations of beauty Venus, Diana, Europa,

Psyche, Mona Lisa she unmasks the natural as a cultural construction. Body image is

made to fit with self-identification. Ultimately, Orlans performances reiterate that

society inscribes itself on our bodies, but to a certain degree, individuals can direct,

experience, and creatively resist that inscription.

Of particular interest to me is Orlans most recent non-performative project, Self-

Hybridations (1998). In this series of digitally manipulated photographs, Orlans image is

merged with varied body modifications from the pre-Columbian Americas to examine

other cultures standards of beauty. In an interview she states,

Here Ive started with the Pre-Columbian civilizations, which have

a relationship with the body which is particularly disturbing for us,
which completely challenges us and which is very intense
whether that be because of their human sacrifices, or because of
things which Im very interested in, like the god whos always

58
Orlan uses her personal website (http://www.orlan.net) as an additional media venue for displaying her
artwork; the site also contains biographical information, a space for public debate, exhibition dates, and
reviews.
404
 represented in sculpture by the figure of a priest who is wearing the
skin of his victims, which had been prepared in a specific way, for
about 20 days. This is the idea of entering into the skin of the
other. These civilizations have standards of beauty which are
completely different to oursThey deformed the skull, and always
in the same way by clamping bits of wood around the babys head
for three years until the skull bones set and it took on a completely
different appearanceThey were practiced on both men and
women, and by members of all social castes. It wasnt a question
of money, nor religion for that matter; it was really an issue of
beauty (Ayers 2000:177-178).

Later in the interview, she explicitly affirms that Self-Hybridation is not about identity,

but rather beauty of that which is not viewed as such in our own society (Ayers

2000:180). Unlike Orlans own modifications, explicitly designed to shock, she

recognizes that within their cultural context, body modifications were characterized as

normative and even ideal. Orlan rightly recognizes that our own Western standards

should not dictate our perception and acceptance of other cultural conceptions of beauty.

While offering a relatively enlightened view of pre-Columbian corporeal

alterations, Orlan does unknowingly reproduce past transgressions. She homogenizes pre-

Columbian cultures; in doing so, she presumes that all modification practices held similar

significance for varied groups. She does not allow for temporal span, nor change in

meaning through time. And, she simplifies meaning of modifications by surmising that

all represent beautification, without offering an adequate understanding of beautification

as encompassing complex social processes and interactions.

This chapter has posed some alternative interpretations of Maya peoples indelible

body modifications that run counter to popular preconceptions and long-standing

perceptions. I contend that identity formation is the primary motivating factor behind

405
corporeal alterations. All of these physical markers provided a permanent display and

reminder to both modified individual and audience on a daily basis. Societys molding of

bodies, in both ritual and mundane affairs, engendered unified community identity,

supplied a small space for individual predilection, and hinted at the bodys changing,

symbolic role. Moreover, all of these marks were long-standing practices and encoded

with significant cultural meanings. When missionaries forbade their practice, much

information about selves and society was lost. Ultimately, this chapter explores some new

lines of inquiry for studying corporeal modifications. I do not take in hand continuing

assumptions about body modifications. The body ultimately is a vibrant work in progress.

406
 CHAPTER 9

CONCLUDING THOUGHTS

The body, its surface structures and accoutrements, its internal

processes, its interiorized essences, its seals and openings, bears
the insignia of culture. Investigating bodily practice, rituals,
taboos, and myths delineates a metaphysics in terms of which we
conceive and experience ourselves and others. (Young 1993:vii)

In this dissertation, I have demonstrated that the body and its transformation

after death or in life is a significant source of information about self and society. To do

so, I have considered a case study, the pre-Columbian Maya of northwestern Belize,

which contrasts markedly with contemporary Western society. In recognizing that

transformed bodies reflect transformed identities conceptually, materially, ritually, and

experientially I aimed to counter long-standing perception of modifications as

deforming, primitive, uncivilized, and exotic, amongst other things. To study bodies

through a different interpretive lens, use of a humanistic bioarchaeological perspective

facilitated the integration of multiple lines of evidence. In particular, burials yield

considerable data about skeletal remains and archaeological materials. Moreover, artistic

depiction, translated text, historic accounts, and ethnographic analogy enrich

understanding about the activities surrounding death and the individuals, as once sentient

beings, contained within grave spaces.

Burials are invaluable repositories of information. And yet, investigators

treatment of burials has been historically uneven. In the case of prominent royal tombs,

painstaking excavation, detailed documentation, and conservation have followed as a

rule. As a result, much data is available for reconsideration decades after initial

discovery. The tomb of Kinich Janahb Pakal, situated deep beneath the Temple of the
407
Inscriptions at the site of Palenque, Mexico, serves as an excellent case in point.

Unearthed by Ruz Lhuillier in 1952, the tomb and its occupant were the subject of an

entire symposium, fully half a century later after their excavation. At the 2003 Annual

Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, scholars integrated a

bioarchaeological perspective in which they considered human remains, associated

archaeological materials, epigraphy, coeval historical events, and the cultural context.

They benefited significantly from technological advances, a profusion of hieroglyphic

translations, and the availability of additional archaeological data uncovered in the years

following Ruz Lhuilliers initial discovery. Obviously, five decades after exhumation and

analysis of Pakals tomb, there remains much to reassess, refute, and reveal about this

rulers life and death. The quality of the recovery and record was critical to all analyses,

then and now.

The exhumation and subsequent analysis of Pakal offers a point of contrast with

the disinterment of human remains found in association with non-royal residential

groups; the latter are rarely cared for or considered in a similar fashion. Reading through

site reports, one encounters multiple instances in which pre-Columbian Maya skeletal

remains were in fact discarded. Concerning the sample from the site of Altar de

Sacrificios, Saul (1972:5) acknowledges the effects of field lab constraints on that

project:

The basic sample consisted of 90 individuals, represented by

skeletal material of varying completeness for whom chronological
provenience was available. About 54 other individuals were either
discarded in the field or else were of unknown provenience and for
the most part are not considered in this study.

408
At the site of Tikal, Becker (2001, personal communication) indicates that, with the

exception of skulls and dentition, many of the skeletal materials unearthed at residential

groups in the 1950s met a similar fate. And, the following example comes from the site

of Dzibilchaltun:

Most of the 97 lots of bones were of small size and in poor

condition. Only an occasional lot included enough of the skeleton
to give some idea of head shape and/or body size. A considerable
number of artificially mutilated teeth had been detected and
removed previously so I saw no point in making notes on the few
more which I encountered among the loose teeth. Under these
circumstances the greater part of the service which I rendered took
the form of attempting to determine whether each lot represented
one or more individuals and estimating the approximate age and
likely sex of each. Dr. Andrews incorporated these determinations
into his records and discarded all bones except those noted below.
(Stewart 1975:201)

Recognizing that such conservation practices were customary in the mid-twentieth

century, this regrettable disposal even so represents a loss for subsequent generations of

investigators. As hindsight is 20/20, we also realize that treatment of human remains in

such a manner disrespects descendant communities who might have a vested interest in

the handling of their ancestors.

Happily, such reactions are no longer par for the course when it comes to human

remains associated with residential groups (e.g., Caracol [Chase 1994]; Copn [Reed and

Zeleznik 2001]; Cuello [Robin and Hammond 1991; Robin 1989; Saul and Saul 1991,

1997]; Kaxob [McAnany 1995; McAnany et al. 1998]; Xunantunich [Adams 1998]).

Growing attention and equal diligence are paid to excavating and documenting

commoner burials. Maya bioarchaeologists are poised to take advantage of increasing

data sets and mutually beneficial dialogue with excavators. Moreover, it is also important

409
to encourage bioarchaeologists to participate directly in excavation; analyzing remains in

situ facilitates recovery of significant data gleaned from fragile materials and ensures that

they will be contextualized within the spaces in which they were interred.

Throughout this dissertation, I have underscored the importance of implementing

humanistic bioarchaeological perspectives when considering burials from PfB sites in

northwestern Belize. Such perspectives yielded many insights about Maya society. In

particular, I cited data gleaned from burials to argue not only that individuals are shaped

by their societies, but also that they direct, experience, and creatively resist this shaping.

Shaping occurs in both a physical and conceptual sense. Transformed bodies, which are

materially visible, bespeak transformed identities. In turn, these transformations convey

information about the ritual practices and routine activities that give rise to them, as well

as the embodied experience of them.

In Chapter 1, I presented definitions of terms essential to this dissertation. These

included bioarchaeology; the body; individual, self, and person; and social and

self-identity. These concepts are topical within anthropology and as a result have

incurred varied meanings. I isolated the meanings most relevant to this dissertation. I then

delineated the following three research goals: to integrate theories drawn from varied

social scientific and humanistic fields in order to advance studies of bodies and burials,

especially in Maya scholarship; to increase investigators sensitivity with respect to

selection of language usage, what I call semantic sensibilities; and to ground theoretical

attention with a case study, specifically the pre-Columbian Maya. Delineation of the

dissertations organization offered an outline of the chapters that followed.

410
 In Chapter 2, I presented a research strategy for investigating burials and their

encoded meanings. I described in detail the three general classes of information gathered

about mortuary contexts and remains. These included information about data sources,

temporal and physical contexts, and form and content of interments. These collected data

facilitated reconstruction of demographic composition and inferences about ritual,

practice, and experience of identity constitution.

In outlining my research strategies, I also considered two significant forces that

impact data collection and are often beyond investigators control. All researchers who

work with burials and bones must contend to varying degrees with ethical concerns and

sampling limitations.

First, fundamental ethical concerns arise for researchers who work with human

remains. These encompass investigators interactions with contemporary descendant

communities and treatment of the human remains that they study. The first has greater

political implications that figure into nations policies guiding the excavation of human

remains and their removal from the place of interment. Ever more in the spotlight are

human remains repatriation and reburial, the former being an issue with which

investigators in Belize are currently facing. The second ethical concern involves

conceptual and behavioral guidelines inasmuch as ethics of behavior towards remains

impacts the richness of our interpretations of past social life; when we treat human

remains merely as objects, it is difficult to make interpretations about individuals roles

as vibrant actors in social dramas. Moreover, even after death, select individuals

represented venerated ancestors who participated in the world of the living, as was (and

is) the case for the Maya. Thus, I have emphasized the dynamics of past lives and deaths
411
throughout this dissertation. The intersection of politics and science is ultimately

producing a shift in the valuation of mortuary analysis, inasmuch as there is recognition

that it should no longer be pigeonholed as a technique or method, similar to faunal or

pottery analysis.

Second, as they alter burial compositions, poor preservation, past peoples social

activities, and excavators agendas impose significant limitations upon sample sizes.

Consequently, and as Buikstra (1981) stressed, researchers should proceed with caution

when making interpretations about past peoples and societies. With this being said, I

agree with others who argue that Maya burial samples, while offering a social cross-

section, do not include the majority of those who died (Chapter 6).

To contextualize burials, I began Chapter 3 with a geographic, historic, and

architectural overview of sites. The majority of individuals who received burial treatment

were encountered in residential settings that continued to be occupied and renovated after

placement of the burials. This included both commoners and elites, seeing that two of the

four elite tombs were disinterred from residences. This configuration confirms the

importance of living and interacting with the dead on a daily basis and in spaces that

functioned simultaneously in mundane and ritual capacities (e.g., Gillespie 2000;

McAnany 1995).

Information about PfB sites was followed by consideration of the PfBAP burial

sample in Chapter 4. At the time of the writing of this dissertation, the sample is

composed of 132 individuals. First, the chronological contexts of the burials was

discussed. As the majority of the sample dates to the Late Classic period, available data

has afforded little opportunity for discussion about cultural change or stability through
412
time. However, a smaller portion of the sample has been assigned to the Late Preclassic

period. Provisionally, between the Preclassic and Classic periods, there was perhaps a

shift in the ritual treatment of subadults, which may suggest changing conceptions of

childhood. By the Late Classic period, there was also greater formalization of ritual

practices associated with death and ancestors. These issues are important ones and

deserve further exploration and clarification. Perhaps, as a result of future excavation, an

increase in the number of burials from all temporal contexts will inform understandings

about change or continuity through time.

The sample also contained more males than females. It is possible that males,

more often than females, were selected for formal mortuary treatment in residences given

their more prominent positions in the community. Females were perhaps processed

and/or buried in areas that excavators have explored less or that were characterized by

poorer preservation. However, this is not to suggest that females never received formal

mortuary treatment, and the sample does contain several instances in which their burials

are encoded with ancestral significance. Nonetheless, the sample reflects suggests

different treatment, though I hesitate to correlate such disparity with gender inequality.

This idea is also discussed in Chapter 6.

With regard to intentional body modifications, mortuary and skeletal data

included much rich information about the ways in which people from PfBs sites had

their bodies modified in life and after death. To consider the connection between changed

bodies and identity constitution, in the remainder of the dissertation, I turned attention to

establishing theoretical frameworks and subsequently applying those frameworks to

Maya who once lived at PfB sites (Chapters 5-8). I used the changing body as a
413
discursive point of entry, as it is materially observable and a significant concern of social

theorists. In considering transformations of the body in life and after death, I wove

together theoretical strands that focused on identity (re)constitution and the ways in

which it is practiced, performed, and experienced.

Constitutive practices of body modification and manipulation were situated on a

continuum that spanned life and death. Or, perhaps it is more appropriate to say the span

was from death to life in order to reproduce the organization of the dissertation. Seeing

that Maya peoples did and continue to regard death as a rebirth, I do not think it

inappropriate to begin with a discussion of dead bodies followed by living ones. In fact,

death was regarded as a process and not strictly an endpoint, a rite of passage similar to

other life-cycle events during which identity transformation takes place.

In concentrating upon changed bodies, it was first necessary to provide a

historical overview of reflections about this topic. In Chapter 5, I outlined pertinent

dimensions of archaeologys history of concern of mortuary phenomena and dead bodies.

In doing so, I traced varied paradigmatic perspectives and how they shaped

interpretations. The main theoretical use of mortuary data has been to talk about social

status. However, these dimensions of social status are rarely integrated into a theory of

the person or social actor. Bioarchaeology, a more holistic approach, offers such a means

for consideration of these humanistic issues.

Chapter 7 complemented Chapter 5 inasmuch as it surveyed past investigations

about changed bodies of the living and the material expressions of identity constitution.

However, this chapter was much more ambitious in its disciplinary and historic scope, as

it incorporated literature from the social sciences and humanities. Nonetheless, in these
414
two chapters, I worked towards developing a theoretical framework for linking identity

constitution and corporeal transformation at different points in the life-cycle, from birth

to death (or rebirth in the case of the Maya).

From my survey of earlier considerations, I recognized that research does not

reflect a neutral or unbiased view, as it is always conducted from a particular standpoint.

With respect to investigations of the changed body, writers have long denigrated and

exoticized natives treatment of living and dead bodies. My work, however, presented

alternative explanations that identify cultural value and significance embedded in

modifications. In the case of corpses, I looked to the writings of early 20th century

sociologists, who centered death as a rite of passage, emotion, and religious beliefs.

While archaeologists have long examined burial data with regard to identity constitution,

they have problematically conflated the latter with socioeconomic status. To consider

identity, I interrogated sociological and anthropological models concerned with the ways

that beliefs about death, ritual activities, and corporeal transformations intersect. In

Chapter 7, I continued this discussion of identity constitution, recalling Goodenoughs

influential model of social identity, but expanded my framework by incorporating

theories about practice, performance, and phenomenology. These were helpful in

illuminating changes made to living bodies in ritual venues, as well as the experience of

these changes by individuals and societies.

Next, I used the framework to better understand the meanings encoded in Maya

modifications, particularly those encountered at PfB sites. For dead and living bodies, I

distinguished among different types of intentional manipulation and modification, seeing

that distinct forms convey distinct meanings. In the case of corpses, this was not limited
415
to interment, but also involved bundling, wrapping, defleshing, dismemberment of

corpses, and disarticulation of skeletal remains (Chapter 6). For the living, crania were

shaped, dentition modified, various body parts pierced, and flesh tattooed and scarred

(Chapter 8). To decipher significance of such modification, I drew upon historic

accounts, ethnographic analogies, artistic depictions, and archaeological data.

In studying Maya responses and reactions to death, modification of bodies

reflected the patterned processing of the dead for ancestor veneration. In Chapter 6, I

reflected upon the reconfiguration of individuals identities following their biological

death, as well as the impact that identities formed during the course of individuals lives

may have had on this reformulation. In form and meaning, burial spaces were intended to

replicate sacred locales, namely caves and mountains. In addition, mortuary and skeletal

data conveyed significant information about more immaterial aspects of experience,

practice, ritual, and belief.

In comparing elite and commoner manifestations, I found that the ritual activities

structuring constitution of ancestor identity were operative at all levels of society. Traces

of individuality were also inferred, as suggested by varied grave goods. There are,

however, some distinct differences with respect to scale and elaboration. Elite and royal

burials were often encountered in labor intensive grave-types, which were found in

association with monumental temple-pyramids and residences. Graves in both locations

contained numerous grave goods, and some were replete with symbols of rulership.

Corpses seemed to have been processed in an extended ritual sequence that may have

involved wrapping, re-entry of graves, and handling after skeletonization. Comparison

416
with elite graves from elsewhere in the Maya region reflects shared cultural patterns as

well as regional or temporal styles.

