The Ecological Approach in Anthropology

Author(s): June Helm

Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 67, No. 6 (May, 1962), pp. 630-639
Published by: University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2774845
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 THE ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY1

JUNE HELM

ABSTRACT

The anthropological view of ecology stresses the adaptive and exploitative relations, through the

agency of technology, of the human group to its habitat, and the demographic and sociocultural con-

sequences of those relations. Descriptive ethnographies and regional archeological histories, considera-

tions of the interplay between the cultural and physical nature of man, comparative studies of social

organization, and inquiries into sociocultural change and levels of development have proceeded from

this perspective, sharpening and modifying anthropological aims and methods in the process of iden-

tifying the nature and action of ecological determinants.

The purpose of this paper is to survey ing theme in contemporary longitudinal

the development and the ramifications of ecological views in anthropology. The sec-

the ecological perspective in anthropology. ond enduring orientation is exemplified in

the stress by the German "anthropogeog-

Excluding those inquiries limited to homi-

noid animal ecology, the seeming diversity rapher" Ratzel4 and by his American con-

within that perspective can be resolved into temporary Otis T. Mason5 on the impor-

those problems that involve relationships tance of habitat in effecting cultural di-

versity and distributions. In American an-

between environment, technology, popula-

tion, and other sectors of sociocultural life thropology, the geographical orientation

continued with the development of the

(adapting Duncan's delineation of the hu-

"culture-area" concept.6 It was the view

man "ecological complex"2).

of "culture-area') proponents (who were

EARLY TRENDS IN ANTHROPOLOGY

essentially adherents of geographical "pos-

sibilism") that particular environments,

In the era before the turn of the cen-

especially as "food areas," tend to set the

tury, when anthropology was forming as a

bounds of and to stabilize resident cul-

distinct discipline, there were at least two

tures. But, in point of fact, in "culture-

major lines of inquiry relevant to the de-

area" studies environment was converted

velopment of an ecological point of view.

into space as answers to historical problems

First, the two great evolutionists of an-

were sought in the spatial distribution of

thropology, Tylor and Morgan, both set

culture traits and complexes.

forth technological advance as a major

It was those ethnologists who concen-

referent for stages of cultural develop-

trated on the primitive cultures in harsh

ment,3 and it remains a viable and endur-

and especially limiting environments who

1 This is a slightly expanded version of a paper

developed a pragmatic ecological outlook.

read at the annual meeting of the American So-

ciological Association, 1961, as part of a multi- 'F. Ratzel, The History of Mankind (London:

disciplinary symposium on human ecology with

Macmillan Co., 1896-98).

Otis Dudley Duncan as chairman. I am indebted

5 "Influence of Environment upon Human In-

to Robert Braidwood, Fred Eggan, and Stanley

dustries or Arts" (Smithsonian Institution An-

Lieberson for critical readings of the draft of this

nual Report, 1895), pp. 639-65, and his "En-

paper. They are not, of course, responsible for

vironment," in F. W. Hodge (ed.), Handbook

the deficiencies of the final version.

of American Indians (Bureau of American Eth-

20 . D. Duncan, "Human Ecology and Popula- nology, Bull. 30 [Washington, D.C.: Bureau of

tion Studies," in P. Hauser and 0. Duncan (eds.), American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution,

The Study of Population (Chicago: University 1905]).

of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 678-715.

6 C. Wissler, Man and Culture (New York:

3 E. Tylor, Primitive Culture (3d ed., revised; Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1923), and his The Rela-

tion of Nature to Man in Aboriginal North

London: John Murray, 1871), chap. ii, and

A merica (New York: Oxford University Press,

L. Morgan, Ancient Society (New York: Henry

1926).
Holt & Co., 1877).

630

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 ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY 631

In this vein the circumpolar area and, as of the aims and understandings of archeol-

a specific cultural group, the Eskimo, re- ogy, stressing efficiency in food procure-

ceived perhaps the richest treatment.7 The ment as the base upon which population

aims of these scholars, however, remained density and elaboration of social organi-

particularizing and historical. zation rest." Nevertheless, ten years later,

In the thirties, there came three influ- Walter Taylor felt justified in attacking

ential, emphatically ecological works that American archeologists for limiting the

evinced a contextual, "natural-history" ap- goals of their discipline to the establish-

proach to the peoples and cultures under ment of the distribution and chronology of

study. One was C. Daryll Forde's survey culture traits and assemblages, instead of

of food gatherers, cultivators, and pas- "thinking of a culture history consisting

toralists throughout the world;8 another of events against their backgrounds of local

was Kroeber's delineation of the cultural human culture and local natural environ-

and natural areas of native North America, ment."'12 Times were ripe, however, for

in which he chided "a generation of Ameri- within the next ten years the ecologically

can anthropologists" for their inattention contextual study had become an estab-

to the whole culture in its environmental lished model in American archeology.13

setting.9 Kroeber's demands were met by

THE ECOLOGICAL OUTLOOK IN

the avowedly functional cum ecological

CONTEMPORARY CULTURAL

studies begun in this period by Julian

ANTHROPOLOGY

Steward. Steward's attention to the par-

ticularities of specific habitats, especially

Whether the raw materials of investiga-

the nature of the biota available for ex-

tion be archeological or ethnographic, a

ploitation under primitive hunting and

functionalist spirit pervades the formula-

gathering technologies, allowed him to

tion and pursuit of problems in contempo-

identify related types of exploitative and

rary cultural anthropology.'4 This over-

demographic patterns that in turn shaped

"0J. Steward, "The Economic and Social Basis

band and kinship organization of primi-

of Primitive Bands," Essays in Honor of A. L.

