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Connor Lawrence
Professor Donal Casey
November 28th 2013
Irish Life and Culture

Eamon De Valera: Irelands Forgotten Father

Despite the fact that he was quite literally the father of modern Irish politics, the late

leader Eamon de Valera is shown little memorial in his death. In fact, it would be quite correct to

say that political figure Michael Collins, a man whose history of Irish politics lasted only for

around a decade, is a more respected figure than de Valera himself. De Valera, a man who was

central to the political development and maturation of an independent Irish Republic for more

than half a century, is often forgotten in the tales and memorials of Irelands past. De Valera

served his country as both a President and a Taoiseach on several different occasions through

some of the most turbulent times in the history of mankind. Yet notwithstanding his record or list

of political achievements he is often forgotten in Irish political conversation due to his

overpowering economic policies. In modern day, de Valera is seen as a poor political leader

whose conservative ideology led to economic stagnation for much of twentieth century Ireland.

Even without considering modern standards, de Valera is often characterized as a

stubborn conservative figure whose quest for an independent Ireland hindered its ability to

evolve with the times. As historian Diarmaid Ferriter writes, for many people under the age

of 60, the de Valera that they witnessed was an old man; nearly blind and seen as a symbol,

almost a relic, of depressed and difficult times" (Ferriter 4). Here Ferriter notes the influence that

de Valeras youth, and experience fighting powerful international authority, influenced his

political decisions later in life. In order to truly assess how these experiences may have shaped

and groomed de Valeras mindset we must first understand who Eamon de Valera was.
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Eamon de Valera was born on October 14th, 1882 in New York City, United States to an

Irish mother and a Spanish father (Fitzgibbon 10). Without ever truly knowing his father, de

Valera was taken, by a close Uncle, back to Ireland at the age two where he lived with his

Grandmother in a small village called Bruree in County Limerick (Fitzgibbon 14-15). A

exemplary student and devoted patriot even in his youth, the foundation for many of his

convictions stem from his experience as a young Irish rebel.

A great participant of the Gaelic revival movement of the late nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries, de Valera first began his involvement in the political revolution in 1913

when he joined the Irish Volunteers (Fitzgibbon 46-47). His political involvement in the

revolution would prominently increase over time to the point where he was a leader in the 1916

Easter Rising, when he held the position of Commandant over a battalion of Irish troops

(Fitzgibbon 60-61). After being the only identified leader exempt from execution due to his

American birth, de Valera was imprisoned in several English prisons for the next year until he

was released in 1917 (Fitzgibbon 62-63). Welcomed back to Ireland as a hero, de Valera would

go on to serve high positions with the government through the Irish War of Independence

(Fitzgibbon 74-90).

The war concluded with the Anglo-Irish Treaty which led to the creation of the Irish Free

State, encompassing the majority of the Irish island, but excluding the northern part of Ireland

(Fitzgibbon 88-93). Up until this point the Irish leadership had mostly agreed on the principles of

the creation of an Irish state but the treaty caused a division to occur between those who

supported it, Michael Collins and the Pro-Treaty forces, and those who rejected the very thought

of the treaty, de Valera and the Anti-Treaty Forces (Fitzgibbon 92-93). This division would fester

and worsen with time in the Irish political sphere culminating with the Irish Civil War of 1922
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(Fitzgibbon 92-93). De Valera and his Anti-Treaty Forces would ultimately lose this war but

despite this great loss, it did not mark the end of de Valeras political career. If anything, the Irish

Civil War simply marked the beginning.

Now it may seem odd to review de Valeras early history however, these experiences

would determine his attitude for decades onward in his fight for an autonomous Ireland. As

Constantine Fitzgibbon notes, His [de Valera] and his countrys life are inextricably

intertwined (Fitzgibbon I). To understand Ireland one has to understand the man, de Valera,

whose experiences and ideas would impact the nation for the majority of its existence. At one

time or another, the dream of an independent Irish nation must have seemed like just a dream for

de Valera and his fellow rebels. With the culmination of the Irish War of Independence and the

Irish Civil War, the dream of a unified Ireland had manifested. Though, the birth of such an Irish

nation did not come without consequence for much of the population and for de Valera himself.

The conflicts had caused de Valera imprisonment, harm, and guilt over the loss of his

companions. Some of de Valeras original comrades, such as Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith,

Liam Lynch, Cathal Brugha, and countless others, had all died as a result of the struggle.