On the other hand, commoners burials were situated customarily beneath their

residences, which others continued to occupy and in many cases to renovate. Subsequent

construction of benches in stratigraphic association with graves suggests ancestor

veneration within mundane, domestic settings. Grave goods were not recovered in all

instances, and when there were accompaniments, they were neither abundant nor

typologically diverse. The construction of graves required considerably less effort and

planning. Treatment of corpses by bundling seems to have involved a truncated process

in which processors of bodies recognized and responded to the effects of the ecological

setting. Individuals were also encountered in disarticulated states, suggestive of both

veneration and, to a lesser degree, desecration. Amongst different sites, there are patterns

indicative of shared practices. But, there are also idiosyncrasies that speak to a

communitys unique identity.

Based on these findings, I draw provisional conclusions with respect to the

constitution of identity at the social level of the commoner. Commoner burials were

situated beneath residential structures, and convey conceptions of ancestorhood, as well

as the afterlife, soul beliefs, rebirth, mortuary rites, memorialization, and emotional

responses that are uniquely Maya. And while mortuary and skeletal data of some

individuals indicate conferral of ancestor identities after death, not all ancestors are

accorded the same status. Moreover, not all individuals were venerated as ancestors.

Rather, these decedents burials suggest hasty disposal in some instances, and included

417
disarticulated remains of individuals who were perhaps regarded as non-persons (i.e.,

children, slaves).

I believe that most Maya decedents were not buried in spaces that have thus far

received archaeological attention. In arguing that only select members of society were

purposefully interred (in haste or with foresight), I intend to consider actively the

whereabouts of the population not included within known burial samples from PfB sites

and elsewhere.

Studying burials provides greater insight about death. But, it also conveys

considerable information about life. These lives include those of the past peoples under

investigation, contemporary descendant communities (acknowledged in earlier allusion to

ethical issues), and our own lives as investigators as our conceptions and presentations

impact reception of changed bodies. Turning from dead bodies to those of the living, I

argue that the intent of modification was neither to deform and mutilate, nor recreate the

shocking and bizarre. Instead, the irreversibility and visibility of modifications speaks to

their ordinary and normative qualities. In Chapter 8, I incorporate the theories explicated

in Chapter 7 to offer interpretations about modifications in the PfBAP sample.

Information gleaned from ethnohistorical documents, artifacts, and artistic

representations provided details and images of modifications that did not preserve, such

as tattooing, scarification, and piercing. Modified crania and dentition offered direct

evidence of indelible alterations that are available to investigators.

As evidenced by irreversible modification of bodies in the sample, I contend that

transformations of bodies expedited transformations of individuals identities following

from life-cycle events, changes in community roles or importance, or personal

418
achievements. With this being said, different types of modifications encoded different

meanings. I considered three types more closely tattooing, cranial shaping, and dental

modification.

Tattooing, and to a lesser degree piercing, were discussed with regard to

transitions from one identity to another in the context of a group initiation ritual. The case

of Gonzalo Guerrero narrates one individuals active decision to adopt the practices,

values, and appearance of his surrogate community. Thus, his tattooing also marked him

as a particular kind of Maya person (i.e., a member of a particular Maya group). Though

he exercised control over his individual body, tattoos and piercings facilitated

transformation of Guerrero into as a member of a native social body. This kind of

modification, however, is not preserved directly in Maya mortuary samples.

Cranial shaping is, however, and I suggested that physically shaping individuals

reinforced concomitant cultural shaping, or socializing. Evidence from the PfBAP sample

coupled with ethnohistorical accounts and ethnographic analogies indicated that soon

after birth, certain individuals were slotted for specific roles or prominent positions

within their communities. Parents decisions set this identification in motion, in a

physical and social sense.

However, in the case of dental modification, there are two distinct differences

with regard to age and experience. First, data demonstrate that all dentally modified

individuals were adults. Second, as is the case for tattooing, piercing, and scarification as

well, this procedure is painful. I believe that the experience of pain in these ritual cases

facilitates identity change. We are not really aware of our bodies unless they hurt or do

not functioning properly. Pain brings us back into our bodies and transforms our
419
experience of the world. Similarly, a shift in individuals identities also changes how they

experience and interact with the world. Painful transformations of bodies provide the

impetus for transformations of selves. I also suggest that painful body modifications, like

dental alteration, were meant to be shared, either through empathy or simultaneous

experience. This sharing creates a bond between ritual participants. Feeling someones

pain is appropriate in these situations. A sense of belonging to a select group is fostered.

I would suggest that, like tattooing, this type of modification marked an individual as

changing from one identity into a different and more prestigious one perhaps reflective of

community leadership.

Though not dealt with in this dissertation, a similar argument may be made for

auto-sacrificial bloodletting, which was actively practiced by pre-Columbian peoples. As

a painful corporeal alteration, bloodletting might have helped stimulate an altered state of

consciousness appropriate for receiving visions and communicating with the supernatural

world. This issue provides interesting food for future thought.

As a final component of body modification, the notion of inscriptive practices as

alternative writing systems was broached. As the body was accessible to all everyone

has a body and everyone has the power to modify his or her body, I propose that Maya

bodies represented non-traditional writing surfaces. Such would especially apply to the

vast majority of society who did not have access to scribal training. Writing on the body

would serve to communicate ideas about self-expression and/or social control. In

correlating the body and the book, I call for reconceptualization of writing systems that

extends beyond texts and linear readings to include embodied texts and their subtly

encoded meanings.
420
 All of these physical markers provided a permanent display and reminder to both

modified individual and audience on a daily basis. Societys molding of bodies, in both

ritual and mundane affairs, engendered unified community identity, supplied a small

space for individual predilection, and hinted at the bodys changing, symbolic role.

Moreover, all of these marks were long-standing practices and encoded with significant

cultural meanings. When missionaries forbade their practice, much information about

selves and society was lost.

Work thus far has generated a host of additional questions regarding the

manifestations of these body modifications elsewhere in the Maya area. To provide

points of comparison and contrast, in future investigation I anticipate culling data from

other available burial samples, within the sphere of Maya influence as well as more

broadly throughout Mesoamerica.

This is an exciting time for bioarchaeological examinations, and the larger

anthropological contribution of diverse bioarchaeological perspectives cannot be

understated. Bioarchaeology humanizes study of the past by giving empirical preference

to human remains. Moreover, humanistic bioarchaeology weds physical and

archaeological anthropology to ensure that osteological data will be interpreted in light of

social cultural and historical contexts. And following from this, bridging anthropological

sub-fields fosters intra-disciplinary dialogue that might stave off recent disciplinary

fragmentation. Bioarchaeologists position at the crossroads of archaeology and physical

anthropology creates numerous opportunities for future investigations and collaborations.

421
 APPENDIX

PfBAP Individual # 1

RB # S2
Site Name Barba Group (Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect)
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 5-P-3
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 12-15, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; HAGEMAN, JON. 1999. Ideology and Intersite
Settlement among the Late Classic Maya. Unpublished paper presented at the
Society for American Archaeology meetings

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 40 cm (L) x 45 (Wi) cm*
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House group w/ 3 structures; E pyramidal structure; E side of pyramid -
2 m (H), between 2 retaining walls
Associated Architectural Features Walls - pyramid's retaining walls
Grave Materials Burial marker - retaining walls running parallel to body; no capstone;
fill surrounding (construction fill, limestone stones)
Grave Goods Vessel: untyped bowl
Grave Good Location Vessel laid on chest, but cranial and dental remains also found
beneath vessel

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head SW, hips NE
Body Orientation NE/SW

Associated Samples Recovered Phytoliths (from inside bowls)

Associated Individual(s) # 2

Notes (*) This area of human remains, situated above the tomb, was measured.

422
PfBAP Individual # 2

RB # S2
Site Name Barba Group (Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect)
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 5-P-13
Excavator(s) Julie Saul, Frank Saul, and Mark Ingrahm
Date Excavated June 25-29, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; HAGEMAN, JON. 1999. Ideology and Intersite
Settlement among the Late Classic Maya. Unpublished paper presented at the
Society for American Archaeology meetings

Date Early Classic (Tzakol 3, CA. AD 450-550)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Rock-cut Tomb

Grave Dimensions 100 cm (Wi); 58 cm (H)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House group with 3 structures; E pyramidal structure; E side of pyramid
- 2 m (H)
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, small chamber cut directly into bedrock with
lip at opening which cut stone slabs lean against
Grave Goods 5 vessels: red Teotihuacan-style cylinder tripod with human head handle,
anthropomorphic effigy vessel - shell with human head, orange polychrome effigy
vessel with jaguar, orange polychrome effigy vessel with ocellated turkey, small
black bowl of unspecified type; 2 small jade beads; small shell bead
Grave Good Location Turkey, shell head, and plain vessels near legs on W side of body;
beads near cranium

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on back with knees on chest or to side, head N, hips S,
arms flexed upwards & hands under chin
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Phytoliths (from inside bowls)

Associated Individual(s) # 1

Notes (*)

423
PfBAP Individual # 3

RB # S2
Site Name Bronco Group (Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect)
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 11-J-25
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated May-June 1998
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 50 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); S structure (5 structures in
group), SW corner of room, beneath floor (lot 22)*, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into & resurfaced, atop floor was
sherd scatter from different vessels
Grave Materials Burial marker - above level of teeth was cut stone standing on edge;
subfloor fill - small cobbles and marly powder
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Phytoliths

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) The room's interior floor extended into the patio area. Several sherds from
smashed scatter had been modified. Teeth found in NE side of grave and level with
rectangular cut rock; presence of unidentifiable tiny bone fragments (not just a tooth
cache).

424
PfBAP Individual # 4
RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # Tomb 2
Op-Subop-Lot 2-J-6
Excavator(s) Hugh Robichaux
Date Excavated May-July, 1997 and 1998
Source ROBICHAUX, HUGH. 1998:40-49. Excavations at the Upper Plaza, in The
1997 Season of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project. Papers of the CCAP, No 3,
ed. by B. Houk, pp. 31-52. San Antonio, TX Center for Maya Studies;
ROBICHAUX, HUGH, et al. 2000:49-51. Preliminary Report on the 1998
Excavations on the Upper Plaza, in The 1998 & 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich
Archaeological Project. Papers of the CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 49-56.
Austin: Mesoamerican Archaeological Research Laboratory, The University of Texas
Date Protoclassic (Chicanel, ca. AD 150-250)
Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Fred Valdez
Grave Type Rock-cut Tomb*
Grave Dimensions approximately 1 m (Wi) x 3 m (L); 1 m (H)
Grave Orientation N/S*
Grave Location Group A; Upper Plaza; 3 m beneath plaza floor, in front of Structure A-
15 (tallest building at site and S structure)
Associated Architectural Features Floors - capped by Floor 5 & grave cut into Floors
1-4; wall - ante-chamber separated by stone wall at tomb's N end
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, ledge cut into bedrock in which capstones rest;
capstones 10-12 limestone slabs, (plastered side by side) with small sidestones;
mortar
Grave Goods 11 vessels: 4 red mammiform support bowls, red basal flange bowl, red
and incised basal flange bowl, red basal angle bowl, red ring base jar, red & buff
mammiform support bowl, red rimmed buff spout & bridge jar, red rimmed buff-
incised spout and bridge jar; wood serpent; jade - 2 earspools, bead (tubular), bib-
and-helmet pendant; codex fragment?; paint or stucco on gourd?; cinnabar
Grave Good Location Cinnabar concentrated at upper body; earspools at chest & neck;
bead & pendant on necklace worn by deceased (S end); serpent at N end; 4 vessels (#
4, 7, 9, 10) in center contained bone fragments; vessels under perishable litter

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Extended on back, head S, feet N
Body Orientation N/S
Associated Samples Recovered Obsidian (for EDXRF)
Associated Individual(s)
Notes (*) Grave is 10 degrees E of magnetic N. Body was possibly placed atop organic
litter and interred. Obsidian in tomb includes material from El Chayal, Guatemala.
Teeth are located at south end of unit.

425
PfBAP Individual # 5

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 4-A-3
Excavator(s) Richard Meadows
Date Excavated May-July, 1997
Source MEADOWS, RICHARD. 1998:61-62. "Test Pit Program in Group C," in The
1997 Season of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project. Papers of the CCAP, No 3,
ed. B. Houk, pp. 59-66. San Antonio, TX: Center for Maya Studies

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group C; Courtyard C-1 (elite residence); Structure C-1, in E wall
Associated Architectural Features Floor?; wall - eastern one
Grave Materials Construction fill - cobbles (10-20 cm in diam)
Grave Goods Vessel fragments; possibly expended chert cores
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave and N of individual

Body Condition Primary

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

426
PfBAP Individual # 6

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 7
Op-Subop-Lot 4-D-?
Excavator(s) Owen Ford and Amy Rush
Date Excavated May 15-July 12, 1998
Source FORD, OWEN, and AMY E. RUSH. 2000:46. "1998 Excavations at the Western
Groups," in The 1998 and 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project.
Papers of the CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 41-48. Austin, TX: Mesoamerican
Archaeological Research Laboratory, The University of Texas

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan and
Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group C; Courtyard C-1 (elite residence); Structure C-2 (palace
structure), along center line of Structure C-6, on bottom step atop eroded plaza floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of plaza; staircase - of pyramid
Grave Materials Construction tumble with topsoil, debris, sherds, and lithics
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Only a few fragmentary and scattered bones comprised the entire burial. Faunal
bones are also present, as well as burned and unburned human bones.

427
PfBAP Individual # 7

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 3 A (also includes 3B, 4, and 6)
Op-Subop-Lot 5-C-3, 5-H-2 and 5-H-2a A
Excavator(s) Owen Ford and Amy Rush
Date Excavated May 15-July 12, 1998
Source FORD, OWEN, and AMY E. RUSH. 2000. "1998 Excavations at the Western
Groups," in The 1998 & 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project.
Papers of the CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 41-48. Austin, TX: Mesoamerican
Archaeological Research Laboratory, The University of Texas

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan and
Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group C; Courtyard C-1 (elite residence); Structure C-2 (palace
structure), on steps and courtyard floor
Associated Architectural Features Staircase - palace structure
Grave Materials Construction tumble with soil, debris
Grave Goods Vessel - partial bottom of small bowl incensario; 4 bifaces; granite mano
and metate; obsidian blade; faunal remains (deer?) (Individuals 7 & 8 share grave
goods)
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered?

Associated Individual(s) # 8

Notes (*) MNI 2. There is non-human bone (worked and unworked). Burial was found in
association with concentration of smashed ceramics. Included with these human
remains were skeletal materials later identified as faunal (possibly deer) and modified
bone.

428
PfBAP Individual # 8

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 3 B (also includes 3A, 4, and 6)
Op-Subop-Lot 5-C-3, 5-H-2 and 5-H-2a B
Excavator(s) Owen Ford and Amy Rush
Date Excavated May 15-July 12, 1998
Source FORD, OWEN, and AMY E. RUSH. 2000. "1998 Excavations at the Western
Groups," in The 1998 & 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project.
Papers of the CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 41-48. Austin, TX: Mesoamerican
Archaeological Research Laboratory, The University of Texas

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan and
Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group C; Plaza C-1 (elite residence); Structure C-2, (palace structure),
on steps and courtyard floor
Associated Architectural Features Staircase - palace structure
Grave Materials Construction tumble with soil, debris
Grave Goods Vessel - partial bottom of small bowl incensario; 4 bifaces; granite mano
and metate; obsidian blade; faunal remains (deer?) (Individuals 7 & 8 share grave
goods)
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 7

Notes (*) MNI 2. There is non-human bone (worked and unworked). Burial was found in
association with concentration of smashed ceramics. Included with these human
remains were skeletal materials later identified as faunal (possibly deer) and modified
bone.

429
PfBAP Individual # 9

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot 6-C-9
Excavator(s) Richard Meadows
Date Excavated May-July, 1998
Source MEADOWS, RICHARD. 2000:15-16. "Archaeological Excavations at Group H:
Investigating Craft Production and Domestic Architecture at Chan Chich, Belize," in
The 1998 & 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project. Papers of the
CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 15-40. Austin, TX: Mesoamerican Archaeological
Research Laboratory, The University of Texas

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 75 (E/W) cm x 50 (N/S) cm
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location Group H; Patio Group H-1; Structure H-3; E corner of room, beneath
floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into floor, no evidence of
resurfacing episode; lithic workshop; wall - behind exterior wall of Structure H
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - lithic, ceramic, cobbles
Grave Goods Red and Buff Slipped fragments from ceramic vessel; 2 well worn oval
bifaces; lithic debitage
Grave Good Location Vessel fragments placed atop head and feet; first biface W of
head; second biface E of feet; red-stained chert with teeth

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side? (facing N?), head W, hips E
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

430
PfBAP Individual # 10

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 7-B-11
Excavator(s) Ellie Harrison
Date Excavated June 3-7, 1999
Source HARRISON, ELLIE. 2000:82-85. "Structure C-6: Excavation of an Elite
Compound," in The 1998 & 1999 Seasons of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project.
Papers of the CCAP, No 4, ed. by B. Houk, pp. 71-93. Austin, TX: Mesoamerican
Archaeological Research Laboratory, The University of Texas; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Pit in bench

Grave Dimensions 55 cm (E/W) x 45 cm (N/S) x 70 cm (H)
Grave Orientation E/W*
Grave Location Group C; Plaza C-2 (Western Plaza - elite residence); Structure C-6
(range structure on S side of courtyard), in Room 2, subfloor Pit cut into rear of
Bench 1
Associated Architectural Features Bench - (1.6 m (W) x .2 m (H)) with patolli board,
grave cut resurfaced with plaster patch
Grave Materials Construction fill
Grave Goods Vessel: Black-slipped bowl with anthropomorphic features; 2 shell disks;
faunal remains (long bones)
Grave Good Location Vessel "clasped" by hands and feet in grave's SE corner; 1 shell at
jaw and 1 at feet and hands

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E, arms extending down
along body & hands with feet
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Area directly above the cut was burned. The body was later interred into a cut
into the floor into which burned plaster was also deposited. This Pit is located on the
building's central axis.

