Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
JOURNAL OF THE
MALAYAN BRANCH
by
Alastair Lamb
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Copyright MBRAS, 1961
ii
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Without help from many people it would not have been possible
for me to have compiled this work. I would like especially to thank
Mr. Douglas Matthews of the India Office Library, London, who
searched through records for me and sent me microfilms with
miraculous despatch; Dr. C. A. Gibson Hill, who converted some of
the microfilms into photostats which are so much easier to work from,
and who provided me with books from the Library of the Raffles
Museum, Singapore; Dr. D. K. Bassett, who gave me some very useful
advice, and who read the whole work in proof; Miss J. Waller of the
University of Malaya in Singapore Library, who tolerated with remark-
ably little protest a prolonged loan across the Causeway of several books
in her charge; Miss Khoo, who typed out Chapman's narrative; and,
finally, my wife, who helped in typing, in compiling the index, and in
countless other ways.
iii
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CONTENTS
Page
Ch. 1. Introduction.
D. French intrigues
A. Chapman's narrative. 26
B. Chapman's report
A. Background
D. Roberts' instructions.
E. Roberts at Tourane
E. Roberts' report.
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Page
Ch. 7. The Failure of the Roberts Missions Discussed. ... 149
A. The Select Committee at Canton consider the
reasons for Roberts' failure. ... ... 149
B. Barrow's views on the need for the establishment
of British relations with Cochin China. ... 154
C. A French account of the Roberts missions. ... 163
B. Crawfurd's instructions
Ch. 9. Conclusions
Bibliography
Index
PLATES
vi
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FIGURES AND MAPS
Page
Fig. 1. Chart of the coast between Fai-fo and Hu. ... 25
Fig. 2. A village scene in Cochin China: the game of
shuttlecock
vii
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CHAPTER 1.
INTRODUCTION
BETWEEN
BETWEEN These China,1
These missions andChina,1
1778 their andand
missions
their narratives
failedfailed
narratives 1822to
four form
open
form
British theup the
substance
new
substance
missions of visitedof
areas
thisBritish
thistovolume. volume.
Cochin British
commerce on preferential terms; they resulted in the founding of no
factories or settlements; they did not succeed in establishing a British
representative at Hu; and they form but a backwater in the main
stream of British policy in South-East Asia during that period which
saw the British acquisition of Penang and Singapore. Though lacking
in positive results, however, the story of these four ventures, of Chap-
man in 1778, Macartney in 1793, Roberts in 1803 and 1804, and Craw-
furd in 1822, is still one of considerable interest; for it throws much
light on the nature of British commercial and political aspirations to the
1. The term Cochin China requires some explanation. It derives from the
Portuguese Cauchichina . a rendering of the Malay Kutchi which would
seem to be an attempt to reproduce the Chinese Chiao-chih. Chiao-chih,
which to the Chinese meant Tonkin and from which is probably derived
the early European name for Hanoi, Cachao, was applied by the Malays
to a wider area. To the Portuguese and other Europeans it came to mean
the regions of Indochina south of Tonkin. The Portuguese seem to have
added the term China to the Malay Kutchi in order to distinguish it
from the Cochin in India.
By the 18th century the Europeans had become accustomed to call
Annam, that part of Indochina ruled by the Nguyen Dynasty, by the name
Cochin China. When, in the early 19th century, the Nguyen had created
a united Vietnamese state embracing Tonkin and much of Cambodia and
Laos, the term the Cochin Chinese Empire covered the whole of this area;
but writers like Crawfurd were always careful to distinguish between
Cochin China proper, that is to say Annam with its capital at Hu, and
the re*t of the Empire.
With the French conquest in the second half of the 19th century
Cochin China came to mean the region of the Mekong delta and Saigon,
which Crawfurd, in 1822, would have included in his term Kamboja or
Cambodia.
I have used Cochin China here in the sense intended by the authors
of the narratives and reports printed in this volume, that is to say as the
equivalent either of Annam or of the territory ruled by the Nguyen
Dynasty at the time in question.
I have usually used Vietnam as a racial or linguistic term. In its
geographical sense it would be equivalent to the area now formed by the
states of Vietnam and Vietminh.
Indochina I have used as a wide geographical term to cover all those
regions which eventually came under French rule, Vietnam, Cambodia and
Laos.
(For the origin of the term Cochin China, see : L. Aurousseau,
Sur le nom de "Cochinchine" , BEFEO XXIV: J. Crawfurd, A Descriptive
Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries, London 1856.
D. 105.)
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Alastair Lamb
east of India during this period, on the quest for a solution to the pro-
blems of the China trade, and on the final phase of that Anglo-French
struggle for eastern dominion which continued for many years after the
classic age of dive and Dupleix. These four missions, moreover, span
a fascinating period of Vietnamese history which saw the conversion of
a state divided by dynastic and social war into a united empire
determined to isolate itself from the influence of the European Powers.
For these reasons it has seemed worthwhile to assemble some account
of these missions between the covers of a single volume.
The narrative of the Chapman mission of 1778 has been printed
before, but it is not easily available in its complete form. Some
passages from it, slightly abridged, were quoted by Staunton in his
account of the Macartney Embassy to China in the section dealing
with Cochin China to which further reference will be made below.
The entire narrative was published, according to Maybon,2 in the
Annual Asiatic Register , 1801, and in the Asiatic Journal and Monthly
Register for British India and its Dependencies, Vols. Ill and IV,
London 1817. A version, slightly abridged, appeared in the Journal
of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia , Vol. VI, Singapore 1852.
H. Berland made a French translation of the text in the Asiatic
Journal and Monthly Register , which he published in the Bulletin de
la Socit des Etudes Indochinoises , NS, Vol. XXIII, No. 2, Saigon
1948. Maybon3 also refers to another French translation by Malte-
Brun, but this I have not been able to see. Harlow gives an admirable
summary of the Chapman mission and of the policy behind it.4 The
version printed here is from China Factory Records , vol. 18, in the
India Office Library in London, to which I have added Hastings'
instructions to Chapman and other documents from Bengal General
Consultations and from General letters from Bengal , both series in
the India Office Library. I have also included here extracts from
two letters from Chevalier, French Chief at Chandernagore to de
Bellecombe, Governor-General at Pondichery, which I have translated
from Taboulet's admirable collection of documents on the French
connection with Indochina.5
In the summer of 1793 Lord Macartney called in at Tourane
on his way to China. While his primary objective was to establish
relations with the Chinese Emperor, Macartney's instructions also
empowered him to open negotiations with the rulers of Cochin China
2. C. B. Maybon, Histoire Moderne du Pays D' Annm, Paris, 1919, p. ix.
3. Loc. cit.
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Missions to Cochin China
if he saw fit, and for this reason I have included in this collection some
account of his visit from the narratives of Anderson,6 Barrow7 and
Staunton.8
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Alastair Lamb
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Missions to Cochin China
21. For more detailed accounts of early European contacts with Cochin China,
see: Maybon, op. cit.; D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, London
1958; Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1; Le Thanh Khoi, Le Vietnam, Histoire et
Civilisation, Paris 1955; J. Chesneaux, Contribution a l'Histoire de la Nation
Vietnamienne, Paris 1955; J. Buttinger, The Smaller Dragon, a political
history of Vietnam, London and New York 1958.
22. For a detailed history, see the authorities referred to in note 21 above.
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Alastair Lamb
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Missions to Cochin China
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Alastair Lamb
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Missions to Cochin China
had all but destroyed it. In 1774 the Nguyen had been so weakened
that the Trinh broke the truce which had obtained for just over a
century and invaded Nguyen territory, occupying Hu. From that
moment Cochin China was plunged into a three cornered civil war,
with the Trinh and Tay-son competing for domination and the Nguyen
struggling to survive in their last remaining strongholds in the south.
This situation was brought dramatically to the notice of both the
French and the English in India in early 1778 when the English
merchantman Rumbold arrived at Calcutta with two Cochin Chinese
Mandarins, refugee adherents of the Nguyen cause, and with the Jesuit
missionary de Loureiro who had resided for many years at the Nguyen
court.
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Alastair Lamb
its dealings, in the main illegal, with Manila where came annually two
Spanish galleons from Mexico laden with the silver ore of Acapulco.
In 1762, however, with the outbreak of war between England and Spain
and the British occupation of Manila, the flow of silver to the
Philippines was interrupted; and, though the galleons resumed their
sailings at the conclusion of the war, British trade with Spanish
territory in the East did not return to anything like its former volume.
The deficiency, in theory, could have been made up easily enough by the
revenue surplus of British India; but only in times of peace, and these
were rare enough in the Indian subcontinent in the second half of the
eighteenth century, a period which also saw an astronomic increase
in the value of British tea imports from China. It was this problem,
how to finance the rapidly increasing quantity of imports from China
and how to continue the China trade, on which the profits of the
East India Company came increasingly to depend, in the face of
opposition in England from those who saw the Company as a drain
on the nation's wealth, which provided a theoretical economic back-
ground to projects for British expansion into South-East Asia.
There appeared to be more than one practicable solution to this
problem. The most obvious answer, and, so it must at one time
have seemed, the easiest to put into practice, lay in the improvement
of those conditions under which British merchants traded at Canton.
Here monopolistic restrictions raised prices and the attitude of the
local Chinese authorities made the redress of grievances almost impos-
sible to obtain. There was, however, the possibility that were
diplomatic relations once established with the Court at Peking the hold
of the Hong merchants at Canton might be broken and other Chinese
ports might be opened to foreign trade. In these conditions the cost
of Chinese tea and other produce might be reduced, and a Chinese
market of a significant size might be found for British and Indian
manufactures. The cooperation of Peking also held out the hope of
a more rapid settlement of debts which the British found it almost
impossible to collect from those Chinese merchants at Canton whose
solvency was constantly being threatened by the "squeeze" to which
they were subjected by the Canton authorities. These considerations,
among others, led Warren Hastings to attempt to open relations with
Peking through the mediation of the Panchen Lama of Tibet28; and
they gave rise to the abortive Cathcart Embassy to China of 1787
and the Macartney Embassy of 1793.
While the complete solution of the financial problems of the
China trade demanded the establishment of adequate Anglo-Chinese
28. See: A. Lamb, Tibet in Anglo-Chinese Relations, 1767-1842, JRAS 1957,
pp. 164-168; A. Lamb, Britain and Chinese Central Asia: the road to Lhasa ,
1767-1905, London 1960, Chap. I generally.
10
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11
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Alastair Lamb
they might pave the way for a British settlement in this same area
which would meet many of those requirements later to be catered for
by Penag and Singapore.
Why then did the Chapman mission not mark the beginning
of a British dominated Indochina? The answer lay partly in the state
of Cochin China which Chapman described so graphically in his
narrative and which, despite Chapman's own arguments to the contrary,
offered little attraction for intervention in a region so far from the
settlements of British India. Only a French attempt to meddle in
these troubled waters could have provided the cause for an immediate
sequel to the Chapman mission, and this was ruled out for a while
when, shortly after Chapman's departure, the outbreak of war between
England and France resulted in the British occupation of Pondichery
and Chandernagore.
The story of the Chapman mission, from the arrival of the two
Mandarins in February 1778 until Chapman's return from Cochin
China in February 1779, is told in the next two chapters, in Chapman's
own narrative and report, in correspondence to and from the Bengal
Government, and in extracts of letters from Chevalier at Chandernagore.
Note: The extracts from documents and other sources which are
reproduced below are printed in 10 pt. unleaded type. They either
follow a heading in bold type or they are indented. My own comment,
except in the notes, is always printed here in leaded 10 pt. type.
12
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CHAPTER II.
()
The Rumbold, with two Cochin Chinese Mandarins "< and the
Portuguese Jesuit missionary Father Loureiro on board, reached
Calcutta in early February 1778. The news was immediately com-
municated to Warren Hastings by David Kellican of the firm of
Crofts and Kellican, the owners of the vessel. Hastings in Council
decided on 12 February 1778 to house the two mandarins at Company
expense until they could find a ship back to Cochin China; and on
20 March 1778 this decision was communicated to the Court of
Directors in London.
Hon'ble Sir,
I beg leave to inform you that two Mandarines from Cochin
China with a Portuguese Missionary are arrived in Calcutta. They
came in a ship belonging to me called the Rumbold. The Captain was
directed to sail to the Eastward and to the Coast of Cambodia and
Cochin China as far as Turon Bay, where he landed. The two
Mandarines came on board of the Rumbold with an intention to go
down the coast, to a place called Donnai in Cambodia where the
King of Cochin China now resides, but a gale of wind coming on the
ship drove past the Port and was unable to regain it.
I take the liberty of requesting your permission, to present the
Mandarines to you, whenever it may be convenient, as likewise the
Portuguese Missionary.
The Mandarines are men of distinction. One of them is a first
cousin of the King of Cochin China.
13
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Alastair Lamb
(B)
14
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16
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Missions to Cochin China
(C)
chapman's instructions
Sir,
17
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Fort William,
18
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(D)
FRENCH INTRIGUES
19
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Alastair Lamb
32. These letters were probably communicated to the British by Moniz himself.
Moniz accompanied Chapman on his mission to Cochin China and served
in a confidential capacity as a liaison between the British envoy and the
local authorities.
20
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forces [of Cochin China] would be more than enough to destroy the
enemy, consolidate the Emperor on the throne and restore peace and
tranquility. It would be an important and most profitable operation
for our nation and would require neither great force nor extensive
means.
21
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I have just learnt of the arrival of the English ship Rumbold which
had been to Cochin China . . . She brought back with her a Jesuit
missionary of the Spanish nation, Father Loureiro, accompanied by a
mandarin of the first class. Both are now in Calcutta, where I do not
doubt at all they have come to enter into treaty with the English and
to ask assistance from them . . . This Father Loureiro enjoyed for a
22
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23
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Sir,
24
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Missions to Cochin China
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CHAPTER III.
(A)
Chapman's Narrative
Note : - Footnotes marked with an asterisk (*) are Chapman's own notes;
but comment, where it has seemed to be called for, has been added
in parentheses.
26
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Alastair Lamb
28
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30
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Missions to Cochin China
must have left the vessel. Her head was only in a fathom and a
half water and her stern was thumping upon a sand as hard as a rock.
The boat with the Chief Officer and most of the Europeans was now
sent to sound. During their absence the water rose to two fathoms
and a quarter. The Amazon drew twelve feet. The flood tide was
fully made. Anxious for our boat we made signal after signal for it
to return. When the officer came, his report was far from satisfactory
having met with shoals all round us. Get under way we must, and
trust to fortune for the rest. There was now a threatening sky and
the appearance of a hard squall coming on. At first the water deepened
a little. This gave us a gleam of hope, but a momentary one. The
man with the sounding line warned us there was but a few inches
more than the vessel drew. Every instant we expected to feel the
shocks of the vessels striking for the last time, and it being the top of
high water of a spring tide, we had no prospect of further relief.
Happily however we again increased the depth; and the squall
coming on presently drove us to our great joy into five fathoms when
we dropped our anchor.
After the fatigue and anxiety which we suffered the preceding
night we were most of us happy to devote this day, the 25th , to
repose.
The 26th. I went on board the Jenny , which lay at a considerable
distance from our vessel near the mouth of the river. The
Commander acquainted me he had sent his boat into the river for
intelligence and proposed to me to stand in and meet it. Having no
objection, he weighed his anchor. As soon as we opened the first
reach we perceived a vessel at anchor and the boat making towards
us. We continued our course in a good channel of three and four
fathoms water, as far as the tide would permit us. By the officer
sent in the boat, we learnt that the vessel in sight was a Portuguese
snow from Macao; that there was another higher up at a village
called Bathai,41 and that a ship had left the river seven or eight days
before. Mr. Moniz (a Portuguese gentleman I before mentioned to
have accompanied the Mandarines to Bengal) who went on board
the Portuguese vessel, acquainted me that he heard from the
Commander that the rebel Ignaack had carried everything before him
in Cochin China; that the King having fled to Pulo Condore had been
taken there and put to death and that his brother had fallen into
the hands of the Usurper who obliged him to marry his daughter.
I afterwards found that his brother was the elder of the two sons
left by the late King; but that Queck Foe, the Prime Minister who
had acquired an unbounded influence in the latter part of the reign,
had married his daughter to the younger Prince and contrived upon
the death of the old King to place his son in law upon the throne.
This, with the Minister's unpopular measure of imposing a poll tax*
upon all the native inhabitants of whatsoever age, sex or condition
was the cause of the troubles which broke out in the interior provinces,
and furnished a pretext for the Tonquinese to invade the country; for
when their army entered the northern provinces they declared their
41. The reference here is probably to Bassac or Ba Tac, the most westerly
mouth of the Mekong.
* It amounted to about a Spanish dollar a head.
31
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in the Bay.* The coast, in many places highly cultivated, had now a
most delightful appearance, the lowlands planted with paddy and the
hills with pepper to their very tops.
Here we found two Portuguese snows, and the supercargo of one
of them coming on board a little before we anchored, I understood
from him that we had nothing to fear; on the contrary that Ignaac
himself was exceedingly alarmed at our arrival and would be well
satisfied to find that we had no hostile designs against him which he
was in dread of from what had happened last year at Turon. This
dispute I found arose from the rebels attacking and taking a boat
conveying military stores from an English ship to the royal party. I
also learnt that, the King's party having received a signal defeat while
the ship lay in the harbour, the Mandarines fled on board for
protection and induced the Commander to carry them to Donai by
promising to indemnify him for this loss when he arrived there. How
they came to be disappointed and brought to Bengal I have before
related.49 As soon as we anchored, I sent a young man who served
me as a writer on shore with my compliments to the Mandarine in
charge of the port to acquaint him that the vessel belonged to the
English Government of Bengal and that our business in Cochin China
was to settle a friendly intercourse and commerce between the two
countries. In the evening he returned with a very civil answer from
the Mandarine purporting that he should immediately send notice of
our arrival to the King ( Ignaac ) and that in the meantime we were
welcome to furnish ourselves with water and all other refreshments
the place afforded. The next day the Mandarine himself came on
board and brought me a present of a hog. Ever after this, while we
staid, he was no unfrequent guest but came almost daily and took a
cheerful glass of wine which he was so polite as to allow was better
than any he could procure in Cochin China. He was a jolly old man
of between 50 and 60. By his desire I sent my writer on shore to go
with him to the King's brother who lived near, to whom I sent a
present of a piece of muslin, two pieces of chintz and some bottles
of liquor. On his return he acquainted me that he had been
graciously received and assured me that the King was exceedingly
well disposed towards the English and would not fail to treat me
with the most honorable distinction. He said also that the King's
son-in-law who was his Prime Minister would come down to see
me in a few days.
He accordingly arrived the 16th [of July] and the next morning,
having received an invitation, I landed to make him a visit. We
36
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Missions to Cochin China
were met on the beach by the Mandarine of the Port who conducted
us to a large straw shed which he informed me was his house, where
his Highness was waiting to receive us. On each side of the entrance
were drawn up twelve of his guards dressed in blue linen and a kind
of helmet upon their heads made either of leather or of paper lackered
over and ornamented with flowers and devices of black tin, as were
the hilts and scabords of their swords, so that they made a regular, if
not a martial appearance. On our entrance we found a young man
of a pleasing aspect seated cross legged upon a bench, or rather a
low table. He rose on my approach and pointed to some chairs which
were placed on each side of him for our accommodation. After a
few ordinary questions on his side, as whence we came, what had
brought us to Cochin China, how long we had been on our passage
& c., I acquainted him I was a servant to the English Government in
Bengal to which the vessel I came in belonged, and yet it was not a
merchant vessel; that my business in Cochin China was to settle a
friendly intercourse and commerce between the two countries which
I had no doubt would be for the advantage of both. I then desired to
know whether he was authorised to inform me upon what conditions
such commerce could be carried on to the ports in their possession.
Instead of answering me, he desired to know what presents I had
brought for the King and whether I intended to go to Court. I told
him I would go if the King sent me an invitation, and carry such
presents with me as I hoped would be acceptable. I presented him
with a pair of neat pistols and some pieces of cloth & c.. I could now
get him to talk of nothing but presents. Before we parted I applied
to him for the use of a straw hut near the watering place. He told
me he was not authorised to grant it. He then informed me he should
return to Court the next day, and invited me to accompany him. I
begged to be excused, as I wished, before I set out, to receive an
invitation from the King. He appeared rather hurt at this, fearing I
suspected he had not authority to invite me. I observed that his
refusal of so mere a trifle as a hut to live in which I offered to pay for
was almost sufficient to make me doubt it. Soon after I took my leave
when he assured me he would desire his father to send me an invitation
without delay; and as for a house, I might take any one I chose in
the place.
Three days after I received a formal written invitation and safe
conduct from Ignaac. It was brought on board with great ceremony
by several Mandarines. They desired the Colours might be hoisted
on the occasion, an umbrella exalted to open it under, and that I would
stand up to receive it. All these requisitions being most respectfully
complied with, it was opened, read and presented to me. The
Mandarines did not fail hinting to me how exceedingly happy the
bearers of this distinguishing mark of the royal favour would be to
receive some token of acknowledgment for their trouble. Having
treated them with a desert of wine and sweetmeats, I dismissed them
satisfied, first settling with the port Mandarine to be on shore next
morning, sleep at his house and set off the following morning for the
royal residence. He engaged to have a palanquin ready for me,
horses for the two gentlemen and my writer, who were to be of the
party, and coolies to carry the King's present and our own necessaries.
37
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Alastair Lamb
*A sapacia is a small coin made of a mixture of lead and copper with a hole
through the middle of it. 600 strung upon a cord make a quan and 5 quans
a Spanish Dollar. The price however varies; in some places, they will give
6 quans for the Dollar, in others only 3J. [See p. 194 below, note, for
details of Vietnamese currency.]
38
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Missions to Cochin China
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Alastair Lamb
Fig. 2. A village scene in Cochin China: the game of shuttlecock. (W. Alexander in
Staunton, op. cit., Atlas of Plates).
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41
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42
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with the vessels I had under my orders against his enemies. I told
him "I had no authority to act offensively or to interfere in the disputes
subsisting in the country, and I requested to know the reason of his
putting to death some persons left in the country the preceeding year".
He said that this circumstance had happened at Turon where one
of his Mandarines commanded, that he himself was not thoroughly
informed of the matter but understood the persons I mentioned to
have been killed fighting against his people. His Majesty then withdrew
and I was acquainted that he expected some further conversation
with me at his private house.
We accordingly followed him. This house we were informed
was the residence of his family, the one we left being entirely appro-
priated to the assembling of the Council, receiving Ambassadors and
to other public services. Round it was a bamboo fence through which
we entered by a gate leading to a spacious court and crossing this
we ascended by three steps to a large hall open in the front and
furnished with small screens to keep off the weather. In the back
part of this apartment, within a smaller one whose front was also
open to the hall, divested of his robes and cap of state, and having
on a plain silk jacket buttoned with small diamonds and a piece of
red silk wrapped round his head in the form of a turban, His Majesty
was sitting to receive us there. Our conversation was without
constraint and general. He began it with repeating his good intentions
towards us and assuring me how desirous he was of connecting himself
with the English; that altho' to save appearances before his Council
he had mentioned a sum of money to be paid by our ships for the
liberty of trading, yet to procure the friendship of the English nation
he would never exact it from them but would show them every
indulgence in his power. He enumerated the articles produced in this
country as pepper, cardemons, cinnamon, agula wood, elephants teeth,
tin and many others which he said the ignorance of the inhabitants
prevented them from making the most of, and that for this reason as
well as for instructing his people in the art of war he earnestly desired
that the Governor of Bengal would send him a capable person. He
said the country, owing to the late commotions in it, was in some
confusion which he should apply himself to settle.