tive societies.10

Kroeber (Berkeley: University of California Press,

During this period two eminent British

1936), pp. 331-50; "Ecological Aspects of South-

archeologists published popular syntheses

western Society," Anthropos, XXXII (1937), 87-

104; and Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical

' See, e.g., K. Birket-Smith, The Caribou

Groups (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull.

Eskimos, Material and Social Life and Their Cul-

120 [Washington, D.C.: Bureau of American Eth-

tural Position (Report of the 5th Thule Expedi-

nology, Smithsonian Institution, 1938]).

tion, 1921-24, Vol. V, 2 parts [Copenhagen,

1' G. Childe, Man Makes Himself (London:

1929]), and his "Eskimo Cultures and Their

Watts & Co., 1936), and J. D. G. Clark, Archaeol-

Bearing upon the Prehistoric Cultures of North

ogy and Society (London: Methuen & Co., 1939).

America and Eurasia," in G. G. MacCurdy (ed.),

My ignorance of British technical publications

International Symposium on Early Man (New

in archeology at this and prior periods does not

York, 1937), pp. 293-302; W. Bogoras, "Ele-

allow me to point to possible academic anteced-

ments of the Culture of the Circumpolar Zone,"

ents.

American Anthropologist, XXXI (1929), 576-

601; G. Hatt, Moccasins and Their Relation to 12 A Study of Archeology ("Memoirs of the

Arctic Footwear ("Memoirs of the American An- American Anthropological Association," No. 69,

thropological Association," No. 3, 1916), pp. 151- 1948), p. 89.

250; and H. Steensby, An Anthropogeographical

"See, e.g., C. Meighan et al., "Ecological In-

Study of the Origin of Eskimo Culture (Copen-

terpretation in Archaeology: Part I," American

hagen: Meddelelser om Gr0nland, 1917), Vol.

Antiquity, XXIV (1958), 1-23, and "Part II,"

LIII.

American Antiquity, XXIV (1958), 131-50.

8 Habitat, Economy and Society (London:

4 For summations and assessments, see R. Firth,

Methuen & Co., 1934).

"Function," in W. L. Thomas (ed.), Yearbook

9A. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of of Anthropology, 1955 (Baltimore: Lord Balti-

Native North America (Berkeley: University of more Press, 1955), pp. 237-58, and G. Willey,

California Press, 1939). "Archeological Theories and Interpretation: New

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 632 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

view has contributed heavily to the rise in is dependent upon the agricultural potenti-

emphasis on ecology that is evidenced ality of the environment it occupies."'8

jointly in studies by archeologists and by The contextual-functional stance of con-

ethnologists and social anthropologists. The temporary archeology has brought signifi-

following paragraphs present a selective cant changes in field techniques and analy-

survey of ecological studies in these fields sis as new kinds of data are now taken into

of anthropology, made during roughly the account. Biotal remains for example, are

past twelve years. rich in climatic and in environmental-tech-

Archeology.-That the specific character nological implications and are being sub-

of certain environmental zones may deter- jected to a scrutiny not known in the past.19

mine the distribution of ancient traditions Furthermore, attention to evidence bearing

of material culture is receiving sophisti- on population and settlement patterns has

cated delineation in regional studies by become paramount to the archeologist who

archeologists.15 More broadly, an encom- seeks clues concerning the economic and

passing typology from the archeological social organization of extinct societies.20

purview of causal factors in cultural sta- For example, the coverage in time and

bility and change sets forth one class as space that archeology allows has revealed

environmental, offering "polar concepts of that different civilizations or urban socie-

'ecologically bound' and 'ecologically free' ties present variant city patterns even to

traditions.16 the extent that the formal demographic re-

Other archeological studies appraise hab- quirements of urbanism may not be pres-

itat as a stimulus-deterrent to technological ent.2' Some typologies and inquiries at-

innovation and sociocultural development. tempt to comprehend this condition.22

These range from the efforts of Braidwood

1 R. and L. Braidwood, "The Earliest Village

and his collaborators to comprehend the

Communities of Southwestern Asia," Journal of

earliest developments of "primary village

World History (Paris), I (1953), 278-310;

farming efficiency" through detailed in- R. Braidwood, "Means toward an Understanding

of Human Behavior before the Present," and

quiry into conditions of natural habitat17

his "The Old-World: Post-Paleolithic," in The

to Meggers "law," treating most broadly of

Identification of Non-artifactual Archaeological

habitat as the ultimate limiting factor, that

Materials (National Research Council, Publica-

"the level to which a culture can develop

tion 565 [Washington, D.C.: National Academy

of Sciences, National Research Council, 1957]),

pp. 14-16, 26-27; R. Braidwood, B. Howe, and

World," in Kroeber et al., Anthropology Today

E. Negahban, "Near Eastern Prehistory," Sci-

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953),

ence, CXXX, No. 3402 (1960), 1536-41.