431
PfBAP Individual # 11

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 9
Op-Subop-Lot 9-G-6 and 7
Excavator(s) Brett Houk and field crew
Date Excavated May 2000
Source Brett Houk, email correspondence May 15, 2002; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group C; Plaza C-2 (Western Plaza - elite residence); NW courtyard
bounded by Structures C-11, C-12, & C-13; directly in front of Structure C-12;
beneath courtyard floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of patio
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side, R hand at hips and L hand at head
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Bones from Op 9 also include burned bones - both faunal and human remains.

432
PfBAP Individual # 12

RB # CCAP
Site Name Chan Chich
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # Tomb 1
Op-Subop-Lot No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Excavator(s) Brett Houk
Date Excavated May-July, 1997
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1998:91. "Closing Remarks on the 1997 Season," in The 1997
Season of the Chan Chich Archaeological Project. Papers of the Chan Chich
Archaeological Project, Number 3, ed. B. Houk, pp. 91-101. San Antonio, TX:
Center for Maya Studies

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Stone-lined Tomb

Grave Dimensions 192 cm (L) x 92 cm (Wi) x 100 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure A-31 (pyramid E of Upper Plaza and S structure) -
LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - 6 cm thick
Grave Materials Cut stone walls and 4 capstones; plaster floor
Grave Goods Copal incense
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) LOOTED. No human remains recovered.

433
PfBAP Individual # 13

RB # 47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 2-A-16
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated 1995
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001); J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic?

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of site's occupation, researcher's estimation

Grave Type ?
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group D?; beneath Floor 3?
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - chert cobbles?
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) North half of the unit is behind a wall.

434
PfBAP Individual # 14

RB # 47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 2-A-20
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated 1995
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001); J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic?

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of site's occupation, researcher's estimation

Grave Type ?
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group D?; exterior of structure, beneath Floor 1 to bedrock, extending
into E side wall
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Bedrock (uncertain if modified); subfloor fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E, R arm bent at elbow
& R lower arm passing under flexed legs, L arm position unknown
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

435
PfBAP Individual # 15

RB #47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 13-C-10 A
Excavator(s) Stan Walling
Date Excavated 1994
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001); J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of surrounding construction, researcher's estimation

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation E/W?
Grave Location Group A; House group (in bajo); Structure 7, beneath platform at SE
corner of structure
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Cist stones and capstone
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing N), head W, hips E, arms between legs, L
hand palm up in front of feet, R hand palm down at feet, feet close to hips
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 16

Notes (*) It is unclear if this individual and Individual 16 were two separate burial
episodes or both interred in a single Cist. Documentation was not available to answer
this question.

436
PfBAP Individual # 16

RB # 47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # 1a
Op-Subop-Lot 13-C-10 B
Excavator(s) Stan Walling
Date Excavated 1994
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001); J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of surrounding construction, researcher's estimation

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; House group (in bajo); Structure 7, beneath platform at SE
corner of structure
Associated Architectural Features Cist from burial above; floor - of platform
Grave Materials Cist stones
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 15

Notes (*) It is unclear if this individual and Individual 15 were two separate burial
episodes or both interred in a single Cist. Documentation was not available to answer
this question. This burial was located underneath Individual 15, though the distance
between the 2 is unknown.

437
PfBAP Individual # 17

RB # 47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 13-C-12
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated 1994
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001); J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of surrounding construction, researcher's estimation

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; House group (in bajo); Structure 7, found directly atop
bedrock
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Bedrock - forms bottom of grave space; subfloor fill?
Grave Goods 3 ceramic fragments
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Two R terminal phalanges for R foot represented, suggesting the presence of a
second individual.

438
PfBAP Individual # 18

RB # 47
Site Name Chawak But'o'ob
Researcher(s) Stan Walling
Original Burial # No # assigned
Op-Subop-Lot No # assigned
Excavator(s) Stan Walling
Date Excavated 1998
Source Stan Walling, personal communication, 2001 (notes taken during conversation,
June 2001)

Date Late Classic?

Dating Diagnostic(s) Date of site's occupation

Grave Type Chultun

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group E; House group (in bajo); directly in front of N structure; beneath
plaza floor; in Chamber 2
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of plaza
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

439
PfBAP Individual # 19

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 3-A-8
Excavator(s) Hugh Robichaux
Date Excavated April 10, 1992
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Brandon Lewis, personal
communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions 73 cm (Wi); 39 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B; Structure 11, W structure; beneath floor, under floor in grave
cut, in subfloor fill; 35 cm N of Individual 20
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into floor, capped with flagstone,
and resurfaced
Grave Materials Cist stones - mortared in place and capstone; bedrock is chamber's
bottom
Grave Goods Shell ladle (conch - 21cm (L), 9 cm (Wi), 3 cm (H))
Grave Good Location Ladle atop human remains

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 20 & 21

Notes (*) May not be a Cist. According to field notes, Simple grave in which corpse was
placed between the walls of existing stone lined graves and thus forming the
impression of being stone lined. Wall of Individual 19 might have been built atop the
earlier Individual 20's skull. The s end of grave space is N end of Individual 20's
grave. The whereabouts of the human remains are unknown; they disappeared before
they could be analyzed.

440
PfBAP Individual # 20

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 3-A-9
Excavator(s) Hugh Robichaux
Date Excavated April 10-13, 1992
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Brandon Lewis, personal
communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist*

Grave Dimensions 180 cm (L) x 55 cm (H at N) & 45 cm (H at S)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B; Structure 11, W structure; beneath staircase, under floor in
grave cut, in subfloor fill; 35 cm S of Individual 19
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into floor, capped with flagstone,
and resurfaced
Grave Materials Cist stones - mortared in place and capstone; bedrock is chamber's
bottom
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed?, head N, hips S
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 19 & 21

Notes (*) Excavators originally dubbed the grave type a Crypt, though email
correspondence worked to clarify. The N end of this grave was located 40 cm from S
end of Individual 19; they are separated by stone mortared into place. The
whereabouts of the human remains are unknown; they disappeared before they could
be analyzed.

441
PfBAP Individual # 21

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 3-A-10
Excavator(s) Hugh Robichaux
Date Excavated April 13, 1992
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Brandon Lewis, personal
communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B; Structure 11, W structure; beneath floor in grave cut; just to E
of Individual 20
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into floor & resurfaced; staircase -
later construction phase above area of burial
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 19 & 20

Notes (*) It is possible that the burial in question is Individual 20, and the wall associated
with Individual 19 was built atop the skull giving the appearance of a separate burial.
The whereabouts of the human remains are unknown; they disappeared before they
could be analyzed.

442
PfBAP Individual # 22

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 10
Op-Subop-Lot 3-AI-17
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 26-July 1, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Brandon Lewis, personal
communication, April 4, 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist*

Grave Dimensions 53 cm (E/W) x 70 cm (N/S) x 46 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B; Structure 11, W structure; S corner in W room, 22 cm beneath
bench, under floor in fill*
Associated Architectural Features Bench; floor - no evidence of grave cut
Grave Materials 6 rough cut limestone blocks, arranged upright & in ovoid shape,
mortar & medium cobbles fill in gaps, plaster block capstone, Cist bottom is soft
marl, or eroded plaster
Grave Goods Vessel fragment - polychrome plate; stingray spine; jade pendant in shape
of triangle with biconically drilled hole
Grave Good Location Vessel fragment mixed in with fill that drifted into Cist; stingray
spine at chest and clasped between arms; pendant at neck

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, lower arms crossed
with hands toward head, R arm near shoulder & underneath L arm, L leg closer to
head
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) The Cist is designated as a separate lot, Lot 17. Structure 11's W room was
later filled in and the doorway was sealed.

443
PfBAP Individual # 23

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 12
Op-Subop-Lot 3-AI-18
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Lauri Thompson
Date Excavated July 2-3, 2001
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Structure 11, W structure; W room, in N corner, beneath floor
in fill*
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - medium to large cobble with grey marl/soil and artifacts
(obsidian blade fragment, charcoal, biface fragment, sherds - 1 black with pseudo-
glyph)
Grave Goods Vessel fragments; lithics; obsidian flakes
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Structure 11's W room was later filled in and the room's doorway was sealed.

444
PfBAP Individual # 24

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 11
Op-Subop-Lot 3-AQ/AU-5
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, Frank, Saul, and Lauri Thompson
Date Excavated June 29, 2001
Source Personal field notes.

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type ?
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A?; Structure 21?
Associated Architectural Features Benches - an older one inside of a renovation
Grave Materials Burial marker - stone alignment delineating burial space
Grave Goods Vessel and biface
Grave Good Location Vessel inverted (possibly over head)

Body Condition Primary

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

445
PfBAP Individual # 25

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 13
Op-Subop-Lot 3-BD-6
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated July 2002
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location ?
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back with knees to R side (S), head W, hips E, arms
bent with hands near head
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

446
PfBAP Individual # 26

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # Hugh Robichaux
Op-Subop-Lot 3-G-8
Excavator(s) 4
Date Excavated April 15, 1992
Source Researcher's documentation

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions 125 cm (L) x 55 cm (Wi) x 60 cm (H)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location
Group B; Structure 7, N structure; beneath interior floor into bedrock; paleosoil above
burial space
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, grave's bottom; Cist stones - limestone slabs
with mortar and capstones
Grave Goods 42 pieces of small, thin jade sections
Grave Good Location N of chamber, near human remains

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Excavator only usedinch screen to screen human remains. The whereabouts of
the human remains are unknown; they disappeared before they could be analyzed.

447
PfBAP Individual # 27

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis

Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 3-WWZZ-14
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 1999
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Early Classic?*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location Group B, Structure 11, W structure (SW in group); in room's NW
corner, beneath floor, in grave cut; directly N and 30 cm Individuals 28 & 29
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut & resurfacing episode; wall
- body adjacent to W wall
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side? (facing N?), head E, feet W
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) There is evidence of burning in the center of the burial. Lot below grave
contains Chicanel ceramics (Late Preclassic period) and lot above contains Tzakol
ceramics (Early Classic period).

448
PfBAP Individual # 28

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 3-WWZZ-15 A
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 1999 - July 7-10, 2000
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan and stratigraphic location
(predates wall and floor)

Grave Type Capped Cist*

Grave Dimensions approximately 64 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B, Structure 11, W structure (SW in group); in room, 57 cm
beneath floor (13 cm thick) and W wall (7 courses)*
Associated Architectural Features Floor - no discernible cut in plaster floor, burial
seems to precede floor's construction; wall - western one
Grave Materials 7 or 8 limestone Cist stones and capstone
Grave Goods Vessel fragments; chert biface; greenstone bead
Grave Good Location Vessel fragments near cranial fragments; biface in E part of Cist;
greenstone bead near mouth

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arms crossed with
parallel to each other, possibly above waist & head resting on L upper arm
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 29 & 30

Notes (*) Evidence of burning atop & at S end of Cist, which may have filtered in from
above. Cist's capstone was plastered. Cist designated as a separate lot, Lot 16. This
burial is at the same level as Individuals 29 & 30, but to the NW. MNI 3 in grave.

449
PfBAP Individual # 29

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 3-WWZZ-15 B
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 1999 - July 7-10, 2000
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan and stratigraphic location
(predates wall and floor)

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 64 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B, Structure 11, W structure (SW in group); in room, 57 cm
beneath floor (13 cm thick) and W wall (7 courses)*
Associated Architectural Features Floor - no discernible cut in plaster floor, burial
seems to precede floor's construction; wall - western one
Grave Materials 7 or 8 limestone Cist stones and capstone
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 28 & 30

Notes (*) The human remains were located near the radius and ulna of the primary
interment, Individual 28. MNI 3 in grave.

450
PfBAP Individual # 30

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 3-WWZZ-15 C
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 10, 2000
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan and stratigraphic location
(predates wall and floor)

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions approximately 64 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B, Structure 11, W structure (SW in group); in room, 57 cm
beneath floor (13 cm thick) and W wall (7 courses)*
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor; wall - western one
Grave Materials Subfloor fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 28 & 29

Notes (*) MNI 3 in grave. This individual has different color and thinner bones. It is
possible that these bones were outside of and above the Cist and shifted down into it.

451
PfBAP Individual # 31

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 6
Op-Subop-Lot 3-WWZZ-17
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 1999 - June 29, 2000
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Late Preclassic?

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 64 cm (E/W) x 87.5 cm (N/S) x 20 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B, Structure 11, W structure (SW in group); in room, beneath
floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - 13 cm thick with irregular grave cut
and resurfacing episode
Grave Materials Burial marker - cut limestone block (70 cm x 29 cm) caps cranial
remains; subfloor fill - sherds and lithics in fill
Grave Goods Vessel fragment; obsidian blade (10 cm)
Grave Good Location Vessel fragment near cranium; obsidian in screen

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed? on back?, head N, hips S?
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Occipital found in SW corner of grave, some distance from other cranial
remains.

452
PfBAP Individual # 32

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # 10
Op-Subop-Lot 3-XX-6 A
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 29-July 4, 1999
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B, Structure 6, E structure; Room 3 to S; beneath floor
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back with knees to R side (E), head S, hips N, arms
bent with hands near head
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 33 & 34

Notes (*) MNI 3 in grave; interred with Individuals 33 & 34.

453
PfBAP Individual # 33

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 3-XX-6 B
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 29-July 4, 1999
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B, Structure 6, E structure; Room 3 to S; beneath floor
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 32 & 34

Notes (*) Possible traces of red pigment remain on tibial fragments. MNI 3 in grave;
interred with Individuals 33 & 34.

454
PfBAP Individual # 34

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 3-XX-6 C
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 29-July 4, 1999
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B, Structure 6, E structure; Room 3 to S; beneath floor
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 32 & 33

Notes (*) MNI 3 in grave; interred with Individuals 33 & 34.

455
PfBAP Individual # 35

RB # 4
Site Name Dos Barbaras
Researcher(s) Brandon Lewis
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 3-YY-6
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 29-July 4, 1999
Source Personal field notes; Brandon Lewis, personal communication, April 4, 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B, Structure 6, E structure; Room 2 to N, beneath floor adjacent
to wall
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, R elbow in air &
wrist downward, L arm bent with hand over head
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Red ocher on posterior L scapula, L clavicle, posterior portion of vertebrae, and
fragments of femoral head.

456
PfBAP Individual # 36

RB # S2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot 1-?-?; No subop or lot # assigned - salvage from looter's trench
Excavator(s) Jon B. Hageman
Date Excavated ?
Source Researcher's documentation

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type ?
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A?; pyramidal structure?
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 37

Notes (*) LOOTED. It is uncertain how the skeletal analysts determined a body position
given the looted context.

457
PfBAP Individual # 37

RB # S2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot 1-?-?; No subop or lot # assigned - salvage from looter's trench
Excavator(s) Jon B. Hageman
Date Excavated ?
Source Researcher's documentation

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type ?
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A?; pyramidal structure?
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 36

Notes (*) LOOTED. 16 cm long femoral fragment represents this burial in its entirety.

458
PfBAP Individual # 38

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-II-2)
Researcher(s) Jon Lohse
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 19-AB-4
Excavator(s) Jon Lohse and field crew
Date Excavated July 10-17, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; LOHSE, JONATHAN. 2001. The Social
Organization of a Late Classic Maya Community: Dos Hombres, Northwestern
Belize. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX; J.
Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 40 cm (E/W) x 75 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); Structure 1 (N structure), in
W room, beneath floor in grave cut*
Associated Architectural Features Floor - grave cut into and resurfaced
Grave Materials Cist stones - limestone slabs set upright in an oval and at least four
limestone capstone
Grave Goods Vessel: Achote Black bowl; greenstone bead; red matter
Grave Good Location Vessel in R hand; bead near NW portion of mandible; cinnabar
near cranium

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arms bent with
hands near mouth
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Bone (for C14), Soil (from inside bowl & pelvic area -
for phytoliths)
Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Excavator argues for simultaneous occurrence of burial's interment and
platform's construction (Lohse 2001:237). I do not agree with this assessment, and
believe that a space was punched into the plaster floor after its construction, and then
the burial was interred. The floor was subsequently resurfaced following decedent's
interment. Excavators suggested MNI of 2 - not confirmed by Sauls' analysis.

459
PfBAP Individual # 39

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jon Lohse
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot 12-B-?; No lot # assigned - salvage from looted tomb and back dirt
Excavator(s) Jon Lohse and field crew
Date Excavated 1998?
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location ?
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) LOOTED. All teeth, with 1 exception, and bones were found on the floor of
Tomb 1. A second individual is represented by a single tooth.