He was then pleased to disclose some of his future designs to
me. They were no less than to subdue the Kingdom of Cambodia
with the whole peninsula as far as Siam, and the Provinces belonging
to Cochin China to the north now in the hands of the Tonquinese. To
effect these (and indeed it would be requisite) he wished much for
the assistance of some English vessels, in recompense for which he
would make them such grants of land for settlement as they might
think proper. He concluded with saying how ready he should be
to do anything to satisfy the English if they would assist him and
secure to him and his family the Government of Cochin China.
I promised him faithfully to report what he had said to the
Governor-General in Bengal. The rest of our conversation was of
little moment. He particularly desired amongst other articles that
I would procure a horse to be sent him, cost what it would, by the
first vessel to Cochin China, of a gray colour and with fine sharp
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Alastair Lamb
pointed ears. After being treated with tea and beetle we took our
leave. In the evening he sent me three papers; one, sealed with the
great seal of the Kingdom, set both the conditions upon which English
ships were to trade to his dominions and his desire of having some
person sent to him capable of instructing his subjects in the military
science; the other two were sealed with a smaller seal, one described
the horse & c., the other contained his licence for visiting any of his
ports. The latter I had requested of him in order to go in search
of the little vessel that came in company with us and had been
separated from us a few nights before we arrived at Quinion. I
supposed the commander had proceeded to Turon. The next morning
we set out on our return to the vessel, the King's son-in-law furnishing
us with horses and coolies for which I paid him thirty dollars. Those
which came with us he said had dispersed, he knew not whither.
Before we set out I sent a message to the King to acquaint him that as
I had made him a handsome present, I expected he would send one
to the Governor General of Bengal which I would call for on my
way back from Turon. He returned me for answer that he would
most willingly. We reached Quinion the same day ( the 26th July)
and in two days after sailed for Turon. Our poor Mandarine, and
indeed all on board the vessel to whom he had in some measure
communicated his apprehensions for us, were exceedingly rejoiced at
our safe return. Upon the road coming from the Court we were
passed by his Majesty who was going, on account of some bad news
from his fleet at Donai, to perform a sacrifice at a Temple situated in
the Bay our vessels lay in. He traveled in one of the net palanquins I
have before described, distinguished by its being red, which colour no
subject is allowed to use in dress or equipage. We afterwards saw
him from the deck cross the river and land at the Temple. He was
in a covered boat attended by five or six gallies and about two hundred
men. The ceremony I was informed chiefly consisted in bowing his
head to the ground before the idols and sacrificing a buffalo; I made
application to be present at it, but it did not succeed.
One might be led to imagine from the conversation I had with this
rebel that he was possessed of resources in some degree adequate to his
ambition, and that amongst the nations around him he might blaze
into a meteor as baneful and as transitory as a Nadir .50 In the rise
of their fortunes there may be traced a remarkable concurrence of
circumstances : like the Persian, he was the commander of a small
fortress in a strong situation from whence he sallied and made a prey
of the unwary; like him he grew into consequence at about the same
age, and under the pretence of supporting his sovereign made himself
master of the throne; like him he declared himself the avenger of the
wrongs of his country and became a tyrant more odious and destructive
than it had ever before experienced; and like him it is not improbable
he may finish his career, at least it will be a reward best proportionable
to his merits. Happily, however, there is the appearance of some
insuperable barriers which promise to confine his future deeds to the
scene he is now acting in. Ignaac himself is allowed to have abilities,
but these are ill seconded by the Mandarines who govern under him.
50. Nader Shah, the Persian ruler who captured Delhi in 1739.
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They are all low illiterate men chosen from amongst the inhabitants of
his native village of Tyson who, as soon as they have got into power,
have been remarkable only for their perfidy, cruelty and extortion, and
if at a distance barely acknowledge a dependence on the hand that
raised them. Famine and its attendant pestilence have distroyed one
half of the inhabitants of the country. Shocking are the accounts of
the methods taken by the remainder to preserve a miserable existence.
At Hue, the Capital, though in possession of the Tonquinese and better
supplied than any other place, human flesh was publicly sold in the
market. The country is almost drained of gold and silver*, part, on
* At least apparently so. Padre Loreiro, as I am informed by a gentleman
who conversed with him on the subject at Canton, is of a different opinion
and says there are vast sums concealed. He should be better informed than
me. The Portuguese in speaking of Cochin China constantly compare it to
the Brazils.
45
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* After the great revolution which made the Tartars master of the Empire of
China, the western provinces threw off their allegiance and were formed into
a kingdom under a prince, whose descendant now reigns at Tonquin. A
colony from thence about the beginning, of the 15th century possessed
themselves of Cochin China, having driven the original inhabitants back to
the mountains, and after long and bloody struggles with the Tonquinese, who
still consider them as rebels, became independent.
[The Le Dynasty acquired control over Vietnam in 1427 after a rebellion
against the Chinese. In the 16th century it became little more than a line
of faineant kings, and the real power passed into the hands of the feudal
chiefs of the Trinh Dynasty. In the early 17th century the Trinh lost control
of Annam to the Nguyen Dynasty but remained masters of Tonkin. For the
greater part of the 17th century the Trinh tried to dispossess the Nguyen,
but with no success, and by the end of the century an uneasy truce existed
between the two dynasties. In 1774, taking advantage of the Tay-son troubles,
the Trinh renewed their attack on Nguyen territory and occupied Hu, the
traditional Nguyen capital.
In 1786, after the Tay-son leader Van-Hue, Van-Nhac's younger brother,
had defeated the Trinh and occupied much of Tonkin, the Le attempted with
Chinese aid to reassert their ancient supremacy. The outcome was a
decisive victory by Van-Hue and the flight of the last of the Le line to a
Chinese exile. Van-Hue assumed the imperial title which had once been that
of the Le, taking the regnal name Quang-trung, and he was confirmed in this
by the Chinese Emperor in 1790. See also Chapman's note, p. 61 below.
Chapman, in this note, also refers to the southwards march of the
Vietnamese at the expense of the Chams. The Vietnamese crossed the Col
des Nuages into Quang-nam Province in the 15th century, and thereafter
moved steadily down towards the Mekong delta. The process is well
illustrated in Map 16 in Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., p. 530.]
46
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50b. Brinjall or Brinjaul is the egg-plant. Yule, Burnell, op. cit., pp. 86-87.
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being sent up the river with them had been attacked by his people and
taken; that some of the crew were killed, some jumped into the river,
and were drowned, and some fled to the woods where they perished
with hunger. He then gave me a licence for trading, strictly enjoining
all persons to pay for what they purchased, and in no wise to molest
or ill treat us or our attendants upon pain of being severely punished.
The misfortune was we could not find anybody capable of purchasing
in the Province. After he had given me an invitation to visit him
at Faifo, I took my leave. He returned the same night.
The thirteenth [of August] I set out for Faifo in a small galley
provided by the Mandarine of Turon. We left the village between
six and seven in the evening and reached Faifo about nine o'clock
the next morning. It was a pleasant serene night, the water perfectly
smooth, no noise to be heard but the regular strokes of our oars and
a song not destitute of harmony from the rowers. Listening to
this and chatting amongst ourselves we gradually fell asleep, and
when we were awakened at the places the galley stopped at, to give
an account of who we were, it was only to be returned to a like
pleasing repose. On one of these occasions we were not a little alarmed
when on opening our eyes we found ourselves under a high mountain
part of which impended over the river, and it seemed ready to tumble
and bury us under its ruins; returning by day we found this place
really curious. It was a large mountain of white marble situated
on a low plain close to the water-side unconnected with any of the
distant hills. We could perceive several cracks and holes in the body
of the mountain and round it were lying some vast fragments which
we concluded to have been separated from it. The eye in wandering
over it presented the fancy with the ideas of pillars, houses, towers
& c., near it were a few huts inhabited by stone cutters. I did not
see any other specimens of their ingenuity than pestles and mortars of
different sizes; probably the marble was formerly applied to a more
extensive use. On arriving at Faifo we were surprised to find the
recent ruins of a large city; the streets laid out on a regular plan
paved with flat stone and well built brick houses on each side. But,
alas, there was now little more remaining than the outward walls
within which, in a few places, you might behold a wretch who formerly
was the possessor of a palace sheltering himself from the weather
in a miserable hut of straw and bamboos. Of the few edifices left
standing was a wooden bridge built upon piles over a narrow arm
of the river with a tiled roof. The temples and their wooden gods
were no further molested than in being robbed of their bells which
I understand the present usurper had seized for the purpose of
coining them into money. After refreshing ourselves at Faifo, I
set out for the Mandarine's residence which I reached in about five
hours. The course of the river from Turon to Faifo was a little to
the eastward of south. It now seemed to spread all over the country
in a great numbef of branches. Near his house was a very populous
village where I procured some pineapples and jacks [jack-fruit] both
excellent in their kind. Over the river in this place, about fifty yards
broad, was a floating bridge of bamboo hurdles. Here I was obliged
to leave the galley and proceed by land in my net for about two
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51. Cape Choumay, half way between the Bay of Tourane and the mouth of
the Hu River.
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run aground and remained so in some danger until the following night
the tide rose here about six feet.
It was two days after the vessel anchored within the mouth of the
river ere I received permission to go up to town. A galley was then
sent to carry me. The distance from the place we lay at was about
fifteen miles. Towards the sea, the country was sandy and barren;
advancing, the scene gradually changed. The land put on every
appearance of fertility and we saw the husbandmen on the banks
busied in cultivation. Abreast of the town twenty-five Chinese junks
were at an anchor, innumerable country boats were passing and
repassing, and the shore was thronged with people. We landed at
On-ta-hias house. It was the resort of the Chinese, as his office
consisted in reporting the arrival of their junks and procuring them
their clearances when they were leaving the port. The next day he
carried me to the Tonquinese Viceroy. Before we set out On-ta-hia
decided to see what presents I designed for the Viceroy and what for
the General*. I showed them to him. He approved them but
advised me as a friend to reserve the best articles for the latter, giving
as a reason that the Viceroy was a good man who really meant to be
a friend to us, but that the favour of the General who was an Eunuch
and of bad character, was only to be purchased by sacrificing to his
avarice. I observed that I had heard from a like principle, they
offered the most costly perfumes to the evil being, while they totally
disregarded the supreme and benevolent one. He allowed the com-
parison to be just and supported the principle they acted upon. 1
requested him to select such things as would procure me a favorable
reception from this counterpart of the infernal one. He made choice
amongst others of a gold repeating watch set with a few small
diamonds and emeralds; I, however, took care to reserve an equivalent
which I hoped would sufficiently satisfy the respect I entertained for
the virtues of the Viceroy. He resided in the palace of the Kings of
Cochin China, six miles higher up the river than the town I landed at.
The Abb Raynalla informs us its circumference is a league and the
walls of it planted with thousands of cannons. This description is
certainly heightened. I visited it several times myself and a person
who accompanied me found an opportunity of examining the whole.
The fortification is an oblong square, the greater sides extending, as
near as I could guess, half a mile, the lesser, two thirds of that distance.
It is formed by a retaining wall behind which a rampart of earth ten
or eleven feet high was thrown up, with steps rising to a convenient
level for the discharge of missile weapons. It had no embrasures, the
guns being pointed through a kind of portholes, made in the bottom of
the retaining walls. The number mounted was about sixty, the largest
nine pounders. For six or eight feet without the wall, short pointed
bamboos from twelve to six inches long were driven obliquely into
* The second Mandarine, who had the command of the fleet and the army.
51a. Guillaume Thomas Francois Raynal (1713-1796), author of L'Histoire
philisophique et Politique des Etablissements et du Commerce des
Europens dans les deux Indes, 4 vols., Amsterdam 1770. An English
translation appeared in 1776, and it is probably to this that Chapman is
referring here.
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the ground; beyond these was a ditch, eight feet wide and as many in
depth, fenced with bamboos growing which was succeeded by another
space with pointed ones driven in the ground, and the whole encom-
passed by a low checkered bamboo rail. The ground within the fort
was divided by a number of brick walls meeting at right angles and
forming squares; some were allotted to holding markets, others to
granaries, quarters for the soldiers, stables for elephants and horses.
The whole was much out of repair, the gates of communication were
mostly down and the walls falling.
The palace deserved the name of a good lower-roomed house.
A terrace thrown up about six feet formal the floor; fine polished
pillars of wood with stone pedestals supported the beams and rafters
upon which the tiled roofs of the different compartments were laid.
Illese were without ceilings. The capitals of the pillars, the beams
and rafters were ornamented with carved work. The buildings were
laid out in spacious verandahs and private rooms, generally wainscotted
up in the center where the roof was highest and admitted of making
lofts above them. Their furniture consisted of very few movables,
mats spread upon the floor with hard cushions, great silken lanthorns
painted in different colours suspended from the roofs, with some frames
hung up against the pillars containing sentences written in large
characters, composed the whole. In one of the verandahs I was
introduced to the Viceroy. I found him swinging in a net hammock
extended between one of the pillars and the wainscot of the inner
apartments. He was a venerable old man about sixty years of age,
with a thin silver beard, of most engaging manners. His dress was
plain and simple like the rest of the Tonquinese, consisting of a loose
gown of black glazed linen with large sleeves, a black silk cap on his
head stiffened into a particular form, and sandals on his feet. The
cordiality which he received us with, and to the last apparently
preserved towards us, still inclines me to acquit him of being voluntarily
the author of the unmerited ill treatment we afterwards experienced.
He himself and others often hinted to me that although the first in
rank, he was subject to the control of his colleagues. I acquainted him
with my business in Cochin China, much in the same terms I had
made use of to Ignaac , adding that the high character given of his own
personal virtues and the lenity and humanity I had heard the
Tonquinese had shewn to their vanquished enemies, had inspired me
with so strong a desire of making him a visit and forming a connection
with so deserving a people that soon after my arrival at Turon I was
induced to apply for his permission to come up to the Capital. The
voluntary invitation he had sent me by the Portuguese previous to the
receipt of my letter, I assured him, enhanced the obligation I was
under to him, and that I would study to deserve so high a mark of his
favor. I then requested he would receive the present I had brought as
a small token of my respect. Pleasure seemed to dance in the old
gentleman's eyes at the few little compliments I made him. He
descended from his net and seated himself upon the ground nearer
to us. The linguist told me that he seized every opportunity the
intervals in my address allowed him of making a favourable comparison
to the Mandarines about him of our manners and deportment with
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those of other Europeans that had hitherto fallen under his notice.
He desired the linguist to assure me of a hearty welcome at the seat
of his Government. He admired the presents I brought him, but
lamented that I should think it a necessary part of my introduction to
him. He approved, he said, of my proposal to form a commercial
intercourse with his nation, and would promote it all in his power. To
encourage us to prosecute the design he remitted the payment of
anchorage and all duties whatsoever on account of the vessel in the
river. He requested to be furnished with a list of the articles on board,
some of which he said he would purchase himself, the remainder the
Commander had free liberty to dispose of to whomsoever he might be
able. He desired, should obstructions be thrown in our way by any of
his people, be their rank what it would, that I would without ceremony
order them to be thrown into the river. He then inquired several
particulars respecting the nation I belonged to as to our force by sea
and land, our commerce, customs and religon with the grounds of our
difference in the latter article from the Portuguese. I satisfied him as
I was able.
He also requested permission to examine our hats, swords and
the other parts of our dress, frequently apologising for his curiosity.
The evening was now approaching, and we had been with him some
hours, I made a motion to retire but he insisted on our staying to
partake of a repast. It was presently brought and a small low table
being set before us it was covered with a number of basins and saucers
containing fowls mixed with a few vegetables and a little salt and
water, pork and buffalo, beef cut into small thin slices, fish stewed
with soy and onions, several fish sauces - some not unlike anchovie
in flavour, plain boiled rice, and rice moistened with the broth of
meat, and a few other articles.
Chopsticks were given us to eat with but observing we managed
rather awkwardly he ordered some porcelain spoons and pieces of
pointed bamboos to be given us, and, with these we did pretty well.
A desert of fruits and China sweetmeats was afterwards served up,
tea was made for our drink and when we asked for water, it was
brought, warm and sweetened with sugar. We were desired to taste
some excellent Tonquinese liquor. It was a hot spirit and had a
strong flavor of some grain from which it was distilled. A separate
table was spread before the Viceroy. He desired all our attendants
to be called, for every one of whom a mat was brought to sit on.
He was much surprised at their hesitating to sit in my presence and
more so when the vessel men refused to eat any of his cookery. He
ordered them to be asked if there was anything they could eat that
would not interfere with their religious prejudices, and on their
mentioning fruits, some of every kind was set before them. He
politely requested I would dispense with the ceremony of their
standing - an English tar of our party afforded much diversion to the
Viceroy and his attendants by the keenness of his appetite and the
unaffected relish he appeared to have for the Tonquinese brandy in
which we begged leave with great submission to drink towards their
honour's good health.
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The most adequate idea of the external appearance of the best dwelling
houses in Cochin China as well as of the Temples of their Gods may
be formed from views painted on the chinaware, screens and other
articles imported from Canton.
Half an hour elapsed ere we were ushered into a large hall. The
roofs were finally arched with planks and supported by wooden
pillars about thirty feet in height. We seated ourselves upon some
chairs placed for us before a rattan screen from behind which a shrill
voice called our attention to the object of our visit. He did not
however become visible till the common questions were passed and I
had acquainted him with the reasons of my coming to Cochin China.
The screen was then turned up and a glimmering light diffused from
a small waxen taper, disclosed to our view, not the delicate form of
a woman the sound had conveyed the idea of, but that of a monster
disgustful and horrible to behold. He was sitting in a kind of boarded
shrine in form like a clothes press. I can be no judge of his height as
I never saw him standing, but I believe he was short of stature. This
was, however, amply made up to him in bulk and, I may venture to
affirm he measured an ell over the shoulders. Great flaps hung down
from his cheeks like the dewlaps of an ox, and his little twinkling
eyes were scarcely to be discerned for the fat folds which formed deep
recesses around them. Tho' I had said every handsome thing that
occurred to me, yet there was so evident a difference between his
behaviour and that of the Viceroy. He hardly appeared civil. He
received my present with indifference, notwithstanding it was chosen
by his own jackal. In my subsequent visits I found he was a great
pedant and valued himself much on his knowledge of books. It may
be worthy of remark that he had one day a volume written in Chinese
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country boat I kept in pay, Mr. Totty and myself with three or four
Bengal servants and some Cochin China rowers left the town between
eight and nine in the morning, and fortunately reached the vessel at
noon.
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necessary, for although great numbers had already deserted them and
not a man appeared on their decks, yet on the bursting of the hand-
grenades thirty or forty more jumped overboard from each of them
and swam to the shore. Our people with the aid of some Cochin
Chinese then towed them off as well as five others which were lying
near the shore and preparing as was apprehended to come to their
assistance. We were obliged, as we knew not what to do with them,
to destroy all the gallies except one which had a brass gun in her, a
nine or twelve pounder. She foundered three days after, in a violent
gale of wind, as she lay astern of our vessel. The largest of these
gallies was about fifty feet long and ten or twelve broad, the head and
stern sharping off to a point; they were armed with spears from fifteen
to twenty feet in length and matchlocks some of which had large bores
and turned upon swivels, with great quantities of powder and balls
made up in bamboo cartridges.
The fifteenth [of November]. One Senhore Pascal, an old man,
who had formerly been linguist to the Dutch Company when they traded
to Cochin China, and the landlord of the house I resided in at Hue,
arrived with a message from the Viceroy. They told me they were
instructed to assure me of the continuance of his friendship; that he
entertained no resentment against us for the destruction of his gallies
which he was convinced we had been driven to by the ill-treatment we
had met with, but never with his consent or participation, and that he
earnestly desired to effect an accommodation. After delivering this
message, Senhor Pascal took me aside and told me that such was the
fair speech he had been ordered to make me, but that he advised me to
be constantly on our guard as the Tonquinese were manning the re-
mainder of their gallies, and also intended to attempt burning our vessel
by means of fire floats.
My answer to the Mandarine was that I was happy to find he had
adopted such sentiments respecting what had happened, and assured
him that nothing but the indignation raised in our people on finding their
property plundered by the authority of the Government, and their lives
threatened, could have induced them to carry matters to the lengths
they had. I begged him to recollect I had told him in the presence of
his whole Court that the English were a great and generous people, that
always retained a grateful sense of any favours conferred on them, and
on the contrary never failed amply to revenge any injuries that were
offered them. I concluded with desiring the linguist to tell the Man-
darines that I should be happy to join with them in accommodating
our differences, hoping as a preliminary to it that they would give
immediate orderes for all the property we had been plundered of to be
restored. The linguist, having taken down the purport of my answer,
returned.
We now held a council to consider our situation and what was to
be done. It was generally agreed that the aim of the Tonquinese was
to protract by entering into a negotiation with us till they were pre-
pared to attack us with advantage, and that it behoved us to get away
as fast as possible. In this opinion I concurred, but I was at the
same time exceedingly apprehensive of attempting to cross the bar of
the river at the present inclement season; I recollected the difficulty we
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experienced and how nearly the vessi was lost in crossing it in the
finest weather, assisted by the people of the country and the boats
belonging to the Chinese junks. For these considerations I resolved to
write to the Commander of the Amazon acquainting him with our
situation, and to desire if he found it practicable, to come up to the
mouth of the river to favour our escape, or to send us his boat to
assist us in getting over the bar. To carry my letter I was obliged to
send to the shore to press a country boat. Our boat brought one off
together with her crew who, being all Cochin Chinese, were without
much difficulty prevailed on to undertake the trip. The sixteenth: we
dispatched a boat to the Amazon .
The seven following days the weather was so exceedingly bad that
we could expect no news from the Amazon; and the wind having con-
tinued to blow violently almost from the time of our dispatching the
boat, we doubted of their being able to reach Turon. In this interval
several messages and some letters passed between the Viceroy and me.
He continued his assurances of friendship with promises to restore all
our property, and earnestly invited me to an interview. The people,
however, who were the bearers of these messages and letters, as regularly
as they brought them, advised me of the insincerity of his professions,
and of the preparations carrying on against us. They informed me
that nothing but the badness of the weather, which had rendered useless
four large fire floats the Tonquinese had constructed to burn our vessel,
if they should find themselves unable to master us by any other means,
had for some days retarded an attack being made on us. We also
learned, from Cochin Chinese boats that frequently stole off to the
vessel to dispose of fruit, that a number of guns were carried down
to erect batteries which would incommode us when we attempted to
cross the bar, and that should we touch the ground, as they expected,
our destruction was deemed inevitable.
The twenty fourth [of November ]: in the morning the weather
appearing more fine the Captain resolved to move the vessel farther
out, and we anchored about a mile from a prodigious high surf which
broke across the mouth of the river. We had not been long in this
situation before we observed crowds of people on the shore on each
side of us busy in bringing down guns, fascines and stores to the water-
side. They immediately began to erect batteries. We endeavoured to
disturb them by firing some shot at them, but the smallness of our guns
gave them but little interruption. At six o'clock in the afternoon three
or four guns began to play upon us, which continued till it was dark.
