Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Leadership
Author(s): Linda C. Tillman and James Trier
Source: Peabody Journal of Education, Vol. 82, No. 1, The Media, Democracy and the
Politics of Education (2007), pp. 121-149
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25594737
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PEABODY JOURNAL OF EDUCATION, 82(1), 121-149
Copyright ? 2007, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
The media play a major role in the construction of popular cultural "texts,"
such as films and television programs. These media forms are conceptual
ized as "public pedagogies"?i.e., as texts that have great potential to teach
the public about a wide range of educational issues. This article focuses
attention on the representation of teachers and principals in the popular
television series Boston Public. Specifically, the authors provide two compli
mentary accounts of how the representations of teachers and principals can
be engaged through critical analyses or "readings." One account develops a
deconstructive reading of how Boston Public treats teacher preparation,
teacher competence, and principal leadership. The second account exam
ines how preservice teachers were engaged in multiple readings of the
program. The article concludes by suggesting that analyzing popular repre
sentations of teachers and educational leaders in film and television can
become one important strategy, among others, for developing critically
reflective educational leaders and teachers.
The general theme of this special issue concerns the role that the media
play in educational politics. This article connects to that theme by focus
ing on one important role that the media play in the production of cul
tural politics via popular culture "texts" such as films and television
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Boston Public as Public Pedagogy
Dead Poets Society, and 187. Giroux explained that such essays can serve as
examples to other educators and students of how
to engage the ethical and practical task of analyzing critically how films
function as social practices that influence [students'] everyday lives and
position them within existing social, cultural, and institutional
machineries of power; how the historical and contemporary meanings
that films produce, align, reproduce, and interrupt broader sets of ideas,
discourses, and social configurations at work in the larger society, (p. 7)
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L. C. Tillman and J. Trier
through its presences and absences (or silences). Viewers who share the
dominant ideologies encoded in a text are likely to see the text as the text
sees itself. A negotiated reading is one that recognizes the contradictory ele
ments in a text, that does not accept all the elements that fit a preferred
reading, that might read some elements in an oppositional way in part,
but that does not read in a totally oppositional way. An oppositional reading
is an activation of a text that rejects what a preferred reading accepts,
resulting in a reading that can indeed "read the signs" but refuses to
follow their direction. Such readings are attuned to the presences and
absences (silences) of a text and read from an oppositional ideological
ground. Examples of Hall's theory of reading can be readily found at the
Internet Movie Database Web site (http://www.imdb.com). All one needs
to do is look at the user reviews of any given film to find reactions to the
very same film that are totally negative (oppositional), totally glowing
(preferred), and mixed (negotiated).
To frame these two complementary parts of the article, we first briefly
describe Boston Public so that readers unfamiliar with the program will
have some sense of it.
1Boston Public is intermittently rerun on the Women's Entertainment (WE) channel in the
United States, and Trier has seen it rerun on Canadian television (a discovery made while
attending the American Educational Research Association meeting in Montreal in 2005). All
81 episodes are regularly on auction on eBay, too.
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the meanings one makes of a text can be radically different from some
one else's, and [that] the difference in the readings lies less in the text
and more in who is reading it, as well as when and under what circum
stances and with whom they are reading it. (p. 129)
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what is best for all students, but particularly African American and
low-income students. A careful reading-viewing of the text of Boston
Public reveals that teachers are placed in distinct categories: African
American teachers are cruel, uncaring, and mentally unbalanced (Ms.
Hendricks) or sultry yet compassionate and caring (Ms. Sudor). Although
the depictions of these teachers are reinforced in almost every episode, the
viewer knows very little about their professional training or their compe
tence as teachers. On the other hand, a teacher like Ms. Davis, a White
teacher with blonde hair, is frequently described as "elegant" by the prin
cipal and is generally thought to be a Michelle Pfeiffer-like figure2 in
terms of her dedication to all students, but particularly students of color
and low-income students. These students seem to have problems that
only a Michelle Pfeiffer-type White teacher can solve. As is the case with
the African American teachers, the viewer knows very little about Ms.
Davis's competence as a teacher, but it is generally assumed by
the administration, teachers, students, parents, and staff that she is an
excellent teacher.