460
PfBAP Individual # 40

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-1)
Researcher(s) Jon Lohse
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 24-D-9
Excavator(s) Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 23-27, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; LOHSE, JON. 2001. The Social Organization of a
Late Classic Maya Community: Dos Hombres, Northwestern Belize. Unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group; Structure 2 (N structure), SW corner of room's interior*
Associated Architectural Features Floor; wall - skull rested 25 cm underneath
structure's S wall of large cut stone with plaster
Grave Materials Burial marker - limestone slab with poured plaster atop burial;
construction fill from 1st building phase of platform
Grave Goods Vessel: untyped vessel; faunal remains
Grave Good Location Vessel in subfloor fill above the grave

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Bone (for C14)

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

461
PfBAP Individual # 41

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 1-M-8
Excavator(s) Brett Houk and field crew
Date Excavated August 3, 1994
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1996. The Archaeology of Site Planning: An Example from the
Maya Site of Dos Hombres. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, A.D. 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 120 cm (E/W) x 100 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location
Site Center; Group A; Courtyard A-2, Structure A-17*, W room beneath 2nd floor -
set into cut in 1st floor
Associated Architectural Features Floors - grave cut into floor, covered by fill & 2
more plaster floors (original & resurfaced floors each 10 cm thick)
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head W, hips E, arms bent towards head?
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 42

Notes (*) Individual 42 is located 20 cm below Individual 41. Structure A-17 associated
with the burials is a large range structure.

462
PfBAP Individual # 42

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 3 (Cache 4)
Op-Subop-Lot 1-M-10 to 12
Excavator(s) Brett Houk and field crew
Date Excavated August 1994
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1996. The Archaeology of Site Planning: An Example from the
Maya Site of Dos Hombres. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 1-2, A.D. 600-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Cache in Crypt

Grave Dimensions 76 cm (Wi); 102 cm (H)*
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Site Center; Group A; Courtyard A-2, Structure A-17, beneath floor in
grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Dome & walls - tightly set cut marl blocks with no
mortar; plaster floor - grave cut into floor
Grave Materials Bedrock - grave space rests atop; lip to lip Cache vessels
Grave Goods 2 vessels: Cayo Unslipped jar with quadripartite design on interior and
Subin Red bowl as lid; large spondylus; 2 small marine shells; coral piece; 2 chunks
of copal resin; 3 jade beads
Grave Good Location Objects and human remains found in Cache vessels

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 41

Notes (*) Individual 41 is located 20 cm above Individual 42. Measurement listed in

Grave Dimensions is of the Crypt not the Cache vessels. Rotted preservation of bones
in sealed context suggests reinterment.

463
PfBAP Individual # 43

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 2-C-4
Excavator(s) Graham Palmer
Date Excavated 1993
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1996. The Archaeology of Site Planning: An Example from the
Maya Site of Dos Hombres. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date General Classic*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan and Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Site Center; Group C; Courtyard C-4; beneath courtyard's floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor - body is within or below an eroded floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) The burial was not recognized during the excavations (Houk 1996:430).
Ceramic analysis yielded an uncertain date for this individual as either Tepeu 2-3 or
Tzakol 2. Scapula had been mislabeled and placed with remains from the site of Las
Abejas.

464
PfBAP Individual # 44

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 4
Op-Subop-Lot 2-I-8
Excavator(s) Brett Houk and field crew
Date Excavated 1994
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1996. The Archaeology of Site Planning: An Example from the
Maya Site of Dos Hombres. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, ca. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Site Center; Group C; Courtyard C-8; Structure C-14's entrance
(exterior space)
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Post abandonment midden?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Body parts appear to be located in midden.

465
PfBAP Individual # 45

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Brett Houk
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot 2-K-2
Excavator(s) Brett Houk and field crew
Date Excavated 1994
Source HOUK, BRETT. 1996. The Archaeology of Site Planning: An Example from the
Maya Site of Dos Hombres. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Fred Valdez

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Site Center; Group C; between Courtyard C-7 and Structure C-21
(exterior space)
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Midden material?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Identified by Houk as Problematical Deposit 2, possibly signifying act of ritual
termination.

466
PfBAP Individual # 46

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-9 A
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Julie Saul
Date Excavated July 13-16, 2000
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill, atop bedrock; Individuals 46-48 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of patio
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, grave's bottom; burial marker - stone
alignments as borders on N and S; subfloor fill surrounding (clay and cobble
interspersed with artifacts)
Grave Goods 2 vessels (# 1 & 2): Kaway Impressed vessel and vessel of unknown type;
shell pendant (dancer); shell disk; marine shell fragments
Grave Good Location Teeth and bone mixed in with fill of grave between Vessels # 1
and 2

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position Disarticulated?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Soil (from inside vessels)

Associated Individual(s) # 47 & 48

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Bedrock slopes down from N to S. In their
analysis, Saul and Saul labeled burial as Individual 1. Inside of Vessel 1 were the
fragmentary cranial and long bone remains of an adult of unknown sex. Rather than a
separate (secondary) individual, I think the human remains are associated with
Individuals 46-48.

467
PfBAP Individual # 47

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-9 B
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Julie Saul
Date Excavated July 13-16, 2000
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill, atop bedrock; Individuals 46-48 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of patio
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, grave's bottom; burial marker - stone
alignments as borders on N and S; subfloor fill surrounding (clay and cobble
interspersed with artifacts)
Grave Goods 2 vessels (# 1 & 2): Kaway Impressed vessel and vessel of unknown type;
shell pendant (dancer); shell disk; marine shell fragments
Grave Good Location Teeth and bone mixed in with fill of grave between Vessels # 1
and 2

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head W, hips E
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Soil (from in vessels)

Associated Individual(s) # 46 & 48

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Bedrock slopes down from N to S. In their
analysis, Saul and Saul labeled burial as Individual 2. Inside of Vessel 1 were the
fragmentary cranial and long bone remains of an adult of unknown sex. Rather than a
separate (secondary) individual, I think the human remains are associated with
Individuals 46-48.

468
PfBAP Individual # 48

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-9 C
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Julie Saul

Date Excavated July 13-16, 2000

Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill, atop bedrock; Individuals 46-48 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of patio
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, grave's bottom; burial marker - stone
alignments as borders on N and S; subfloor fill surrounding (clay and cobble
interspersed with artifacts)
Grave Goods 2 vessels (# 1 & 2): Kaway Impressed vessel and vessel of unknown type;
shell pendant (dancer); shell disk; marine shell fragments
Grave Good Location Vessel # 1 inverted over cranial materials

Body Condition Primary?*

Body Position Loosely flexed?, head W?, hips E?*
Body Orientation E/W?*

Associated Samples Recovered Soil (from inside vessels)

Associated Individual(s) # 46 & 47

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Orientation, condition, and position suggested by
association with Individual 47. Bedrock slopes down from N to S. In their analysis,
Saul and Saul labeled burial as Individual 3. Inside of Vessel 1 were the fragmentary
cranial and long bone remains of an adult of unknown sex. Rather than a separate
(secondary) individual, I think the human remains are associated with
Individuals 46-48.

469
PfBAP Individual # 49

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-11 A
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 24, 2000 - February 20, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill; underneath and W of Individuals 46-48, atop bedrock;
Individuals 49-51 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, resembles a step; burial marker - stone
alignment in U-shape near the NE wall; subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed
with artifacts
Grave Goods 2 vessels: # 5 and 6; jade beads (3 - small tubular, circular, and large
tubular); and jade pendant (15.54 mm (H), 8.4 mm (W), 4.3 mm (thick); uniconically
drilled for suspension)
Grave Good Location Vessel # 5 at R shoulder; Vessel # 6 at L torso; jade seems to be
in mouth

Body Condition Primary?

Body Position Extended on back, head W and facing N, feet E?*
Body Orientation E/W?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 50 & 51

Notes (*) Late Preclassic materials located 10 cm under Late Classic ones. In association
with feasting episode as evidenced by clusters of bivalves in center E part of unit. It is
possible that individual was disarticulated, though the remains are too fragmentary to
make a definitive assessment. Bedrock slopes down from N to S. More than 1 person
is represented. Remains were possibly stacked as though bundled.

470
PfBAP Individual # 50

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-11 B
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 24, 2000 - February 20, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill; underneath and W of Individuals 46-48, atop bedrock;
Individuals 49-51 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, resembles a step; burial marker -
stone alignment in U-shape near the NE wall; subfloor fill - clay and cobble
interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods 2 vessels: # 5 and 6; jade beads (3 - small tubular, circular, and large
tubular); and jade pendant (15.54 mm (H), 8.4 mm (W), 4.3 mm (thick); uniconically
drilled for suspension)
Grave Good Location Grave goods presumed to be in association with primary
individual (see Individual 49)

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 49 & 51

Notes (*) Individual represented only by teeth, possibly partibility or preservation. Late
Preclassic materials located 10 cm under Late Classic ones. In association with
feasting episode as evidenced by bivalves in center E part of unit. Bedrock slopes
down from N to S. MNI 3 based on dental remains.

471
PfBAP Individual # 51

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-11 C
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller
Date Excavated July 24, 2000 - February 20, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill; underneath and W of Individuals 46-48, atop bedrock;
Individuals 49-51 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, resembles a step; burial marker -
stone alignment in U-shape near the NE wall; subfloor fill - clay and cobble
interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods 2 vessels: # 5 and 6; jade beads (3 - small tubular, circular, and large
tubular); and jade pendant (15.54 mm (H), 8.4 mm (W), 4.3 mm (thick); uniconically
drilled for suspension)
Grave Good Location Grave goods presumed to be in association with primary
individual (see Individual 49)

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 49 & 50

Notes (*) Individual represented only by teeth, possibly partibility or poor preservation.
Late Preclassic materials located 10 cm under Late Classic ones. In association with
feasting episode as evidenced by bivalves in center E part of unit. Bedrock slopes
down from N to S. MNI 3 based on dental remains.

472
PfBAP Individual # 52

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 A
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods Vessel: # 7; 4 tinklers; 4 shell beads
Grave Good Location Vessel # 7 near or over teeth; 4 tinklers near torso; 1 shell bead N
of vessels

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Extended on back, head W, feet E
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 53, 54, 55, 56 & 57

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Identification of multiple individuals associated
with 28-O-13 was based on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 based on
dental evidence.

473
PfBAP Individual # 53

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 B
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods 3 vessels: # 3, 4, and 8; 3 tinklers; 1 jade bead; 4 shell beads
Grave Good Location Vessels # 3 and 4 covering skull; Vessel # 8 at chest and lower
face; jade bead and 3 tinklers W of vessels; 1 shell bead near R arm

Body Condition Primary*

Body Position Tightly flexed, head E, hips W, arms bent & lower arms at head
Body Orientation E/W*

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 52, 54, 55, 56 & 57

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Burial disturbed by Individual 52's later
interment; cranium was moved to the W and the leg bones to the E adjacent to
Individual 52. Body position details information about original interment prior to
disturbance. Identification of multiple individuals associated with 28-O-13 was based
on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 based on dental remains.

474
PfBAP Individual # 54

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 C
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods Vessel # 7
Grave Good Location Vessel # 7 near or over teeth

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 52, 53, 55, 56 & 57

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Identification of multiple individuals associated
with 28-O-13 was based on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 as
evidenced by dental remains.

475
PfBAP Individual # 55

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 D
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods Vessel # 7
Grave Good Location Vessel # 7 near or over teeth

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 52, 53, 54, 56 & 57

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Identification of multiple individuals associated
with 28-O-13 was based on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 as
evidenced by dental remains.

476
PfBAP Individual # 56

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 E
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods 3 vessels: # 3, 4, and 8
Grave Good Location Vessel # 8 near or over teeth

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 52, 53, 54, 55 & 57

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Identification of multiple individuals associated
with 28-O-13 was based on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 as
evidenced by dental remains.

477
PfBAP Individual # 57

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 28-O-13 F
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 2000 - March 7, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003
Date Late Preclassic
Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (rural commoner residence); L-shaped platform, between 2
structures, beneath patio in fill towards SW; Individuals 52-57 are at same level
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - clay and cobble interspersed with artifacts
Grave Goods 3 vessels: # 3, 4, and 8
Grave Good Location Vessel # 8 near or over teeth

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 52, 53, 54, 55 & 56

Notes (*) Burials located under living surface and water runs through this low lying area;
thus, bone is very trampled and soft. Identification of multiple individuals associated
with 28-O-13 was based on analysis of dental remains; there is an MNI of 6 as
evidenced by dental remains.

478
PfBAP Individual # 58

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 29-C-10
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Lauri Thompson
Date Excavated June 22, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan
Grave Type Informal Cist
Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation NE/SW
Grave Location House group; Structure 4 (E structure); NW corner of residential
structure's room; under earthen floor (no evidence of plaster); resting atop bedrock
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Bedrock - grave's bottom; cist stones, no capstone
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arms bent with hands
near head, L arm pinned under L side of body
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 59

Notes (*)

479
PfBAP Individual # 59

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 29-C-12
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated July 1, 2001
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal
communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group; Structure 4 (E structure); under earthen floor of residential
room (no evidence of plaster); resting in a dip in the bedrock
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Construction fill atop bedrock which is different - softer and not as
clayey around burial
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back, head W, hips E
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 58

Notes (*) Burial is in same unit as Individual 58.

480
PfBAP Individual # 60

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres (Transect A-VII-4)
Researcher(s) Rissa Trachman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 29-V-10
Excavator(s) Julie Saul, Lauri Thompson, and Rissa Trachman
Date Excavated July 5, 2001 - March 20-June 4, 2002
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics associated with group, analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House group; Structure 3; 50 cm below terminal occupation level of
residential structure's floor; interior room underneath eroded plaster floor
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor
Grave Materials Cist stones; subfloor fill - fine-grained, silty brown soil mixed with
small limestone pebbles, clay, and large cobbles
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, L upper arm at side
& bent at elbow with hand at face, R upper arm perpendicular to L with elbow in
front of body & bent with L hand at face
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Skull was surrounded by three stones with one large flat stone covering it,
fitting Welsh's definition of a head cist. Skull originally assigned 29-F-10 in 2001;
changed to 29-V-10 in 2002. Burials from Op 29 are located in the two eastern
structures.

481
PfBAP Individual # 61

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 8-21-5
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated May 27-28, 1997
Source Researchers documentation ; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17 inside of room in NW; located above tomb (Individuals 65 & 132) and at same
level as Individual 64
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Construction fill
Grave Goods Shell
Grave Good Location Near teeth

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Information about burial not recorded by excavator.

482
PfBAP Individual # 62

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 4
Op-Subop-Lot 8-22A-3, 8-22-3, 8-22-2, 8-24-2
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June 13-16, 1997
Source Researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17; in N central part of room, E of tomb (Individual 65) and above red plaster floor
Associated Architectural Features Bench; floor?; wall - room's interior
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - matrix around burial is cement-like powder with
limestone pebbles
Grave Goods 4 vessels: 2 polychrome pots, black monochrome basal flange bowl,
unspecified small vessel; red matter; obsidian core and fragments; granite grinding
ball; small stone ball; greenstone bead and pieces of greenstone
Grave Good Location 1st polychrome inverted over head, bead & obsidian fragment
under pot; 2nd polychrome beneath body; 2 vessels (smaller atop large black bowl)
W of body; obsidian core E of pots; granite, stone balls, greenstone pieces NE of 2nd
polychrome; cinnabar NW of 2nd polychrome

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position Disarticulated?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) The actual location of the human remains was not well detailed by excavators.
This burial is located just east of the tomb, Individual 65, and above red plaster floor.
A cement-like mixture was poured around the human remains and left to solidify.

483
PfBAP Individual # 63

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 8-23-4
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated May 26-June 3, 1997
Source Researchers documentation ; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17, inside of room in SW; located above tomb (Individuals 65 & 132)
Associated Architectural Features Bench - to E of body
Grave Materials Construction fill from wall
Grave Goods Obsidian blades and biface; shell ornament; 19 pieces of mica
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position Disarticulated?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Traces of red pigment were found on human remains.

484
PfBAP Individual # 64

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot 8-31A-5 and 8-32-5
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated May 27, 1997
Source Researchers documentation ; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17, inside of room in NE; located above tomb (Individuals 65 & 132) and at same
level as Individual 61
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Organic and human remains found in backfill. Little mortuary evidence noted
by excavator.

485
PfBAP Individual # 65
RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot 8-36-6 A
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June-July 1997
Source Researcher's documentation; DURST, JEFF. 1998. "Early Classic Iconographic
Connections of Dos Hombres and Other Lowland Maya Sites." Unpublished paper
presented at the Society for American Archaeology meetings, Chicago, Illinois,
March 1998; J. Saul, personal communication 2003
Date Early Classic
Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan; Obsidian hydration
Grave Type Stone-lined Tomb*
Grave Dimensions approximately 270 cm (E/W) x 120 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17 (E structure); in W end of structure, under bench, plaster Floor 1 with patch, Floor
2, 2 cm obsidian concentration
Associated Architectural Features Bench - red plaster (15 cm high, E-W); Floor 1 (15
cm thick), Floor 2 (red plaster, 10 cm thick) above grave; obsidian layer
Grave Materials Cut limestone capstones; floor - plaster and medium size limestones
Grave Goods 10 vessels: Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome bowl (interior - man with
headdress, exterior - man on stomach knees bent) & Yaloche Cream Polychrome
scutate lid with macaw head knob, red/black mottled slip coatimundi vessel, 2 black
vessels, black pot stand, 2 black spouted vessels, orange spouted vessel, orange & red
vessel, black slatted vessel; obsidian; 17 whole/partial spondylus some with cinnabar;
2 greenstone earspools; 15+ hematite chunks; stone ball; cinnabar; bone needle;
coral?; bone pin
Grave Good Location Orange & Red vessel with 3 black spouted vessels inside at neck;
black slated vessel & shells at feet; macaw vessel at knees; coati vessel in bowl S of
knees; 1 earspool at head, 1 at ribs; stone ball near L hand; hematite at torso; 2 shells
at neck, 3 at R ribs, 1 at stomach, 2 at pelvis, 2 at knees, 3 at lower legs, 2 at feet;
cinnabar in chamber's E; needle, pin, coral, obsidian found during lab analysis
Body Condition Primary
Body Position Extended on back, head E, feet W, arms alongside body & palms down
Body Orientation E/W
Associated Samples Recovered Carbon, Obsidian, Soil (in macaw vessel), & Organic
matter (at chest)
Associated Individual(s) # 132
Notes (*) Tomb is oblong in shape. Red pigment stains human remains & grave goods.
Mandible had one tooth. Skeletal remains seem to have shifted either through
intentional action or taphonomic disturbance.