One shot only struck the vessel. A little before they began to fire at
us we perceived a boat in the offing. Shortly after, she came on board
and proved to be the one I dispatched to Turon. By her I received
the two guns and shot I had written for and a letter from the Captain
of the Amazon informing me that he had sent up his boat with three
Europeans and five Lascars to our assistance as he did not think it
possible to come up with his vessel. The people acquainted me that
when they were in the offing, the Amazon's boat was in sight. From
the dismal account given us of the surf they had passed through and
the approach of night, we were exceedingly anxious for her safety.
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The twenty seventh [of November ]. All our fore topmast rigging
was shot away with two of the fore shrouds, and one shot struck the
vessel between wind and water. The damage done by the latter was
with much difficulty and labour repaired.
The twenty eighth . Things become still more serious and the
damages we sustained more alarming. Hitherto the largest shots fired
at us were four pounders. Today some additional guns began to play
and several struck us, weighing nine and six pounds; these gave terrible
shocks to our little bark. The trysail mast and one of the flukes of
the stream grapple were shot away. The best bower cable parted close
to the hawsehole, supposed to have been cut by a shot, and a poor
Lascar in the boat received a wound in his arm which obliged the
Surgeon to amputate it. Night brought us a short reprieve from the
dangers which every instant flew round us in the day. But the inter-
mission of them by affording us time to reflect on our melancholy
situation rather served to increase than to alleviate our anxiety. The
vessel had already received considerable damage in the hull and rigging,
one anchor only which she was riding by remained, that could be
depended on. In short, it was more than probable fom the number
of guns now brought against us, that by the next evening she would
either be totally destroyed, or so shattered as would entirely preclude
us from any chance of escaping. I therefore earnestly conjured our
Captain, and every other person on board I thought capable, seriously
to give their attention to the forming of some expedient for our deliver-
ance. In consequence of this a considerable part of the night was spent
in a fruitless debate. To return to our former station in the river, it
was alleged, was returning to inevitable ruin, batteries might be erected
there with the advantage of being nearer to us. The gallies, boats and
fire floats which the high swell and rough sea we lay in prevented
from approaching us enabled us to act, and we were not precluded from
immediately availing ourselves of a change of wind, to run out. On the
other hand, to pass the bar while the wind blew in its present direction
was impossible, and to remain where we were, exposed to the fire of
nine or ten pieces of cannon, was certain destruction. Thus all were
sensible of our difficulties yet none offered a remedy for extricating us.
Critical as our situation was, it was necessary that something should
be done, and as I found our escape for the present impracticable I
resolved, although with little hope of success, to attempt bringing about
an accommodation.
The twenty ninth. At daybreak I ordered a white flag to be hoisted
at our top gallant mast head and some of our people by beckoning to
the Tonquinese to invite them on board. To our great astonishment
they immediately began to pull down the war flags displayed in the
batteries and to beckon to us to return. Two or three guns only were
fired and these it was imagined without shot. We could plainly per-
ceive them assembled in a consultation at the grand battery. One boat
attempted to come to us, but was obliged to put back by the high sea.
The Tonquinese, as we supposed, waiting for orders from town,
suffered us to remain unmolested the whole day. In the evening the
wind changed and at half an hour past nine o'clock was at W.S.W.
The Captain then acquainted me it was possible to get out, and was for
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Alastair Lamb
making the experiment. Our anchor, was accordingly weighed and our
sails set. In profound silence we steered S. E. I must confess for
my own part I expected nothing better than to be wrecked amongst
the breakers, conceiving that in a dark night there was little chance of
finding our way over a dangerous bar, through a channel not more than
sixty yards wide. At one time the vessel's head was close upon the
breakers of the sea reef when our sails were most fortunately taken
aback. At half past ten o'clock we crossed the bar. The Tonquinese
then perceived that we were giving them the slip and kept up a brisk
fire at us till long after we were beyond the reach of their guns; but
the darkness of the night prevented their taking good aim and not a
shot struck us. Th wind continued favourable the whole night and
the next day at eleven o'clock in the forenoon we anchored in Turon
Bay.
As it was thought that the season would now admit of our pro-
ceeding to the southward I resolved to make my stay here no longer
than would allow the Jenny to repair her damages, intending to call
at Quinion for the present Ignaac had promised to send to Bengal, and
from thence to take a pilot to conduct us to Donai. In the interim I
expected our Mandarine, with some of his friends from Hu, would
contrive to join us. But I apprehend they must either have found it
impossible to escape the vigilance of the Tonquinese or been prevented
by the extreme badness of the weather, as I never after heard of them.
The Commander of the Amazon having informed that during my
absence two Europeans, a Frenchman and a Dutchman, had run away,
I despatched my writer to the Mandarine at Faifo requesting him to
return them and a small Malay prow they had gone off in. I likewise
directed him to acquaint the Mandarine of the behaviour of the Ton-
quinese and what had happened in consequence.
My messenger returned the fifth of December. He informed me
that the Mandarine expressed himself highly pleased on his recounting
to him our disputes with the Tonquinese and that he offered in case
it should be our intention to attack them to assist us with his whole
force by sea and land. In regard to the two deserters, he acknowledged
they had been with him, and proposed to him if he would furnish them
with five or six of his gallies to seize both our vessels; he promisi to
search for them and send them down. I afterwards was at a great deal
of pains to recover these villains, but without effect. One probable
opportunity that presented itself I lament letting escape me which was
not detaining two Mandarines with their attendants who came on board
to make a bargain for delivering them up.
A Portuguese merchant who accompanied my writer as an inter-
preter acquainted me that while they were at Faifo they were privately
spoken to by some of the principal inhabitants earnestly expressing their
wishes that the English would come and assume the government of the
country, assuring them that all the natives would joyfully and instantly
submit to them as soon as a force capable of protecting them should
appear. As an inducement to this they set forth the former flourishing
state of the country, the valuable commodities it produced, the various
manufactures (now almost lost) it excelled in, and the extensive trade
it carried on. They concluded with saying that the arrival of the
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English had inspired them with hopes which they trusted they should
not be disappointed in, and requested that I might be made acquainted
with them.
The next day a letter was brought on board by a fisherman which
he said was delivered to him by a person he did not know, and who
desired him to carry it on board the English vessel. It was addressed
to Ong-tom-being* and the English gentlemen at Turon and written in
the name of a person who styled himself Teon-tow-Comtuck , nephew
to the late King and Commandant in the woods. The purport was to
inform us that he had heard of our treatment by the Tonquinese, that
he had a considerable army under his command and that if we intended
to fall upon the Tysons he desired we would fix the day when he would
co-operate with us. There was no person on board competent to judge
of the genuineness of this letter. I had suspicions of its being an arti-
fice of the Tysons to discover our intentions and detained the fisherman
two days, sending his wife and boat with orders to bring me the person
who delivered the letter to him. As we were going to sail, I then dis-
missed him thinking it not worth the trouble to concern myself further
about the matter. From the eighth to the eighteenth of December
when we finally left Turon we made repeated attempts to put to sea
and were as often till then driven back by the badness of the weather.
In one of these attempts the Jenny was separated from us.
The nineteenth. The wind increased to a violent gale which
continued to the twenty first , in the morning when we found ourselves
becalmed in a most disagreeable situation near Pulo Sapata and very
near to some rocks and breakers. About eight o'clock in the morning
a breeze sprung up with which for some time we endeavoured to steer
for Donai, but it beginning to blow very hard against us towards the
evening we were obliged to bear away and to abandon all hopes of
being able to regain the Coast of Cochin China.
The twenty third we passed Pulo Condore. The first of January ,
One thousand seven hundred and seventy nine , we anchored in Malacca
roads. Sailed from thence the eighth [of January] and arrived at
Calcutta the sixteenth of February.51*
(B)
chapman's report
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Ding-oie
Cham ...
Cong-nai
Quinion
Phu-yen ...,
Bing Khang ..., ... Dubious whether by Ignaack or
Nha-tong [ m the possession of the
Bing-thoan or Champa
Donai
The breadth of the country bears no proportion to its length;
few of the provinces extend further than a degree from east to west,
some less than twenty miles. Donai which is properly a province of
Cambodia is much larger.
The whole country is intersected by rivers which although not large
enough to admit vessels of great burthen yet are exceedingly well cal-
culated for promoting inland commerce; their streams are gentle and
the waters clear.
The climate is healthy, the violent heat of the summer months
being tempered by regular breezes from the sea. September, October
and November are the season of the rains, the low sands are then fre-
quently and suddenly overflowed by immense torrents of water which
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54. Aguila and Calambao woods. An aromatic wood found in various parts
of eastern India and S. E. Asia. It is sometimes called eagle-wood or
aloes-wood. By Calambao is meant Calambac, a word which Crawfurd
deriveis from the Javanese kalambac, and which refers to the finest grade
of eagle-wood. See: Berland, op. cit., pp. 70-72; H. Yule and A. C.
Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, London 1886, pp. 110, 258; J. Crawfurd,
Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries,
London 1856, pp. 6-7.
Sapan wood, or Sappan wood. The wood of Caesalpinia sap pan, or
Brazil-wood. Used for making dyes. See: Yule, Burnell, op. cit., p. 600;
Crawfurd, Dictionary, op. cit., p. 376.
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55. The Moi people, a generic term for the Indochinese aboriginies.
56. Caffries = Kaffirs.
60. See pp. 78~7it below for the account of the visit to Tourane of the Admiral
Pocock in 1764-65.
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and Madras cloths, opium, iron, copper, lead, hardware and glass;
some enquiries were made for broadcloth but we unfortunately had
none. These are matters of a trifling nature. In the sequel I hope to
fix the attention to many of greater importance.
The situation of Cochin China is excellently well adapted to com-
merce. Its vicinity to China, Tonquin, Japan, Cambodia, Siam, the
Malay Coast, the Philippines, Borneo, the Moluccas, & c., renders the
intercourse with all these countries short and easy. The commodious
harbours found on the coast, particularly that of Turon, afford a safe
retreat for ships of any burthen during the most tempestuous seasons
of the year.
The nations of Europe, having hitherto found it impossible to
provide cargoes sufficiently valuable to barter for the commodities of
China, are obliged to make up the deficiency by sending thither immense
quantities of bullion, by which means it has, for a number of years past,
drained the eastern and western worlds of their specie. The number of
junks annually resorting to Cochin China plainly proves how much the
productions of it are in demand amongst the Chinese. These produc-
tions, had we a settlement and a confirmed influence in the country,
might with ease be brought to center with us, purchased with the staples
of India and of Europe. Turon would become the emporium for them,
where our ships bound to Canton, from whence it is only five days sail,
might call and receive them. The quantity procurable it is impossible
to determine. Whatever it might be, it would prove a saving of so
much specie to Great Britain or India as the value of the commodities
amounted to China. In a few years there is every reason to believe a
very considerable investment might be provided.
Our trade to China has ever been burdened with enormous imposts
and exactions. These under various pretences are annually increasing,
and in process of time may become insupportable. It is an opinion
latterly grown current that the Chinese are desirous of totally excluding
all Europeans from their country. May we not hazard a conjecture that
the vexations they oblige them to suffer are the premeditated schemes of
this politic people to effect it. Were such an event to happen the want
of a settlement to the eastward would be severely felt. The Chinese
would export their own commodities and Java or the Philippines as the
nearest ports would become the marts for them. As there is no reason
to suppose that our inability to procure them from the first hand would
hinder their consumption, we must buy them either from the Dutch
or from the Spaniards. A settlement in Cochin China will give us a
superior advantage to either, both as its situation is nearer and the
Chinese are more accustomed to resort thither. In all events there is
reason to suppose it will enable us to procure the commodities of China
at a much more reasonable rate than now purchased by our factors
at Canton, and certainly on less humiliating terms to the nation. Large
colonies of Chinese have from time to time emigrated from the parent
country and fixed their abode in different parts of Cochin China. These
have their correspondents in every sea port of the Empire. Through
their means, teas, chinaware and the various other articles, the objects
of our commerce with China, might be imported in junks to our own
settlement equally good in quality, and cheaper, as the Chinese are
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(C)
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Calcutta I am etc.
17th Sept., 1779. (Signed) Cha. Chapman.
Ordered that the *narrative be copied apart from the Consultations,
and transmitted by the first ship to the Court of Directors.
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APPENDIX A.
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Dollars a pecul [or picul] for such sugar as we call in England the
Finest Lisbon. Their pecul is exactly two hundred pounds weight but
in the months of April, May and June sugar is to be bought at least
forty percent cheaper. Sugar candy of the best sort is about twenty-five
percent dearer than sugar. They make a sort of damask and a great
qantity of pilongs, which they sell considerably cheaper than at Canton.
Cotton is produced there much of the same kind as in China, but they
do not appear much acquainted with the manufacturing of it. They
have a cloth like dungaree but they seem ignorant in bleaching. There
are likewise great plenty of Aguila wood and of the finest timber, like-
wise birds nests which one sold very cheap. Silver is a scarce article
amongst them, but they have great plenty of gold in ingots. Silver may
be exchanged for gold upon every advantageous terms.
As Faifo is not the capital of the country, Captain Blomfield cannot
particularly describe what branches of trade and manufactures may be
carried on at and about the capital where the King resides which is three
days journey from Faifo. A great part of the inhabitants even at Faifo
appeared in silk dresses from which it is natural to infer there is great
plenty of that article produced in the country. There is a great appear-
ance of plenty and riches amongst them.
It is very necessary to carry some presents for the King such as
gold and silver, muslim, kincobs,62 a few pieces of broadcloth, cheap
cutlery, glassware and a pair of glasses, some cordials and sweet wine;
as the King offered to grant Captain Riddle an exclusive trade to his
country we may expect the same indulgence by judicious management.
At our first setting out, some presents of inferior value will be necessary
for the Minister and Mandarines about his Majesty; some attention
must likewise be given to Padre Loreiro, a Portuguese Jesuit who has
long resided there and is a man of influence with his Majesty.
62. Kincobs. A gold brocade fabric. See: Yule, Burnell, op. cit., pp. 368-369.
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appendix .
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81
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CHAPTER IV.
CHAPMAN'S
CHAPMAN'S the political proposalsthe
statepolitical statenotofChinaCochin
of were Cochin followedChina
future too uncertain to make the prospect of an attempt to
wasdisturbed
was up. too too disturbed
It was clear andand
thatits
its
establish a British settlement there very attractive. In any case, shortly
after Chapman's departure the strategic need for such a settlement
became far less pressing with the British occupation of the French
possessions in India following the French intervention in the American
war. France, without Pondichery, could not be expected to achieve
much in Cochin China; and only the fear of sustained and successful
French intervention in this region could have produced an active British
policy. Cochin China was remote from British territory, and the
arguments for an establishment there had to compete with proposals for
the solution of some of the problems of the China trade in other
directions: for example, proposals for the establishment of British
relations with Peking, either direct or through the mediation of the
Panchen Lama of Tibet, and for the extension of British influence in
Malayasia.
In 1785 Pondichery was returned to France, and this event
coincided with the reappearance of the threat of French power in
Cochin China. By 1787 France was on the verge of acquiring a pro-
tectorate over the territories of the Nguyen Dynasty. The Treaty of
Versailles of that year promised French help to Nguyen Anh against
the Tay-son in return for French settlements and preferential status in
Indochina. Had this document been implemented, and had the French
Monarchy survived to exploit the opportunities which it presented, it is
most probable that Indochina would have become a real base for
French rivalry with British India. Even in its failure the Treaty of
1787 provided a psychological basis for French intervention in Indo-
china in the second half of the nineteenth century.
The Treaty of Versailles was the achievement of a French
missionary, Pigneau de Behaine, Bishop of Adran, who was able to
help Nguyen Anh in his escape from the Tay-son in 1777, and who
thereafter won a great measure of confidence and affection from the
Nguyen ruler. Pigneau de Behaine, who became in 1775 the head of
the establishments of the Missions Etrangres in Indochina, appreciated
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Pl. Route of the Macartney
Embassy. (From Staunton, op. dt,
Atlas of Plates.)
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that a victory of the Nguyen offered the best chance for the spread of
Christianity in these regions. Vo-vuong, with his friendship to the
Jesuits Kffler, de Monteiro and de Loureiro, had established a tradition
which Pigneau de Behaine hoped Nguyen Anh would follow to become
not only the champion of the Christian cause but also the ally of
France.
Nguyen Anh was certainly most reluctant to accept the French
help which Pigneau de Behaine offered to secure for him. It was only
in 1783, after the disasters to his forces which accompanied the fourth
capture of Saigon by the Tay-son, that he gave serious consideration to
this prospect and entrusted his son Prince Canh to the French bishop
as a pledge of his earnestness in this matter. It was not until the end
of 1784, when an attempt to recoup his fortunes with the help of King
Rama I of Siam had failed, that he authorised Pigneau de Behaine to
go to seek this aid.
Pigneau de Behaine, accompanied by the young Prince Canh,
arrived in Pondichery in February 1785 with a draft Franco- Vietnamese
treaty in his pocket; but he found that the government of the French
settlements in India was opposed to his plans. Pondichery had just
been returned to France by the British. The acting governor,
Coutenceau des Algrins, shared the death-bed conclusion of Bussy that
the French only existed in India so long as the British tolerated them.
He disapproved, therefore, of Pigneau de Behaine' s project which he
saw as yet another of those schemes which had frittered away French
power in the East. On the folly of French intervention in Indochina he
wrote that:
a prince [Nguyen Anh] who has fought for eight years
and has never had any success is either without great ability
or is not loved by his subjects. An attachment cannot exist
between a man who carries out all his whims and men bent
under the yoke of tyranny and oppression. The expenses
which must be met in going to take this prince and his suite,
and the far more considerable ones involved in transporting
troops and arms to wage war at one of the ends of the world,
cannot be borne by us who are at this moment lacking much
that is indispensable
83
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84
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These arguments held a far greater attraction for the Ministry than
those of Coutenceau des Algrins. France, indeed, was in that very
condition which the acting Governor General at Pondichery declared so
confidently she was not; and the vision offered by Pigneau de Behaine
was irresistible. Thus, on 28th November, 1787, Comte de Montmorin,
the French Foreign Minister, and Pigneau de Behaine, as Nguyen Anh's
plenipotentiary, signed a treaty at Versailles which embodied the terms
on which France would give aid to the Nguyen Dynasty.
1 . The French agreed to help in the most effective way they could
the efforts of the King of Cochin China to regain control of his
dominions.
2. For this purpose the French agreed, to send to Cochin China
four frigates with 200 infantry, 200 artillerymen, and 250 native soldiers.
These troops would be fully equipped.
3. The King of Cochin China agreed to cede to France "even-
tually" the absolute property in and sovereignty over "the island which
forms the principal port of Cochin China, called Hoi-nan and by the
Europeans Tour on ".
4. Apart from this island, the French would have the right to
found all the settlements which they might consider it desirable to
possess on the mainland.
5. The King of France would also be given possession of Pulo
Condore.
85
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proposed French settlements on Hoi -nan (which the English knew as the
Island of Callao) and Pulo Condore.68
While the French Ministry was prepared to negotiate this Treaty,
it was still in considerable doubt as to the wisdom of intervention in
Cochin China. It had been much alarmed by the anti-French policy
which, with the help of Prussian troops, William V had been able to
impose on the Netherlands in 1787, and which deprived the French
of so many potential bases in eastern waters. Hence de Montmorin
left the final decision as to the sending of French aid to Nguyen Anh
to the Comte de Conway, Governor General at Pondichery. In May
1788, when Pigneau de Behaine and the Prince Canh reached Pondi-
chery on their way back to Cochin China, they brought with them not
only the text of the Treaty of Versailles but also secret instructions for
de Conway which, unknown to the bishop, empowered the Governor
General to make up his own mind as to the wisdom of the Cochin
China venture.
De Conway, like Coutenceau des Algrins, was strongly opposed to
Pigneau de Behaine's scheme which he felt was beyond the available
resources of France and likely to lead to trouble with the British.
Pigneau de Behaine was able, however, despite de Conway's refusal to
help, to raise and equip from his own resources four ship-loads of
volunteers whom he promptly despatched to Nguyen Anh. This help
reached Indochina in September 1788, and Pigneau de Behaine followed
it in May 1789. Thus de Conway's opposition had not prevented
French intervention in Indochina; but it altered significantly its shape.
The Treaty of Versailles had provided for support to the Nguyen by
the French Monarchy. What in fact materialised was a private enter-
prise of Pigneau de Behaine, and the Treaty was to all intents and
purposes a dead letter. With the outbreak of the French Revolution
and the disappearance of the monarchy it lost any remaining force;
but this did not prevent later French statesmen and admirals from
reviving this document.
Nguyen Anh must have been glad to discover that events had
turned out in this way. During Pigneau de Behaine's absence his
fortunes began to change for the better. In September 1788, with
Siamese support, he recaptured Saigon for the fourth and last time.
While the aid which Pigneau secured was still of great value, it no
longer offered the only hope of a Nguyen victory and it certainly did
not justify any longer the eventual cession to France of Vietnamese
territory. Numerically, French help was of no great significance. Its
chief importance lay in the provision of a few military and naval experts
who were able to bring something of European organisation and equip-
68. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 185-188.
86
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88
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89
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50 Hogs
150 Ducks
90
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Plate IV. A Cochin Chinese Mandarin. (Crawfurd. Embassy, op. cit.)
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91
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92
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93
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94
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95
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Appendix
96
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Maybon points out that his version differs somewhat from the
official text, of which a summary has been given above. Its arrange-
ment is not the same and it gives far higher figures for the quantity of
French aid than were in fact specified. On the other hand, as Maybon
also notes, Barrow's text agrees very closely with the version which has
been preserved in Vietnamese sources, and which probably represented
a preliminary draft of the proposed treaty as drawn up by Nguyen
Anh and Pigneau de Behaine.78
Where did Barrow obtain this text? His account gives no answer
to this question. Much of Barrow's information on the history of
Cochin China was derived from a memoir by Barizy, a Frenchman
who had at one time served under Pigneau de Behaine (see p. 102 below).
97
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Perhaps Barrow's text came from this source. On the other hand, it is
possible that this version might have been communicated to the British
by someone in Pondichery at the time of Pigneau de Behaine's journey
to France, and thus have been known to Macartney when he was in
Tourane. Staunton's narrative suggests some familiarity with the terms
of this treaty; and the Macartney Embassy was certainly aware of the
proposed cession of the Island of Callao to France. The British seem
to have been under no illusions as to Pigneau de Behaine's intentions
from the moment he left Cochin China for Pondichery; Francis Light,
for example, sent to Bengal in January, 1786, a fairly full account of
the missionary bishop's plans which he had derived mainly from
Siamese sources.79
98
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Fig. 6. Chart of the Tourane region, from the survey made dur
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/';-=09 )(8* =-0/']
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CHAPTER V.