pp. 361-85. Kingsley Davis' point is well taken

that functionalism is "synonymous with socio- 18 B. Meggers, "Environmental Limitations on

logical analysis" which, in anthropology had to

the Development of Culture," American An-

struggle for admission as "one among a plurality

thropologist, LVI (1954), 801-24.

of distinct anthropological interests" ("The Myth

"9An excellent summation of the advances in

of Functional Analysis as a Special Method in

British archeology in these respects is provided

Sociology and Anthropology," American Socio-

by W. Haag ("Recent Work by British Archaeol-

logical Review, XXIV [1959], 757-72).

ogists," Annals of the Association of American

Geographers, XLIII [1957], 298-303).

' J. G. D. Clark, Prehistoric Europe: The

Economic Basis (New York: Philosophical Li-

2 G. Willey (ed.), Prehistoric Settlement Pat-

brary, 1952); H. Movius, "Old World Prehis-

terns in the New World ("Viking Fund Publica-

tory: Paleolithic," in Kroeber et al., op. cit., pp.

tions in Anthropology," XXIII [New York: Wen-

163-92; W. Wedel, "Some Aspects of Human

ner-Gren Foundation, 1956]).

Ecology in the Central Plains," American An-

21 Classic Maya civilization is one case in point

thropologist, LV (1953), 499-514.

(see G. Willey, "The Structure of Ancient Maya

Society: Evidence from the Southern Lowlands,"

"6 E. Haury et al., "An Archaeological Ap-

American Anthropologist, LVIII [1956], 777-82).

proach to the Study of Cultural Stability," in

Seminars in Archaeology, 1955 ("Memoirs of the

22 See, e.g., S. Miles, "An Urban Type: Extended

Society for American Archaeology," Vol. XI

Boundary Towns," Southwestern Journal of An-

[1956]). thropology, XIV (1958), 339-51.

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 ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY 633

Another delineates neolithic community niche, "the place of a group in the total

patterns.23 And archeologists in seminars environment, its relation to resources and

have set forth an all-inclusive typology of competitors"28 accommodates the "cultural

societies based on differential community type" that has been identified as "the

predatory band."29 In this case part of the

mobility, in which they explicitly seek func-

tional and evolutionary implications.24 resources of the band consist of other so-

Ethnology: exploitative patterns.-It is cietal groups within its spatial exploitative

not the gross categories "environment" and range. Such cases suggest that we look at

"technology" per se that are often critical environment in yet another dimension-

in the ecological inquiry, but rather the namely, environment as oecumene, compre-

significant reticulation composed from them hending not only space and habitat but the

-the exploitative pattern.25 In Northern sociocultural resources and groups beyond

Amerind ethnology, for example, focus up- the society but within its experiential field.30

on the primitive exploitative pattern in its Especially may the concept of an altered

relation to the total ecological complex has and expanding oecumene serve as a useful

revealed the role of the exploitative re- perspective when the focus of inquiry is the

sources of variant habitats in sociocultural local or regional society undergoing culture

differentiation between contiguous Eskimo change through culture contact.31

bands, the effect of an assymetrical sex ra-

26 R. Spencer, The North Alaskan Eskimo: A

tio on residence patterns of Ojibway hunt-

Study in Ecology and Society (Bureau of Ameri-

ing-trapping units, and the consequences of

can Ethnology, Bull. 171 [Washington, D.C.:

new, introduced exploitative activities for Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian In-

stitution, 1959]); R. Dunning, "Rules of Residence

Montagnais systems of land use and ten-

and Ecology among the Northern Ojibwa,"

ure.26

American Anthropologist, LXI (1959), 806-16;

Ecological niche and "oecumene."-

E. Leacock, The Montagnais 'Hunting Territory'

Barth has shown how the varying economic

and the Fur Trade ("Memoirs of the American

Anthropological Association," No. 78, 1954); see

and political organizations of contiguous

also Hallowell, op cit. The fruitfulness of an eco-

ethnic groups may operate to delimit a

logical stance in viewing environmentally mar-

specific and distinct "ecological niche" for

ginal societies is demonstrated in M. Lantis' re-

each society within the same "natural view, at the request of the Arctic Institute, of

research on the human ecology of the Eskimo

area. "27 This concept of the ecological

("Research on Human Ecology of the American

Arctic" [Washington, D.C.: Arctic Institute,

3 K. Chang, "Study of the Neolithic Social

1953]) (mimeographed). The bibliography of 160

Grouping: Examples from the New World,"

items includes studies in archeology, ethnography,

American Anthropologist, LX (1958), 298-334.

geography, biology, and psychology that are

24 R. Beardsley et al., "Functional and Evolu-

cross-cut by an ecological outlook.

tionary Implications of Community Patterning"

7 F. Barth, "Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic

in Seminars in Archaeology, 1955 ("Memoirs of

Groups in Swat, Northern Pakistan," American

the Society for American Archaeology," Vol. XI

Anthropologist, LVIII (1956), 1079-89.