486
PfBAP Individual # 66

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 6
Op-Subop-Lot 8-38-8
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and Anthony Noel
Date Excavated April 15-28, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 74 cm (E/W) x 79 cm (N/S) x 55 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
16; W side of room, beneath Floors 1 & 2, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1 (3 cm resurfacing episode) and Floor 2 (5
cm) - both floors cut into; wall - red plastered wall forming W side of Pit
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - rubble with finely textured light gray clay soil and
artifact debris (i.e. lithics, ceramics, red plaster, etc.);
Grave Goods Hematite; worked marine shell (6 pieces); ceramic sphere (1.5 cm
diameter - 4.5 g)
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing W), head N, hips S, arms wrapped
around knees, hands near R shoulder
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Bone, Carbon, and Soil

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Lots 5 and 6 contained burnt and unburnt bone scattered in the unit's western
section. The burial was located 36 cm beneath a mano and metate, which were found
in situ in the unit's southeastern corner. Also discovered in this area were an
untempered ceramic figurine and ceramic disks.

487
PfBAP Individual # 67

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 8-40-3, 8-45-2, 8-44-2, and 8-44-3 (A)*
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June 29, 1997
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
16; inside of room beneath Floor 1 and atop Floor 2; just N of Individual 68
Associated Architectural Features Floors - sandwiching body, Floor 2 is plaster, no
grave cut
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - gray sandy soil with limestone cobbles
Grave Goods Obsidian fragment
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill of grave

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E, hands near knees
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 68 & 69

Notes (*) This individual, along with 2 others, were excavated from a single area
demarcated by the following operations, suboperations, and lots: 8-40-3, 8-44-2, 8-
44-3, and 8-45-2. When interred, cranium of Individual 67 disturbed the torso area of
Individual 68. Individual 67 was E of Individual 68. Individual 67 was not fully
excavated because of body is located under a large tree.

488
PfBAP Individual # 68

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 8-40-3, 8-44-2, and 8-44-3 (B)*
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June 2-17, 1997
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
16; inside of room beneath Floor 1 and atop Floor 2
Associated Architectural Features Subfloor fill - gray sandy soil with limestone
cobbles
Grave Materials Floors - sandwiching body, bottom floor is plaster, no grave cut
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, one hand near knees
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 67 & 69

Notes (*) This individual, along with 2 others, were excavated from a single area
demarcated by the following operations, suboperations, and lots: 8-40-3, 8-44-2, 8-
44-3, and 8-45-2. The torso area of Individual 68 was disturbed by the later interment
of Individual 67. Individual 68 was located on a N-S axis just W of the center of Lot
40, and is W of Individual67. Three teeth not belonging to this individual were found
in association with primary individual. An extra tooth was found in the screen of this
burial that also possibly belongs to Individual 68.

489
PfBAP Individual # 69

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 8-40-3, 8-45-2, 8-44-2, and 8-44-3 (C)*
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June 2-17, 1997
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
16; inside of room beneath Floor 1 and atop Floor 2
Associated Architectural Features Floors - sandwiching body, bottom floor is plaster,
no grave cut
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - gray sandy soil with limestone cobbles
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 67 & 68

Notes (*) This individual, along with two others, were excavated from a single area
demarcated by the following operations, suboperations, and lots: 8-40-3, 8-44-2, 8-
44-3, and 8-45-2. For Individual 69, 2 teeth were found in the screen and 2 teeth were
found in the N section of Lot 44, about 15 cm apart from one another.

490
PfBAP Individual # 70

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 8-115-12*
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June 29-July 2, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; Julie Saul, email correspondence, October 18, 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
12 in E portion of, atop floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor - earthen packed
Grave Materials Burial marker - cut stone block located atop cranium; subfloor fill -
contained ceramic and lithic debitage
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary?

Body Position Loosely flexed?, head W, hips E?
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered Soil

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Burning activity in Lot 8 noted. Burial was not excavated in its entirety as
portions of the body extend into the E and S sidewalls. Individual was only partially
excavated. Tiny faunal bones intermixed with human remains.

491
PfBAP Individual # 71

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 1-A-5
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Cache

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; Structure 1 (E structure), SE corner of room, 60 cm beneath
floor in niche in wall
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor; wall - under where rear wall would
have stood
Grave Materials Ceramic plate
Grave Goods 2 vessel: Unslipped jar (Tu-Tu Camp?) with toad effigy and partial plate;
faunal remains (i.e., turtle carapace)
Grave Good Location Plate inverted over remains

Body Condition Secondary*

Body Position Disarticulated - long bones crossed over cranium
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Original burial, which was Early Classic in date, was presumed to be a primary
interment disturbed and reinterred in niche as a Late Classic secondary interment.
Munoz's argues that burial was found incompletely removed and then reinterred
after the construction activities ceased (1997:95).

492
PfBAP Individual # 72

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 9
Op-Subop-Lot 1-A-17
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 1, CA. AD 600-700)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions 150 cm (L) x 100 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure 1 (E structure), beneath floor in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Bench - (40 cm (H) x 94 cm (W)) constructed to S
of grave cut after body's interment; floor - grave cut resurfaced
Grave Materials Cist stones - limestone slabs upright and 2 flat capstones of limestone
and travertine
Grave Goods Drilled marine shell; shell disk; animal teeth; bone awl; obsidian bladelet
Grave Good Location All located close to one another below head - perhaps placed
together in a bag

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on R side (facing W), head N, hips S, R arm bent with hand
near face, L arm position unknown
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

493
PfBAP Individual # 73

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 4
Op-Subop-Lot 1-H-9
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group A; Structure 4 (N structure), beneath 2nd floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1 - patolli board incised into SE corner
Grave Materials Burial marker - large stone in location where cranium should be;
subfloor fill - cobble, thick clay below Floor 1 and directly above bedrock
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, R hand between
legs, L lower arm & hand missing
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) There is a large rock in the area of the cranium.

494
PfBAP Individual # 74

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 1-P-6
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group A; Structure 2 (S structure, S corner of room, beneath 1st floor
and above 2nd floor, against rear wall; 60 cm W of Individual 75
Associated Architectural Features Floors 1 and 2
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, L arm between legs,
R arm at face
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 75

Notes (*) Traces of red pigment are on bones.

495
PfBAP Individual # 75

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot 1-P-7
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group A; Structure 2 (S structure), S corner of room, beneath 1st floor;
60 cm W of Individual 2
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, L arm bent with
hand near face
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 74

Notes (*)

496
PfBAP Individual # 76

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz

Original Burial # 13
Op-Subop-Lot 1-P-9
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group A; Structure 2 (S structure), S corner of room, beneath 2nd floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 84

Notes (*) This burial was cut into by the interment of Individual 84.

497
PfBAP Individual # 77

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-8
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath floor, on cobble fill
Associated Architectural Features Floor; wall - burial along interior front wall near
midline
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - chert cobble*
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arm position
unknown, but L hand, wrist, lower arm bones found beneath knees & R arm above
knees
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Burial is at same level as Individuals 78-83, but is spatially distinct.

498
PfBAP Individual # 78

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 6
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-9
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit*

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath 1st floor and along interior
wall, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - chert cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, unsideable arm bent
with hand near head
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Individual is at the same level as Individuals 79-83, but is spatially distinct.
Munoz (1997:100) argues burial precedes floor construction & designates their grave
type as Simple.

499
PfBAP Individual # 79

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 7
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-10
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath 1st floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Cobbles placed atop and covered with thin loose consolidated layer of
marl after body laid down, no capstone; subfloor fill surrounding (chert cobble)*
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arms unknown, but
L hand, wrist, lower arm bones found beneath knees & R arm above knees
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Individual is at same level as Individuals 78 & 80-83, but is spatially distinct.

500
PfBAP Individual # 80

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-11 A
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist*

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath 1st floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Burial marker - large stone near cranial fragments; poured plaster;
subfloor fill - chert cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, arms in between legs
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 81

Notes (*) Individual is at same level as Individuals 78, 79, 82, & 83, but is spatially
distinct. Grave was designated an Informal Cist and not a Simple grave given the
large stone near the head, appearance of poured plaster atop the body, and excavator's
designation of crude cist (Munoz 1997:101). Grave fits with Welsh's definition of a
head cist. Four teeth of another individual were also represented.

501
PfBAP Individual # 81

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-11 B
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist*

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath 1st floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Poured plaster; subfloor fill - chert cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 80

Notes (*) Individual is at same level as Individuals 78, 79, 82, & 83, but is spatially
distinct. Grave was designated an Informal Cist and not a Simple grave given the
large stone near the head, appearance of poured plaster atop the body, and excavator's
designation of crude cist (Munoz 1997:101). Grave fits with Welsh's definition of a
head cist. Individual only represented by 4 teeth.

502
PfBAP Individual # 82

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 11
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-12
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 2, CA. AD 700-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - chert cobble
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary?

Body Position Loosely flexed?, head S, hips N?
Body Orientation N/S?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Burial was located less than 1 m from Individuals 81 & 82 and is at the same
level as Individuals 78-83, but is spatially distinct.

503
PfBAP Individual # 83

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 12
Op-Subop-Lot 1-Q-13
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 1-2, CA. AD 600-800)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit*

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A; Structure 3 (W structure), beneath 1st floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor 1
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - chert cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E, hands near head &
chest region
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Burial is at same level as Individuals 78-82, but is spatially distinct. Munoz
(1997:100) argues that burial precedes floor construction & designates its grave type
as Simple. However, he (1997:63) also notes, Near the location where two
burials...were later found, holes were noted in the floor. At least one of these
appeared to have been intentionally cut and perhaps covered with the remains of a
pottery vessel. Thus, I argue that the grave type is a Pit, not a Simple grave interred
prior to the structure's construction.

504
PfBAP Individual # 84

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 14
Op-Subop-Lot 1-R-?; No lot # assigned
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Structure 2 (S structure), S corner of room, beneath 2nd floor
in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floor
Grave Materials Cist stones and capstone
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 76

Notes (*) When the grave was constructed and interred it disturbed Individual 76. Small
clavicle found immediately below Cist; may have eroded out of Cist.

505
PfBAP Individual # 85

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) A. Rene Munoz
Original Burial # 10
Op-Subop-Lot 1-AA-?; No lot # assigned
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated Spring 1994
Source MUNOZ, ARTURO RENE. 1997. Excavations at RB-11: An Ancient Maya
Household in Northwestern Belize. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation E/W?
Grave Location Group A; Structure 4 (N structure), beneath 2nd floor in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Floors 1 and 2 - grave cut and resurfacing episode
Grave Materials Cist stones and capstones; plaster - on exterior of Cist
Grave Goods Worked shell
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill that drifted into Cist

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

506
PfBAP Individual # 86

RB # 11
Site Name El Intruso/Gateway
Researcher(s) Morgan Davis
Original Burial # 15
Op-Subop-Lot 6-X-8
Excavator(s) Julie Saul and Frank Saul
Date Excavated July 2003
Source Researcher's documentation; Morgan Davis, personal communication, 2003
(notes taken during conversation, July 31, 2003)

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit?

Grave Dimensions 3 m (L) x 1 m (Wi) x 1 m (H)
Grave Orientation N/S*
Grave Location Group B; 2 room range structure on S edge of group, inside room,
beneath 2 benches
Associated Architectural Features Bench - Bench 1 red plaster (3 m x 1 m) and 1 m
(H); Bench 2 older inside of Bench 1
Grave Materials Bench fill - cobbles and plaster
Grave Goods Vessel
Grave Good Location Vessel atop or under skull

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, L arm bent with hand
near head, R arm extended with hand at R hip
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) A possible burial marker was placed atop the body. Bench was 10 degrees off
magnetic N/S.

507
PfBAP Individual # 87

RB # 18
Site Name Guijarral
Researcher(s) Paul Hughbanks
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 22-B-9 A
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated August 3-4, 1995
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A, Structure A-9 (mound divides Courtyard A1 and A2); interior
room, beneath floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor, no resurfacing
episode
Grave Materials Bedrock - at bottom of burial, but not modified; subfloor fill - few large
limestone rocks, small river gravel, sherds, and lithics
Grave Goods Crude biface*
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 88

Notes (*) MNI 2. It seems that the biface was found in association with the primary
interment, Individual 88, though a direct spatial relationship is not certain.

508
PfBAP Individual # 88

RB # 18
Site Name Guijarral
Researcher(s) Paul Hughbanks
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 22-B-9 B
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated August 3-4, 1995
Source Researcher's documentation; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A, Structure A-9 (mound divides Courtyard A1 and A2); interior
room, beneath floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor, no resurfacing
episode
Grave Materials Bedrock - at bottom of burial, but not modified; subfloor fill - few large
limestone rocks, small river gravel, sherds, and lithics
Grave Goods Crude biface*
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 87

Notes (*) MNI 2. It seems that the biface was found in association with the primary
interment, Individual 88, though a direct spatial relationship is not certain.

509
PfBAP Individual # 89

RB # 18
Site Name Guijarral
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 2A
Op-Subop-Lot 45-F-9 A
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 13-16, 2000
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 60 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Courtyard A-1; Structure A-5, SE corner of room, beneath
floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Bench - grave cut adjacent to; plaster floors -
sandwiching body but S side; subfloor fill surrounding (loose cobble, light grey-
brown soil)
Grave Materials Cist stones - bottom of cavity lined with stones on all sides; no
capstone
Grave Goods Vessel fragments; flower-shaped bone labret; shell button; shell disk;
mano fragment
Grave Good Location Vessel fragments mixed in with fill that drifted into Cist; labret
near cranium; mano in SW area of grave (all grave goods but labret associated with
both Individuals 90 & 91)

Body Condition Primary*

Body Position Loosely flexed, head NW, hips SE
Body Orientation NW/SE

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 90

Notes (*) Individual was disturbed by Individual 90, and represents an earlier interment.
MNI 2 in grave.

510
PfBAP Individual # 90

RB # 18
Site Name Guijarral
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 2B
Op-Subop-Lot 45-F-9 B
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 13-16, 2000
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Informal Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 60 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Courtyard A-1; Structure A-5, SE corner of room, beneath
floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Bench - grave cut adjacent to; plaster floors -
sandwiching body
Grave Materials Cist stones - bottom of cavity lined with stones on all sides but S side,
no capstone; subfloor fill surrounding (loose cobble, light grey-brown soil)
Grave Goods Vessel fragments; shell button; shell disk; mano fragment
Grave Good Location Vessel fragments mixed in with fill that drifted into Cist; labret
near cranium; mano in SW area of grave (all grave goods but labret associated with
both Individuals 90 & 91)

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 89

Notes (*) Individual was interred later than Individual 89. MNI 2 in grave.

511
PfBAP Individual # 91

RB # 18
Site Name Guijarral
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot 45-G-5
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated June 15-28, 2000
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic (Tepeu 1, CA. AD 600-700)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 75 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; Courtyard A-2; Structure A-8, in group's E; beneath plaster
floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut and resurfacing
episode
Grave Materials Poured plaster - burial looks as if plaster had been poured into hole
after interment; subfloor fill with sherds and cement-like rubble matrix
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back and torso twisted L so settled face down, head S,
hips N, forearms crossed below waist
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

512
PfBAP Individual # 92

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 4
Op-Subop-Lot V62-A-26
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Mark Ingrahm, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 21-23, 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 40 cm (E/W) x 60 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group A; residential structure, beneath 2 floors in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Bench - above Cist; floor - grave cut resurfaced
Grave Materials Bedrock - body resting directly on top; 7 faced, tabular limestone
cobbles plastered together with tabular capstone
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, R upper arm at side,
elbow bent, lower arm crossing body, L upper arm at head, elbow bent, lower arm
extending down
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Soil (from inside of Cist)

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Ceramics, lithics, land snails, filtered down into Cist from above fill.

513
PfBAP Individual # 93

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looted context
Op-Subop-Lot V62-C-1*; salvage from looter's backdirt
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated June 1999
Source Researcher's documentation

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Cache

Grave Dimensions 26 cm (H)*
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group A, Pyramid (structure in E on W side)
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials Lip to lip Cache vessels
Grave Goods 2 vessels: Tu-tu Camp Striated storage vessel with Rubber Camp Brown
bolstered bowl as lid
Grave Good Location Human remains found in Cache vessels

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) LOOTED. Measurement listed in Grave Dimensions is the height of the
ceramic storage vessel with lid atop it. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph
manuscript this is identified as V62-C.

514
PfBAP Individual # 94

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot V63-?-? A; No subop or lot # assigned - salvage from looter's backdirt*
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B, structure in SW (parallel and E of Group A)? - LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 95

Notes (*) LOOTED. Human remains recovered from looter's backdirt; scattered &
comingled. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph individual is identified as La
Caldera Group B Looters' Trench.