(A)
BACKGROUND
99
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100
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as it now was under Nguyen Anh, than ever was the war torn country
which Chapman and Macartney had visited. This mission to Cochin
China, in fact, was another demonstration of that fear of the use to
which France might put the coming of peace which had been an
important consideration behind Symes's mission to Ava in 1802. As
Lord Wellesley, the Governor General of India, observed in his instruc-
tions to Symes:
His Excellency thinks it extremely probable that the
Government of France will take advantage of the season of
peace to endeavour to establish a connection with the State of
Ava, an occurrence which may eventually be productive of
material injury to the British interests in India. It is this con-
sideration which principally constitutes the political importance
to the Company of an improved alliance with the State of
Ava, which would necessarily tend to the exclusion of the
French interest.84
The envoy selected was David Lance, who was about to go out to
Canton to take a seat on the Select Committee of the Supercargoes
there. He was instructed by the Secret Committee of the Court of
Directors of the East India Company to call in at Cochin China on
his way to China, and to establish relations with the king of that coun-
try. Lance, on board the Coutts commanded by Captain Torin,
reached Cape St. James in early September, 1803. He intended to
proceed to Saigon, where he had reason to believe the king was then
residing, but an encounter with the brig Eleanor, commanded by
Captain Allan, caused him to change his plans, for Allan sent a note
to say that the king was at present either in Hu or campaigning in
Tonkin.85
(B)
DAVID LANCE DECIDES NOT TO CALL IN AT COCHIN CHINA.
101
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a vessel built by the King [of Cochin China] and given by him to
Messrs. Abbott & Co.; that had the weather favoured him he should
have endeavoured to have disposed of his cargo at Saygon but the
season was too far advanced for that delay, and as no commerce of
consequence could be carried on but with the King, he intended to
proceed immediately to Hui. He fully confirmed the accounts of the
favourable disposition of the King towards the English, and that of their
exemption from all dues. He said that Mns. Barisy87 was dead and
that a ship, the Griffin , from Madras was daily expected on the coast
belonging to the house of Abbott & Co. to take away the proceeds of
200,000 dollars belonging to that house entrusted to the management
of Mns. Barisy; that we should get no intelligence of any kind in the
Bay [of St. James] and he conceived it would be at least four days
before we could reach Saygon where at present there only resided a
mandarin of inferior rank. Captain Allan was of the opinion that the
King could send an answer to me at Canton to any letter I might send
by him, either overland or by a returning vessel, and promised carefully
to deliver any I might entrust to him.
From the above information, which I have no reason to suspect, I
am of the opinion it was a cause of much risk of delay to proceed into
the Bay of St. James and from thence to Saygon from whence it
appears the respectable establishment is now removed; and I could only
have communication with inferior officers who probably can give me
no information on the motions of the court.
(C)
THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE SUPERCARGOES AT CANTON DEPUTE
ROBERTS TO COCHIN CHINA IN THE PLACE OF LANCE.
102
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88. I have been unable to find any information on Roberts' early life. In
January 1807 he became President of the Select Committee of the Super-
cargoes at Canton, but was dropped from the Committee in December,
1810. In 1812 he was reappointed a member of the Committee. He died
at Canton in November, 1813.
89. For the Nonsuch affair see note 96 below.
The aid to a British vessel in distress was probably the incident to
which Barrow referred, Barrow, op. cit., p. 280. An English vessel from
Canton, according to his story, called in at Saigon where both the master
and the first officer died. The Cochin Chinese authorities thereupon
instructed Barizy to assemble a crew, sail the vessel back to Canton and
hand it over to its owners. Barrow gave no date for this incident.
103
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(D)
ROBERTS' INSTRUCTIONS
104
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93. Dalrymple's two memoirs are not, unfortunately, included in the collections
in Secret Consultations China, vol. 268. Dalrymple (see pp. 11, 15 above)
was much impressed by Cochin China as the potential site of a British
settlement. In his Oriental Repertory , 2 vols., London 1808, vol. 2, pp. 321-
322, under the heading " Some notes concerning the trade to China" and
written in 1790, he made the following observations on Cochin China:
it is obvious that the Chinese trade must lie under great
disadvantages, from the regulations under which it is necessarily
carried on: and it is equally certain that very great advantages
would have attended a settlement of our own, in the vicinity of
China, to which the Chinese junks from all the maritime ports of
that Empire could have freely come. The pamphlet I formerly
published on the proposed settlement at Balambangan has discussed
that matter at large; and although all circumstances considered I
know of no situation so admirably adapted for an Oriental empo-
rium, considered with respect to China only I should prefer Cochin
China even to it : and as it is likely that the French in their present
confusion should abandon, if they have not already abandoned, that
enterprise, it would be very desirable to get possession of Turon,
which is a harbour formed by a high peninsula connected to the
continent by a long low isthmus, and consequently has a natural
capacity to be rendered impregnable, at a small expense; and this
peninsula is of sufficient extent for all necessary cultivation and
habitation: and the Chinese junks, of all sizes, would navigate
thither, never being out of sight of land and but a very little way
out of sight of their own coasts.
A depot in China, which was in contemplation, cannot answer
the desired purpose, because, supposing, what is by no means pro-
bable, that the Chinese Government would have allowed an
European fixed establishment in their country, the trade would be
carried out under the1 same restrictions as at present, and the vicinity
would expose them to effectual obstructions from the officers of
government. This objection would operate against Macao, should
the course of European politics ever eixpose the Portuguese flag to
hostility. Macao is also very strong by natural situation, but the
peninsula is barren and not fit for cultivation like that of Turon, and
the harbour of Macao will not admit ships of the largest size.
94. This is certainly a most exaggerated account of the strength of the forces
of the Nguyen. Barrow, op. cit., p. 283, apparently quoting Barizy, des-
cribed an army of 1 1 3,000 men and a navy of 26,800 men.
95. Neither of these is in Secret Consultations China , vol. 268. Barizy's letter
may well be that document which Barrow relied upon for so much of his
information on Cochin China. (Barrow, op. cit., p. 271.)
Marchini was in close touch with the missionaries in Cochin China.
Barizy also corresponded with him and seems to have been a close friend.
105
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Every account confirms the King's good will to our nation, and
desire of connecting himself with us; unfortunately his advances have
hitherto met with no encouragement; on the contrary by some un-
accountable neglect, they have either been forgotten or slighted; and
in return for acts of hospitality and kindness he has been subject from
ignorance of our maritime regulations to losses by predatory war.
It appears that on the 20th of October, 1799, he addressed a letter
in duplicate to His Majesty. The original, it is attested, was sent to
His Excellency the Governor General and the duplicate to Tranquebar
to be forwarded to the Danish Ambassador at our Court. There is
reason to suppose that neither of these letters reached His Majesty, at
least there was no advice of them at the Office of the Board of Control.
The object of this letter, after conveying professions of esteem and
expressing desire of a connexion, was to reclaim a vessel belonging to
him captured by the Nonsuch , Capt. Thomas, and condemned and
sold on pretence of wanting some necessary documents.96
The King's regard for the English is said to have suffered some
diminuition from this act and the subsequent inattention to his letters
and claims. It must be your first object to explain this affair in the
best manner you are able. You may positively assert that his letters
have not reached England and that the want of customary papers may
have rendered his vessel subject to capture, by the right of our Maritime
Laws, you have little doubt on the affair being explained to the
Governor General, he will give him redress.
The favourable state of the King's affairs will now, we hope, render
all European aid unnecessary to him, as we fear such assistance would
ultimately prove fatal to his independence and would probably be the
cause of great expense and final embarrassment to us; but it may happen
that we shall be obliged to give him this assistance to prevent his receiv-
ing it from our Enemies, which, and their probable consequent establish-
ment, it must be our great object to prevent. Should any overtures be
made to you on this subject, you should offer to convey them to the
96. In August, 1797, off Penang Captain Thomas of the British frigate Nonsuch
confiscated the merchant vessel Armida and its cargo. The Armida, which
was commanded by Barizy, was trading on behalf of Nguyen Anh and
carried a cargo, mainly of sugar, destined for the Danish firm of Harrop
and Stevenson of Tranquebar which had been acting as an agent of the
Cochin Chinese King. Captain Thomas put the Armida' s cargo to sale,
and no doubt justified this action on the grounds that Barizy was a French
national. Barizy hastened to Calcutta to protest against this action, but
found little sympathy on the part of the British authorities there. Nguyen
Anh then sent another Frenchman in his service, Olivier de Puymanel, to
Calcutta to seek the return of the Armida and its cargo. Olivier impressed
the Company with his argument that the King of Cochin China, an ally
of the Chinese Emperor, might well be in a position to harm the British
trading position at Canton, and it was decided at least to return to the
Cochin Chinese the value of the Armida and its cargo. The Armida was
eventually returned to Saigon, but not until the King of Cochin China
had attempted to use Danish mediation in an appeal to the King of
England. (See: Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 254; S. Karpels, Un cas de
droit maritime international en 1797 , Bulletin de la Socit des Etudes
Indochinoises, NS, vols. 3 & 4, 1948, pp. 125-131. Neither of these authori-
ties states when the reparation took place. From what the Select Com-
mittee wrote one may presume that in 1803 either this reparation had not
yet taken place, or they had not been informed of it.)
106
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furnished with samples of all the woollens imported here by the Com-
pany, have sanguine hopes that a considerable portion of it will consist
of that valuable article of our national manufacture. In return you
will engage to take such articles of export as will find a market at
Canton. Probably at the commencement of this exchange these may
not be procurable in considerable quantities, yet as the relative value
of gold to silver is less in that country than in any part of the East,
an advantageous payment of any balance might be received in that
article. Sugar was formerly sold at Touron for 2' dollars per picul,
and the finest cotton at nine tales.
We would advise you first to proceed to the port of Touron which
is within thirty miles of the capital of Hui, or Hui Foo, where you will
procure information of the King's residence and take the first oppor-
tunity of advising him of your arrival and mission, and endeavour to
procure an audience as soon as possible. Should the King not be
at his Court, you will take the speediest mode of following him.
The term of your residence must be regulated by your own discre-
tion; at that period when you conceive you have attained the object
of your mission you will proceed to Bengal, touching at Malacca or
Pulo Penang, leaving there with the Governor or Resident a packet for
the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors (with a communication
to be destroyed in case the ship by which it may be sent should be in
danger from an enemy) advising them of your proceedings and of
the course of your mission, which is to be conveyed by our ships from
hence, should they pass through the Straits of Malacca, or otherwise
forwarded by the way of Madras. At the same place, and to be
conveyed in the same manner, you will leave the various specimens
of the produce and manufactures of Cochin China, duplicates of which
you will take with you to Bengal.
On your arrival at Calcutta you will deliver the packet you will
receive from us for the Most Noble the Governor General, and com-
municate to him the whole of your proceedings, and your future conduct
will be guided by such instructions as you will receive from him.
Mr. Charles Mackintosh, late a commander in the country service
and well known to you, is going passenger in the Gunjava to Bengal;
as this gentleman, when engaged in commerce, had it in view to touch
at Cochin China, and in consequence cultivated the acquaintance of
the Cochin Chinese Ambassadors when at Canton last season and has
received from them letters of recommendation to their Sovereign101,
as he is perfectly acquainted with the navigation of the China Seas and
particularly with the coast of Cochin China, we have thought proper
to communicate to him the object of your mission which he has oblig-
ingly offered his services to promote. As he is well versed with the
101. Fallowing the completion of the conquest of Tonkin, Nguyen Anh sent
an embassy to the Chinese Emperor to seek Chinese confirmation of his
rule. The two junks conveying this mission arrived in the Bogue in
August, 1802, and were detained there for about a month before permis-
sion came for the envoys to go on to Peking. The result of this embassy
was that while Nguyen Anh was acknowledged as a tributary of China,
this was done in such a way as to arouse his resentment, or so Roberts
was to report. (See: Morse, Chronicles, op. cit., vol. II, p. 398.)
109
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We are,
Sir,
(E)
ROBERTS AT TOURANE
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102. Jean Baptiste Chaigneau was born in Brittany in 1769. After service in
the French navy he came to Indochina in 1794 and joined Pigneau de
Behaine. He fought with Nguyen Anh on land and sea against the Tay-
son. He was given the Vietnamese rank of general in 1803. In 1820,
after the Bourbon restoration, he was appointed French Consul in Hu.
He left Indochina in 1824 and died in France in 1832.
103. Philippe Vannier was born in Brittany in 1762. He served in the French
navy and then, in 1789, joined Pigneau de Behaine. With J. M. Dayot he
helped Nguyen Anh build up an effective naval force. In 1802 he was
confirmed by Nguyen Anh (who had just assumed the name Gia Long)
in the rank of 1st class mandarin. He left Indochina in 1824 and died in
France in 1842.
Ill
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112
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into by the King, but that as he was now in full possession of his
dominions he did not require any foreign aid nor would he be disposed
to grant any tract of land or island. I again repeated what had before
been said with assurances that nothing further was required but what
would afford mutual advantage and security to the proposed commerce.
Unacquainted with the character and sentiments towards our nation of
the person who made these observations, it is impossible to say what
degree of reliance may be placed on them. It may be proper to observe
that on every occasion he seemed to wish to impress us with the power
and resources of the King in whose service he was.
Having come to the resolution of quitting this port without waiting
for an interview with His Majesty, it remained for consideration the
propriety of leaving the presents with the delivery of which I was
charged, or of carrying them to Malacca. By leaving them much of
their effect would be lost, and as perhaps it would be thought improper
to return without something for the King, it would be exposing the
Hon'ble Company to additional expense. The object to be gained by
leaving them was preventing their exposure to loss by capture which I
conceived was so considerable a risk that I determined to make the
offer of presenting them by the means of Mns. Vannier if he was
authorised and disposed to receive them. It was accordingly proposed
to him, but on his observing that perhaps the King would wish to be
made acquainted with the objects of the mission prior to receiving any-
thing of that nature, the intention was immediately relinquished. It is
unnecessary to note the remainder of the conversation, during which
we endeavoured without success to procure commercial information
from our guests.
(F)
113
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Hon'ble Sirs,
Your most faithful, humble servant,
Malacca, J. W. Roberts.
117
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CHAPTER VI.
(A)
104. The fortunes of a family like that of Barizy, by no means atypical of this
troubled period of French history, could well give grounds for such a
belief. Barizy wrote to Marchini in April, 1801, that the Revolution had
affected his family thus:
M. de Flotte, my uncle, Governor of Toulon for the King,
his throat cut; my uncle M. Boisquenai, commander at Lorient,
degraded, forced to flee for his life, proscribed; my uncle M. Barizy,
priest, imprisoned in a dungeon; my brother-in-law M. Lorach,
hanged; my cousin M. Le Veyer, hanged. (Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I,
p. 253.)
Moreover, men like Vannier and Chaigneau were Bretons, and thus came
from a region which remained strongly Monarchist and clerical.
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Plate V. A Cochin Chinese Lady. (From Crawfurd, Embassy , op. cit.)
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Missions to Cochin China
119
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Alastair Lamb
judicial to the views and interests of the French nation. It may rather
be supposed that those persons will endeavour to frustrate both our
political and commercial views in Cochin China.
The private interest and the local and temporary views of the
French now resident in Cochin China may however render their services
useful to you under proper precautions. I am directed with these
observations to suggest to you the inexpediency of rendering any of
these persons the channel of confidential negotiation with the King of
Cochin China, if you should be enabled either to communicate per-
sonally with his Majesty or to employ agents of another description for
purposes of negotiation.
12. If the disposition of the King of Cochin China towards the
British Government be as favourable as it has been represented to be,
his ready consent to the establishment of a commercial connexion with
the Company may reasonably be expected.
13. It may also be expected that His Majesty will be induced to
consent to the conclusion of engagements with the British Government
of a Commercial and Political nature on principles of reciprocal benefit,
and the following are the general terms of a political nature which in the
judgement of His Excellency in Council would promote the accomplish-
ment of the objects in the contemplation of the Hon'ble Committee.
1st. A stipulation of the permanence of friendship between the
two states.
2nd. The free use of the ports of Cochin China to all British ships
for the purposes of commerce or of obtaining provisions and of repair-
ing eventual damages.
3rd. The grant of an island or tract of land on the coast of Cochin
China in perpetual sovereignty of the the Hon'ble Company.
4th. A stipulation on the part of His Majesty never to permit a
French establishment within his dominions for any real or ostensible
purpose whatever.
5th. The Hon'ble Company to engage to supply His Majesty with
arms and military stores at the amount of their actual cost to any
practicable extent provided that such arms and military stores be not
at any time required by His Majesty for the purpose or prosecuting
hostilities against the Emperor of China or against any other state or
country in alliance or friendship with the Company.
6th. A provision for the annual supply of a specified quantity of
saltpetre from India to Cochin China under the reservation stated in
article 5th.
14. The stipulations of a commercial nature, which should form a
part of die proposed engagements with the King of Cochin China, must
depend in a great degree on the further information which you may
acquire in Cochin China with respect to the demands and the products
of the country, and the instructions of the Hon'ble Committee added
to your own just comprehension of that subject, preclude the necessity
of any suggestion on tiiat branch of the proposed arrangement.
15. The preceding stipulations involve the utmost extent of con-
cessions which under actual circumstances the King of Cochin China
can be expected to grant.
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121
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Alastair Lamb
122
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Missions to Cochin China
subject of adding to the presents with which you are already charged
for the King of Cochin China, and of providing presents to the officers
of Government and other persons in Cochin China.
26. The Governor General deems it highly expedient that you
should be furnished with presents for His Majesty to be delivered in
the name of the Governor General, and also with such articles as may
enable you occasionally to make presents to the officers of Government
and to other persons in Cochin China whose situation or services may
render such donations advisable. You will accordingly be pleased to
transmit to me a list of such articles as you may deem necessary for
the purposes above described to be submitted to the aprobation of His
Excellency the Governor General.
27. You will be furnished by the Persian Secretary with a letter
to the King of Cochin China which His Excellency the Governor
General in Council has deemed it proper to address to His Majesty on
this occasion.
(Signed: N. B. Edmonstone, Secretary to Government, 20th April, 1804)
(B)
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Alastair Lamb
()
July 22nd.
Anchored at about one o'clock this day in Turon Bay, when the
mandarin who had before visited the Gun java came on board, to whom
I delivered the letter to be forwarded to Fai Foo, with which he
immediately went on shore. At anchor off the entrance of the harbour
were two of the King's junks, bound to Hu, but the appearance of
blowing weather had alarmed them and they stood into the Bay with
us. These for country vessels appeared remarkably well constructed.
They had been much improved in imitation of European ships .... The
commanders of these vessels came in the evening to visit us. At the
termination of the war the guns had been taken out of these vessels,
and they were now employed in conveying a cargo of rice from the
southward to the capital.
July 23rd.
Late in the evening a mandarin from Fai Foo came on board,
accompanied by the mandarin of Turon. He informed me that the
letter I had written had been received and immediately sent to the
capital, and in four or five days an answer might be expected and
some person sent to conduct us to His Majesty's court.
Until the 29th we remained in expectation of hearing from the
King. On the evening of that day I was informed by Mr. Rock,105 who
had been on shore, that a mandarin from Hu had just arrived and
that three boats were on their way down for my conveyance to Hu.
He also said this person wished to see me on shore the following
morning.
July 30th.
Early in the morning the mandarin from Turon came on board
and acquainted me with the arrival of the mandarin from Hue Foo
whom he represented as one of three deputed by the King to conduct
me to his capital. It appeared that his commission was jointly with
the others, and that he had hastened down to make preparations for
their reception. Under these circumstances therefore I did not think
it necessary to visit him but sent my compliments, and that if he was
inclined to come on board or had anything to communicate, I should
be happy to see or hear from him.
July 31st .
The next morning he came on board accompanied by one of the
principal mandarins of Fai Foo. In the person arrived from Hu we
recognized the junior member of the council at Fai Foo when we visited
that place in December. They acquainted us with the arrival of the
105. Mr. Rock was a Frenchman with trading experience of Cochin China who
accompanied Roberts from Calcutta and who acted as an interpreter and
liaison officer.
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Missions to Cochin China
other mandarins from Hu, of which we had long before been informed
and had seen the boats pass. This appeared merely a visit of ceremony.
They brought with them a present of poultry and fruit and such articles
as they thought would be acceptable on board, and said the mandarins
just arrived were fatigued with their voyage but would visit me the next
morning. After partaking of some refreshment these men took their
leave. Some hours after their departure a servant of the mandarins
from Hu attended by an old linguist came on board with the compli-
ments of his masters, and said that from fatigue they were unable to
come on board but would be happy to see me on shore. As I could
not without inconvenience at that time quit the ship, and not being
very desirous of complying with an invitation delivered in the manner
this was, I sent word I could not conveniently visit them at that time,
but Captain Macintosh intended going on shore in the evening and
would pay his respects to them, and that I should be happy to receive
them on board the following morning. On Captain Macintosh's return
I found he had been received by the mandarins from Hu, one of
whom, the superior, seeming a man of some consequence. The other
was Snr. Joao Babtiste who had been sent to Turon when I was there
in December last, and, I understood, acted in the capacity of interpreter
to the King. They informed Captain Macintosh they would come on
board or receive me on shore as I preferred, but as they had some
communication to make and wished to be informed of the nature of the
business I was come upon, the latter would be the most convenient as
they had their writers and other conveniences more about them than
they would have on board. In consequence I determined to go on
shore the next morning.
August 1st.
Early in the morning a boat was sent from the mandarins with a
message communicated by the inferior mandarin of Fai Foo importing
that it was sent for my conveyance. I preferred, however, going in the
ship's boat, and about nine o'clock, accompanied by Captain Macintosh
and Lieut. Trinder I proceeded on shore where we were received much
in the same manner as on former occasions except that guards and
attendants in general were more numerous. They informed me they
were ordered to assure me of His Majesty's satisfaction at my arrival,
and requested to be informed of the nature of my mission. I replied
that they had been fully informed when I was at this port in December,
and with which Snr. Joao Babtiste to whom I addressed myself was
acquainted. They were not however satisfied with this but now desirous
of having copies of the letters I had in charge, with which the senior
mandarin would immediately proceed to Hu and return with the
necessary accommodation for our conveyance to the court of His
Majesty.
This request under many circumstances I should not have thought
proper to have complied with, but in a situation where there was reason
to suppose reports of the purport of the mission highly injurious to its
interests would be circulated, I considered there could not be a more
effectual mode of removing the impression such reports might have
caused than giving publicity to letters so strongly expressive of the desire
of strengthening the friendship at present subsisting between the British
125
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Alastair Lamb
126
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Missions to Cochin China
106. Cape Choumay. Findlay describes this as "the extremity of a round and
rugged peninsula of moderate height, which, united to the coast by an
isthmus of sand, appears like an island with two summits when seen from
the N.E. or S.W. A chain of high mountains with round summits extends
almost to the coast. There is a good anchorage in a small bay on the
West side of the cape where there is a river. A canal leads from Cape
Choumay to Hu, and facilitates the communication between that city and
Turon." (A. G. Findlay, A Directory for the Navigation of the Indian
Archipelago , etc., 2nd edition, London 1878, p. 455.)
127
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Alastair Lamb
August 10th .