Enter another Michelle Pfeiffer type, Ms. Ronnie Cook, who made the
statement opening this section. Ronnie Cook, an attorney, was the guest
speaker in a class at Winslow High. During her presentation to the class, a
fight breaks out between two male students?an African American and a
Latino. After the fight, the teacher, Mr. Senate, tells Ronnie that teaching is
"really getting to him." She is sympathetic and suggests that he "get some
help." It is not clear exactly what kind of help Mr. Senate should seek, as
Ms. Cook has no background in counseling, teaching, learning, or class
room management; nevertheless, it is expected that her suggestion would
seem reasonable to the viewer. Later that evening, Ms. Cook tells her
boyfriend the guest teaching experience changed her and she is consider
ing changing careers and becoming a teacher. Surprised, he asks her
"Don't you have to take some courses to teach?" and questions why she
wants to be a "minimum wage babysitter." Because he is very concerned
about her sudden, irrational decision, he also tells her, "Anybody can
teach. Why don't you just wait until you are no longer capable of practic
ing law?" Undeterred and confident that she is making the right decision,
Ronnie responds, "I felt more alive" as a guest teacher. When he asks her
if "they just let you teach without any training," she tells him that she has
to "take a course" and she will "get an emergency certification thing?the
crisis being the teacher shortage." Having now made her decision, and
2Pfeiffer played the teacher Louise Johnson in the blockbuster school film Dangerous
Minds.
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convinced that she can "save" the poor, disadvantaged, troubled students
at Winslow High, she goes to the principal, Mr. Harper, and announces,
"I want to be a teacher" (apparently no application process is necessary).
Her announcement is accompanied by the appropriate serious, mournful
music. The viewer senses that something profound has happened or is
about to happen at Winslow High.
Without giving Ms. Cook's request any serious thought (he simply
agrees to hire her), Principal Harper assigns her to a "remedial class."
Despite Mr. Senate's warning that he is "throwing her to the wolves,"
Principal Harper rationalizes that he is putting the new teacher "in a place
where her inexperience won't be a factor" and because "parents won't
care?they will be happy to keep their kids out of juvenile detention." He
adds that if he puts this untrained, uncertified, inexperienced teacher in a
regular class, the parents of those students will complain. Besides, he
believes she is "tough" and can handle the job. The education of the reme
dial students is now entrusted to the uncertified, inexperienced Ms. Cook,
who begins her teaching career the next day.
Many of the teachers at Winslow High are angered over the principal's
decision to hire the inexperienced Ronnie Cook. A veteran teacher com
plains, "It's bad enough to face societal and parental disrespect, but when
it comes from the administration, at some point we have to respond."
According to some teachers, the hiring of an uncertified, inexperienced
individual as a teacher reinforced the perception that anyone could "walk
in off the street and be an educator." Principal Harper is aware of the
teachers' concerns about this issue and fears there will be an organized
protest of some sort. While discussing the situation with his assistant
principal, Mr. Guber, he states, "I sure hope she can teach, because the
teachers are grumbling again."
As the semester progresses, Ms. Cook becomes the resident expert on
many issues. For example, in one episode she counsels parents about
whether their son should or should not take Ritalin and whether the
family should seek psychological counseling. Of interest, the parents
actually listen to Ronnie, take her advice, and thank her for helping them
to make critical decisions about their son's future. The viewer is led to
believe that parents are less intelligent than the teacher, have no idea
where to go for assistance, and have no power. Apparently because of the
presence and wisdom of Ronnie Cook, there is now a sense of hope at
Winslow High. This episode ends with the African American students
and teachers singing a feel-good song, "Wake Up Everybody." In many of
the Boston Public episodes African American students at Winslow High
are portrayed as disadvantaged underachievers and the competence of
the African American teachers at the school is questionable. However, the
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L. C. Tillman and J. Trier
ending scene appears to suggest that because African Americans can sing,
their vocal talents can solve issues related to teacher competence and how
it can affect student achievement.
Several issues are relevant to Principal Harper's decision to hire the
uncertified, inexperienced Ronnie Cook. First, as Ms. Cook correctly
points out, there is a teacher shortage in public education. As I noted
elsewhere (Tillman, 2005), many students in urban schools have less
access to teachers who are certified in critical subject matter areas such as
math, science, and bilingual education. Thus, although school districts
are expected to produce high test scores, many students in urban schools
are less likely to be exposed to instruction that prepares them to succeed
in an era of high-stakes testing that drives school reform efforts.