515
PfBAP Individual # 95

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot V63-?-? B; No subop or lot # assigned - salvage from looter's backdirt*
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated June 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Group B, structure in SW (parallel and E of Group A)? - LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 94

Notes (*) LOOTED. Human remains were recovered from looter's backdirt; were
scattered & comingled. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph manuscript this is
identified as La Caldera Group B Looters' Trench.

516
PfBAP Individual # 96

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot V66-A-15
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Mary Jo Galindo, and Erin Chase
Date Excavated July 8-August 28, 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 210 cm (L) x 160 cm (Wi)*
Grave Orientation NE/SW
Grave Location Group F, Structure 3-F-10 - rectilinear structure separating Patio 1 from
2, grave cut into room's floors, placed in intentionally modified bedrock Pit
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor with marly plaster
patch
Grave Materials Bedrock - deep circular Pit cut into bedrock with niche and 2 steps cut
into Pit; poured plaster - poured in to consolidate after interment of body; ritual trash
deposit with polychrome sherds, lithics, shells*
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N, feet together at hips,
hands at feet
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon and Soil (from inside Pit)

Associated Individual(s) # 97 & 98

Notes (*) This burial was inserted into the upper part of an earlier burial (Individual 97),
which it disturbed. Matrix surrounding the bones is different from Pit's cobble fill.
Kunen et al. (2002) have identified grave materials as ritual trash deposit. Grave
dimensions are a measurement of the bedrock Pit. Foot bones are well preserved, but
root acid damaged long bone shafts and other skeletal remains. Possible tooth
offering evidenced by extra maxillary C with Rom B5 that is too small & eroded to
belong to earlier burial into which it was inserted.

517
PfBAP Individual # 97

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 6
Op-Subop-Lot V66-A-15 A*
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Mary Jo Galindo, and Erin Chase
Date Excavated July 8-August 28, 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 210 cm (L) x 160 cm (Wi)*
Grave Orientation NE/SW
Grave Location Group F, Structure 3-F-10 - rectilinear structure separating Patio 1 from
2, beneath room's floor, in grave cut, placed in intentionally modified bedrock Pit
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor with marly plaster
patch
Grave Materials Bedrock - deep circular Pit cut into bedrock with niche and 2 steps cut
into Pit; poured plaster - poured in to consolidate after interment of body; ritual trash
deposit with polychrome sherds, lithics, shells*
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back with knees to L side or on L side (W), head S,
hips N, hands & feet at hips
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 96 & 98

Notes (*) This earlier burial was disturbed when Individual 96 was interred into the upper
part at a later date; it resided slightly below and to the N and E. Matrix surrounding
bones is different from Pit's cobble fill. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph
manuscript this is identified as V66-A-15. Kunen et al. (2002) have identified grave
materials as ritual trash deposit. Grave dimensions are a measurement of the
bedrock Pit. Bones have a different color than other individuals.

518
PfBAP Individual # 98

RB # 25
Site Name La Caldera (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 7
Op-Subop-Lot V66-A-15 B*
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Mary Jo Galindo, and Erin Chase
Date Excavated July 8-August 28, 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions 210 cm (L) x 160 cm (Wi)*
Grave Orientation NE/SW
Grave Location Group F, Structure 3-F-10 - rectilinear structure separating Patio 1 from
2, beneath room's floor, in grave cut, placed in intentionally modified bedrock Pit
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor with marly plaster
patch
Grave Materials Bedrock - deep circular Pit cut into bedrock with niche and 2 steps cut
into Pit; poured plaster - poured in to consolidate after interment of body; ritual trash
deposit with polychrome sherds, lithics, shells*
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back with knees to L side (E), head N, hips S, R hand
on chest under chin, L hand unknown position
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Carbon

Associated Individual(s) # 96 & 97

Notes (*) Pelvic & foot fragments found in screen. Matrix surrounding bones is different
from Pit's cobble fill. In Kunen's Appendix G of monograph individual is identified as
V66-A-15. Kunen et al (2002) have identified grave materials as ritual trash
deposit. Grave dimensions are measurement of bedrock Pit.

519
PfBAP Individual # 99

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot V39-C-1 A; salvaged from looted context
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated Summer 1999?
Source Julie Saul, email correspondence, April 7, 2003

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Bajo Hill Site; Group A, Pyramid (E Structure) - LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 100

Notes (*) LOOTED. Human remains were screed from looter's backdirt on the rear of the
E pyramid of group. MNI 2. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph manuscript this
is identified as V39-C-1.

520
PfBAP Individual # 100

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot V39-C-1 B; salvaged from looted context
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated Summer 1999?
Source Julie Saul, email correspondence, April 7, 2003

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Bajo Hill Site; Group A, Pyramid (E Structure) - LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 99

Notes (*) LOOTED. Human remains were screed from looter's backdirt on the rear of the
E pyramid of the group. MNI 2. In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph manuscript
this is identified as V39-C-1.

521
PfBAP Individual # 101

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot V42-B-5
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Mark Ingrahm
Date Excavated June 12, 1998 to June 6-8, 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's
unpublished monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple in bench

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (commoner residence); NE corner of structure room, in
bench atop floor
Associated Architectural Features Bench - body interred at bottom of bench
(approximately 1 m x 1.5 m - Lot 3) and atop plaster floor
Grave Materials Bench fill - included red plaster fragments, lithics, sherds, and ceramic
cord holders; burial marker - vertical headstone placed just W of head
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on back knees slightly to L side (N), head W, hips E, 1 arm
resting on chest closer to knees, other on abdomen, closer to hips
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 102

Notes (*)

522
PfBAP Individual # 102

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot V42-B-13*
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Mark Ingrahm
Date Excavated June 1999
Source Personal field notes; researcher's documentation

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit in bench

Grave Dimensions approximately 60 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location House group (commoner residence); structure's room in NE; partially
in, but mostly beneath bench
Associated Architectural Features Bench* - above body; plaster floor- floor
running under bench, grave cut through floor to bedrock
Grave Materials Bedrock - modification, grave's bottom; burial marker - vertical
headstone placed almost directly atop head; subfloor fill
Grave Goods Vessel: small jar; 3 hematite disks highly polished on both sides (nickel
size); obsidian blade
Grave Good Location Vessel near knees; hematite parallel to femora; blade in screen

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W), head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 101

Notes (*) In Kunen's Appendix G for monograph manuscript this individual is identified
as V42-B-12. Bench contained fill with chunks of red plaster. In Kunen's Appendix G
for monograph manuscript this is identified as V42-B-12.

523
PfBAP Individual # 103

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 3
Op-Subop-Lot V63-A-5
Excavator(s) Julie Saul
Date Excavated June 1999
Source Researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's unpublished
monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group; platform edge, in construction fill
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of platform; wall
Grave Materials Construction fill or wall - comprised of greyish soil, stone, charcoal,
sherds, lithics, chert biface (trash deposit)
Grave Goods Obsidian blade
Grave Good Location Atop body

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed face down, head S and on R shoulder (to W), hips N, arms
bent with lower arms crossed over chest (R arm closest to chest)
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Soil

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

524
PfBAP Individual # 104

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 8
Op-Subop-Lot V68-A-9 A*
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated July 8-12, 1999
Source Researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's unpublished
monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (commoner residence); beneath 2 floors
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floors - body was under 1 floor with no
discernible grave cut and placed into 2nd floor which was resurfaced
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on L side (facing W) or on back with knees to L (W), head
S (slightly W), hips N (slightly E)
Body Orientation NE/SW

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 105

Notes (*) In Kunen's Appendix G of unpublished manuscript this is identified as V68-A-

9.

525
PfBAP Individual # 105

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa (Bajo Community Project)
Researcher(s) Julie Kunen
Original Burial # 9
Op-Subop-Lot V68-A-9 B*
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated July 8-12, 1999
Source Researcher's documentation; Appendix G in Julie Kunen's unpublished
monograph

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group (commoner residence); beneath 2 floors
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floors - body was under 1 floor with no
discernible grave cut and placed into 2nd floor which was resurfaced
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) # 104

Notes (*) Individual is represented only by teeth that were found in the laboratory in a
packet marked misc. Op V68A-9; presumably, these were recovered while screening
matrix associated with Individual 104. In Kunens Appendix G of unpublished
manuscript this is identified as V68-A-9.

526
PfBAP Individual # 106

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot A24-02-09
Excavator(s) Julie Kunen
Date Excavated Spring 1998
Source LaMAP site reports; Kerry Sagebiel, email correspondence, March 3, 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Plaza A; Elite residential group to NW; edge of patio Structure 183,
between Structures 184 and 185
Associated Architectural Features Floor - of patio; midden - comprised of ceramics,
lithics, limestone and chert cobbles
Grave Materials Subfloor fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Individual only represented by a single, fragmentary mandible.

527
PfBAP Individual # 107

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot B10-14
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated Spring 1993
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Terminal Preclassic*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Cache

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A; at NW corner of Structure 3; inside of Cache vessel in front of
altar by Stela 10

Associated Architectural Features Stela

Grave Materials Lip to lip Cache vessels
Grave Goods 2 vessels: Rio Bravo Red plate and unspecified vessel
Grave Good Location Human remains found in Cache vessels

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 108

Notes (*) Date based upon Rio Bravo Red plate. Lot below contains evidence of Late
Preclassic, but lot above contains Late Preclassic and Early Classic ceramic sherds
(Sagebiel, personal communication 2003). Burial comprised of a single tooth.

528
PfBAP Individual # 108

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # No # assigned
Op-Subop-Lot B10-17
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated April 13, 1993
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A; at NW corner of Structure 3; underneath Cache vessel in front
of altar by Stela 10
Associated Architectural Features Stela
Grave Materials Subfloor fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back, head N?
Body Orientation N/S?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 107

Notes (*) As no ceramics were recorded for this lot, the burial date is a best estimate by
Sagebiel (personal communication 2003) based upon stratigraphic location and
adjacent lots' ceramic evidence.

529
PfBAP Individual # 109

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot B11-05 A
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated Spring 1993
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A; in front of Structure 1; in the vicinity of Stela 1
Associated Architectural Features Stela
Grave Materials Platform fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 110

Notes (*)

530
PfBAP Individual # 110

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot B11-05 B
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated Spring 1993
Source J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A; in front of Structure 1; in the vicinity of Stela 1
Associated Architectural Features Stela
Grave Materials Platform fill?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 109

Notes (*) Individual is represented by 4 very eroded fragments of mature long bone.

531
PfBAP Individual # 111
RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # Burial 2
Op-Subop-Lot B11-67-10-35
Excavator(s) Sara Donaghey and field crew
Date Excavated Spring 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence, July 27,
2000; MONGELLUZO, RYAN. 1997. The Tomb at La Milpa: A Comparative Study.
Unpublished BA Thesis. Boston University, Boston, MA; SAUL, F.P., & J.M. SAUL.
1997. "The Skeletal Remains from a Maya Royal Tomb at La Milpa, Northwestern
Belize. Unpublished paper presented at the SAA meetings, Seattle, WA
Date Early Classic (Tzakol 3, CA. AD 45040)
Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel
Grave Type Rock-cut Tomb*
Grave Dimensions 270 cm (E/W) x 70 cm (N/S); 200 cm (H)
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location Plaza A; beneath plaza floor, in front of Structure 1 (E structure)
Associated Architectural Features 3 chert layers (approx 17,000 pieces) - bottom one
poured into mortar; floor - of plaza; vaulted roof
Grave Materials Bedrock - tomb cut 2 m into bedrock w/ stairs leading into tomb; 4
capstones (avg. 34 cm (L) x 55 cm (W)); corbel vault - 9 courses of limestone slabs filled
with mortar
Grave Goods 6 vessels: Balanza Black bowl, Positas Modeled monochrome black lid with
human head effigy knob, Minanha Red bowl, Dos Arroyos Orange Polychrome basal
flange bowl, Paradero Fluted Teotihuacan-style cylinder tripod with unslipped incised
feet, local brown bowl; jade bead necklace (22 tubular & 1 with vulture head); jade of
polished, tear-drop shaped flecks; 2 obsidian earspools; jade bead (circular); stuccoed
gourd vessel; shell beads (17 small, 223 medium, & 38 large); shell valve pendant with
red matter inside; cinnabar
Grave Good Location Stucco vessel & earflares below feet; Minanha red bowl under R
femur; shell beads over chest; skull: jade bead inside, flecks on either side, & cinnabar at
anterior; jade necklace at neck & chest; shell pendant at pelvis; Positas Modeled lid,
Balanza Black bowl, brown bowl at NE of R shoulder partly below body; Paradero
Fluted cylinder under overhanging bedrock roof in tomb's E portion
Body Condition Primary
Body Position Extended on back, head E, feet W, arms at side
Body Orientation E/W
Associated Samples Recovered ?
Associated Individual(s) #
Notes (*) Body was possibly placed atop a wood litter and subsequently interred into a
vaulted tomb, deemed the Bird Jaguar Tomb by excavators. Decedent is presumed to be
of royal lineage. Three 3 layers of chert flakes located atop Tomb. Shell used for beads
was Spondylus americanus. Traces of red cinnabar found on skull.

532
PfBAP Individual # 112

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot B55-13
Excavator(s) Sara Donaghey
Date Excavated February-April 1996
Source LaMAP site reports; Kerry Sagebiel, email correspondence, March 3, 2003

Date General Classic*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Plaza A; Structure 9 on lower stair, behind a stela in the center of the
building
Associated Architectural Features Staircase - plaster tread; stela
Grave Materials Construction tumble
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) As no ceramics were recorded for this lot, the burial date is a best estimate by
Sagebiel (personal communication 2003) based upon stratigraphic location and
adjacent lots' ceramic evidence. Individual only represented by two teeth, suggesting
partibility or poor preservation.

533
PfBAP Individual # 113

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot B70-14-09-01
Excavator(s) Sara Donaghey
Date Excavated February-April 1996
Source LaMAP site reports; Kerry Sagebiel email correspondence, March 3, 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Plaza C; Patio 115 in S Acropolis, in drain
Associated Architectural Features Plaza drain
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods 2 shell beads
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) A concentration of ash in which the human remains were found suggests a
ritual event in association with the subadults interment.

534
PfBAP Individual # 114

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot C02-03-09-03
Excavator(s) Amanda Clarke and field crew
Date Excavated February-April 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence, July 27,
2000; CLARKE, AMANDA. 1996. Unpublished field report on file, "La Milpa 1996:
Operation C"

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill, analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Structure 69 Complex to S of Plaza A; elite residential group; Structure
70 in N mound, covered in construction rubble on paleosoil*
Associated Architectural Features Bench; possible presence of a grave cut into
paleosoil
Grave Materials Construction fill atop paleosoil
Grave Goods Labret
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Kneeling, arms around knees?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Highly disturbed context. Burial was found while clearing and recording a
looter's trench. Interment appears to have initiated building's construction. Lip plug's
location cannot be determined due to disturbance by looters. Excavated as 2 separate
burials (C02-22 and C02-03); analysis of burials identified same individual so they
were combined.

535
PfBAP Individual # 115

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot C08-05
Excavator(s) Amanda Clarke and field crew
Date Excavated February-March 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence, July 27,
2000; CLARKE, AMANDA. 1996. Unpublished field report on file, "La Milpa 1996:
Operation C"

Date Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3, ca. AD 800-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill, analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit in bench

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Structure 69 Complex to S of Plaza A; elite residential group; Structure
70 in N mound, cut down into a bench, against structure's rear W wall, grave cut
filled but not capped
Associated Architectural Features Bench - plaster; possible burial marker; wall -
structure's W wall
Grave Materials Bench fill
Grave Goods Vessel - pieces of a large, crude pot
Grave Good Location Vessel fragments mixed in with bench fill, isolated at top of
bench

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Tightly flexed on R side (facing W), head N, hips S, arms at neck
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Boot shaped hard piece of limestone possibly used as grave marker.

536
PfBAP Individual # 116

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot G10-07-09-01
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated March 8-10, 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House Group 1295 (1 km from Center) - between Structure 1296 (large)
and Structure 1672 (small), beneath floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut but no evidence of
resurfacing
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - dark gray, sandy soil with medium limestone and chert
cobbles (within matrix of G10.10 and .06)
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing E?), head S?, hips N?
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Soil*

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) No evidence of cranium remains. Soil sample had been misplaced. Isotopic
studies by Robert Tykot show intermediate bone apatite d13C, a value that suggests
pre/post weaning dietary changes, movement from one ecological zone to another, or
seasonal variation in diet.

537
PfBAP Individual # 117

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot G11-06-09-01 A
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated March 14-18, 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 47-50 cm (E/W); 21-25 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location House group; Structure 1272, SE corner of NE room, beneath floor, in
grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut but no evidence of
resurfacing
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - rubble
Grave Goods Ovoid jade bead; small perforated piece of worked shell
Grave Good Location Jade bead near neck; shell near knees

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing SSW), head S, hips N
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered Soil*

Associated Individual(s) # 118

Notes (*) Second cut was found in plaster floor in room's NW corner. However, no
interment was found. Bedrock occurs only 6 cm below surface of the plaster floor.
This is the same patio group associated with Individual 122. Soil sample had been
misplaced. Isotopic studies by Robert Tykot show intermediate bone apatite d13C, a
value that suggests pre/post weaning dietary changes, possibly the result of movement
from one ecological zone to another or seasonal variation of diet.