At daybreak found ourselves approaching the capital of Cochin
China. The port of the city we passed does not present a very magni-
ficent appearance but is apparently extensive and populous. The houses
being all of wood and straw gives a mean appearance to those accus-
tomed to more substantial structures. As we proceeded against the
tide our progress was slow, and at eight o'clock we landed immediately
fronting the house fitted up for our reception, at the entrance to which
we were received by two mandarins, one we understood to be the Prime
Minister - meaning I believe only a man high in his sovereigns confi-
dence - the other whose office I could not exactly learn was a man
deputed by the King as his ambassador to the Emperor of China.
These men made some enquiries respecting some part of the letters they
did not understand, and shortly after took their leave.
The place fitted up for us appeared to have been originally intended
as a place of worship. It was now provided with partitions of cotton
cloth with silk hangings in different places, and made a very com-
fortable temporary lodging place for our attendants, and offices were
also provided. Shortly after our arrival a more than sufficient quantity
of such articles as it was supposed we should require was sent, and
we were informed we should receive a daily suuply and that every other
necessary required should be furnished. In the course of the morning
I received a message expressing His Majesty's congratulation and satis-
faction at my arrival with repeated enquiries to know if every wished
for necessary was supplied. A boat was also sent should we wish to
divert ourselves on the river. The old mandarin, by name Ong-to-noe,
still continued with us and the interpreter was our almost constant
attendant. This man, whom I considered might be extremely useful, I
endeavoured to make my friend by every means; but he refused every
present offered to him as improper to be received until I had seen the
King. That ceremony over, he expressed his willingness to receive any
mark of my friendship. It was hinted to him that in the event of a
commerce being established between his nation and the Hon'ble
Company he would no doubt be appointed interpreter to them, with a
monthly salary. This man had in the early part of his life visited
Bengal, and returned to his native country with Captain Hutton, Com-
mander of the Jennv, when Mr. Chapman visited Cochin China, and
acting as servant to Captain Hutton during his stay in the country. The
mandarin who returned on that occasion was, we learnt, uncle to the
present King.
August 11th.
The morning of the 11th the mandarin who had received us visited
me for the purpose of obtaining a more full explanation of the letters.
The translations they had made were explained to me, and I was happy
to find were much more correct than I had expected. I endeavoured
to amend such parts as seemed to reauire it, and I trust the sentiments
of the Hon'ble Company and His Excellency the Governor General
will be fully conveyed to His Majesty. Thev also wished to have a list
of the presents, and as this was more easilv done by shewing them
than by description, thev were unpacked and exhibited. I was sorry
to find that the frames of the convex mirrors nearly destroyed and also
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Missions to Cochin China
129
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Alastair Lamb
gates of the old fort near the landing place were four handsome large
brass guns which had lately been cast at this place. Their dimensions
were: calibre eight and eight tenths inches; length from muzzle to
breach 17 feet; greatest diameter two feet five inches, smallest one foot
six inches. Some little delay taking place in bringing the presents on
shore, we wlked to the place were these guns were, and from thence
proceeded to the palace by the gateway opposite to which we landed, to
the left of which is a large building open in front and looked used as
an arsenal. In the front, pointing to the river, were six long handsome
brass guns. The wall of the old fort is nearly destroyed, I imagine to
furnish material for carrying on the extensive new works the King is
constructing. Behind the arsenal is a flag staff on which the yellow
fl^g was displayed on our approach. About 80 yards in a line behind
the first building is a council hall, a large open building before which
the presents were laid. At some distance in front as well as the sides
sheds are at present erected for the carpenters employed in preparing
materials for the new palace. On each side of the council hall and
sheds in front, 10 elephants were drawn up forming between them
and the buildings an avenue on either side. Two lines of troops, one
armed with muskets, the other with spears, were drawn up from each
front corner of the arsenal to the river; and in the same manner from
the council hall to the carpenters' sheds, these armed with muskets and
swords. A number of men with drums were in front of each line.
There was also a guard at the gateway who presented arms on my
passing. Our palanquin's guard and servants were not permitted to
pass the gateway.
We were conducted along the avenue to the right, and passing a
small gateway in a wall continued from the back of the council hall at
which a small guard was stationed who likewise presented arms, turn-
ing immediately to the right we entered a spacious court. At the upper
end was the hall of audience. Two lines of troops in the same manner
as before the other buildings were drawn up, and within them the
principal officers of government. The dress of the troops was mainly
similar to that of the rowers already described, except that they were
of various colours, yellow, green and blue and all with big sleeves.
The general covering of the head was a conical cap with some ornament
on top. One body of men had no caps.
We were conducted to the centre of the square, and desired to
pay our respects to the King whom we observed seated cross legged
on a low couch with a table before him and a handsomely painted
screen behind. His dress was yellow silk with figures of dragons
embroidered, and a black cap richly ornamented with gold. At this
place the letters were delivered by the men who had brought them
thus far to two mandarins of superior rank, and after bowing we were
conducted to the end of the right line of mandarins, who on an order
given advanced some of them within the building; and the letters being
conveyed and placed on the table before His Majesty, we followed
and were placed in a direction with the line of pillars to the right of the
throne nearly in front of the building. After making our bow the
King commenced the conversation by enquiring how long we had been
on our passage from Bengal, and whether myself and Captain Mac-
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Plate VI. A Cochin Chinese soldier, drawn by W. Alexander
(From Barrow, Cochinchina , op. cit.)
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Missions to Cochin China
intosh were the persons who had been in Touron last season; also the
name of Lieut. Trinder; which being answered, he observed that we
had experienced much trouble in visiting him, to which I replied I
could not consider as trouble the execution of orders that offered me
the satisfaction of paying my respects to His Majesty, that I had the
honour of presenting him in the name of the Hon'ble Company and
His Excellency the Governor General the letters and presents which
I had now delivered in testimony of their sentiment of friendship and
regard. He replied that with the Governor General he was well
acquainted, but that the Company was not well known to him. On
attempting to explain the nature of the Company, I was stopped by
the interpreter observing with that His Majesty was well acquainted,
and was given to understand that it was meant to be implied that from
a correspondence which had taken place with the Government of Bengal
His Majesty was acquainted with the Governor General, but that this
was his first communication with the Company. His Majesty further
said that in proof of his friendly disposition towards the Hon'ble
Company and His Excellency the Governor General he would accept
the King of England's picture and a few of the presents, but that the
whole was more than he could receive; that his country might at present
be considered as new and requiring but little; that Tonquin was in a
different state and might require some woollens, but as they, however,
were hot climates the demand would not be very great; that English
ships would be received at any of his ports on paying the customary
charges; and when he required anything he would write to the Hon'ble
Company. The former part of his reply appeared so very extraordinary
and unexpected, I scarce knew what answer to make. I observed that
I had the honour in the name of the Hon'ble Company and His Excel-
lency the Governor General to request His Majesty's acceptance of the
articles now presented, which request His Majesty would comply with
entirely or in part as he thought proper. The interpreter took some
pains to explain this mode of acceptance as conformable to their
customs on the commencement of any intercourse, that at any subse-
quent period His Majesty would receive whatever the Hon'ble Com-
pany or Governor General should send, and that I must not consider
it as unfriendly. I informed him it was so contrary to any customs
I was acquainted with that I could scarce consider it otherwise. The
King then enquired if I had anything further to communicate more
than the letters contained. In reply I stated that it was the desire
of the Hon'ble Company as expressed in their letter to form a commer-
cial connexion and by every means strengthen the friendship at present
subsisting, and requested His Majesty if it was his wish to meet the
views of the Hon'ble Company that he would consider in what manner
they might be most effectually accomplished, and I should be happy
to have the honour of adjusting this matter with him. He answered
he would see and consult with his council; and we shortly after took
our leave with the same forms as on entering and were then accom-
panied to the council hall where refreshments of tea and sweetmeats
were provided and handsomely served in a variety of bowls many of
gold richly ornamented. This hall as well as the hall of audience are
large buildings, low and supported by numerous pillars without much
131
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Alastair Lamb
132
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Missions to Cochin China
had received a message from the King on my arrival saying that as our
nations were at war he did not suppose it would be proper they should
have communication with me. He also said that these gentlemen had
informed him that the character of the English had suffered in the
opinion of the King and his mandarins from the representations of
those Portuguese commanding vessels from Macao, as well respecting
our possessions in India as that we had on obtaining Pulo Penang
entered into engagements with the King of Queda which had never
been fulfilled, and that we were now coming to Cochin China with the
same intention; and that Mr. Chaigneau had much lost the confidence
of the King from having been represented as concerned in some
unpleasant disputes between the Cochin Chinese and Captains Purefoy
and Makepeace when in this country in charge of the English vessel
the Griffin 107 He concluded by saying that now the ceremony of my
acceptance was over these gentlemen would request the permission of
the King to visit me tomorrow.
In the evening a complaint was made to the mandarin then with
us that some of our servants had been behaving improperly to the
Cochin Chinese without the house, which was represented to us with
some warmth on the part of the mandarin. I should not have re-
counted these circumstances had not the frequency of these complaints
induced a belief that it was intended to harass us with triflng vexa-
tious disputes in the hope of hastening our departure. On the present
occasion I found that the boy who had given rise to the complaint had
not passed the doorway of our house, and that his offense consisted
in making improper signs to some of the women without. I represented
that this was much too trifling an occurrence to make subject of serious
dispute. They had been informed that I had given most positive orders
to any person belonging to me to behave in the most civil manner to the
natives of this country, and had not suffered any person to go out after
dark. These orders had been repeated at their request, and I had no
reason to believe they had in any way been deviated from; on the
contrary, I had seen the sepoys on guard indulge with the greatest good
humour the curiosity of the people in examining their dress and acoutre-
ments; that similar vexatious circumstances had frequently occurred
which, coming in the most friendly manner we had not a right to
expect; that if by the orders of the King we were not to be received as
friends, and he was not disposed to have any intercourse with the
English, I requested that he would order boats to be in readiness for
our return to the ship; and the old mandarin returned to us with many
professions of personal esteem.
107. Captain Purefoy was in the employ of the Madras firm of Abbot and
Maitland, the owners of the Griffin. He was in Cochin China during the
period 1800-1807 to settle the many financial disputes which arose between
his employers and the Cochin Chinese Court. The disputes referred to
here, however, were of a different nature, being concerned with the Cochin
Chinese claim that members of the Griffin's crew had committed thefts
and other outrages in Tourane. (See p. 151 below.) Purefoy later
wrote a brief account of his Cochin Chinese experiences which, according
to Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 275, was published in French translation
in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, July-September 1826, pp. 338-355.
133
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Alastair Lamb
August 14th.
Early in the morning we were informed that His Majesty extended
us the honour of sending us breakfast, which arrived at 7 o'clock with
the mandarin who visited us yesterday and had received us at the
palace. The breakfast, consisting of three large trays one destined
for ourselves, was spread upon the table and would have been fully
sufficient for twenty times our number. One of the trays was for our
servants, and the other with the remains of ours was destined for the
people in attendance about the house. Among other articles set before
us were several bowls of small pieces of raw pork folded up in a fresh
leaf: of the merits of this dish I am unable to speak. The ceremony
did not last long and concluded by our requesting the mandarin would
return my thanks to His Majesty for his attentions. After the break-
fast was removed, the mandarin informed me that His Majesty very
much admired the chronometer, sextant and mathematical instruments,
but that he did not understand them; they were very valuable and, if
left with him, would be spoiled. He therefore returned them and
would take one of the gun carriages instead. I repeated that I had
before expressed my sentiments and that His Majesty would act
respecting the presents as he thought proper. We then rose from the
table and, requesting to speak to this officer of government, we retired
into the inner room when I desired he would return my thanks to His
Majesty for the orders he had given for our accommodation and
supply of every requisite, which orders had been most satisfactorily
executed by the persons he had deputed for the purpose; that I had
yesterday the honour of presenting His Majesty in the name of the
Hon 'ble Company and His Excellency the Governor General letters
and several presents which they requested his acceptance in testimony
of the regard and friendship they extended towards His Majesty and
expressive of their desire of forming such connexion with His Majesty
as might be mutually advantageous. The manner in which His Majesty
had been pleased to accept the presents was so different from any mode
of friendly reception I was acquainted with, or that had been expe-
rienced by the Hon'ble Company in their communication with the
Eastern courts that I must apprehend the representations I should
have to make would be extremely unsatisfactory. I trusted His
Majesty would consider the advantages that might be derived from the
friendship and commerce of the English nation, and that in forming
his opinion he would not give implicit confidence to reports which may
have been concocted by persons inimical to the Hon'ble Company from
ignorance and self interested motives: that if His Majesty was disposed
to meet the views of the Hon'ble Company I should be happy to adjust
the business with him, either by personal conference or any other mode
His Majesty might prefer, and requested His Majesty would favour me
with an answer. This message he promised to deliver, and bring an
answer by six o'clock in the vening. I considered it necessary to re-
quest this mandarin would state this to the King as I had found that
the interpreter had not made any request for a private interview.
In the cours of the morning one of the gun carriages was removed
About nine o'clock I received a note from Mr. Liot saying he would
have the honour of calling on me in the course of the morning, to
134
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Missions to Cochin China
135
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Alastair Lamb
136
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Missions to Cochin China
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and not to myself, to this I replied that they must be aware that as I
had in the present occasion the honour of being their representative,
my acceptance or refusal was to be considered as theirs, and frequently
repeated to them my reasons for not complying with their request.
Finding me determined, they retired to state the circumstances to His
Majesty. I was rather surprised on their return to find no notice taken
of my refusal but did not consider it necessary to say anything on the
subject. In the course of the morning we found that the packages
had been secretly conveyed to the boats preparing for our departure
by order of the interpreter, and on sending for him to enquire the
reason, he affected not to understand what I had said and considered
I only meant to refuse the presents for the ship. So direct a falsehood
could not be received with perfect coolness. On repeating part of this
conversation, his observations on their being offered to the Company
and Governor General, so strongly proving he did understand me, he
was obliged to shift his ground and lay the blame on Ong-how-bow
to whom he asserted he had explained what I had said, but that the
King had not been informed. It was evidently their intention that the
presents should be conveyed to the ship when I suppose they relied
that representing the difficulties and disgrace attending their return
would induce my acceptance. Finding me persist in a refusal, he
retired, and shortly after returned with Ong-how-bow, when a conversa-
tion nearly similar to this morning took place. They appeared under
considerable apprehension of representing the case to the King, and
were very anxious for my acceptance of a least a part. I replied that
the reasons I had before given rendered it impossible but that if His
Majesty wished to explain any part of his conduct or make remarks
for the attention of the Hon'ble Company, it might be done by deputing
a dependable person to His Excellency the Governor General at Fort
William, where I promised he should be received with every respect
due to the representative of the King of Cochin China, and that if an
English vessel was required for the conveyance of an embassy, on
application to Canton one would be supplied. It was observed that
if I refused what the King had offered he would return the presents
of the Hon'ble Company which he had accepted. I could only answer
in this respect the King would do as he thought proper. They shortly
after went to the King and returned saying that His Majesty would
return the presents that he had accepted, and requesting the letter that
had in the morning been delivered for the purpose of altering those
parts acknowledging the receipt of presents and specifying those sent
in return. I represented this as unnecessary, that His Majesty by those
letters expressed his intentions and I should have to explain the reason
of their not being carried into execution. The letters, however, were
wished for and delivered. They then took their leave, saying they
would be returned the next morning.
In the course of the day Lieut. Trinder returned to his ship,
intending to proceed to Turon as soon as possible. The two six
pounders and carriage were sent to the Amboyna as the most ready
means of conveyance to India.
I also received a visit from Messrs. Liot and Chaigneau, who
furnished me with French translations of the King's letters to the
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cient for their support; and as most of them are brought from the
provinces where by means of their families they are able to gain a live-
lihood, in their present situation are at all times in great distress, and
in case of sickness or accident die from want of attention and nourish-
ment. In addition to this, from the numbers employed, there is not
left sufficient to gather in the harvest. This ostentatious display may
therefore perhaps leave His Majesty forts and palaces without defence
or attendants.
The situation and climate of this country make it capable of being
one of the most flourishing in the world, and no people in my opinion
are better qualified to render it so than its present inhabitants under a
proper government. They appear an extremely mild, well disposed,
hardy and industrious race; and as this appears under the present dis-
couraging circumstances, what might not be accomplished from proper
encouragement. Extreme poverty pervades everywhere. Commerce,
therefore, cannot immediately flourish, and under the present order of
things it is difficult to say when it may. Could the King be induced
to grant any establishment it might soon I conceive be rendered valuable
but among the natives from their not possessing the means of purchase,
even the smallest cargo would go off so low that the expenses of a
ship remaining would never enable a trade carried on in that way to
answer. Some place therefore where goods could be landed and dis-
posed of to the Chinese or other persons trading to Cochin China
becomes essential in the first instance.
As much has been said respecting the navy of the King, it may not
be improper to mention the naval force he at present possesses, which
consists of three vessels, one entirely constructed at Saigon, the other
two French vessels rebuilt, that is, by degrees, every plank and timber
changed. One of these vessels we saw, I believe the largest. She
appeared capable of mounting 16 or 18 guns. He has also one vessel
originally built as a junk, but the upper works finished in the European
manner and rigged as a ship. The King had originally 17 Junks, or
Tows, similar to those we met with on entering Turon. Only five of
these are now remaining, the others having been lost. In addition to
these, the King has we were told fifty boats similar to those sent for
our conveyance, of larger and smaller dimensions. These, I imagine,
he considers his best defence, and appears very much increasing their
numbers.
At one o'clock we got under weigh and proceeded by the same
track as before. After waiting from daylight the next morning until
late the evening at the entrance of the river under apprehension of
blowing weather, we arrived early on the 25th aboard the Page , when
I wrote a letter to the King and delivered it the next morning to the
mandarins, of whom we then took leave; and having given in charge
to Lieutenant Trinder the address to His Excellency the Most Noble
Governor General from the King with my dispatches for the Lieut.
Governor of Prince of Wales's Island, he was directed to proceed to
that island, . . . and at two o'clock we quitted Turon Bay.
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(D)
ROBERTS' PROPOSALS TO THE KING
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terms. Should Your Majesty think proper to demand any sum for
anchorage, a stated sum shall be fixed; but in case the Hon'ble Com-
pany shall deem it necessary to send ships for the sole purpose of
conveying to India the articles they may have received in return for
merchandise, these ships shall be admitted free of every charge what-
ever as it is understood the ship who imported has already paid
anchorage.
5th. The ships of the English nation shall have permission to
touch and trade at any port of Your Majesty's dominions of Cochin
China and Tonquin; but as the port of Turon is most conveniently
situated for the trade of the Hon'ble Company, Your Majesty will agree
there to receive and deliver such articles as may be required and given
in exchange; and in case it should be found necessary to deposit the
whole or any part in warehouses, such conveniences shall be furnished
by Your Majesty or permission given for their being built by the
Hon'ble Company.
I have thus stated the points on which it is necesary for Your
Majesty to decide. Should it be your desire to enter into commercial
intercourse with the Hon'ble Company, every further arrangement Your
Majesty may deem requisite or that circumstances from time to time
make necessary on that subject or any other relative to the English
nation it is to be understood will be adjusted with the resident on the
part of the Hon'ble Company in which situation, if it is Your Majesty's
pleasure to accede, I am willing and authorised to remain.
Permit me further to state to Your Majesty in proof of the earnest
desire of the Hon'ble Company to confirm by every means in their
power the friendship at present subsisting between Your Majesty and
the English nation that I am authorised on their part to enter into any
engagement with Yor Majesty that you may consider desirable for
that purpose.
(E)
ROBERTS' REPORT
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with Mr. Farquahar on the subject it was proposed that, as the services
of the Hon'ble Company's armed brig Amboyna were not at present
absolutely required in the Straits, she should accompany me. As well
as for the purposes of defence, I considered this arrangement might be
extremely desirable by affording means of conveying to your Excellency
early information of the event of my mission, should it be necessary.
2. It is with much regret that I have to avail myself of this
conveyance to acquaint your Excellency my reception at the Court of
Cochin China has been extremely different from what I had reason to
expect, and such as I fear will entirely frustrate the intentions of the
Hon'ble Company of forming a friendly connexion with that country.
At the same time I have received every mark of personal respect and
attention I could expect or require.
3. The Amboyna joined me at Malacca on the 6th of July , the
presents for the King of Cochin China having been embarked on board
the Page and everything in readiness for several days, we sailed in the
evening, and after touching at Cape St. James for information,
anchored in Turon Bay on the 21st of July. Altho' three or four days
only are required for communication with the capital, I did not receive
any reply to the notice I had given of my arrival until the 31st when
I was informed a Mandarin from Hue Foo was at Turon and under-
stood he wished to see me on shore. Desirous of proving it was my
wish to act in the most friendly manner, I the next morning went on
shore.
4. On being introduced to this officer of Government, who
appeared of some rank, I was acquainted he had been deputed for the
purpose of enquiring the nature of my mission and requested copies
of the letters I had in charge, with which he would return to the capital.
This I thought proper to comply with, considering it probable that
reports might be circulating respecting the intentions of the Hon'ble
Company on the present mission injurious to its interests, to which a
refusal would give strength. Copies of the letters were therefore given,
and the business generally explained.
5. I represented to the interpreter, who was the person sent with
M. Vannier to receive me when at Turon in December last, that as
His Majesty was apprized of my intention of returning to the country
I was surprised at the detention I had experienced. I was unwilling
to commence a negotiation I was desirous should be conducted in the
most amicable manner by representations unpleasant to both parties,
and that a longer continuation of such conduct would render them
necessary. These sentiments I desired he would impress on the minds
of the officers of Government with whom he acted. Notwithstanding
promises of the greatest expedition, I heard nothing further till the
morning of 8th of August , when the same Mandarin returned with
boats for my conveyance to the Court of His Majesty. In the evening
I went ashore and arrived early in the morning of the 10th.
6. On the 13th I obtained an audience [with His Majesty.]
[This audience, and that on the 17th of August , are described in
Roberts' diary, to which he makes reference here].
7. The King's acceptance of only part of the presents was repre-
sented by all with whom I had an opportunity of conversing as com-
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only instances given in proof were his reception of those sent by the
King of Siam and that of the articles sent by His Majesty to the
Emperor of China. On both these occasions, I believe, the receivers
were desirous of asserting superiority, a circumstance which, tho' never
in the smallest degree hinted respecting the Company, I should ex-
tremely regret could be implied from any act of mine.
13. My opinion is also formed from the imperious manner in
which the King conducted himself, apparently studiously avoiding every
means of private communication on my first and ceremonious audience,
and insisting upon my standing. As the customs of his court may be
thought correct, and considering it in that light, I had no hesitation in
complying; but on the second occasion, which I requested might be
private, and from the little ceremony observed was I suppose con-
sidered so by himself, being kept at so great a distance was not I
considered the reception I should as coming with friendly propositions
have received.
14. Under these impressions I did not think I should be justified
in receiving on the part of the Hon'ble Company or your Excellency
any return presents and, in consequence, when on the morning of
the 22nd the letters for your Excellency and the Hon'ble Company
were delivered, I expressed my willingness to deliver the letters but
declined the acceptance of the presents as well as those offered for
the use of the ship. After much consideration the Mandarin retired
to communicate the determination to the King, which I imagine his
fears prevented, as I found the packages had been secretly conveyed
to the boats preparing for my departure. The Mandarin again
attended and nearly the conversation of the morning was repeated.