Many states have begun to address the teacher shortage by imple
menting alternative teacher education training and certification
programs (e.g., Pathways to Teaching, Teach for America, North
Carolina's lateral entry program). Although these programs vary in
scope and program and licensure requirements, they share a common
purpose: They are targeted to address teacher shortages in key subject
matter areas and teacher shortages in districts that are considered hard to
staff. The term alternatively certified teacher can be ambiguous (Miller,
McKenna, & McKenna, 1998) and may include individuals who have
been issued provisional, emergency licenses to teach in an area of high
need but who have no specific content area training. In addition, these
teachers may also be graduates from disciplines such as the arts and
sciences who have completed the major requirements, in addition to a
fast track teacher preparation program. Other teachers may be identified
as alternatively certified if they meet certain competency requirements,
such as passing licensure exams or completing on-the-job training
through field-based experiences. Although alternative certification
programs have added more teachers to understaffed and hard-to-staff
schools, such programs have also been found to provide minimal train
ing in a condensed format that offers little support for and fails to pre
pare alternatively certified teachers to remain in the profession
(Darling-Hammond & Sykes, 2003). Darling-Hammond and Sykes noted
that such programs add to the "revolving door of ill-prepared teachers
who cycle through classrooms of disadvantaged schools, wasting district
resources and valuable learning time for their students" (p. 4). In an
analysis of national data, Darling-Hammond and Sykes found that indi
viduals who begin their careers without student teaching leave the
profession at "rates twice as high as those who have had such
practice teaching" (p. 5). Further, in a discussion of the teacher shortage,
Darling-Hammond (2005) noted,
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Boston Public as Public Pedagogy
less able to plan and redirect instruction to meet students' needs (and
less aware of the need to do so), less skilled in implementing
instruction, less able to anticipate students' knowledge and potential
difficulties and less likely to see it as their job to do so, often blaming
students if their teaching is not successful, (p. 208)
Second, the issues of teacher assignment and ability tracking are relevant
to Principal Harper's decision. The net effect of Principal Harper's decision
to hire Ronnie Cook is the maintenance of an inequitable system of teacher
assignment that marginalizes low-income and minority students' opportu
nities for academic success. Principal Harper's decision also promoted an
ideology that suggests students should be placed in categories: those
students who are presumed to have the social and cultural capital (and pre
sumed intelligence) should be taught by highly qualified teachers; con
versely, those students who do not have the social and cultural capital (or
the intelligence) should be placed in remedial classes, taught by uncertified
teachers, counseled out of advanced placement classes, and encouraged to
pursue only a vocational-technical track of study.
Collectively the issues of teacher competence, teaching as a demeaning
profession, the challenges of the urban school context, educating minority
and low-income students, and questionable district and school policies
leave the viewer (citizens and policymakers) with both questions and con
clusions. The viewer may ask-conclude: To whom have we entrusted the
education of our children? Are the teachers certified? Are the teachers
competent? Have they received the appropriate training? No principal
would really place an uncertified, inexperienced individual in a class
room, would he or she? Boston Public presents a particular view of teacher
preparation and teacher competency and redefines it as an "anybody can
do it profession" even while Darling-Hammond (2005) noted that a key
element in student achievement is a competent teacher.
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produce some (mythical) "correct" reading that they thought the text
necessitated. I wanted to show that, as Tillman noted, the meanings one
makes of a text can be radically different from someone else's, and that the
difference in the readings lies less in the text and more in who is reading
it, as well as when and under what circumstances and with whom they
are reading it. I wanted to encourage students to read the text in a way
that would accommodate contradictions, negotiations, and fluidity. To
convey this, I had students read Hall's (1980) "Encoding/decoding" to
introduce them to the theory of preferred, negotiated, and oppositional
ways of reading (see the introduction for a definition of these ways of
reading). I also assigned selected readings of Fiske's work (1987, 1989a,
1989b), and I emphasized Fiske's explanation that television is essentially
characterized by its polysemy, or its multiplicity of meanings. Fiske (1987)
explained that a television program
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I really liked how the episode gets into the intricacies of the contro
versy?who has the power and authority to teach this issue ....
However, I thought the classroom discussions between the teacher and
students pretty false. Real classroom discussions don't unfold so seam
lessly. It felt like an after school special.
I am appalled at this show's treatment of the subject. I can't get over the
TV-land gloss it liberally applies to some very important things in the
world of public education and the fight for racial equality, and I think
the show ultimately does a big disservice to all public school teachers,
and perhaps to anyone who is involved in any race-or-class-related
struggles in the USA.
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The next phase of the project began in midsemester and involved view
ing, writing essays about, and discussing the episodes of Boston Public
that were broadcast by the end of the semester. Seminar discussions were
engaging and productive because the preservice teachers were able to
articulate opinions, express anxieties, ask questions, agree or disagree
with one another, and so on through taking up Boston Public. Though it
would be unfeasible to attempt to render here the richness, range, and tex
ture of those discussions by summarizing them, I can instead present
selected examples of students' readings of particular scenes or storylines.
Each example represents a different way of reading the program, and
what is quoted contains details about episodes' plots and storylines.