[1956]), pp. 131-51.

2Ibid., p. 1079.

; In this regard A. I. Hallowell some years ago

explicated for anthropologists the reformulation

29J. Steward, Theory of Culture Change (Ur-

of standard ethnological aim and method that

bana: University of Illinois Press, 1955), p. 121.

an "ecological hypothesis" requires: non-cultural

30 Birket-Smith's writings on the "oecumene" of

(e.g., demographic and biotal) data must be

the Caribou Eskimo (op. cit.) is the immediate

taken into account, and it is inadequate to oper-

source from which I adopted this term, here em-

ate exclusively with "generically descriptive traits

phasizing its implications of the "known world" of

that purport to characterize the normative as-

any particular people.

pects of an institution considered as a whole"-

precise information about variabilities and con- s For recent Northern Amerind studies along

sistencies is required ("The Size of Algonkian these lines, see J. Helm and 0. Lurie, The Sub-

Hunting Territories: A Function of Ecological sistence Economy of the Dogrib Indians of Lac

Adjustment," American Anthropologist, LI [19491, La Martre in the Mackenzie District of the North-

35-45). west Territories (Ottawa: Northern Research and

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 634 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Population and culture patterns.-That physical extinction of the Tapirape in con-

the nature and effectiveness of exploitative trast with the survival of a neighboring

patterns are a prime factor in population tribe.35

size, density, and distribution has been doc- JVorld view and the balanced "ecocultur-

umented in anthropological literature,32 and

al structure."-The latter paper by Wag-

anthropologists have sketched in broad out- ley contains implications of feedback from

line the social-organizational consequences the "integrative imperatives"36 of human

of population growth in the history of civi- cultures upon the "realities" of physical

lizations.33 But there has been little inquiry existence. This consideration may most

into the specific "fit" or integration between broadly be subsumed under "world view"-

the size of population and the particular what peoples perceive as their universe, the

cultural patterns of a society. It may be meanings and values they find in it, and

that this focus is readily rewarding only how they define their relations to it. The

when the data make it possible to perceive ecological aspects and consequences of

significant demographic change, thus pro- world view are too broad to be pursued

viding horizons for comparison through here. Some contributions are overviews of

time within the society. C. Wagley has pro- cultural differences in interpretation of the

vided a striking account of the shattering world and its resources by primitive and

effects of heavy depopulation on the social modern man37 and, conversely, the concept

organization of the Tapirape Indians of that a society's environmental setting may

Brazil, a depopulation that created severe shape cultural concepts of time, space, and

imbalances between numbers of appropriate cosmogeny.38 There are also leads concern-

personnel and number of traditional sta- ing the ultimate implications of a society's

tuses.34 In a later paper he proceeded from subsistence base for normative and idea-

the other end of the spectrum, setting forth tional patterns, enculturation techniques

the thesis that "each culture has a popula- and goals, and personality formation.39

tion policy-an implicit or explicit set of From these ecological aspects of world view

cultural values relating to population size," we are led to the encompassing conception

and in these terms explains the social and of cultural stability being based in an eco-

3 C. Wagley, "Cultural Influences on Popula-

Co-ordination Centre, Department of Northern

tion: A Comparison of Two Tupi Tribes," Revista

Affairs and National Resources, 1961), and R. W.

do Museu Paulista, V (N.S., 1951), 95-104.

Dunning, Social and Economic Change among the

Northern Ojibwa (Toronto: University of Toron-

" B. Malinowski, A Scientific Theory of Culture

to Press, 1959). A. Lesser has recently published

and Other Essays (Chapel Hill: University of

a theoretical treatment of "the social-field" con-

North Carolina Press, 1944), chap. vii.

cept that accords with the concept of oecumene

S R. Redfield, The Primitive World and Its

as I have presented it ("Social Fields and the Evo-

Transformations (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University

lution of Society," Southwestern Journal of An-

Press, 1953); A. Spoehr, "Cultural Differences in

thropology, XVII [1961], 40-48). Also, on the seg-

the Interpretation of Natural Resources," in W. L.

mentary lineage system as developing "specifically

Thomas, Jr. (ed.), Man's Role in Changing the

in a tribal society which is moving against other

Face of the Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago

tribes in a tribal intercultural environment," see

Press, 1956), pp. 93-102.