When finding my determination fixed, the King was actually informed,
and answered that as I had refused the presents he had sent, he should
return those he had accepted. As he had intimated previously would
be the case, they were delivered the next morning and I shortly after
quitted his capital.
15. The motives which have induced this attitude in the King,
though in many instances perhaps the effect of ignorance, are repre-
sented as having arisen from his apprehension of admitting the English
to form any establishment lest it should gradually increase even to the
subversion of his Government. These fears are stated by the French-
men, the only persons from whom I could procure information on this
subject, to have been produced by some expressions used by the com-
mander of the vessel that brought the letter to the King announcing
the mission, giving rise to an idea that it was the intention of the
Company to obtain Turon or some other Port. This report, injurious
to the English character, circulated by the Portuguese from Macao, has
strengthened and confirmed the principal officers of government in their
distrust of the intentions of the Hon'ble Company, and that they have
in this instance completely influenced the conduct of the King.
16. Altho' these reports are of a nature I can readily conceive to
have originated with a native of Macao, I do not think they would
have gained the strength they unfortunately have unless confirmed by
persons more in the influence of the King. Whether the Frenchmen
have been instrumental in this effect it is impossible for me to deter-
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except upon a very limited scale, for many years impracticable. Ex-
treme poverty pervades every order, and under the present Government
must continue. The King has destroyed the principal city, and his
attention is at present engaged in building fortifications of greater
extent than he can have the means to defend, and magnificent palaces
for himself and family upon which such numbers are employed on a
pay insufficient for their support, that there are not people to collect
the produce of the fields.
20. When these undertakings are completed, the Frenchman
assert from their knowledge of the King's character that he will not
remain inactive, and China, they represent, as the great object of his
ambition. In an attack on that country he expects to be joined by a
number of Chinese disaffected with the Tartar Government. The
King, they said, is offended with the Emperor of China for not having
acknowledged him King of Tonquin by the title he demanded. Should
these his intentions be carried into execution, it would perhaps be a
favourable opportunity of establishing our influence in his country, and
by diverting his attention proving our desire of assisting the Chinese
Government by the means of extending our interests in that quarter.
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CHAPTER VII
(A)
ROBERTS' FAILURE.
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General and that of the Britsh Crown was one of great significance in
Asian eyes.110
The Select Committee of the Supercargoes at Canton failed to
appreciate the inevitability of Roberts' failure. When, on 11th Septem-
ber, 1804, they considered the report on this mission, the point to
which they attached most importance was that Roberts seemed to have
been opposed with success by persons hostile to the British who had
obtained the confidence of Gia Long. They noted that:
in the perusal of Mr. Roberts' Diary of Proceedings we
have had frequent occasion to remark that some secret springs
and inimical influence have been employed to poison the mind
of the King in respect to the views and intentions of the
British Nation: but whether proceeding from the few officers
in his service, or from the Portuguese who annually visit
that country, appears in some measure doubtful. Perhaps it
may be attributed to the combined suggestions of all parties.
They also noted, in this connection, the scant assistance afforded to
Roberts by the French missionaries, and for which the missionaries
had thought it necessary to provide some explanation in a letter to
Marchini in which they claimed that the Purefoy incident - the per-
petration, so they said, of various crimes in Tourane by members of the
crew of the Griffin - had so annoyed the King that any open friendship
to the British cause on their part would have endangered their own
position in the country. The Select Committee were not convinced.
They felt the circumstances of the postponement of Lance's mission
had given the enemies of the Company ample time to work for the
failure of this project, and that this time had been well used.
The Select Committee concluded with some remarks on the strate-
gic significance of Roberts' failure, and on the part which might have
been played in securing that failure by one M. Dayot, as follows:
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111. Jean Marie Dayot was born in 1759. In 1788, after a period of naval
service, he joined Pigneau de Behaine and became the chief force in the
construction of Nguyen Anh's fleet, and was its commander in several
major engagements with the Tay-son. Dayot, whose ability was of the
highest order, aroused the hostility of some of the most influential Viet-
namese mandarins. Shortly before Pigneau de Behaine's death in 1799
these officials managed to seicure Dayos disgrace and punishment by the
cangue. On his release he made haste to leave Cochin China (along with
his younger brother Felix Dayot who had joined him there in 1789) for
Manila. Here Dayot set himself up as a merchant, and he was soon act-
ing as a commercial agent of the Cochin Chinese government, Gia Long
haying forgiven his former servant. In early 1804, between Roberts' two
visits, Dayot came to Tourane to propose a closer commercial relationship
between Cochin China and the Philippines on behalf of the Governor of
that Spanish colony. Since Spain was then an ally of France, it is very
likely that Dayos mission had its anti-British features and that the Select
Committee were justified in their interpretation of its nature. It is
interesting that Roberts made no mention of Dayot, and it seems as if
Dayos visit was kept secret from him.
What effect would Dayos words, as they were imagined by the
Select Committee, have had on Gia Long? On the one hand, the King
would have had good grounds for trusting Dayos judgements on naval
affairs, and would probably have paid close attention to any reports of
the impending arrival of powerful French fleets. On the other hand,
from his experience in the period of the Treaty of Versailles he would
have derived a certain scepticism about promises of the arrival of large
French forces; and from the battle of Pulo Aur in February, 1804, of
which news would have surely reached him before Roberts' second visit,
he would have learned of the incompetence of Durand de Linois whose
ships had failed to stop the British China convoy from passing through
the Straits of Malacca. On the whole, one may well conclude that any-
thing Dayot might have had to say would have done no more than
confirm Gia Long in an already well established determination to avoid
all entaglements with any of the European powers in the East.
Dayos career provides an admirable demonstration of Lord Welles-
lay's wisdom in doubting Roberts' suggestion that the French in Cochin
China, good monarchists and catholics, would help the British against
Revolutionary Franch. In 1807, through Renouard de Sainte-Croix, an
officer who had served on Decaen's staff and whom Dayot met in Macao,
he presented to Napoleon Bonaparte the charts of the Indochinese coasts
which he had prepared, urged that France assert herself once more in the
East and offered his services as French consular agent in Cochin China.
Like so many such proposals in the past, this one came to nothing
despite the efforts which Renouard de Sainte-Croix made on its behalf
when he returned to France in 1808.
Dayos maps and sailing instructions were finally published in 1818
by the Restoration government under the title Le Pilote de Cochinchine.
Crawfurd made use of them during his mission to Cochin China in 1822.
Dayot died in a shipwreck in the Gulf of Tonkin shortly before or
after the publication of his great hydrographical work. (See: Taboulet,
op cit., vol. 1, pp. 249-250; Cordier, T'oung Pao 1903, pp. 219-224.)
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the usurper's family being in existence, the whole and every person
of power and consequence together with their wives and children having
been barbarously murdered.
On a review of the subject and after giving it their best considera-
tion, it does not appear this committee are called on to adopt any
further measures towards opening a friendly intercourse with Cochin
China; and Mr. Roberts, having already transmitted to the Governor
General detailed accounts of his proceedings, it only remains for them
to forward the duplicates accompanied by such of their foregoing re-
marks as have not come to Mr. Roberts' knowledge, and His Excel-
lency will be more competent to decide on the propriety of those steps
which for the attainment of the object it may be found expedient to
pursue.
(B)
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naval force that should one day overawe our territorial possessions in
the East; and it is by no means certain that the attempt will not be
renewed, and that Imperial France may not accomplish what Monar-
chical France had only in contemplation. Their complete exclusion
from the coasts of Hindostn will render that of Cochinchina the more
inviting, especially as from this station our valuable trade to China, as
well as our possessions in India, may most effectually be injured and
annoyed. But independent of the mischief which the possession of
this place might enable an active enemy to meditate against our con-
cerns in the East, the advantages, on the other hand, which it holds
out to our naval and commercial interests in this part of the world
ought alone to entitle it to a higher degree of consideration than has
yet been bestowed on it. I would not here be understood as speaking
of this part of Cochinchina in a colonial or territorial point of view.
We may perhaps already possess as many colonies as we can well
maintain, and as much territory as is rendered useful to the state; but
we never can have too many points of security for our commerce, nor
too many places of convenience and accommodation for our shipping.
To dwell upon the necessity of keeping up our commerce, and the
policy of adding facilities to the distribution of the fruits of our pro-
ductive industry, would be wholly superfluous. The loss of commerce
must inevitably be followed by the loss of that rank which England
at present holds in the scale of nations. France, having a larger
territory in proportion to its population, perhaps generally speaking, a
more favourable climate, a more fertile soil, and more varied produc-
tions, may be excused when she affects to despise foreign commerce,
and to speak with contempt of the nation who depends solely on its
support. The miseries, the misfortunes, and the devastations, however
occasioned in such a country, may certainly be repaired without the
aid of foreign commerce. But this is not the case with regard to
England. We need only cast a glance at the articles with which the
numerous large and well-stocked shops and warehouses in the capital
are stored, at the multitudes of shipping which frequent our ports, to
make it obvious that the national industry is more employed, and
consequently more productive, in manufacturing the raw material of
foreign growth than in raising such as are congenial with our own
climate and soil. From Tyburn turnpike or from Hyde Park Corner
to Whitechapel almost every house is a shop or a warehouse, and two
thirds at least of these shops and warehouses are stored with articles
of foreign growth. Any check, therefore, to our commercial pros-
perity, and to that preponderance which we now enjoy in foreign trade,
could not fail to be attended with the most injurious consequences to
the country at large. In fact, having advanced perhaps a little too far
in this career to retreat with safety, every exertion must now be made
to hold our own, to give protection and permanent security to that
commerce which has hitherto enabled us to measure our strength with
an enemy as implacable as he is powerful. It may be necessary even
that the paws of the British Lion should yet be extended - that they
should grasp every point which may add to the security of what British
valour and the industrious and adventurous spirit of the British nation
have acquired and annexed to her original dominions.
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But beside the security which, on the one hand, the possession
of the strong peninsula of Turon would afford to our valuable fleets
employed in the China trade and, on the other, the annoyance it could
not fail to give us if in the hands of an active and enterprizing enemy,
the important advantages which would result to our Indian commerce
by having in this part of the world a secure harbour, where water and
every kind of refreshment may be procured, are not lightly to be appre-
ciated. Considered in this point of view only, if the management of
our China ships was less dexterous and the means of preserving the
health of the crews less efficacious than they really are, the having of
such a port to resort to, in the event of a ship being too late in the
season and caught by the adverse monsoon, which sometimes happens,
would be an invaluable acquisition. Many other considerations might
be urged in favour of establishing an intercourse with Cochinchina,
but I shall at present confine the few observations I have to make to
a brief view of those advantages which the East India Company would
derive in their commercial concerns with China, by establishing a
factorv on the peninsula of Turon bay.
That the China trade is the most important and the most advan-
tageous of the Company's extensive concerns is, I believe, universally
admitted; and that it is worthy of high consideration in a national point
of view requires but little oroof. It employs direct from England
20.000 tons of shipping, and nearly three thousand seamen; it takes
off our woollen manufactures and other productions to a very consi-
derable extent; and it brings into the Exchequer an annual revenue
of about three millions sterling. It is the grand prop of the East India
Company's credit, and the only branch of their trade from which per-
haps they may strictlv be said to derive a real profit. The reason of
these superior advantages is pretty obvious. To India the Company
trade as sovereigns; to China as merchants. Yet it is unquestionably
true that the balance of the trade between England and China is greatly
in favour of the latter, and that this balance is drawn from the former
in hard monev to the amount of about half a million sterling annually.
The bullion, however, thus sent out for the purchase of teas is con-
verted into a productive capital, and has hitherto been replaced with
large profit by the continental nations of Europe. There is besides a
very considerable trade carried on by British subjects between India
and China, the balance of which is nearly as much against the latter
as in the other case it is in its favour against England. With Europe
in general the balance of trade remains, however, greatly in favour of
China; and the Spanish dollars which are carried thither to pay this
balance are never again returned into circulation, but, being converted
into a new and totally different shape, remain locked up in the country.
In all despotic governments, where the laws are not sufficient for the
protection and security of property, land and houses are considered of
a nature too tangible to represent wealth. The object of every one
whose revenues exceed his expenses is to secure the greatest possible
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value in the least possible space, which in the evil day can most con-
veniently be concealed. In such countries the profits upon trade are
usually hoarded up in the precious metals. Such, I believe, is pretty
much the case in India, and still more so in China: the latter may
therefore be considered as a perpetual sinking fund for European
specie.
This annual drain of hard money to China is of the less conse-
quence to us, so long as, by our supplying the continent of Europe
with a considerable part of the return cargoes, with our manufactures,
and the produce of our colonies, the metals which are dug out of the
mines of Potosi shall ultimately find their way up the Thames; or, in
other words, so long as the general balance of trade of the whole
world shall remain in favour of England. Notwithstanding, however,
this may be the case at present, it would still be a desirable object to
accomplish an equalization of the trade between this country and
China, and thereby put a stop to the annual drain of specie required
by the latter. An intimate connection with Cochinchina would, in my
opinion, go a great way towards effecting this object. This country
furnishes many valuable articles suitable for the China market, and
would open a new and very considerable vent for many of our manu-
factures; and its situation in the direct route from England to China
is an unexceptionable consideration. The forests of Cochinchina pro-
duce, for instance, a variety of scented woods, as the rose wood, eagle
wood, and sandal wood; all of which are highly acceptable in the
China market, and bear most extravagant prices. The Cochinchinese
cinnamon, though of a coarse grain and a strong pungent flavour, is
preferred by the Chinese to that of Ceylon. It is said to be a species
of Cassia, and not of the Laurus. For rice there is a never-failing
demand in the populous city of Canton, and sugar and pepper are
equally acceptable; all of which are most abundantly produced in the
fertile vallies of Cochinchina. The price of sugar at Turon was about
three dollars for 133 lb., of pepper six or eight dollars for the same
quantity, and of rice only half a dollar. To these productions may be
added the areca nut, cardamoms, ginger, and other spices; swallows'
nests, which are collected in great abundance on the large cluster of
islands running parallel with the coast, and known in the charts by the
name of the Paracels; the Bichos do Mar , or sea-snakes, more properly
sea-slugs, and usually called Trepan in commercial language, which
with sharks' fins, Moluscas or sea-blubbers, and other marine products
of a gelatinous quality whether animal or vegetable, are at all times in
demand by the Chinese. It furnishes besides many other valuable
products, as gum lac, Camboge, indigo, elephants' teeth, cotton, and raw
silk; and there seemed to be no want in the country of gold, silver,
and copper. The hilts of the officers' swords and the clasps of their
belts were generally made of silver, but we frequently observed them
of solid gold. It is said, indeed, that a very rich gold mine has lately
been discovered near Hu , the northern capital. Silver is brought to
158
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market in bars about five inches long, in value about eleven Spanish
dollars.
All these articles, so well adapted for the China market, might
be taken by us in exchange for fire arms and ammunition, swords,
cutlery and various manufactures in iron and steel, light woollen cloths,
camblets, Manchester cottons, coarse Bengal muslins, naval stores,
opium, and a few other drugs. Articles of this nature, when carried
to the ports of Cochinchina, have usually been disposed of at an
advance of from 20 to 30 per cent., and their value paid for in ingots
of silver.
There is another consideration which renders the possession of a
port on the coast of Cochinchina, or at least a factory in some of
them, extremely desirable for the concerns of the East India Com-
pany. It is well known that the Chinese government has more than
once intimated a design of excluding foreign traders altogether from
their ports, and very serious apprehensions have been entertained in
consequence of it. In such an event, the trade might still be carried
on, and perhaps with advantage, by means of Chinese junks bringing
cargoes of tea and silks to Turon bay, or other parts of the coast;
thus avoiding the exorbitant duties levied at Canton on foreign vessels.
But if in such case we should have no establishment within the limits
of Chinese navigation, the Spaniards at Manila, the Portuguese at
Macao, and the Dutch at Batavia, would be put into the possession of
the whole commerce carried on by Chinese junks, and England would
become in a great degree dependent on them for the share they might
be disposed to allow her in their respective ports.
If, however, the Cchinchinese should not be disposed to cede
any part of the coast or adjacent islands to a foreign power, which,
after the fortunate turn of affairs in favour of the legitimate sovereign,
will in all probability be the case, we might still derive important
advantages from a mere commercial intercourse. The timber alone
which this country is capable of supplying, suitable for the purposes of
building ships, is an object highly deserving the consideration of
government. The docks of Bombay and those intended to be esta-
blished on Prince of Wales's Island must rest their dependence on a
supply of teak and other timber on very precarious grounds. If in the
former it be intended to encourage the building of ships of the line, it
may be doubted whether, in a few years hence, the whole of the
Malabar coast will afford a sufficient supply to keep a single ship on the
stocks of seventy-four guns. Even now the greater part of what is
valuable is exhausted, and such as would be fit for building large ships
of war is not procurable without very considerable difficulties and
delay. Equally precarious is the supply of teak timber, which is floated
down the river Ayerwaddy from the dominions of Ava or, as it has
lately been called, the Birman empire. Yet this is the grand source
from whence the supplies are meant to be drawn for the docks of
Prince of Wales's Island. We have little, however, to trust to or to
hope from the favourable disposition of the government of Rangoon.
The French have obtained here, as well as in every other part of
Eastern India, a decided superiority of influence beyond all other
Europeans; and they will not fail to exert it to the utmost, in order to
159
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112. The value of Burmese teak for ship building had been appreciated by both
the French and the English East India Companies early in the 18th
century. Dupleix had tried to support the Mon rebels against Alaungpaya
in the hope of obtaining a monopoly of this strategic material and of the
usei of the shipyards at Syriam (near the modern Rangoon); but he had
been frustrated by that lack of support from his superiors which culmi-
nated in his recall in 1754. Shortly after Dupleix' departure the supres-
sion of the Mns by Alaungpaya put an end for a while to French plans
in this direction. In the 1770s the French established a dockyard near
Rangoon, where a number of ships were built (including the Laiiriston,
see pp. ? above). This was abandoned in 1778, following the English
capture of the French settlements in India. In 1783 Bussy and Suffren
made a fresh attempt to establish French influence on the banks of the
Irrawaddy, but without success. But the British were not able to convince
themselves of the failure of French ambitions in this direction, and in the
last decade of the 18th century they sent a number of missions to Burma
with, as one important objective, instructions to investigate the French
threat. Even as late as 1809, when the British were preparing to invade
the Ile de France, Lord Minto thought it prudent to send Canning to
Rangoon to explain to the Burmese that an attack on the French base
in no way implied British hostility towards the Court of Ava. Canning
was able to confirm the nugatory nature of French influence in Burma;
but this was three years after Barrow wrote his Voyage to Cochinchina.
(See: Hall, Symes, op. cit., pp. xix-xxv, xxix-xxxv, lxxxix.)
160
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161
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162
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(C)
115. Instead, in 1804, a letter was sent from King Getorge III to the Chinese
Emperor to warn that ruler against being beguiled into any alliance with
the French. (Cordier, T'oung Pao 1903, op. cit., pp. 216-217).
116. For a full account of the abortive embassy of Van Braam and Titsing
of 1794-1795, see: J. J. L. Duyvendak, The Last Dutch Embassy to the
Chinese Court (1794-1795), T'oung Pao XXXIV 1939; J. J. L. Duyvendak,
Supplementary Documents on the Last Dutch Embassy to the Chinese
Court, T'oung Pao XXXV 1940; . R. Boxer, Jan Companie in Japan
1600-1850, The Hague 1950, pp. 158-164.
163
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Alastair Lamb
164
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In Janssaud 's story of the way in which Roberts had won over the
mandarins to his side we may perhaps detect the French mandarins in
an attempt to make the most of their role of protectors of French
interests in Cochin China. From Roberts' diary one does not get the
impression that the mandarins were particularly co-operative. Ong-to-
noe , one of the very few Cochin Chinese officials with whom Roberts
came into close contact, was clearly interested in the proposition of the
English envoy (see p. 128 above), but he refused to commit himself in
any way until Roberts had seen the King. It does seem likely, how-
ever, that the mandarins saw in the arrival of Roberts a useful lever
against the French officers of whom they were clearly jealous, and
they may well have pointed out to Gia Long that, now that the English
were showing an interest in Cochin China, he would be wise to get rid
of the Frenchmen; but this does not mean that they would have advo-
cated the granting to the English company of any special privileges.
If this argument has any truth in it, however, Chaigneau and
Vannier would have had strong motives of self preservation in prevent-
ing the King from showing any signal marks of friendship towards the
British; and they may well have, as the Select Committee believed,
distorted somewhat the nature and wording of Roberts' proposals.
The letter which Taboulet quotes, and which he said Roberts had sent
to Gia Long on 14th August, 1804, to protest against the King's
"imperious, proud and arrogant conduct",119 is hard to reconcile with
the text of Roberts' letter of 17th August, the only written communica-
tion which the English envoy sent to the King while at Hu (see pp. 142-
143 above). It sounds more like a distorted version of Roberts' verbal
observations of 14th August, which the French mandarins - or Cochin
Chinese mandarins, for that matter - had turned into a formal state-
ment of outspoken complaint (see p. 134 above).
Janssaud speaks of Roberts as "chief of the Supercargoes at
Canton"; but Roberts, of course, did not obtain this position, that is
to say the Presidency of the Select Committee, until 1807.
165
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166
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CHAPTER VIII
(A)
167
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attempt to open any formal negotiations with Gia Long. His most
important commission was to get in touch with Chaigneau and Vannier,
to whom he was to present the insignia of membership to the Lgion
d'Honneur.120
After visiting Manila and Macao, Kergariou arrived at Tourane
on 30th December, 1817, full of hope for a successful mission, for he
had learnt at Macao from Father Marchini that Gia Long had no love
of the English. Marchini told him that in 1812 an English ship had
called at Tourane and demanded, with a threat of force, that payment
of a debt which since 1807 the Cochin Chinese considered to have been
cancelled. This reference, it is presumed, to the disputes which
Captain Purefoy conducted with Gia Long's Government on behalf
of Abbot and Maitland of Madras was accompanied by a report of
the Cochin Chinese King's declaration that he would rather be
smothered beneath the debris of his kingdom than give way before the
unjust demands of the English; and it was said that in anticipation
of an English attack he had strengthened the fortifications of the Bay
of Tourane.121 But Kergariou soon discovered that whatever fear the
Cochin Chinese King might have of English ambitions, this did not
imply any desire for a close connection with France. Vannier was
sent down to Tourane to meet Kergariou, and the French envoy was
treated with considerable ceremony by the local mandarins, but he was
not permitted to go to Hu and he was refused an audience with Gia
Long. Indeed, the Court declined to recognise Kergariou as the
properly accredited representative of the French Monarchy. On 22nd
January, 1818, the Cyble left Tourane for France, calling on the way
at Malacca where Kergariou was regally entertained by Farquahar,
and reaching Brest in October.122
The Kergariou mission could not be described as a success, but
it had little effect on the optimism of those French merchants who
saw great prospects in the trade of Cochin China, for they had already
120. The Duc de Richlieu also tried to communicate with Chaigneau by letter,
dated 17th September, 1817, entrusted to an agent of the French merchant
firm of Opperman-Mandrot, and which does not seem to have reached
its destination until 1819. In this letter the Duc de Richlieu requested
information about commercial and political conditions in Cochin China,
and informed Chaigneau of the projects then being contemplated by the
Bordeaux firms. (See; Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 286-287.)