Although de Valera may have been an enemy to some of these peers at one time or another, they

all shared and contributed the original dream of a free, sovereign Ireland. Thus the affects of

these struggles forged within de Valera a strong dislike and distrust for more powerful,

international states, particularly Great Britain. Along with this hatred for powerful states, de

Valera held a resilient belief that through only economic independence could Ireland grow into a

powerful state.

From the start of his campaign for absolute Irish independence, de Valera was a

proponent of Irish economic isolationism; however, the technique in which he choose to operate
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this independence backfired leading to abundant stagnation. In de Valeras words to a United

Press representative in April 1926 he had hoped to make, Ireland [as] an economic unit, as

self-contained and self-sufficient as possiblewith a proper balance between agriculture and the

other essential industries (Ferriter 102). This economic policy was considered one of the five

aims of de Valeras Fianna Fil party upon its establishment. Moving forward incidents such as

the Anglo-Irish Trade War further demonstrated that de Valera was enacting a policy of

protectionism in order to maintain Irelands independence. However the policy of protectionism,

an economic policy of government action that restricts international trade to conserve local

commerce (Investopedia), proved to hinder Irelands development in the future.

Perhaps if de Valera had arrived in the Irish leadership at a different point in time he

would have been more suited as his policies would have had a greater impact for the better. As

historian John Joseph Lee points out, His (De Valeras) qualities would have made him a leader

beyond compare in the pre-industrial world. It was in one sense his misfortune that his career

should coincide with an age of accelerated economic change whose causes and consequences

largely baffled him (Qtd. in Coogan 704). The twentieth century brought about a new age of

industry and globalization. A greater number of international markets were converging and with

the combination of new manufacturing method, free trade prospered. The strength of economic

globalization was something that despite his policies de Valera could not avoid. As Ferriter

states, "...the protectionist industries became dependent on imported raw materials for industrial

processing and the industrial workers came to spend an increasing portion of their wages on

imported goods..." (Ferriter 283). Ferriter further explains, "...by 1950 the share of external trade

in Ireland's economy had risen by almost one third. In effect, industrialization was achieved 'with

a reduction in self-sufficiency" (Ferriter 283). As Ferriter points out, industrialization, which is

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clearly a vital advancement for any nation, could only occur once Ireland relied more upon

international trade. The time de Valera spent as Taoiseach, a number of terms between 1937 and

1959, was characterized by slow economic progress which caused a great number of Irish

citizens to emigrate to nations with better conditions (Lee 315). Economic developments from

1959 onwards would furthermore demonstrate the need for economic change in Ireland.

As the decade closed, 1959 stood as de Valeras final year as Taoiseach but with his

passing from direct political relevance the forthcoming leaders would promote great economic

change, which proved to help Ireland finally achieve progression. Despite the fact that Ireland

choose to remain neutral during World War II, and thereby began the 1950s in much better

condition than many other European nations, Ireland did not sustain an economic boom in that

decade. In fact, quite the opposite occurred as the Irish economy only grew 1% annually (Lee

315). The policies of protectionism were clearly failing and after Fianna Fil suffered political

defeats in both 1948 and 1954, the party realized they must change their policy. Fianna Fil party

member, and de Valeras successor, Sean Lemass became Taoiseach in 1958 and began to change

the policy of the government. As Lemass is quoted saying, [Something] has got to be done

nowIf we fail everything else goes with it and all the hopes of the past will have been

falsified (Lee 373). So, along with instituting investment in social welfare and national

industrial infrastructure, Lemass began reversing the policy of protectionism by offering tax

incentives to attract foreign investment (Lee 359). This policy began to work as between 1959

and 1973 Ireland sustained a yielded annual economic growth of 4%, which at the time would

have been deemed monumental in comparison to past years (Lee 359). This progression would

continue until the late 1970s when a period of global economic crisis struck and despite Fianna

Fils attempt to help the country by increasing public spending, Ireland fell into recession.
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While the late 1970s negatively affected Irelands economic well-being, the affects in part helped

assist Ireland in the future when it would experience its greatest economic boom.

The economic hardship that Ireland experienced during the 1970s and 1980s, is often

characterized by a notorious 1988 article by The Economist about the subject entitled, Poorest

of the Rich (Meagher). The title of this article was a clear reference to Irelands European

Union membership despite the fact of the nations failing economy. Less than a decade later in

1997 The Economist wrote another article regarding Irelands economy. The title of this article:

Green is Good. The article highlighted how Ireland was quickly becoming one of the fastest

growing economies in the world with expansion of 10% in 1995 and 7% in 1996, rates not

recorded in other Western European nations at the time (The Economist). During this timeframe,

Irelands economic policy was not that of de Valeras protectionism but rather quite the opposite.

