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Introduction
Women have made some progress in entering the managerial ranks of US healthcare
organizations in recent years but not at the highest levels. For example, in one of healthcare
management’s largest professional societies, the proportion of women managers increased from
13% in 1983 to 36% in 2001 (foundation of the American College of Healthcare Executives,
5 2001)
However, the proportion of women compared to men who hold top management
positions increased only slightly during the last decade. In 1990, a sample of healthcare
executives controlled for education and number of years in the field showed that 59% of the
men versus 35% of women achieved Chief Executive Officer (CEO) or Chief Operating Officer
10 (COO) Executive vice-president positions. In 1995, the gap was narrowed somewhat when
45% of men and 30% of women achieved high level positions. In 2000, there was virtually no
change observed: 44% of men versus 27% of women achieved high level positions (The
Foundation of the American College of Healthcare Executives, 2001.)
The term ‘glass ceiling’ was coined in a Wall Street Journal column that identified an
15 invisible but impenetrable barrier between women and the executive suite – regardless of their
accomplishments (Report of the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995.) Based on studies
of the number and percentage of women in top corporate positions, a Glass Ceiling Act was
introduced and enacted in 1991. It established the bipartisan Glass Ceiling Commission whose
role was to study and recommend ways of eliminating artificial barriers to the advancement do
20 women (and minorities) to management and decision-making positions in business.
Affirmative action involves proactive employment practices whose object is to prevent
discrimination. Private firms that have not been sued for violating federal anti-discrimination
laws have no obligation to practice affirmative action, and those firms that do practice it are
barred from setting quotas; they can only treat sex or race as ‘plus factors’ in choosing
25 between qualified candidates. This rule can only be applied if they do not unduly burden
members of majority groups and are conducted to redress past exclusionary practices ( Reskin,
1998.)
However, research shows that Americans are divided on the value of affirmative action.
For example, in a Gallup poll conducted in 1995, 50% approved and 45% disapproved of
30 affirmative action for women. Moreover 57% of Americans said it was not needed any longer
(41 said it continued to be needed). For the most part Americans believed that affirmative
action programmes had been successful (Moore, 1995).
That survey also showed differences among subgroups in their support for affirmative
action. For example, 55% of women supported it compared with 45% of men. This was even
35 more evident among college-educated whites: 68% of college- educated women favoured
affirmative action for women; only 28% of such men agreed (Moore, 1995). Such differences
between men and women have been reported in other studies (Tougas and Beaton, 1993).
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Affirmative action sometimes seems fair and sometimes does not. For example, it’s
often considered fair when it is designed to identify and eliminate barriers hidden in
40 employment systems. Some affirmative action programmes provide services, such career
counselling which employ a ‘self-help’ idea. But other programmes are considered unfair such
as when candidates are given preference over others with similar qualifications (Chacko, 1982.)
Indeed, even some intended beneficiaries of affirmative action object to it because the
programmes seem unfair (Clayton and Tangri, 1989, Heilman et al., 1987.)
45
WEIL, P MATTIS, M. To shatter the glass ceiling in healthcare management: who supports
affirmative action and why? Health Services Management Research, v.16, n.4, p. 224-234, Nov
2003.
21. According to the authors, studies of healthcare management show that women.
A) Race and education were factors affecting women’s support of affirmative action
for women.
B) Programmes favouring affirmative action were seen as little successful by most
Americans.
C) Men agreed to the implementation of affirmative action practices in cases of women
with high levels of education
D) Discriminatory practices were evident in the value attributed to proactive
employment by college-educated white men.
E) Affirmative action for women was considered necessary by the majority of
Americans.
26. Where in the text do the authors report results showing progress in US healthcare
organizations?
A) Lines 7 to 10.
B) Lines 10 to 11.
C) Lines 16 to 21
D) Lines 30 to 32.
E) Lines 35 to 37.
A) Avoid
B) Enact
C) Reduce
D) Remedy
E) Simplify.
A) Similar to that
B) In spite of that
C) Before that
D) Because of that
E) After that.
A) Act
B) Commission
C) Number
D) Percentage
E) Report
A) candidates
B) factors
C) firms
D) practices
E) quotas.
Text 2.
It’s a set of questions that would make any cubicle dweller a bit nervous. “Exactly how
do you do your job? Would you mind writing it down?” When Hank Williamson, a tech
administrator at a Virginia bank, heard those questions recently, he took them as a sign his job
may soon be going on an exotic trip. The likely destination: India, where are homegrown techie
5 could use Williamson’s instructions to do the work for dimes on the dollar. “My job security
here is nonexistent,” says Williamson, 49m who’s still earning six figures but is polishing his
resume. He’s better off than Lisa Pineau, a mainframe programmer in Piano, Texas. She was
forced to train her foreign-born replacement before being laid off in late 2002. Spotting few
openings for tech workers, she’s considered going into bookkeping or medical transcription,
10 but now she’s worried those jobs are moving overseas, too. “Anything on a computer is getting
‘offshored’,” she says. So lately Pineau, 46, and her husband, Patrick (also a tech worker), have
considered switching into a field they figure can’t be exported. They want to open a Subway
sandwich shop.
Their experiences are small pieces in a complicated and disconcerting puzzle, one that´s
15 fast becoming an election-year focal point. More than two years after emerging from recession,
why is the mighty U.S. economy struggling to produce jobs? There are few simple answers.
But economists are beginning to identify the forces shaping this “jobless recovery.” Many of
them have nothing to do with cheap Asian labor; instead, the phenomenon is largely the result
of companies’ finding new ways to coax more work from existing employees. Still,
20 offshoring is already affecting enough workers – and threatening the livelihoods of millions
more – that it’s likely to remain a battle cry on the campaign trail. Federal Reserve Chairman
Alan Greenspan described the anxiety in a speech last weak: “Fears about job security are
understandably significant when nearly 2 million of our work force have been unemployed for
more than a year.”
25 History suggests the slow-mo job market should have picked up long ago. Economists
say the recession ended in November 2001. Since then economic output has marched steadily
upward; the U.S. economy grew by 3.1 percent in 2003. Although employment traditionally
lags during recoveries, eventually the stats should have begun climbing in tandem. Not this
time: lately the economy has struggled to produce even the 110,000 or so jobs needed each
30 month just to keep up with population growth, let alone reabsorb folks laid off since the
slowdown began. Most observers say this recovery has been more tepid than even the jobless
recovery of the early ‘90s. That’s true even as the stock market has roared, corporate earnings
have soared and interest rates have remained mercifully low. “Businesses are rolling in cash,”
says Mark Zandi of Economy.com. “But they’ve yet to step and expand their hiring.”
35 Newsweek, March 1, 2004. p 36.
33. In the text, Lisa Pineau and her husband are examples of Americans who
A) unemployment in Asia
B) ongoing recession
C) election campaigns
D) companies’ policies
E) anxiety and fear