M. Sahlins, "The Segmentary Lineage: An Organ-

ization of Predatory Expansion," American An- 3 A. Gayton, "Culture-Environment Integra-

tion: External References in Yokuts Life," South-

thropologist, LXIII (April, 1961), 322-45.

western Journal of Anthropology, II (1946), 252-

32 Kroeber, op. cit.

68; E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer (Oxford: Clar-

Childe, op. cit., and Steward, Theory of Cul- endon Press, 1940).

ture Change, op. cit.

3 A. Kardiner with R. Linton, The Individual

34 "The Effects of Depopulation upon Social Or- and His Society (New York: Columbia University

ganization as Illustrated by the Tapirape Indians," Press, 1939); H. Barry, I. Child, and M. Bacon,

Transactions of the New York Academy of Sci- "Relation of Child Training to Subsistence Econ-

ences, Series 2, III, No. 1 (1940), 12-16. omy," American Anthropologist, LI (1959), 51-63.

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 ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY 635

system of human population, culture, and social organization that are broadly con-

habitat in equilibrium. This overview has sonant with the conclusions of the Ameri-

been a point of intellectual departure for can scholars:

archeologists and physical anthropologists

Where the combinations of available re-

as well as ethnologists.40

sources and exploitative techniques reach high-

Comparative studies: social organization.

er levels, the stability and size of local groups

-Over forty years ago the British scholars

and the regularity of interaction among them

Hobhouse, Wheeler, and Ginsberg essayed

all tend to increase. In such societies, the fun-

a comparative inquiry into the functional

damental tendency to transmit rights and sta-

dependence of social organization, or cer- tus from parent to child and for them to be

shared among siblings of one or other sex has

tain sectors of it, on exploitative pattern

wider scope. In combination with the equally

and attendant demographic characteris-

fundamental dichotomy of the sexes in eco-

tics.41 On the whole, American anthropolo-

nomic and political roles, this leads to the

gists evinced lamentable inattention to the

emergence of more stable groups of kin ac-

possibilities of such studies until recent

cording to a principle of unilineal affiliation."45

decades. Today, however, such inquiries

To choose but one further example of the

represent one of the more notable advances

ecologically conceived controlled compari-

of contemporary social anthropology. "Con-

son, there is Sahlins' recent effort to demon-

trolled comparisons"42 of contiguous and/

strate that the form and the degree of

or related North American Indian socie-

social stratification in each of fourteen

ties43 have corroborated and advanced

Polynesian cultures are essentially func-

Steward's earlier inquiry into ecologic fac-

tions of adaptation to environmental setting

tors in the formation of unilineal descent

and of food productivity, respectively.46

groups.44 Forde has drawn comparative

A complementary method to the smaller

conclusions from British studies of African

scale, rigorously detailed controlled com-

parison is the broad-scale statistical in-

40 For examples in archeology, see Clark, op. cit.,

quiry. Here may be cited the gross correla-

and G. Quimby, "Habitat, Culture, and Archaeol-

ogy," in G. Dole and R. Carneiro (eds.), Essays

tion of independent versus extended family

in the Science of Culture in Honor of Leslie A.

systems with success of exploitative pat-

White (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co.,

1960), pp. 380-89; in physical anthropology,

'4 C. D. Forde, "The Anthropological Approach

G. Bartholomew and J. Birdsell, "Ecology and

in Social Science," in M. Fried (ed.), Readings

the Proto Hominids," American Anthropologist,

in Anthropology (New York: Thomas Y. Cro-

LV (1953), 481-98; in social anthropology,

well Co., 1959), II, 59-78 (reprinted from Ad-

E. Evans-Pritchard, op. cit., and L. Thompson,

vancement of Science, IV [1947], 213-24). Forde's

"The Relations of Men, Animals, and Plants in

sensitivity to physiographic, technological-ex-

an Island Community (Fiji)," American Anthro-

ploitative, and demographic factors and their in-

pologist, LV (1949), 253-76.

terplay exemplifies ecological perspectives in con-

temporary social anthropology: witness the view,

'L. Hobhouse, G. Wheeler, and M. Ginsberg,

e.g., that various African tribes "differ significantly

The Material Culture and Social Institutions of

in the scale of their clan organization and in the

the Simpler Peoples (London: Chapman & Hall,

political relations based thereon, in close rela-

Ltd., 1915).

tion to the extent to which the physical conditions

42 F. Eggan, "Social Anthropology and the

enforce frequent and large-scale dispersal" (p.

Method of Controlled Comparison," American

75); that the basic lineage "appears to represent

Anthropologist, LVI (1954), 743-63.

a recurrent adjustment to the scale of co-opera-

s W. Goldschmidt, "Social Organization in Na- tion and mutual aid elicited under stable condi-

tive California and the Origin of Clans," Ameri- tions" (p. 73); and that clan fission in certain

can Anthropologist, L (1948), 444-56; F. Eggan, societies is a consequence of a population pres-

The Social Organization of the Western Pueblos sure too great to permit continued territorial

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1950). unity (p. 74).

'J. Steward, "Ecological Aspects of South- "4M. Sahlins, Social Stratification in Polynesia

western Society," op. cit. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1958).