Seeing the beneficial affects that globalization and free international trade had on Ireland in

during the Lemass era, Ireland did not hesitate to continue this policy through the 1990s. As Paul

Sweeny reported upon the increased number of foreign commerce during the boom, In 1998, for

the first time, foreign companies employee[d] more than Irish companies in manufacturing and

international services (Sweeny 127). The increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) in Ireland

clearly was linked to its success in the 1990s as well. This method of economic liberalization

was successful as between the mid-1980s and 1995 FDI grew by nearly $265 billion with the

majority such investment coming from the European Union, the United States, and Japan

(Sweeny 128). Along with the large rates of FDI, the public spending of the 1970s and 1980s left

Ireland with an educated youth and an effective infrastructure, two aspects that helped created

the perfect conditions for an economic boom.

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Lost in all this excitement for the Celtic Tiger is de Valera who loved Ireland to its very

core. However, the image of the Ireland de Valera had differed greatly from the one that

realistically shouldve occurred. To quote de Valera exactly in his 1943 Ireland which we dream

speech, The Ireland which we dreamed of would be the home of a people who valued material

wealth only as a basis of right living, of a people who were satisfied with frugal comfort and

devoted their lives to things of the spirit (Qtd in Ferriter 363). This image of Ireland is one

that seems content with the failing conditions occurring. An Ireland unready to grasp the

economic glory that was quite possible in the twentieth century. As one Irish emigrant living in

London was quoted saying, "He [de Valera] had a vision of what Ireland should be--his vision.

One man shouldn't have a vision like that for all the people..." (Ferriter 287). This emigrant was

not alone in her thoughts granted that Ireland was reduced to her smallest population size in

history, 2.81 million, at the conclusion of the 1950s, which coincidently marked de Valeras exit

from politics (Lee 315).

After reviewing the economic history of Ireland under de Valeras governance in

comparison with the economic history, which followed, it is clear why de Valeras legacy is often

characterized by political obscurity. As Tom Garvin states, Irelands opening up to America and

Europe after 1957 did far more than enhance the countrys trade performance or open up world

perspectives to minds that had long been accustomed to rather narrow horizons (Garvin 230).

De Valeras struggle with larger international powers was rooted in his experience with the Irish

battle for independence. It seems that through his actions as Taoiseach, he never stopped fighting

this war and thus Ireland did not accept economic globalization until the 1960s.

While this paper focuses on his economic failures it is important to understand that many

of his liberal political moves were quite successful for Ireland and the global political sphere
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itself. The Constitution he forged in 1937 was one the most important documents for human

rights to date and ensured equal political balance among the Irish government (Lee 352). Despite

his failures de Valeras political longevity ensures him an immortal spot in Irish political history.

As Fitzgibbon compares, "To imagine twentieth century Ireland without de Valera would be as

fruitless as to try and envisage an Elizabethan England without the great queen or a French

grandsicle with Louis XIV omitted" (Fitzgibbon I). Through this quote we can understand that

while yes, de Valera was not always the greatest economic leader, he was a fundamental part of

early Irish history whose experiences and struggles with larger powers coincide in all with the

Irish historical experience.

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Works Cited:

Coogan, Tim Pat. De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow. London, United Kingdom: Random
House Publishing, 1993. Print.

Dunphy, Richard. The Making of Fianna Fil Power in Ireland 1923-1948. London, United
Kingdom: OUP Oxford, 1995. Print.

Ferriter, Diarmaid. Judging Dev: A Reassement of the Life and Legacy of Eamon de Valera.
Dublin, Ireland: Royal Irish Academy, 2007. Print.

Fitzgibbon, Constantine. The Life and Times of Eamon De Valera. Dublin, Ireland: Macmillan
Publishing Group, 1973. Print.

Garvin, Tom. Preventing the Future; Why was Ireland so poor for so long? Dublin, Ireland: Gill
& Macmillian Ltd, 2004. Print

Green is Good. The Economist: European Union. The Economist. 15 May 1997. Web. 9 Dec.
2013.

Lee, J.J. Ireland 1912-1985. London, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Print.

Meagher, John. 1988: The Year They Said Ireland Was Doomed. Irish Independent: Irish
News. Irish Independent. 19 Jan. 2008. Web. 9 Dec. 2013.

Protectionism. Investopedia. ValueClick, Inc. Web. 10 Dec. 2013.

Sweeny, Paul. The Celtic Tiger: Irelands Continuing Economic Miracle. Dublin, Ireland: Oak
Tree Press, 1999. Print.
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