121. On Captain Purefoy, see also pp. 102, 133 above. The issue here was an
argument between the Cochin Chinese and Abbot and Maitland over the
quality of some rifles which the Madras firm had supplied. This dispute,
in which the Cochin Chinese saw ample evidence of British bad faith,
was still sufficiently alive in 1822 to be brought to Crawfurd's notice.
Finlayson, op. cit., pp. 356-357.
122. Documents relating to the Kergariou mission were printed in H. Cordier,
Bordeaux et la Cochinchne sous la Restauration, T'oung Pao, Series II,
Vol. IX, 1908, pp. 176-213.
168
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169
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Alastair Lamb
for his army and was prepared to help the French merchants up to
a point; though it was clear that he would give them no exclusive
rights and would not cede any territory to them or in other ways lay
the foundations for a French settlement in Cochin China. From a
commerciai point of view, however, these ventures were not very
successful. The voyages of 1818-19 did not realise a profit sufficient
to cover the costs of the first experiment of 1817, a fact which
determined Philippon et Cie. to withdraw from the field to leave
Balguerie, Sarget et Cie. as the sole French participants in the Cochin
Chinese trade. A profitable trade, in fact, seemed to demand some
sort of established political relationship between France and Cochin
China maintained by a French representative in Hu; for obstacles and
disputes, which were by no means absent during the ventures of 1817
and 1818-19, were bound to arise in the future to threaten the already
slim margin of profit. The obvious candidates for such a post were
Chaigneau and Vannier whose loyal services to France had been
recognised in 1817 by membership of the Legion d'Honneur .
Chaigneau's return to France in 1820 made his selection inevitable.
Chaigneau had been considered in this light since at least 1817,
when the Duc de Richlieu had tried to correspond with him on the
part he might play in "the establishment of a permanent and regular
commerce with the country where you reside". His appointment was
strongly advocated by Balguerie, Sarget et Cie. There seems little
doubt that this question was one of the major factors behind his
decision to return to France.124 In the summer of 1820 Chaigneau
was granted an audience by Louis XVIII and made a member of the
Order of St. Louis. In October he was appointed French Consul
in Hu, Agent de France at the Court of the ruler of Cochin China,
and Commissaire du Roi for the negotiation of a commercial treaty
between France and Cochin China. As Agent de France Chaigneau
was to conduct diplomatic relations between France and Cochin China;
as Consul he was to exercise jurisdiction over French subjects in
Cochin China and to deal with purely commercial matters; and as
Commissaire du Roi he was empowered to negotiate on behalf of
France a treaty which would enable him to act in his other two
capacities, and would guarantee the lives and property of French
subjects trading in Cochin China. To these three functions Chaigneau
suggested the addition of a fourth, that which would now be performed
by the Alliance Franaise , the education of the Cochin Chinese in
the arts and industries of France, and he asked that he be provided
124. It seems most probable that the Duc de Richlieu 's letter of 1817 reached
Chaigneau in 1819 by way of the Henry or the Larose. See Taboulet,
op. cit., Vol. I, p. 286.
170
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for this purpose with a small library including the latest edition of
L'Encyclopdie. On 1st December, 1820, Chaigneau left Bordeaux
for Cochin China on the Lar ose, and arrived at Hu on 1st May,
1821. 125
171
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172
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173
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Alastair Lamb
make the best use of such a mission not only to secure diplomatic
benefits but also to obtain information of a scientific and commercial
nature about a part of Asia which was then virtually unknown to
the British. After his return from Siam and Cochin China, Crawfurd
was, in 1823, given charge of the recently established British settlement
of Singapore, where he remained until 1826 when he was sent on
another diplomatic venture of great importance, this time to Ava.
In 1827 Crawfurd retired and returned to England, where, after four
failures to enter Parliament in the years 1832-37, he spent the re-
mainder of his long life in compiling works of reference on South-East
Asia and composing memoranda of a somewhat Radical persuasion
on the proper conduct of British policy in that region.129
Crawfurd's mission to Siam was no great diplomatic triumph,
partly, no doubt, because he was the representative of the Governor
General and not of King George IV; but he was able to dispel many
British illusions as to the great strength of the Siamese army and to
collect much information on the commercial possibilities of that
country. These were embodied in his Journal of an Embassy from the
Governor-General of India to the Courts of Siam and Cochin-China
which appeared in 1828 and which was based on his official reports
and journal. Some of these last documents, in so far as they related
to Siam, were published in their original form in Bangkok in 1915
by the Vajiranana National Library under the title The Crawfurd Papers .
The mission to Hu, which must be regarded as little more than
an additional dividend which the East India Company hoped to derive
from the investment involved in sending an envoy to Bangkok, was
likewise far from a complete success.- As the documents printed below
will show, Crawfurd was refused an audience by Minh-Mang, who
also rejected his presents, both actions being explained on the
grounds that the British representative was not accredited by his
own king, and that he had come about purely commercial matters
of a kind which did not merit personal discussion with the Cochin
Chinese ruler. Crawfurd was told at Hu that the British could trade
at Cochin Chinese ports on the same terms as the Chinese junks, but
not in Tonkin (which, at an early stage in the discussion, was said to
be open, but was later reported closed because, as a recent conquest,
"it was not deemed expedient to encourage the resort of strangers to
it") 130 All this was in accordance with Minh-Mang's policy of not
trying to shut out foreign trade but refusing to accept diplomatic
entanglements with the Europeans - and, as the Robert mission of
129. For a brief account of Crawfurd's life, see J. Bastin, John Crawfurd,
Malaya, Dec. 1954.
130. Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit., p. 272.
174
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131. The mission of the American Robert, not to be confused with the envoy
of the East India Company whose narrative has been printed here, is
discussed briefly in Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., p. 340.
Edmund Robert was twice sent by President Jackson, in 1832 and
1836, to try to contact Minh-Mang. Both these missions, which appear
to have been among the very first diplomatic ventures in the Far East of
the United States of America, were failures. See Buttinger, op. cit., p. 308.
175
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(B)
crawfurd's instructions
132. Referring to the 17th century, when the English and the Dutch were active
in these markets.
176
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177
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178
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Plate IX. A Cochin Chinese Mandarin of the Civil Order in his dress of
ceremony. (From Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit.)
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of the principles above stated, and which must be, in a great measure,
contingent upon the knowledge you obtain in the progress of your
mission, his Lordship in Council relies on your judgement and expe-
rience, and necessarily commits the conduct of them to your discretion,
to be regulated according to circumstances.
12. Although Government is not inclined to contract formal
treaties, lest the native powers to whom you are now deputed should
capriciously imagine their independence or their prerogatives com-
promised by such engagements; yet, his Excellency in Council is
sensible of the great advantage which would result from obtaining
from the Cochin Chinese or Siamese Government official and authentic
records of such concessions as they might be induced to make to the
freedom and security of commerce, either in the form of letters from
the Sovereigns to the Governor-General, or from their Ministers to
yourself, in the character of an edict addressed to their subjects.
13. As his Lordship in Council conceives that, after the first
establishment of a friendly intercourse with Siam and Cochin China,
the extension and improvement of our amicable relations with these
states will be greatly promoted by the maintenance of epistolary com-
munication, you will see the propriety of encouraging a correspondence
respectively on the part of the Sovereigns with the head of this Govern-
ment, and on that of his Ministers with the subordinate Governments
of India, especially with the Government of Prince of Wales's Island,
and the Chief of the Settlement of Singapore. This will have the
salutary effect of impressing the native Governments with a conviction
that our traders resorting to their ports have the constant protection
of their own Government, while it will not be accompanied by any
of the inconveniences that may result from an attempt to exercise a
more direct control.
14. The Governor-General in Council calculates on your being
able to proceed from hence, at the very latest, by the 1st of November.
It is to be hoped that you will reach Siam, which will be the first object
of your attention, about the middle of December; touching at Prince
of Wales's Island and Singapore for necessary information and assist-
ance. If, as Government has reason to hope, your reception by the
Court of Siam be friendly, it is not proposed to limit your residence
there to any specific period, but to leave it to your own discretion;
keeping in mind the advantage which may result from remaining for
such a time as will afford you an opportunity of obtaining a competent
knowledge of the character of the Court, the manners of the people,
and the resources of the country.
15. After accomplishing the objects of the mission, as far as Siam
is concerned, it will be necessary for you to return to Singapore or
Prince of Wales's Island, and there await the favourable monsoon, to
prosecute your mission to Cochin China. In your voyage from Siam
to the Straits of Malacca, an opportunity will be afforded you of
examining, and reporting upon, the condition and resources of the
tributary and petty States upon the shores of the Gulf of Siam; but you
will be careful to satisfy yourself, in the first place, that your holding
communication with these chiefs will not excite the jealousy of the
Siamese Government, nor give cause of complaint to the Dutch, that
179
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Alastair Lamb
we are interfering with the settlements which they may have formed in
that quarter.
16. The Governor-General in Council contemplates the probabi-
lity of your reaching Cochin China in the month of May, with the
commencement of the westerly monsoon.
17. In your intercourse with a Court so jealous of strangers, and
so reluctant to enter into any intimate intercourse with the nations of
Europe as that of Cochin China, much care and circumspection will
be necessary. Should the mission be so far countenanced that you are
called to the Court, you will endeavour to prolong your stay at the
capital, that you may thus be afforded an opportunity of acquiring an
acquaintance with the genius and habits of the Cochin Chinese Court,
and of availing yourself of such favourable occasions as may from time
to time occur, for disarming the jealousies of the Cochin Chinese, and
for inclining them to cultivate a more intimate connexion with our
nation. His lordship in Council is not unaware, that, in the endea-
vour to attain the objects of your mission at Cochin China, you will
have to contend with the previously established, and possibly adverse
influence of other European nations at that Court 133 It will be your
especial duty, however, as far as practicable, to make yourself ac-
quainted with the views and policy of those nations, and the footing
on which they stand with the native Government; also avoiding, how-
ever, any appearances that may countenance the erroneous belief that
your mission is directed towards objects of a political nature.
18. Looking to a successful reception of your mission at Cochin
China, it is supposed that you may be detained in that country until
the beginning of July. At this period it will be impracticable, or diffi-
cult, to return to the westward against an adverse monsoon by a
direct passage.
19. Your easiest route will therefore be by the established eastern
passage, which, without inconvenient loss of time, will enable you to
touch at Manila, the Sooloo group of Islands, the independent portion
of the Spice Islands, with such other countries by the way as are not
under the control of other European nations. These countries are all
imperfectly known, and a knowledge of their social condition and
commercial resources is intimately connected with the great object
which the Government have in view by your mission - the extension
of the commercial relations of the nation in general, and more
particularly of its Asiatic possessions. It is not the wish of the
Governor-General in Council, however, that you should enter into any
negotiation with the rulers of those countries. The expediency of any
extension of the views of the Government in that direction will be
matter for future consideration; and it is probable that the deliberations
of his Lordship in Council may be materially influenced by the informa-
tion which you will obtain. After thus completing the objects of your
mission in the manner above pointed out, you will return to Singapore
and Penang; and unless you should, at either of these places, find
instructions of a different tenor awaiting you, you will be pleased to
proceed directly to Bengal.134
133. The French.
134. This part of the mission, in the event, was not attempted.
180
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20. Having thus sketched out the general objects of your mission
to Siam and Cochin China, it is necessary to revert to the views and
objects of the Government of Penang, in suggesting at various times
the deputation of an Agent to Siam, as stated in the third paragraph of
this letter.
21. In the year 1813-14, an application was received by the
Government of Prince of Wales's Island from the King of Queda, for
the friendly interference of the British Government in his favour with
his superior, the King of Siam. On that occasion, the Government of
Prince of Wales's Island referred the question to the consideration of
the Supreme Government, when it was determined that, whatever might
be the claim which the King of Queda might be thought to possess to
the attention and regard of the British Government, our mediation for
the adjustment of the differences subsiting between Siam and that
country might lead us into an embarrassing participation in the interests
and concerns of one or both States; and the Government of Penang
was accordingly instructed to limit its proceedings to opening a com-
munication with the King of Siam, and addressing a letter to him,
framed in conformity with the views and principles which wre dis-
tinctly laid down for its guidance. The subject was resumed in the
year 1818, when the Governor of Prince of Wales's Island recorded a
Minute, taking a full view of the former proceedings regarding the
King of Queda, and another tributary of Siam, the Chief of Pera, and
stating his deliberate opinion of the great political and commercial
advantages which the Government of Penang would derive from culti-
vating a more intimate connection with Siam. Copies of the whole
correspondence which passed between the Government of Prince of
Wales's Island on the occasion above adverted to, and also of a later
correspondence in the year 1820, which led to his Lordship in Council
sanctioning the deputation by that Government of an Agent to Siam
for purely commercial objects, are now inclosed for your information.
22. Although the Governor-General in Council is solicitous to
avoid mixing anything of a political nature with your negotiations at
Siam, it seems desirable that you should be in possession of the grounds
on which the Governor of Penang has felt an anxiety for the security
of the States of Queda and Pera; and that you should be prepared to
avail yourself of any favourable opportunity of accomplishing the
wishes of the Governor in Council by a friendly and unostentatious
representation to the Court of Siam. His Lordship in Council relies
entirely on your discretion for acting on this suggestion, or abstaining
from any advertence to the subject, according to the experience you
will obtain of the general disposition of the Siamese Government, and
the chances of an overture of this nature meeting with a favourable
reception. Your visit to Penang will enable you to learn from the
Honourable the Governor in Council the actual state of the relations
between Siam and its dependencies in the Malayan Peninsula, and to
ascertain more precisely the views and objects of the Governor of
Penang with regard to those States.
23. You will be provided with letters to the Honourable the
Governor of Prince of Wales's Island, and also to the Resident of
Singapore, who will be requested to afford you any information or
181
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182
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()
THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT EXPLAIN TO THE COURT OF DIRECTORS THE
MOTIVES BEHIND THE CRAWFURD MISSION.
183
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184
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136. There was, of course, no such treaty. The reference here is, no doubt,
to the Kergariou mission and the appointment of Chaigneau to the Hu
Consulate.
185
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large investment of goods for that country was preparing for shipment
at Bordeaux about the end of the last year. We have also heard
that a Dutch ship from Java obtained a cargo last year in the ports of
Cochin China.137 and hence it may be inferred that the difficulty of
gaining admission to those ports has at all times been over-rated.
But, even if better terms could not be obtained, it would be an object
of some moment to place the trade of Cochin China on a footing at
least with our intercourse with China, and we cannot suppose that the
Sovereign of the former country would refuse to listen to a proposal for
opening a trade when we could hold up to his view the pecuniary
advantages resulting to the Chinese Government from our dealings in
that Empire.
10. It appears to us, after a mature consideration of the subject,
that a mission from the Governor General, as the supreme British
authority in India, to the Kings of Siam and Cochin China would, if
conducted with moderation, temper and address, afford a fair promise
of success in realising the important objects which we had in view as
above detailed. We were decidedly of the opinion that the more pru-
dent and politic course would be to confine the object of the proposed
mission to the revival merely of a commercial intercourse on an
improved basis by more accurately defining the principles on which the
trade should be conducted, and by avoiding all negotiation for any
territorial cession. Any attempt to establish a factory on a permanent
footing in the country, we were satisfied, would only tend to rouse the
jealousies of those states and thus to defeat the very object we were
anxious to obtain.
11. In the selection of the Agent to whom we determined to con-
fide the charge of this mission we confidently anticipate the approba-
tion of your Honorable Court. The former employment of Doctor
Crawfurd of your Bengal Medical Establishment in a diplomatic capa-
city in Java, his intimate acquaintance with the manners, customs and
commerce of the various nations of the Eastern Archipelago, and the
high reputation for ability, judgement and discretion which he has so
deservedly acquired, pointed him out to us as a person emminently
qualified for the successful conduct of this delicate and important
duty.138 We understood, indeed, that he had directed his particular
attention to the trade with Siam and Cochin China, and he was thus
prepared for the task by the full and accurate knowledge he had
previously acquired with regard to everything connected with the
former and present political and commercial history of those countries.
137. This, it seems probable, is the same Dutch ship which Chaigneau men-
tioned in the memorandum on Cochin China which he drew up for the
French Government in the summer of 1820. If so, then the vessel must
have arrived before Chaigneau left Tourane for France in November,
1819. See Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 299.
138. Crawfurd was Resident at Jogjakarta during the British occupation of
Java, 1811-1816. In 1820 he published his great History of the Indian
Archipelago in three volumes.
186
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12-23. (These paragraphs, dealing with the cost and scale of the
mission, have been omitted.)
Honorable Sirs,
Your most faithful,
humble servants,
Fort William, Hastings
23rd November, 1821. J. Adam
John Fendali
(D)
Letters from Bengal, Vol. 88; Political Letter of 27th December, 1822,
enclosing Crawfurd to G. Swinton, 25th October, 1822, written at
Tourane.
Sir,
187
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Alastair Lamb
distant from the mouth of the Ma-nam, for the purpose of ballasting
and watering the ship or otherwise preparing her for our voyage to
Cochin China. These operations detained us ten days, but this delay
gave us an opportunity of affecting a complete survey of this group of
islands which, besides commanding the entrance to the river of Siam
and the approach to the capital - making it in a great measure a key
to all that is most valuable in the kingdom - contains a good harbour
and lies in the direction of all the native commerce conducted in the
Gulf of Siam. On the 14th of August we sailed for Cochin China, and
on the 22nd, with a view of obtaining some information respecting the
actual state of that country, visited the Islands of Pulo Condor which
are under its authority.140 On one of these islands an English settle-
ment once existed, the avowed object of which, as it was to secure to
our nation a portion of the trade of the countries lying between Siam
and China, gave it a peculiar interest as connected with the objects of
our mission . . . ,141
The information received at Pulo Condor confirmed me in the
determination .... to visit Sai-gon, the capital of Lower Cochin China.
This place is situated upon the great River of Kamboja, and after
Cachao in Tonquin is the most considerable commercial town in the
kingdom, and under the government of the most powerful chief of the
country, left by the will of the late King protector of the kingdom and
guardian of his son, the reigning prince. On the 24th we anchored in
the River of Kamboja. Immediately upon my arrival I addressed a
188
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189
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Alastair Lamb
146. An attempt was made to argue that an audience had been denied to
Roberts in 1804. Crawfurd appealed to Vannier, who said that he had
been sick at the time of Roberts' visit, but that there could be no doubt
that an audience had taken place. (Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit., p. 249-
Finlayson, op. cit. p. 359.)
190
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Plate X. A Cochin Chinese Mandarin of the Military Order in his dress of
ceremony. (From Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit.)
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191
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192
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193
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Alastair Lamb
149. These were not, in fact, special terms for the British or concessions on
the part of lhe Cochin Chinese authorities, but merely the terms of trade
then prevailing for the Chinese and, since the Bordeaux entry into this
market, the French.
The duties on measurement were as follows, according to an appendix
to Crawfurd's report:
At Hu
194
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Cochin China from every province of that Empire from Canton to the
Yellow Sea, including at least ten different ports with which our Nation
has no direct intercourse. What these traders are at a loss for in
Cochin China are return cargoes, and if we supply them with the
manufactures of Europe and Indian produce, particularly cotton, opium,
pepper and tin, they will leave the rough produce of Cochin China,
sugar, raw silk and cinnamon, for us to export. Besides this channel of
employment for our capital through the maritime ports of China, a new
and to a great measure an untried one is held out to us for disseminating
our productions among the Chinese in the connection which subsists
between the northern portions of Cochin China and those provinces of
China which immediately border upon it, particularly the extensive one
pf Yu-nan. A brisk international trade is at present conducted between
these countries, and even also our opium and some of our European
manufactures find their way from Canton to the Western Provinces
through the route of Tonquin. The most intelligent of the Chinese
merchants with whom I conversed in the different parts of Cochin
China which I visited pointed out these resources of employment for our
trade and capital.
The political condition of the Kingdom of Cochin China may be
described in a few words. It embraces the whole of Tonquin, the whole
of Cochin China and the largest and best part of Kamboja,150 thus
uniting three distinct states and constituting a more extensive power
than ever was established in the countries lying between China and
Siam in any other known period of their history. The political impor-
tance, however, appears to have been greatly overrated. From the
information obtained by us in both countries, it does not appear that its
population is superior, if indeed equal, to that of Siam. Its territory is
in general of inferior fertility and its foreign commerce scarce amounts
to one half of that of the latter kingdom. In Cochin China a military
organisation has been established through the example and assistance
of the French refugees in the country which has at least a very imposing
appearance. The army consists of about forty thousand men uniformly
clothed in British broad cloth, officered after the European manner and
divided up into battalions under brigades. The park of artillery is
numerous and excellent. Not only cannon is cast in Cochin China, but
shells, cannon ball and grape, and very good gunpowder is manufac-
tured. All this makes the power of Cochin China sufficiently formid-
able to its native neighbours, but it is in all probability the very circum-
stances which would render it an easier prey to the ambition of any
European power that might attempt its conquest. The principal part
of the army, the whole magazines and granaries of the Kingdom, are
at the seat of government the capture of which, no arduous enterprise
to an European power, would be nearly equivalent to the conquest of
150. Cambodia, as the term is now understood, had become a protectorate of
Gia Long's by 1812, and was thereafter a bone of contention between
Vietnam and Siam. Crawfurd uses the term Cambodia (Kamboja) in a
wider sense to take in the whole Mekong delta region including Saigon.
195
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196
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197
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Alastair Lamb
(E)
198
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Plate XI. The Deputy Governor of Cambodia in his dress of ceremony.
(From Crawfurd, Embassy , op. cit.)
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199
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Alastair Lamb
157. The river Kangkac. The Giang-thanh river leading to the Vinh-te canal
which joins the Bassac branch of the Mekong at Chau Doc. The details
of this waterway are shown in PI. Ill of Vol. 1 of L. Malleret, L'Archo-
logie du Delta du Mekong, Paris 1959.
158. Athien = Ha-tien.
159. Pontiemas was situated a few miles upstream from Ha-tien. Until 1717,
when it was destroyed by the Siamese, it was the main port by which
European traders approached Pnompenh. (See: Hamilton, East Indies
op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 105-108.)
160 Panomipen = Pnompenh.
200
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122. The River of Sai-gon ... is politically one of the safest and
most commercial navigable streams in the world. Ships of almost any
size may enter into it without a pilot and even sail to the city of Sai-gon,
50 miles up the stream, by the common sailing directions. The natives
informed me that the river was navigable for craft of considerable
burden for 20 days voyage above this place. The River of Sai-gon is
not only convenient for navigation, but the alluvial districts in its vicinity
are highly productive; and on this account it forms the second place of
commerce in the Kingdom, ranking next to Cachao in Tonquin, and
of late years it has attracted the whole commerce of Kamboja which
used formerly to be conducted on the great river of that country itself.
123. Cochin China proper has no navigable river of any magnitude.
The River of Hui,
201
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other countries about the northern Tropic, but owing to the extensive
range of mountains which run between Kamboja and Cochin China
the seasons are exactly reversed, and the rain begins to fall in the
middle of October extending throughout the whole of the cold season.