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 636 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

tern.47 And the results of an inclusive com-

his studies of two decades together in the

parison of the social organization of the

most explicit formulation of the ecological

North American Indian tribes "overwhelm-

domain to be found in contemporary cul-

ingly" confirm a chain-of-effects sequence

tural anthropology.52 He proceeds from the

from the sexual division of labor in subsist-

concept of "cultural ecology" which refers

ence pursuits to postnuptial residence, to

to "the adaptive processes by which the

land tenure, to method of reckoning de-

nature of society and an unpredictable

scent, to kinship terminology.48

number of features of culture are affected

The ecologic foundations of sociocultural

by the basic adjustment through which man

development are clearly expressed in recent

utilizes a given environment."53 In any cul-

comparative efforts to assess and quantify

ture, therefore, it is "the constellation of

social complexity. Naroll49 and Edmonson50

features which are most closely related to

establish, by different methods, number of

subsistence activities and economic arrange-

statuses per society, which they find to be

ments" that command primary attention

positively associated with selected demo-

as the "culture core."54 It is part of the

graphic measures. Aginsky argues that the

problem of "culture ecology" to assess the

amount of total cultural content per soci-

latitude in the total cultural patterns al-

ety is proportional to its quantity of

lowed by the productive arrangements. Be-

"PAM"-that is, population, area (includ-

ginning with analysis of particular societies

ing geopolitical and geocultural environ-

in these terms, one objective is to ascertain

ment), and mobility (comprising all modes

the cross-cultural regularities which arise

of communication). 1

from similar adaptive processes in similar

"Cultural ecology" and sociocultural

environments. For this concept Steward has

evolution.-For the purpose of studying

coined the term "multilinear evolution."

change in the "longest run," that is, in

Cultural development is "conceptualized

terms of sociocultural development or evo-

not only as a matter of increasing complex-

lution, Julian Steward has recently brought

ity but also as one of the emergence of

47 M. Nimkoff and R. Middleton, "Types of

successive levels of sociocultural integra-

Family and Types of Economy," American Jour-

tion,55 and Steward has analyzed and com-

nal of Sociology, LXVI (1960), 215-25. The es-

pared selected societies in these terms.56

tablishment of the Human Relations Area Files

has contributed greatly to the development of

52 Steward, Theory of Culture Change.

such studies.

' Statement in Sol Tax et al., An Appraisal of

48 H. Driver and W. Massey, Comparative Stud-

Anthropology Today (Chicago: University of Chi-

ies of North American Indians ("Transactions of

cago Press, 1953), p. 243.

the American Philosophical Society," Vol. XLVII,

1957). Also relevant is G. Murdock, Social

"'Steward, Theory of Culture Change, p. 37.

Structure (New York: Macmillan Co., 1949), and

"5Ibid., p. 5.

his "Evolution in Social Organization," in B. Meg-

gers (ed.), Evolution and Anthropology: A Cen-

M An example of studies in an allied field con-

tennial Appraisal (Washington, D.C.: Anthro-

sonant with Steward's efforts to establish a typol-

pological Society of Washington, 1959), pp. 126-

ogy based on cultural core features that repre-

43.
sent similar integration levels is the historian

K. Wittfogel's delineation of the hydraulic or

9 R. Naroll, "A Preliminary Index of Social

irrigation society as a culture type deriving from

Development," American Anthropologist, LVIII

sociopolitical responses in agriculture societies to

(1956), 687-715.

environmental conditions that stimulate the es-

? M. Edmonson, Status Terminology and the

tablishment of systems of water control ("The

Social Structure of North American Indians

Theory of Oriental Society," in M. Fried [ed.],

(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1958).

op. cit., II, 94-113; from a translation and revi-

sion of K. Wittfogel, "Die Theorie der orienta-

6' B. Aginsky, "The Evolution of American In-

lischen Gesellschaft," Zeitschrift fur Sozialfor-

dian Culture: A Method and Theory," Thirty-

schung, VII [1938], 90-122). Wittfogel has joined

second International Congress of Americanists

Steward and other anthropologists in a com-

(1956), pp. 79-87.

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 ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY 637

RELEVANT STUDIES IN PHYSICAL to look at the human ecological complex

ANTHROPOLOGY can be pointed up first by a brief contrast

with the approaches used in studies of

The present-day approach in physical

animal ecology. Proceeding from Duncan's

anthropology has been characterized as one

identification of "four referential concepts"

in which "human populations are regarded

in the human ecological complex-environ-

as constituting a widespread network of

ment, technology, population, and organi-

more or less interrelated, ecologically

zation-animal ecology must be described

adapted and functional entities."57 Two re-

as involving three of these factors: en-

lated lines of investigation in physical an-

vironment, population, and organization.