538
PfBAP Individual # 118
RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot G11-06-09-01 B
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated March 14-18, 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 47-50 cm (E/W); 21-25 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location House group; Structure 1272; SE corner of NE room, beneath floor, in
grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut but no evidence of
resurfacing
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - rubble
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered Soil*

Associated Individual(s) # 117

Notes (*) A second cut was found in the plaster floor in the room's NW corner. However,
no interment was found. Bedrock occurs only 6 cm below the surface of the plaster
floor. This is the same patio group associated with Individual 122. Soil sample had
been misplaced. Burial comprised only of teeth, which were located just east of
Individual 117's mid-back.

539
PfBAP Individual # 119

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # No # assigned
Op-Subop-Lot G15-?-?; No subop or lot # assigned
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated April 2, 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Simple?

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation NW/SE
Grave Location House group
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary?

Body Position ?
Body Orientation N/S?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

540
PfBAP Individual # 120

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 4
Op-Subop-Lot G20-12-09-01
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated April 25, 1996
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple in bedrock

Grave Dimensions approximately 40 cm (E) x 20 cm (S)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House Group 227 (near Center), double patio group, SW corner of
room?, beneath 3 floors, atop bedrock
Associated Architectural Features 3 floors all directly above one another; wall - 2
floors run under and 1 lipped up to
Grave Materials Bedrock - "placed in a dip in the bedrock"; subfloor fill - sandy gray
soil with small limestone cobbles
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing E), head N, hips S
Body Orientation NE/SW

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Dip in the bedrock could misidentified as a bedrock modification. Burial was
not fully excavated (outside of excavation's parameters).

541
PfBAP Individual # 121

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 5
Op-Subop-Lot G26-10
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson and Julie Saul
Date Excavated March 21-25, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House Group 1855 just outside Group 1842 (larger of 2 groups),
beneath floor
Associated Architectural Features Floor - no discernible cut in plaster floor as burial
seems to precede floor's construction; floor (2 cm thick)
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - hard brownish-gray soil with pieces of limestone and
sherds
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on back, legs pulled to chest, face turned W, head S, hips
N, arms bent & crossed at wrist below chin & hands at shoulders
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Burial sits atop an earlier construction phase complete with a plaster floor.

542
PfBAP Individual # 122

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Gloria Everson
Original Burial # 6
Op-Subop-Lot G60-74
Excavator(s) Gloria Everson
Date Excavated March 26, 1998
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location House group; Structure 127, SW corner of SW room, beneath floor, in
grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Bench - N of burial (26 cm high); plaster floor -
grave cut, no evidence of resurfacing episode
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - rubble
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing S), head W, hips E, arms down &
crossed at torso
Body Orientation E/W

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Two cuts into plaster appeared in this room; only one was excavated. This is
the same patio group associated with Individuals 117 & 118.

543
PfBAP Individual # 123

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Jason Gonzalez
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot J11-04
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated Spring 1998
Source GONZALEZ, J. unpublished manuscript, "Soil Phosphate Studies at La Milpa,
Belize 1998"; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Preclassic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location House Group 1107, center of plaza structure, directly atop bedrock
Associated Architectural Features Floor?
Grave Materials Bedrock; platform fill - compacted medium gray brown clayey silt with
few rocks
Grave Goods Vessel: Laguna Verde Incised bowl; jade and shell beads
Grave Good Location Vessel inverted over pelvis and lower back; most beads above
level of clavicle, but 1 at maxilla, 1 in front of chin, and 1 at sternum

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Face down, head S, facing W, lower legs bent backwards at knees, feet on
pelvis, upper arms at sides & bent at elbows, L hand at neck, R hand at R shoulder
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Excavator unable to determine if burial placed prior to construction of platform
or interred into platform. MNI 2 in grave. A mandible included in burial is from a
second individual.

544
PfBAP Individual # 124

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Norman Hammond and Gair Tourtellot
Original Burial # No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Op-Subop-Lot No # assigned - salvage from looter's trenches
Excavator(s) Field crew
Date Excavated ?
Source MONGELLUZO, RYAN. 1997. The Tomb at La Milpa: A Comparative Study.
Unpublished BA Thesis. Boston University, Boston, MA

Date ?
Dating Diagnostic(s) ?

Grave Type Unspecified Tomb

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A; Structure 1 (E structure), base of structure - LOOTED
Associated Architectural Features Chert layers surrounding and sealing tomb
Grave Materials ?
Grave Goods ?
Grave Good Location ?

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) LOOTED. No human remains recovered

545
PfBAP Individual # 125

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) John Rose
Original Burial # Burial 1
Op-Subop-Lot R40-11
Excavator(s) John Rose and field crew
Date Excavated April 9-19, 1994
Source Researcher's documentation; Norman Hammond, email correspondence July 27,
2000; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Capped Cist

Grave Dimensions approximately 60 cm (L) x 40 cm (Wi) x 41 cm (H)
Grave Orientation N/S
Grave Location Group 701 (elite residence peripheral to Center); Structure 702, center
of structure (temple?), beneath floor, in subfloor rubble fill*, atop bedrock
Associated Architectural Features Floor - no discernible cut in plaster floor as burial
seems to precede floor's construction
Grave Materials Cist stones, 3 layers of irregular shaped stones (15-20 cm thick) and
capstones
Grave Goods Obsidian bladelet
Grave Good Location In between mandible and grave's SW wall or placed in mouth

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on L side (facing S) or on back with knees pushed to S,
head E, hips W
Body Orientation NW/SE (150

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Excavator originally designated grave type as a Crypt; further clarification
about grave type occurred via email correspondence. Isotopic study show lowest bone
apatite d13C in sample tested.

546
PfBAP Individual # 126

RB # 25
Site Name La Milpa
Researcher(s) Vernon Scarborough
Original Burial # ?
Op-Subop-Lot V46-B-11
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller, Julie Saul, and Frank Saul
Date Excavated April 1998
Source Personal field notes; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Late/Terminal Classic (Tepeu 2-3, ca. AD 700-900)

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Kerry Sagebiel

Grave Type Simple

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Reservoir A?
Associated Architectural Features "Water management" feature
Grave Materials Platform fill
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed on R side (facing E) or on back with knees pushed to E
side, head S, hips N, hand near shoulder & hand at L foot
Body Orientation N/S

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Skeletal materials extend into sidewall. As a result burial was only partially
excavated.

547
PfBAP Individual # 127

RB # 5
Site Name Las Abejas
Researcher(s) Lauren Sullivan
Original Burial # Cache 4
Op-Subop-Lot 3-B-9
Excavator(s) Lauren Sullivan and field crew
Date Excavated 1994
Source SULLIVAN, LAUREN. 1997. Classic Maya Social Organization: A Perspective
from Las Abejas. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin,
Austin, TX

Date Early Classic*

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Cache

Grave Dimensions ?
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A - Great Plaza in N; Structure 6, in plaza's S; in front and center
of structure; at base of steps
Associated Architectural Features Staircase
Grave Materials Ceramic vessel; subfloor fill of plaza
Grave Goods 1 vessel: Aguila Orange* plate
Grave Good Location Human remains in fill surrounding plate

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Sullivan (1997:98) describes the Cache vessel as Early Classic Orange
(Aguila Orange: Variety Unspecified). However, the slip was very waxy which is
more characteristic of Late Preclassic ceramic styles. It is possible that the red-
slipped vessel represents a Terminal Preclassic type, possibly Rio Bravo Red. Burial
is comprised only of long bone fragments.

548
PfBAP Individual # 128

RB # 5
Site Name Las Abejas
Researcher(s) Lauren Sullivan
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 4-K-19 A*
Excavator(s) Lauren Sullivan and field crew
Date Excavated May 14, 1993
Source SULLIVAN, LAUREN. 1997. Classic Maya Social Organization: A Perspective
from Las Abejas. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin,
Austin, TX

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple in bench

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Plaza A - Great Plaza in N; Structure 7, in plaza's N; in bench
Associated Architectural Features Bench
Grave Materials Bench fill - cobble
Grave Goods Achote Black cylinder fragments
Grave Good Location Mixed in with bench fill (fragments associated with both
Individuals 128 & 129)

Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 129

Notes (*)

549
PfBAP Individual # 129

RB #5
Site Name Las Abejas
Researcher(s) Lauren Sullivan
Original Burial # 2
Op-Subop-Lot 4-K-19 B*
Excavator(s) Lauren Sullivan and field crew
Date Excavated May 14, 1993
Source SULLIVAN, LAUREN. 1997. Classic Maya Social Organization: A Perspective
from Las Abejas. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin,
Austin, TX

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Simple in bench

Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location Plaza A - Great Plaza in N; Structure 7, in plaza's N; in bench
Associated Architectural Features Bench
Grave Materials Bench fill - cobble
Grave Goods Achote Black cylinder fragments
Grave Good Location Mixed in with bench fill (fragments associated with both
Individuals 128 & 129)
Body Condition ?
Body Position ?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) # 128

Notes (*)

550
PfBAP Individual # 130

RB # 5
Site Name Las Abejas
Researcher(s) Lauren Sullivan
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 4-S-17
Excavator(s) Lauren Sullivan and field crew
Date Excavated May 17, 1993
Source SULLIVAN, LAUREN. 1997. Classic Maya Social Organization: A Perspective
from Las Abejas. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Texas at Austin,
Austin, TX

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan

Grave Type Pit

Grave Dimensions approximately 60 cm (Wi)
Grave Orientation ?
Grave Location Plaza A* - Great Plaza in N; Structure 5 (E pyramid - 4.5 m (H)); S
room, beneath floor, in grave cut
Associated Architectural Features Plaster floor - grave cut into floor with Pit filled and
capped by cement-like plaster patch
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - unshaped limestone rocks with little soil
Grave Goods Base of Balanza Black bowl
Grave Good Location Mixed in with fill in grave

Body Condition Secondary?

Body Position Disarticulated?
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered ?

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*) Plaza A is the largest one at the site.

551
PfBAP Individual # 131

RB # S2
Site Name Liwy Group (Dos Hombres-La Milpa Transect)
Researcher(s) Jon B. Hageman
Original Burial # 1
Op-Subop-Lot 4-AU-7
Excavator(s) Pamela Geller and Julie Saul
Date Excavated July 17, 2000
Source Researcher's documentation

Date Late Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramics in surrounding fill and stratigraphic location, analysis by
Lauren Sullivan
Grave Type Simple
Grave Dimensions No observable grave cut
Grave Orientation n/a
Grave Location House group; E structure, between 1st and 2nd floors
Associated Architectural Features Floors 1 and 2
Grave Materials Subfloor fill - cobble and patchy plaster floor
Grave Goods None recovered
Grave Good Location n/a

Body Condition Primary

Body Position Loosely flexed, head SE, hips NW, arms flexed upwards bringing hands
& low arms to center of chest
Body Orientation NW/SE

Associated Samples Recovered None

Associated Individual(s) #

Notes (*)

552
PfBAP Individual # 132

RB # 2
Site Name Dos Hombres
Researcher(s) Jeff Durst
Original Burial #
Op-Subop-Lot 8-36-6 B
Excavator(s) Jeff Durst and field crew
Date Excavated June-July 1997
Source Researcher's documentation; DURST, JEFF. 1998. "Early Classic Iconographic
Connections of Dos Hombres and Other Lowland Maya Sites." Unpublished paper
presented at the Society for American Archaeology meetings, Chicago, Illinois,
March 1998; J. Saul, personal communication 2003

Date Early Classic

Dating Diagnostic(s) Ceramic analysis by Lauren Sullivan; Obsidian hydration

Grave Type Stone-lined Tomb*

Grave Dimensions approximately 270 cm (E/W) x 120 cm (N/S)
Grave Orientation E/W
Grave Location Group B; Courtyard B-4 platform; Elite residential group; Structure B-
17 (E structure); in W end of structure, under bench, plaster Floor 1 with patch, Floor
2, 2 cm obsidian concentration
Associated Architectural Features Bench - red plaster (15 cm high, E-W); Floor 1 (15
cm thick), Floor 2 (red plaster, 10 cm thick) above grave; obsidian layer
Grave Materials Cut limestone capstones; floor - plaster and medium size limestones

Grave Goods see Individual 65

Grave Good Location

Body Condition Secondary

Body Position Disarticulated - skull to S of Individual 65's L ankle/foot, facing E;
mandible to N of Individual 65's R lower leg (tibia & fibula)
Body Orientation ?

Associated Samples Recovered See Individual 65

Associated Individual(s) # 65

Notes (*)