One main way that students read the program was to articulate a scene
or story line with something they were experiencing firsthand as part of
their practicum situation in schools. For example, one female preservice
teacher took up a story line about a new, young male teacher's experience
of being on overly friendly terms with his students, which became prob
lematic. The preservice teacher wrote
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The new teacher faced issues that are very relevant to me as a young
woman teacher. She is extremely idealistic, much like we are in the MAT
program. We are encouraged to try to reach every student, even those
who seem unreachable. Miss Woods was trying to do that. She was
breaking through the rough exterior of Thomas and giving him a chance.
She gave him a chance to prove that he could be a good student, even
after his racial slurs [to a Black student during class], sleeping in class
and constant disrespect. Miss Woods wanted Thomas to stay in school
and continue to work hard but he would not cooperate. Thomas
attacked Miss Woods. I understand that this could happen in a school
that I will teach in. I will not try to put myself into a situation where this
could happen, but Miss Woods also tried not to put herself into a danger
ous situation, but it found her. She froze. How would I react?
McCarthy states that television and movies put out "the most
poignantly sordid fantasies of inner-city degeneracy and moral
decrepitude" [p. 32] but they "sing" what he calls "lullabies" to its
white audience about how pure and safe suburbs are in relation to
inner cities. I think Boston Public does a little of both. At times, with the
stabbing of the teacher and the students pulling guns in school, it feeds
the stereotype of the inner city school. At other times, however, the
characters are complex, the plot is serious and pertinent, such as in
dealing with standardized testing, teacher shortages, poor funding, etc.
So the show is part lullaby and part "sordid fantasy" [a phrase
McCarthy uses in his article].
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students were student teaching, we met only once a month for seminar,
and when we met for seminar, the primary focus of our discussions was
on what had been happening to students during their student teaching.
This "absence" of Boston Public as a required text during the student
teaching period, however, created a situation in which I would be able to
discover if taking up the program in the fall had had any lasting effect on
the preservice teachers during their student teaching in the spring.
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Some students had become so hooked on the program that they had
continued to view it during their student teaching. A recurring theme in
these students' essays was that it was common for students to see
reflected in a given week's plotline issues, scenarios, and character dilem
mas that (to quote from one student's essay) "sometimes mirrored what
had just happened during student teaching, or that had been close to
what happened." One student put it this way:
Week after week there would be something in an episode that was like
my own experience and made me think more about my own situation.
Students with crushes on their teacher (it happened with me), teachers
finding out information about students through journal writing and
having to report it (it happened to my cooperating teacher), students
plagiarizing work from the internet (I caught on to a few of these).
Sometimes the issues were very serious, sometimes less so, but still rel
evant .... Overall, the show became (and remains) as important [a
"text"] as what I read in my [education] courses or on my own about
teaching and education.
My main impression of the program [in the fall] was that it showed the
more dramatic side to schooling. In the episodes we watched, there
were teen pregnancies, fights between students, confidential talks
between teachers, angry parents, teachers depressed because they
weren't being respected, and alot more. I anticipated that during my
[student] teaching I would see these kinds of things, and the fact is that
I did. Three girls were pregnant in my classes. I had students getting
into shoving matches in the hallway that I had to break up .... I read
student journal entries that contained as much drama as the plots in
Boston Public, such as the student who wrote that she drank every
weekend and often blacked out and didn't always remember what
happened to her .... So I would say Boston Public reflects a lot of what
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really does go on in schools .... For me, having watched and analyzed
the program made me think about and anticipate things in a "heads
up" way. That was very positive.
Of course, a few students explained that Boston Public had little impact
on their development as teachers, either during the fall or the spring semes
ters. For example, one particular student had expressed during the fall (in
essays and during seminar discussions) that the program, "because it is a
television drama, naturally misrepresents what it is supposed to be about."
And after student teaching, she wrote the following:
No offense [aimed at me, the one who assigned the "text"], but I pretty
much had a negative reaction to every episode of the show. This could
be because I don't really watch much TV. It could be because I think
television is controlled by corporations and so profit-making is the
bottom line.
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Policy Implications
Marshall and Gerstl-Pepin (2005) noted that policy and politics work in
concert; that is, policy decisions are often made in the context of complex
struggles for power. Although educators may conceptualize policy as ratio
nal and well-intentioned, certain policies can also be harmful to students,
parents, teachers, and administrators. Thus, Marshall and Gerstl-Pepin cau
tioned that "analyzing policy entails focusing more on the content of policy,
asking questions about the type or content of policy and how and whether
it is working as intended" (p. 5). In a discussion about the current state of
teacher education, Cochran-Smith (2005) noted that
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