thropology are pertinent to our present in-

In animal ecology, while environment be-

terests: inquiries into the sociocultural con-

longs to the realm of the inorganic (and

sequences of the "animal ecology" of man

organic), organization as well as popula-

and inquiries concerning the effects of so-

tion must be subsumed under organic. In

ciocultural ecological adaptation upon the

human ecology, on the other hand, organi-

physical being and life chances of men as

zation and technology are aspects of the

organisms. For example, in the latter cate-

superorganic, a term adapted by Kroeber

gory are those studies of the effect of tech-

from Spencer to refer to culture.6'

nological level58 and of cultural usages

The "organization of conventional un-

(such as band endogamy59) on such bio-

derstandings manifest in act and artifact"62

logical evolutionary processes as natural

which we call a culture may be posited as

selection and genetic drift. With reference

essentially an adaptive system whereby hu-

to the sociocultural consequences of man's

man beings in a social aggregate order

animal ecology, there is Slater's bold hy-

their relations with their physical world

pothesis regarding "ecological factors in

and among themselves and, we might go

the origin of incest," which argues that

on to say, to the realm of the superempiri-

values follow action, and hence postulates

cal as it is a reality by cultural definition.63

that under primordial conditions the vital

The ecological approach in anthropology

statistics of human populations precluded

proceeds from the first aspect or level of

the practice of nuclear family incest.60

the adaptive system-man in adjustive and

exploitative interaction, through the agency

CONCLUDING REMARKS

of technology, with his inorganic and biotal

The anthropological outlook.-Perhaps

milieu. But this level had immediate im-

the way in which the anthropologist tends

plications for the second aspect of the

adaptive system, that of the relations be-

parative study of irrigation civilizations (J. Stew-

tween men. Economic activities bracket

ard et al., Irrigation Civilization: A Comparative

man-nature and man-man relationships,

Study ["Social Science Monographs," I (Wash-

ington, D.C.: Pan American Union, 1955)1).

but, as Steward has indicated by means of

" J. Weiner, "Physical Anthropology: An Ap-

the concept of the "cultural core," other

praisal," in B. Meggers (ed.), op. cit., p. 27.

organized areas of social life may be more

58 F. C. Howell, "Pleistocene Glacial Ecology

or less directly involved. The ultimate im-

and the Evolution of 'Classic Neandertal Man,"'

Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, VIII e' "The Superorganic," in A. Kroeber, The Na-

(1952), 337-410. ture of Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1952), pp. 22-51.

;' B. Kraus and C. White, "Micro-evolution in

a Human Population: A Study of Social Endog- 82R. Redfield, The Folk Culture of Yucatan

amy and Blood Type Distribution among the (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941),

Western Apache," American Anthropologist, p. 133.

LVIII (1956), 1017-43.

3 See, e.g., M. Titiev, The Science of Man (New

" M. Slater, "Ecological Factors in the Origin York: Henry Holt & Co., 1954), chaps. xxi-xxiii;

of Incest," American Anthropologist, LXI (1959), K. Davis, Human Society (New York: Macmillan

1042-59. Co., 1949), pp. 321 ff.

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638 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

plications of and for the third level tend from archeological data are reliable to the

to be only peripherally pursued in the eco- extent to which they are about matters ex-

logical approach. plicitly ecological.67

The empirical definition of human ecol- Anthropologists have generally acknowl-

ogy in anthropology that is emerging here edged population size and/or density as

is that it is concerned with the adaptive or- indicative of exploitative success, but only

dering of the relations of human groups recently have they begun to rectify their

to the natural environment and with the neglect of attributes of population as co-

demographic and sociocultural conditions variants and possibly determinants of as-

and consequences thereof. It is a truism pects of social organization. So far, the

in anthropology as in other social sciences size and arrangement of the population

that the immediate effects of environment cluster which constitutes the local group

recede from the total picture as techno- community seems especially promising as

logical control increases. Traditional an- a correlate of type of social organization

thropological emphasis on "primitive cul- and of degree of social differentiation and

ture" has tended to keep environment in ramification.68

the fore. When, however, the touchstone The ecological approach has provided

of "adaptation to environment" is lost from one way to get beyond the tendency of

view, the anthropologist ceases to speak of the anthropological school of "sociological

his concerns as "ecological." In this re- functionalism" to treat all aspects of a

spect, Steward's viewpoint and uses are sociocultural configuration as mutually de-

consonant with those of other anthro- pendent variables.69 Barth and Wagley's

pologists: the concept of ecology is for papers, for example, demonstrate that the

the anthropologist a "heuristic device," "an "organic," population, or various aspects

operational tool rather than an end [or of the "superorganic"-sociopolitical or-

"sub-discipline"] in itself."64 ganization, values-may emerge as im-

Ecological perspectives in anthropology. mediate explanatory factors in a particular

-Traditionally the ethnologist has gone changing ecological complex. In the long

into the "little community" for his cul- view of the human condition, however,

tural data. However, in the last few dec- there is increasing evidence that environ-

ades many anthropologists have come to mental-technological (especially, subsist-

focus explicitly upon the "little commu- ence) factors take primacy as determi-

nity," be it band, village, or town, as the nants.70 In this respect typologies based

total "natural" unit of investigation.65 One

87 C. Hawkes, "Archeological Theory and Meth-

result has been a sharpened awareness of

od: Some Suggestions from the Old World,"

the role of the natural setting in shaping

American Anthropologist, LVI (1954), 155-68.