553
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595
 INDEX
age, 174, 175, 176, 227, 343, 392, 395
body positions, 153
body condition, 155
dental modification, 166-167,
395-396
cranial shaping, 359, 387-388
grave goods, 141, 144, 147, 149, 153
grave-types, 155-156
ranges, 70-71, 136-137, 154
subadults, 122, 123, 137, 138,
143, 145, 146, 147, 153, 155-
156, 157, 167, 321
time periods, 120, 122, 123, 124,
125, 126, 316-322
Altn Ha, Belize, 254, 267, 277, 282
ancestor, 31, 181, 182, 186, 187, 189,
195, 199, 205-206, 207, 216-217, 221,
279, 358
different categories of, 220-222, 286,
292, 399
social life/biological death, 6, 25,
185, 218, 233, 240, 242, 276, 286,
323, 416, 420
transformation, 233, 235, 239, 246,
250, 255, 270, 286, 287, 289, 291,
292, 297-298, 314, 388
veneration, 12, 219-220, 271, 272,
275, 292-297, 301-303, 321-322,
388, 390, 403
Anthropometamorphosis, 330-333
aquatic material, 146-148
coral, 64, 148
shell, 65, 120, 123, 136, 144, 146-
148, 149, 150, 251, 252, 269, 276,
280, 311, 312, 321, 386, 392, 402
stingray spine, 65, 136, 148, 251,
252, 294, 312
Arawe culture, 382-383, 386
artificial cranial deformation. See
language usage. See cranial shaping
Barba Group, 44, 85-86, 135, 136, 137,
159, 263, 270, 271, 279, 284, 386, 397
Becker, Anne, 13
Becker, Marshall, 55, 229, 271, 290,
391, 413
bedrock, 44, 54, 57, 61, 63, 82, 86, 102,
129, 134, 135, 249, 251, 253-254, 264,
265, 267, 269, 270, 271, 287, 288, 303,
307
bench, 37, 60, 63, 80, 82, 95, 99, 107,
126, 129, 130, 132, 133, 137-138, 251,
272, 278, 287, 288, 292-297, 298, 312,
321, 388, 389, 400, 403
bib-and-helmet, 268-269
binary opposition. See Cartesian
dichotomy
Binford, Lewis, 172-173, 177
Binford/Saxe Hypothesis
description, 173-178
application, 178-190
limitation, 190-194
Bioarchaeology, 2-5, 11, 19, 69, 168,
201, 219, 222, 231, 323, 328, 341, 362,
363-364, 368, 369, 373, 392, 411, 425
individual perspectives, 5, 231, 322-
323, 363, 387
population perspectives, 5, 323-324,
387, 395
body condition, 66, 151, 273-277, 276-
277, 290, 291, 292
primary, 66-67, 151, 273, 278, 301,
303, 304, 310, 312, 314, 317, 318
secondary, 67, 151, 302, 303-304,
318
body modification (intentional), 15, 28,
76-78, 137, 158-167, 230-231, 315,
327, 329, 330, 332, 334, 335, 337,
338-339, 342, 353, 354, 355, 359, 360,
365, 366, 367-410, 417-419, 422-425
body orientation, 67, 151, 152-153, 227,
263, 288, 292, 295, 310, 312, 314, 315
body partibility, 67, 117, 138, 140, 153,
220, 274, 290, 298, 301-308
596
body position, 66-67, 151-154, 156, 240,
263, 264, 290, 291, 292, 314, 315, 317,
328, 390, 403
extended, 66-67, 152, 153, 251, 252,
270, 272, 299, 312, 317
loosely flexed, 66-67, 152, 154, 258,
270, 287, 288, 299, 310, 321
tightly flexed, 66-67, 152, 154, 287-
288, 297, 299, 310, 312, 321
kneeling, 66, 126, 288
body processing, 21, 66, 128, 152, 190,
195, 201-202, 227, 255, 258, 261, 263,
241, 290, 291, 297-308, 315, 318, 319
Bonampak, Mexico, 209, 234, 305
Bordieu, Pierre, 20, 343-345
Bronco Group, 44, 48, 85, 86-87, 131,
288
Buikstra, Jane, 181, 323, 324, 367
Bullard, William, 80-85
Bulwer, John, 329-333, 335, 336
bundling, 66, 203, 240, 288, 297, 298-
301
burials
definition, 37
documentation, 46
Individual 1, 132, 133, 138, 271,
320, 397
Individual 2, 135, 137, 144, 159,
270-272, 277, 280-283, 386, 397
Individual 3, 288-289
Individual 4, 40, 118, 119, 135, 136,
139, 143, 159, 165, 264-268, 275,
277, 279
Individual 10, 107, 141, 320, 386
Individual 22, 294-296, 386, 388
Individuals 34 & 35, 387-389
Individual 65, 52, 135, 136, 144,
145, 146, 159, 165, 270, 272-278,
279, 284, 306, 308, 309, 310, 397-
400
Individual 66, 310
Individual 71, 128, 152, 306-308,
314
burials (cont.)
Individual 111, 135, 136, 137, 138,
143, 146, 159, 264-268, 275, 277,
279, 280, 397
Individual 114, 389-390
Individual 115, 389-390, 400
Individual 121, 166, 396
Individual 132, 135, 137, 144, 145,
165, 270, 272-278, 284, 306, 308,
309, 310, 386, 397-400
Butler, Judith, 20, 176, 349-350, 351-
352
Cache, 54, 55, 59, 101, 115, 118-119,
121, 128-129, 134, 138, 141, 144, 148,
149, 155, 162, 166, 229, 269, 303, 306,
307, 320, 392
finger cache, 303-305
tooth cache, 290, 303
Calumet, 205-206
Caracol, Belize, 112, 273-276, 304
Cartesian dichotomy, 5-6, 196-197, 218-
219, 333, 341
cave, 51, 57, 186, 187-188, 246-255,
263, 276, 324
metaphoric cave, 287-292
ceiba tree, 246, 254, 268
ceramics, 55, 66, 119, 375-376
grave good, 120, 131, 135, 140-141,
251, 252, 276, 280-281, 320, 321
effigy vessel, 135, 140, 281-282
intentional smashing, 288-289
inverted over body parts, 65, 140,
141, 278, 307, 320
Chan Chich, 35, 36, 40, 45, 84, 104-108,
135, 137, 139, 263, 264, 265, 268, 269,
282, 294, 296, 398
Group A, 105
Group C, 107
Group H, 107-108
Chawak Butoob, 83, 91-92
chen. See also cave, 47-248, 287
601
chert, 64, 108, 145-146, 254, 264, 267,
277
children, 189-190, 211-212, 234, 291,
321, 344, 382-383, 384
Chultun, 51, 54, 57, 81, 90, 92, 161, 162,
166,
cinnabar, 65, 136, 149-150, 252, 264,
279-280, 299
circumcision, 9, 18, 215, 352, 356, 360
Cist, 54, 55, 58, 61, 62, 138, 141, 161,
288, 292, 294
Capped, 58, 121, 133-134, 138, 143,
144, 148, 149, 150, 155, 160, 287,
296, 312, 321, 386, 388, 400
Informal, 58-59, 86, 121, 132-133,
138, 143, 148, 155, 158, 162, 287,
296, 321, 386, 400, 402
Clark, Grahame, 2
codex, 64, 139, 282
Coe, Michael, 232, 245, 283, 286
Coe, William, 369, 402
Cohen, Anthony, 8, 16-17
Colha, Belize, 108, 302
Columbus, Christopher, 234, 333, 334
copal, 65, 150, 206
Copn, Honduras, 186-187, 252
Group 8L-10, 187, 282
Group 9N-8, 325, 261, 282
Hunal tomb, 252-253
Margarita tomb, 252-253, 279
Structure 10L-26
corporeality, 243, 343, 354, 405-407
corpses, 184, 197, 200, 201-206, 207,
213, 215, 227, 236, 237, 241, 242,
244-245, 247, 255-259, 261, 279, 286,
288, 291, 298-299, 318, 324, 420
cranial shaping (modeling, molding, or
modification), 77-78, 122, 160-163,
315, 326, 367, 361, 368, 380-384, 423
annular type, 77, 161, 370-371, 382
erect variety, 77, 161, 371, 386, 396
tabular type, 77, 161, 162, 370, 386,
387, 389-390, 396
oblique variety, 77-78, 161, 371, 390
craniostenosis, 380
Crypt, 54, 55, 58, 59, 61, 134, 138, 146,
148, 150
Cuello, Belize, 71, 162, 226, 320, 373,
384, 391
culture history, 2, 170-171, 172, 173
de Beauvoir, Simone, 72
de Certeau, Michel, 343, 349, 392, 407
de Landa, Diego, 142, 145, 208, 259-
260, 286, 298, 351, 377, 378, 384-385,
391, 393, 396
Death God A, 257
decomposition, 201-205, 206, 207, 214,
241, 256-259, 299
Dembo, A. and J. Imbelloni, 77, 370-371
dental analysis, 76, 163-167
dental modification, 76-77, 122, 137,
163-167, 311, 312, 359-360, 368,
390-405, 423
dental mutilation. See language usage.
See dental modification
disarticulation, 67, 126, 128, 278,
290, 301, 303-304, 306-307, 317,
318, 421
Dos Barbaras, 42, 45, 83, 93-95, 119,
148 294-295, 309, 311-313, 314-315,
386, 387, 388, 390
Structure 6, 311-312, 387-388
Structure 11, 295-296, 311-312, 388
Dos Hombres, 39, 40, 42, 45, 52, 59, 84,
85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 104, 108-
111, 112, 118, 134, 135, 136, 137, 145,
149, 253, 263, 270, 272-278, 284, 303,
309, 312, 314-315, 316, 321, 386, 397,
399
Courtyard A-2, 110
Courtyard B-4, 110, 272, 277, 284,
309-310, 312
Group C, 110
Durkheim, Emile, 179-180, 195, 196-
198
ecology, 38, 256
ecosystems approach, 2, 3, 182
602
El Intruso/Gateway, 42, 84, 95-99, 102,
128, 130, 149, 296, 306, 309, 313-315
Group A, 92, 93, 97-98, 99, 306, 313
Group B, 99
embodiment, 6, 218, 340-341, 349, 352-
353, 354, 355-365, 368, 393-394
emotion, 196, 198, 204, 207, 208, 209-
212, 215, 259-260, 293, 323
Errington, Shelly, 73-75
ethics, 31-34
ethnohistory, 225, 227, 233-235, 293,
302, 327, 329, 334-335, 351, 367, 369,
374-379
family crypt, 308-309, 317
faunal remains, 3, 4, 136, 149, 310, 386,
392
Favazza, Armando, 335-337
feminist perspectives, 9, 73-75, 190,
191, 341, 408
floral remains, 3, 4, 250, 259
Foucault, Michel, 9, 10, 17, 20, 350-351,
392
gender, 71-74, 211, 217, 227, 231, 283-
284, 344, 349, 352, 353, 385, 387, 396
Giddens, Anthony, 18, 362
Gillespie, Susan, 11-12, 185-186, 290-
291, 293-294
God N, 281
Goffman, Erving, 346-349
Goldstein, Lynne, 181
Goodenough, Ward, 14-17, 174-178,
194, 223, 328, 342, 343, 347, 419
gourd container, 64, 136, 139, 252
granite, 64, 145, 278
grave
definition, 37
type, 52-60, 119, 121, 123, 124, 125,
126, 127-136, 146, 151, 155, 161,
162, 166, 171, 287, 290, 292, 296,
309-310, 315, 319, 320, 386, 397,
400, 402, 420
grave dimension, 61-62, 133-134
grave goods, 64-66, 139-150, 179, 192,
193, 211, 217, 227, 230, 249-250, 251,
grave goods (cont.), 252, 262, 264, 267,
274-275, 279-280, 291, 309, 311, 315,
320, 321, 386, 388, 389, 397, 400, 421
grave material, 60-61, 127, 129, 253,
402
grave orientation, 61, 117, 129, 132
greenstone. See jade
Grosz, Elizabeth, 1, 9, 219, 220, 350,
359, 363
Guerrero, Gonzalo, 377-379, 399
Guijarral, 42, 84, 99-100, 158, 296, 386,
402
Harris, Grace 7, 9, 12, 15
Hawkes, Christopher, 194
hematite, 64, 76, 136, 144, 150, 166,
269, 311, 371, 397, 398
Hertz, Robert, 20, 195, 198-200, 201,
202, 206-208, 212, 213, 220, 259, 343
House Ruins, 42, 81-82, 114, 118, 119,
123, 126, 162, 308-321, 386
household shrine, 110, 135, 233, 271-
272, 278, 306, 311
human remains, 3, 6, 31, 205
curation, 32
objectification, 5, 22, 219
identity constitution, 7, 14-19, 183, 188,
195, 196, 206, 213, 216-218, 223, 225,
231, 263, 321, 324, 367, 368, 377-379,
387, 394, 402, 404, 409-410
ancestor identity, 227, 231, 255, 259,
291, 296, 297, 403
self-identity, 15-17, 175, 178, 301,
323, 338, 342, 362, 363, 364, 366,
368, 402, 406, 408, 410
social identity, 17-19, 174-177, 193,
194, 213, 215, 217, 223, 229-230,
291, 300, 315, 328, 342, 347, 362,
366, 368, 388-389, 390, 396, 400,
410
ik, 402, 406
individual
conceptual 7-9, 11, 198-199, 241,
323, 343, 346, 349, 354, 363
603
individuall (cont.)
practical, 37, 182
individualism, 8, 13, 327, 369, 405
jade, 64, 65, 67, 120, 136, 142-144, 251,
252, 268-269, 278, 321, 371
Jaina, Mexico, 186, 261, 325
Jaloj-Kexoj, 235-236, 245
jal, 235
Joyce, Rosemary, 217, 404
Kafka, Franz, 350
Kaxob, Belize, 186, 226, 232, 320
kex, 235
Kus, Susan, 204-205
La Caldera, 45, 84, 100-102, 114
La Milpa, 35, 36, 42, 44, 45, 57, 82, 84,
85, 86, 90-91, 93, 96, 99, 101, 102,
108, 112-115, 199, 125, 135, 137, 138,
159, 263, 264, 266, 267, 268, 270, 294,
296, 306, 314, 386, 387, 389, 397
Plaza A, 112, 114, 306
Plaza C, 115, 387, 389
labret, 65, 76, 149, 158-159, 367, 402
LAnne Sociologique, 196
language usage, 20, 21-22, 325-326,
336, 368
Las Abejas, 42, 48, 84, 102-104
Leder, Drew, 11, 361-362
litter, 135, 139, 140, 254- 267-268, 294
Liwy Group, 85, 87
Lubaantn, Belize, 290, 399-400
Major Centers, 81, 83-85, 119, 121, 123,
126, 162, 282, 313
Mauss, Marcel, 199, 342-343
Maya culture, 22-25
McAnany, Patricia, 25, 185, 186, 300,
303, 307, 309
memory, 184, 204, 221, 222, 316-322,
350, 365
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 10-12, 20, 340-
341, 355-356, 357, 359
Meskell, Lynn, 8, 10, 211-211, 351, 352-
353
mica, 64, 144, 311
Minor Centers, 42, 81, 83-84, 121, 123,
128, 162, 386
Morris, Brian, 12
Morris, Rosalind, 345, 350, 351-354
mortuary rites. See also rites of passage,
14, 192-193, 195, 196, 198, 200, 201,
202, 205, 211, 213, 216, 217, 227,
255-262, 297-308, 323
mountain, 188, 246, 248, 249, 250, 255,
263
mourners, 142, 169, 178, 186,195, 200,
207-212, 215, 216, 259-262
NAGPRA, 32, 205-206
obsidian, 52, 64, 68, 123, 144-145, 148,
149, 251, 253, 264, 277, 278, 311, 392
Operation 12, 88
Operation 19, 88-89
Operation 24, 89
Operation 28, 90, 118, 309, 316-322
Operation 29, 90
Orlan, 337-338, 408-409
osteobiography, 5, 231, 364, 372
pain, 13, 358-361, 363-364, 367, 368,
369, 377, 382, 385, 392, 393-394, 396,
398, 399, 402, 404, 424
anesthesia, 393
dentist, 393
Palenque, Mexico, 178-179, 186, 235-
236, 249-251, 253, 299, 411-412
Kinich Janahb Pakal, 178, 249-250,
411-412
Temple of the Inscriptions, 178-179,
249-250, 411-412
Parker Pearson, Mike, 182, 183, 193
performance, 15, 197, 205, 214, 217,
243, 321, 338-339, 344, 358, 364, 365,
366, 367, 408
performance theory. See also Butler, J.,
28, 343, 345-355
604
person, 7, 12, 14-17, 175, 189, 216, 218,
227, 243, 260, 269, 290-291, 308, 345,
362, 376, 385, 395, 397, 404
phenomenology. See also Merleau-
Ponty, M., 10-11, 20, 340-341, 352,
535-356
Piedras Negras, Guatemala, 150, 269
piercing, 137, 158-159, 215, 337, 339,
356, 360, 365, 367, 378-379, 402-403
Pit grave, 54, 55, 56, 107, 287-289, 292,
294, 296, 310, 386, 388, 389, 397, 400
Pop, 403-404
Popol Vuh, 235-236, 244-245
positional plagiocephaly, 380-381 382
practice theory. See also Bourdieu, P.,
20, 28, 328, 343-345, 352
habitus, 343-344, 345, 349
hexis, 344-345, 348
preservation, 34, 38-39, 46, 51, 60, 74,
76, 77, 135-136, 139, 148, 150, 156,
158, 212, 272, 274, 283, 298, 299, 303,
305, 312, 324, 367, 374, 387, 393, 400,
403
Programme for Belize, 23-24, 35, 36,
39-41, 48, 82, 84, 414
processualism, 172-173, 179, 180, 182,
190, 192, 193, 194, 222, 223, 229-231
postprocessualism, 182-184, 190-193,
223, 231
Quirigu, Guatemala, 276
red matter. See cinnabar
red color symbolism, 357-358
repatriation, 32, 205-206
Ro Azul, Guatemala, 34, 232, 253-255,
258, 267, 277, 298
Tomb 19, 254, 258, 298
Tomb 23, 254
rites of passage, 14, 17, 175, 205, 212-
215, 246, 346, 364, 396
Romero, Javier, 370-372, 391
typology, 76, 371, 395, 397-401,
401-405
sacred landscape features. See also cave.
See also mountain, 181-182, 183, 187-
188, 189, 248, 255, 284
Saul, Frank and Julie, 32, 36, 37, 69, 70,
71, 77, 157, 160, 162, 231, 290, 364,
372, 384, 391, 412
Saxe, Alan, 172, 176, 182
Hypothesis #8. See also Goldstein,
L., 181, 182
scribe, 281-283
Seibal, Guatemala, 56, 302
self, 7, 10, 12-14, 178, 209, 218, 239,
241, 243, 349, 351, 354, 361, 362-364,
367, 369, 379, 383, 402, 404, 406
sensory experience. See also pain. 6,
225, 343, 355-365, 404
sight, 344, 356, 357, 358, 359, 365
smell, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205-206,
256, 257, 344, 356, 358, 360
sound, 203, 208-209, 344, 356, 358
taste, 344, 358, 360, 363
sex, 71-75, 122, 123, 125, 126, 141, 144,
146, 157-158, 161, 166, 341, 349, 353,
369, 370, 382, 385, 391, 392, 395, 396,
417
sexual identity, 175, 176, 351-352
Sex, 73-75, 283
sexing techniques, 74, 75
Shakespeare, William, 333
shell tinklers, 65, 146-148, 321
Simple grave, 54, 55, 56, 61, 67, 119,
121, 123, 125, 126, 129-130, 131, 138,
143, 149, 153, 155, 287, 290, 292, 294,
320, 388, 400
skeletal analysis, 69, 70, 71, 303, 372
social body, 9-10, 179, 350, 363, 379
social personae, 175, 176-177, 178, 179,
277
soul, 196, 197, 200, 201, 206-207, 209,
213, 218, 236-255
?ora, 237
chanul, 238-239, 243
chulel, 238, 239-244, 279, 291
ihiyotl, 242, 255-256
naabl, 238
605
soul (cont.) Vogt, Evon, 240, 243, 247, 248, 260,
tonalli, 242, 243-244, 256 261, 262, 293
yolia, 143, 242, 256 vulture, 268
spatial analysis, 180-190, 302, 319, 320,
372, 389, 396 warrior, 244, 260, 304, 374-377, 378-
Stewart, Susan, 340 379, 398
subadult. See children. See age Waugh, Evelyn, 225
wayoob, 281
taphonomy, 38-39 Welsh, W.B.M., 51, 53-60, 142, 230-
Tarlow, Sarah, 209-211 231, 271, 275, 278, 302-303, 305, 306
tattoo, 10, 13, 215, 328, 337, 339, 350- wrapping. See bundling, 203
351, 360, 365, 367, 368, 374-379, writing, 281, 282, 401-405, 405-407,
399, 404, 406, 423 424
textiles, 64, 66, 139, 251, 252, 258, 298-
299 Xibalba, 244-245, 246, 250, 254-255,
textuality, 405-407 256, 281, 289
The Tempest, 333
Three Rivers Region, 36-37 Zinacantan, 238, 239, 241, 243, 247, 248
Tiesler, Vera, 371, 373-374, 382
Tikal, Guatemala, 48, 49, 55, 66, 85,
244, 251-254, 271, 277, 283, 300, 391,
403, 413
Burial 23, 254
Burial 116, 145, 253, 277, 251, 403
Tipu, Belize, 231, 391
Tomb, 41, 54, 60, 61, 64, 66, 68, 105,
114, 121, 125, 134-137, 139, 140-141,
159, 165, 166, 178, 186, 263-284, 397-
401
Rock-cut, 40, 44, 60, 63, 86, 105,
135, 138, 143, 149, 150, 160, 265-
269, 270-272
Stone-lined, 52, 60, 110, 144, 145,
149, 150, 272-278
Unspecified, 60
Turner, Bryan, 361
Turner, Victor, 214-215, 328, 357
Tzotzil Maya, 237, 247, 248, 260, 285,
300, 324

Ucko, Peter, 52-53, 192

van Gennep, Arnold, 212-214, 244-245,

286, 343
vegetables, 218
606