the physical and societal attributes of the

' Wagley, op. cit. (1940-41); C. Levi-Strauss,

community.66 The same benefits have

"Social Structure," in A. Kroeber (ed.), op. cit.,

brought American archeologists to an eco-

pp. 524-53; L. Krader, "Ecology of Central

logical view in pursuit of their rephrased Asian Pastoralism, Southwestern Journal of An-

thropology, XI (1955), 301-26; E. Service,

goal of conjunctive interpretation of the

"Sociocentric Relationship Terms and the Austra-

material remains of human cultures. An

lian Class System," in G. Dole and R. Carneiro

eminent British archeologist has summed

(eds.), op. cit., pp. 416-36; and Naroll, op. cit.

up the potentialities and the limits of

89 See R. Firth, "Function," in W. Thomas

archeology in this respect when he states

(ed.), op. cit., pp. 237-58.

that inferences about the sociocultural unit

0 The evolutionism of Leslie White (e.g., The

Evolution of Culture [New York: McGraw-Hill

' Steward, Theory of Culture Change, p. 142.

Book Co., 1959]) has, in its technological deter-

' R. Redfield, The Little Community (Chicago:

minism, a tangential relevance here. I have

University of Chicago Press, 1960).

eschewed consideration of the Whitean school,

however, because it is antipathetic, in its sweep-

06 See discussion by A. Spoehr in S. Tax et al.,

ing universalism, to the empirical tradition that

op. cit., p. 142.

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 ECOLOGICAL APPROACH IN ANTHROPOLOGY 639

on attributes of sociocultural structures cases typologies have been directly predi-

which correlate and covary with attributes cated upon ecological viewpoint and

of exploitative patterns lend themselves to definition.

the attack on problems of social change or In its greatest scope anthropology at-

evolution, insofar as we may wish to re- tends to man's course, in all its variance

serve the latter term to refer to degrees or and incrementation, from proto-hominid

levels of social coaptation. to his present condition. The ecological

Anthropological perspectives for humnan point of view has been a unifying and

ecology.-I have not touched on the ques- fruitful theme in these efforts and may

tion of the legitimacy of "human ecology" eventually provide a bridge between the

precultural and the cultural animal.

as a separate discipline. We need only grant

its existence as an orientation that cuts Whether the immediate contribution of in-

quiry in this area is toward the natural

across several established disciplines to in-

quire into anthropology's contribution, history of man or toward the demonstra-

present and potential, to the ecological tion of evolutionary processes is mainly a

sphere. The traditional anthropological at- matter of level of analysis and of degree of

tention to small communities and relatively abstraction and generalization employed.

simple societies has allowed total socio- In the broadest perspective the following

cultural systems and their ecological as- observations can be made: (1) there are

pects to be perceived and encompassed. infra-human populations in interaction

This is undoubtedly why anthropologists with habitat; and (2) through the span

dealing with small societies with primitive of hominid existence there has been the in-

technology are emboldened to speak holis- creasing intrusion of the cultural variable

which has continually defined and rede-

tically of an ecosystem composed of the

fined the oecumene of human societies and

human culture-bearing population in adap-

which has had continuing consequences for

tive interrelation with the natural setting.7'

human population aggregates in terms of

The avowed interest of anthropology in

distribution, size, density, differentiation,

all societies and their cultures across space

and diversification of activities and roles

and through time has, especially in recent

within them. By means of culture man has

years, turned methodological concern to-

increasingly structured his own environ-

word the refining and disciplining of the

ment and his orderly relations-opera-

comparative method. Efforts at establish-

tional and ideational-to it, even as he

ing classifications, be they regarding range

structures his relations with his own kind.

of exploitative patterns, types of social

The "Chicago school" of urban ecology,

structure, or levels of sociocultural integra-

dealing with twentieth-century Homo

tion, provide a preliminary ordering of data

sapiens in his most recently emergent as-

potentially useful to social scientists in

pect as "urban man" took both the biologi-

general, and, as we have observed, in some

cal makeup of the species and the varying

qualities of habitat and of culture essen-

has fostered the ecological approach in anthropol-

tially as givens, attending only to limited

ogy.

properties of certain population aggregates.

" Levi-Strauss suggests that the "urban ecol-

If this is the view through the microscope

ogy" school of Chicago, in its stress on spatial

configurations, would perhaps have been better at a speck plucked from a totality, the

served if the approach had been first "through

anthropological perspective is through the

small and relatively isolated communities with

telescope. The anthropological view is as

which the anthropologist usually deals." He goes

yet exploratory and, in general, unsys-

on to point out, however, anthropology has in

tematic, but it may be sketching the broad-

this respect been remiss in that "there have been

practically no attempts to correlate the spatial

est outline of the ecological cosmos.

configurations with the formal properties of other

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA

aspects of social life" (op. cit., p. 533).

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