128. The productive grain countries are necessarily those situated
upon the great rivers of Tonquin and Kamboja and consequently supply
the capital and the central part of the kingdom with a very large portion
of their consumption. The latter could not well subsist without a large
supply from the former, and this is the source of the most extensive
branch of its trade.
129. I shall proceed to enumerate the principal products of the
country in reference to their importance to us as articles of foreign
trade. Sugar is the most valuable of them. This is cheaply produced
in the central districts of Cochin China proper, and both in agriculture
and manufacture is the result of the labour of the natives of the country
and not of that of the Chinese as in Siam. Upon the whole the com-
modity, of a good grain, is inferior in whiteness to that of Siam. The
whole exportation appears to be about 130,000 piculs and has princi-
pally been sent to China.
130. Raw silk is the next article in value. Of this there is little
or none produced in Kamboja, but in Cochin China the culture as we
had an opportunity of observing ourselves is extensive, and in Tonquin
is still more so. The quantity of this commodity which the whole king-
dom could export was estimated to me at about 120,000 lbs. weight a
year. TCie objections to it are the shortness of the skein and, therefore,
its unsuitableness to our machinery, and the want of gloss in the staple
resulting from the solution of the gummy matter owing to the cocoons
being subjected to too high a temperature in reeling them. A seer162 o
it duly examined in the Calcutta market was considered to be worth
11 Rs., being considered somewhat better than Bengal silk not produced
at the Company's filatures. The French ships which lately visited
Cochin China carried home considerable quantities of it, and it appears
that the coarser kind was found to answer very well in the French
market.
131. Cochin China produces the true cinnamon. The whole pro-
duce of this article for exportation appears to be about 2,000 piculs163
or 266,000 lbs. Its growth is confined to the mountains of central
Cochin China, from whence it is exported to Kamboja and Tonquin,
but principally to China where it is much more highly valued than any
other quality of this aromatic. Altho' in taste highly agreeable and
aromatic in its present state of preparation, it is not suited to the Indian
or European markets. To render it suited to our consumption it would
be necessary that the natives should be instructed in freeing it from
the epidermis and otherwise packing and preparing it as practised in
Ceylon, a matter which might be communicated without difficulty
through the Chinese.
132. Another exclusive product of the central provinces which is
extensively cultivated and supplied to the neighbouring provinces is
162. By a seer Crawfurd meant a weight of about 3 lbs. 40 seers made a
maund
163. A picul equals 100 catties or 133i lbs.
202
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tea. This is a very coarse and very cheap commodity, the price seldom
exceeding a penny or two pence a pound. Whether under other cir-
cumstances of our relations with this part of the world this tea might
not be exported for the consumption of the poorer estates in England
may be a subject for consideration.
133. The productions of the alluvial districts of the kingdom and
the adjacent forests are nearly identical with those of Siam, and it will
only be necessary to enumerate the principal of them. These are for
Kamboja: gamboge,164 cardomuns, eagle wood, areka,165 ivory, stick
lac,166 hides and bones, dried fish, rare woods and woods for naval and
domestic architecture. For Tonquin they are: varnish, stick lac and
woods and roots for dying.
134. Of these commodities it will only be necessary to specify
2 or 3. Valuable timber is only found in Kamboja. A small quantity
of teak-wood, but undeserving of notice, is found in the forests of this
country. The wood used for ship-building and for the manufacture of
gun carriages, and for almost all architectural purposes is one called
in the native language Sao. Not having seen the tree which produces
it, we had no opportunity of ascertaining its botanical character. This
timber from all accounts is strong and durable. It is carried to the
capital in large quantities and from it were constructed the whole of the
public buildings as well as the numerous and very beautiful gun car-
riages which we had an opportunity of examining in the Royal Arsenal.
A hard black wood is extensively used in cabinet work, and being of
large dimensions and affording a fine polish seems extremely well suited
to this purpose, and may probably answer for exportation to our settle-
ments. Kamboja also produces the timber called by the Portuguese
rose-wood, and this the Chinese export as they do from Siam.
135. Of the vegetable products exported from Tonquin I shall
advert only to one. This is a species of root called in the Annam
language Mao Kin and in that of Canton Shu-leong .166a It forms the
dead-weight of all Chinese cargoes exported from Tonquin. This,
which is a very cheap material, is extensively used both throughout
Tonquin and Cochin China as well as in China as the material for a
red dye, and it is on this account that I notice it here, believing it
possible that it may be applied to similar purpose by own manu-
facturers.
164. Gamboge. A drug prepared from the sap of a species of jungle tree
related to the mangostine tree. The name appears to be derived from
Kamboja, the Malay name for Cambodia which is the chief source of
this commodity.
165. Areka. The fruit of the Areka palm. The dried Areca nuts were widely
consumed in India and China, where they were appreciated as a stimu-
lant comparable with tea, coffee or tobacco.
166. Stick lac. An incrustation produced on certain trees by the lac insect.
The crude resinous product is known as stick lack, from which is pro-
duced lac dye and the varnish base known as shellac. The lac dye pro-
duces a red colour, and from the word lac is derived the English term
lake as in crimson lake. The lac insect occurs throughout S.E. Asia, but
the best quality product is to be found in the mainland rather than the
islands.
166a. Berland, BSEI 1947, p. 55n, equates this with the Tonkinese dyestuff
cu-nau, which provides the burnt Sienna colour of the clothes most com-
monly worn by the ordinary people of Tonkin.
203
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204
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demand for some woollens of a finer fabric among the better classes
of the people for occasional winter use.
143. From Canton and Singapore the junks have of late brought
small quantities of fine heavy cotton goods, which are much in request
amongst the better classes. Chintzes and other coloured cotton goods,
so well suited to the taste of the Siamese, are not at all consumed by the
Cochin Chinese with the exception of handkerchiefs. Neither are our
coarse white cottons such as are manufactured in India fit to be
imported in Cochin China, for from the specimens which I brought
from that country it does not appear that we are capable of competing
with them in this direction with their domestic manufacture.
144. The Cochin Chinese, notwithstanding their skill in the fabri-
cation of cannon and the manufacture of ammunition, are incapable of
supplying themselves with fire arms and have at all times been furnished
with them by Europeans. One of the French ships which came out in
1819 supplied the King of Cochin China with 10,000 stand of arms,
yet these still continue as articles in demand.168 Notwithstanding the
apparent cheapness of the native iron of both Siam and Cochin China,
still this does not exclude the importation of the same commodity from
Europe, the use of which, from the little loss sustained in the operation
of forging compared to the native metal, has advantages over it even
in point of dearness.
145. The foreign trade of the Cochin Chinese Empire is almost
exclusively with China. The trade which it carries on with Siam is
inconsiderable, and that with Europeans still smaller. The Cochin
Chinese, like the Siamese and, I presume, for the same reasons, are
prohibited from going abroad, and whatever foreign trade they possess
is carried on not by themselves but by the natives of those countries
with whom they hold intercourse. The subjects of Cochin China, how-
ever, are permitted to go abroad by licence, and in this manner a few
of them visit China; and within the last two or three years several of
their merchants have visited the European ports in the Straits of
Malacca and particularly Singapore. I may here remark that were the
Cochin Chinese permitted the liberty of freely going abroad I know no
people of the East so well fitted to make expert mariners from their
hardiness, their activity and their prompt and cheerful habits of
obedience. The Cochin Chinese, altho' not permitted to go abroad,
conduct a considerable traffic by sea between one part of the Empire
and another. In the course of this, as well as in the transporting of
the tributes to the capital, they acquire a good deal of maritime
experience. Their vessels, it has been remarked by good judges, are
the best description of native craft anywhere to be seen in India, and
fit to encounter without danger the worst weather. In addition to this
testimony, the 2 French gentlemen at the Court of Cochin China who
had each commanded a corvette of 16 guns manned entirely by Cochin
Chinese assured me that they made brave and expert seamen.
168. The Henry, commanded by Captain Rey and belonging to the Bordeaux
merchant house of Philippon, made its second voyage to Cochin China in
1819 - the first voyage was in 1817-1818 - with a cargo of 10,000 rifles.
(See: Taboulet, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 290-292; H. Cordier, Bordeaux et la
Cochinchine sous la Restauration , T'oung Pao 1904, p. 529; Moor, Notices
of the Indian Archipelago, op. cit. p. 230.)
205
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Port of Hui.
From Hai-nan, Canton, Macao and the Northern Pro-
vinces generally 10 junks averaging at about 3,000 piculs
burden
206
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150. The trade of Cochin China with Siam and which is confined
to the port of Sai-gon I have already described.170
151. The Cochin Chinese Government is in theory nearly as
despotic and arbitrary as that of Siam, but in practice it is, if not
milder, certainly of a more manly and candid character. The Cochin
Chinese in their forms of Government, as they do in their other institu-
tions, imitate the Chinese; and they fall as much short of these people
in the administration of their laws as they do in ingenuity and enter-
prise. The only rank amongst them is official, and this, as in China, is
divided into 2 great classes, a civil and a military, an arrangement which
creates throughout the provinces a sort of double administration.
152. The form of the administration is regular in the habits and
modes of transacting business, equally prompt and methodical. Instead
of the procrastination which characterises most eastern governments, a
stranger will be surprised in Cochin China to find the almost alacritous
despatch in all official business; but it is probable that this is an acci-
dental advantage belonging to the personal character of the Sovereign.
153. In Cochin Oiina the princes of the blood seem to have no
share in the administration.171 The first dignity in the Kingdom is that
of Kwan. This is commonly bestowed upon the First Minister and
upon the Governor of Kamboja and Tonquin. Under the First Minis-
ter are 6 principal officers of state, who execute the details of the
administration. The first in rank of these is the Chancellor who is
charged with the care of the archives and public correspondence. The
second is the Minister of Ceremonies and religions - for these two
departments are considered to have a direct relation to each other.
The third is the Minister of Justice, the fourth the Minister of Finance,
the fifth the Minister of War and the sixth the Minister of Woods
and Forests. The duties of the latter officer are a little complex and
170. In paragraph 32 of this report Crawfurd gives a few more details of this
trade. Apart from Saigon, Ha-tien was also concerned in the Siam-
Cochin China trade, which was carried out almost exclusively by Chinese
merchants. Cochin China imported from Siam iron, and exported to it
raw silk. He estimated, in paragraph 36, that 18 junks of 850 piculs
burden each traded annually between Bangkok and Saigon.
171. Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., p. 324, gives the following account of Gia Long's
central administration:
The central government consisted, as under the Le, of six
ministers ( luo-bo ) . . . The Minister of Personnel ( bo-Lai ) selected
the civil servants, conferred titles and grades, drew up edicts and
proclamations. The Minister of Finance (bo Ho) was in charge
of the state treasury, the regulation of taxes and the fixing of
prices. The Minister of Rites (bo L) arranged the public cere-
monies, examinations and rewards for meritorious persons. The
Minister of the Army (bo Binh) recruited officers and soldiers
and kept watch over public order. The Minister of Justice
(bo Hinh) concerned himself with laws and punishments and with
the review of legal cases. The Minister of Public Works
(bo Cong) arranged the construction of public buildings, citadels
and war junks, and organised the conscription of labour and the
purchase of materials. Each ministry consisted of a president
(i thuong-thu ), two vice-presidents (tham-tri) and two assessors
(thi-lang). It was this council, and not the minister by himself,
which made all the decisions. The disagreement of a single
member resulted in the need for reference to be made to the
Sovereign.
207
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not fully expressed in the title. He not only superintends the forests
but everything that is constructed of wood, which of course includes
the public buildings and houses.
154. The Governors of Kamboja and Tonquin have their courts
and public officers as at the capital, but they make regular reports of
all their proceedings in every department to the Government.
155. The bane of the Government of Cochin China, like that of
Siam, is the universal conscription. One third of the whole adult male
population of the country is constantly employed upon the public ser-
vice, and, as in Cochin China there is a numerous priesthood to escape
to for immunity from the levee; and as a pecuniary commutation is not
admitted for the natives, the conscription falls perhaps a little more
heavily upon the people than in Siam itself. Altho' the conscription
is ostensibly for military service, yet the soldiers are compelled to per-
form many species of hard toil and menial offices that the officers of
the Government may please to exact of them over and above their
military duties, such as the construction of fortifications, rowing and
navigating the King's gallies and those of the chiefs and conveying the
taxes and tributes to the capital. We ourselves had opportunities of
seeing them drawing water and carrying the chiefs' palanquins, and
this too in their military uniforms.
156. Of the laws of Cochin China it is only necessary to say that
they are borrowed from China, but that they are evidently administered
in a spirit of less justice and mildness than in that country. The cane
seems to be the great remedy for all offences. Every one who is but
a single grade above another, either in a civil or a domestic relation,
seems to consider himself warranted in applying it without scruple.
The petty officer punishes the soldier and the officer the petty officer.
The husband punishes his wife and the wife her children. Altho' our
experience of them was but short and our intercourse casual, we had
oportunities of seeing examples of all these and I had certainly not
believed that corporal punishment could have been so frequently exer-
cised in any country until I had experienced the Cochin Chinese.
157. Corruption and extortion among the officers of the Govern-
ment are almost universal, and they appear to have no respect for the
property or the services of the lower classes except in so far as they
may contribute to their own convenience or emolument.
158. The military force of Cochin China forms as it is at present
constituted the most singular part of its government. The Cochin
Chinese army which consisted during the latter years of the civil war
of 150,000 men does not at present exceed 40,000. The men com-
monly consist of the elite of the general conscription. This army is
dressed, equipped and disciplined after the European manner. A
regiment consists of 10 companies of 60 men in each of which there
are no less than 12 non-commissioned officers and a 1st and 2nd
captain. The regiment is commanded by a Colonel and a Lieutenant
Colonel. 5 regiments constitute a legion or brigade which has a chief
and a 2nd chief. 172 The artillery is a distinct service from the
172. Brigade = doanh ; regiment = ve; company = doi. Crawfurs table of
organisation for the army agrees well with that given in Le Thanh hoi,
op. cit., p. 330.
208
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Plate XII. The King of Cochin China (Minh-Mang) in his dress of ceremony.
(From Crawfurd, Embassy, op. cit.)
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infantry, and forms the completest and best organised portion of the
army. There is no cavalry, for the small horses of the country are
unfit for this description of service. The allowances of the troops
consist of pay and rations. They receive pay only when on actual
duty, and receive neither pay nor rations when on furlough. The pay
of a common soldier of the infantry as well as of the non-commissioned
officers, for in this respect there is no distinction between them, is one
kwan a month and one measure of rice which consists of almost 64
lbs. The 2nd captain has 2 kwans and 2 measures of rice; the 1st
captain 3 kwans and 3 measures of rice; and the Colonel 8 kwans and
8 measures of rice; and the commander of a brigade has 30 kwans and
30 measures of rice. A regular pensionary system exists, and as the
reward of merit or eminent services pay is often advanced when no
promotions take place. Besides all this, a large sum is disbursed by
the King for the funeral of every soldier, the only religious ceremony
to which the Cochin Chinese attach any importance.
159. The fortifications and arsenals of the Kingdom are still
superior to the army. Almost everything in this department is upon
an European model. Besides the fortifications and arsenals of the
capital which I have described in my journal, there are also a strong
and well constructed fortress and well arranged arsenal at Sai-gon, a
strong fortress at Ya-trang and another at Kwin-nyon, not to mention
the redoubts in the Bay of Turon and the strong fort at the mouth of
the river of Hui.
160. Since the termination of the civil wars the navy of Cochin
China has been permitted to fall into decay. The late King had at one
time 2 fine corvettes mounting 18 guns each, which were commanded
by the French gentlemen who are still at Court, with an extraordinary
number of war-gallies after the Cochin Chinese fashion. Of the latter
a good number still exist. They are lugg rigged vessels of 70 or 80
feet long, but extremely narrow. Their crew commonly consists of
about 50 men, and they are usually rowed by 40 oars, carrying about
10 small pieces of brass cannon. It was in them that we were conveyed
to the capital, and therefore we had a good opportunity of observing
the extraordinary degree of good order and systematic discipline which
was maintained in them.
161. The whole of this system of military organisation was the
creation of the late King, who received his instruction from a few
Europeans, principally of the French nation. The most remarkable
person among these was Pignon, a native of Brussels and titular Bishop
of Adran. A splendid mausoleum has been erected to the memory of
this singular man by the gratitude of his employer, which is to be
seen within a few miles of Sai-gon. 173 The plan once matured,
however, now exists without the assistance of any European talent and
209
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210
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165. Like the Siamese, the Cochin Chinese carry no arms. I was
assured by the French gentlemen, who had so many years experience
of them and who were masters of their language, that docility and
good nature were the most remarkable features of their nature and
that they were so little actuated by the spirit of revenge that murder
and assassination were crimes little heard of amongst them. The
existence of the unprotected and unarmed travellers whom we ourselves
saw passing along the highways in such perfect security must be
admitted as a substantial proof of this character perhaps as much as
of the vigilance of the Government. The vanity of the Cochin
Chinese takes a different character from that of their neighbours the
Siamese. It is of a national and not of a personal nature. They
look upon themselves as one of the first people in the world and their
King as one of the first of princes; but personally their conduct
towards strangers is obliging and unassuming and they make no
objections to give to foreigners their personal services. Instead of the
difficulties experienced among the Siamese in this respect, we found an
abundance of Cochin Chinese ready to perform for us cheerfully every
menial office.
166. As soldiers they are obedient, hardy and, considering that
they are the shortest race of people in Asia, remarkably athletic.
With all these qualities, however, unaccustomed as they are to the
use of arms and cowed by the severe despotism under which they
labour, I feel perfectly convinced that notwithstanding all the military
display about them, they will be found not only far from martial but
even a timid race.
167. Cochin China after a civil war of nearly 30 years con-
tinuance, has now experienced tranquility for more than 20 years, and
I have no doubt, from the information given me, has made a very
considerable start in prosperity and population. The conscription is
indeed a great check to the last. The men cannot marry until they
are in a capacity to purchase a wife, a practice universal in this
country. This, considering the demand for his services by the public,
he is seldom able to accomplish before 25 or 30. The effect of the
conscriptions is, as in Siam, to throw an unusual share of the
labour upon the women. The latter, therefore, are industrious, while
their military and desultory employments render the men idle and
unskilful. The women toil in every employment. They conduct the
whole petty traffic of the country, they carry heavy burdens, they
plough, sow and reap. The effect of all this is, that a woman's
labour is as valuable as that of a man, and her wages the same, a
matter I should suppose peculiar to the state of society in Cochin
China.
211
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212
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213
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former connection. During the civil wars, when the authority of the
Tay-sons or usurpers prevailed, China, taking advantage of the dis-
tracted state of the country, invaded Tonquin, which was defended by
one of the rebel brothers, with a numerous army. The Cochin Chinese
met this army with an inferior force and defeated and nearly annihilated
it. This is still a subject of triumph with the Cochin Chinese, who
hold very cheaply the military character of their more civilised
neighbours. I must however here observe that notwithstanding such
opinions as these, the Cochin Chinese admit without hesitation
the superior civilisation of the Chinese, and that in manners, religion,
literature and art they are proud to imitate them and follow their
example. This is always the source, whatever political differences they
may wish, of an indissoluble and useful connection between them.
173. With European nations the Cochin Chinese maintained
scarcely any connection, except that which is kept up by the Catholic
Missionaries, for nearly a century, and until the commencement of the
French Revolution, when some French adventurers, generally Royalist
emigrants, found their way into the service of the late King, disciplined
his armies to restore him to the throne and may truly be said to have
been the founders of that extensive Empire which now reaches from
Siam to China. The King of Cochin China in his distress sent his
son to France, concluded a defensive alliance with the French nation
and made them an extensive cession of territory. The war which
followed in Europe and the success of the British arms in India
prevented France from improving the advantages which chance had
thus placed in her way. Of the 12 or 13 individuals of the French
nation who were at one time in the service of Cochin China, 2 only
remain, and these are without influence or authority. 175 The political
connection with France may therefore be now looked upon as an
affair of mere history. The authority of the Sovereign is indisputably
established throughout his dominions. He has no longer occasion for
the service of strangers, and I make no doubt that at present the
French are looked upon with more jealousy than any other Europeans,
the English alone excepted.
174. In regard to our own relations with the Cochin Chinese,
it does not appear to me that any advantage can arise to us from
any direct political connection with them. They are too distant and
too insulated from the sphere of our Indian political relations, except
indeed in the single case of Cochin China's becoming the scene of a
political intrigue on the part of our European rivals against our
Indian Empire or commerce, to be of any real importance to us.
In such an event, however, there can be no doubt but that the
existence of a foreign European influence in Cochin China would
during war be very prejudicial to our prosperity. A very slender naval
force, for example, issuing from the many ports of Cochin China
would be sufficient to cut off or harrass our extensive commercial
175. See p. 196 above, note.
214
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176. For details of the duty on measurement, see p. 194 above, note.
215
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216
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217
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(F)
218
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219
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(G)
CHAIGNEAU ON THE CRAWFURD MISSION.
Not only did the Crawfurd mission to Hu put an end to any illu-
sions which the British might still have harboured up to that time as
to the extent of French influence in Cochin China, but it also seems to
* in consequence of the King having refused to accept of those of th Govern-
ment General, as not being a Sovereign.
178b. For a detailed amount of this episode, see The Crawfurd Papers,
Bangkok 1915, pp. 225-285, where the "outrage" perpetrated on Captain
Smith and Mr. Storm by the Siamese authorities in Bangkok in October
1822 is illuminated by several documents.
220
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have had a most adverse effect on what little remained, in fact, of that
influence. As Chaigneau's letter, which is reproduced here below,
indicates, Crawfurd's arrival, combined with the impression created by
the recent founding of Singapore, served to reinforce Minh-Mang in
his determination not to allow the British any opportunity to establish a
foothold in his dominions. Minh-Mang seems to have appreciated
that in no way could he better attract the attentions of the British than
by granting special conditions of trade and diplomacy to the French.
Chaigneau clearly felt that the Crawfurd mission had made his already
difficult position in Hu, both as Cochin Chinese mandarin and as
French representative, almost impossible; and he noted that it had,
almost at once, damaged the conditions of French trade. The Larose ,
which put in to Tourane shortly after the departure of the John Adam ,
was obliged to pay anchorage dues, not charged to French vessels since
at least 1817, as well as the normal duties on measurement; and this
meant that France was now trading with Cochin China on terms worse
than those which had been promised to Crawfurd.179
Chaigneau, however, saw some faint silver lining to the cloud that
Crawfurd had created. The two British ships which visited Tourane
between Crawfurd's departure and October, 1823, brought cargoes of
rifles which cost more and were of poorer quality than those provided
by Balguerie, Sarget et Cie., and Minh-Mang had refused to buy any of
them.180 Public opinion in Cochin China, Chaigneau added, was far
from hostile to France and far from friendly to England. All this sug-
gested that a fresh French diplomatic effort in this part of Indochina
might yet succeed. But such a task was not for Chaigneau, who, like
Vannier, was getting on in years and anxious to see once more his
family in France, and who considered that his position in Hu, diplo-
matically speaking, was now untenable. In November, 1824, the two
French mandarins and their large families boarded a Chinese junk at
Tourane and sailed for Singapore. There they found the Balguerie,
Sarget et Cie. ship, Courrier de la Paix , which landed them at Bordeaux
in September, 1825. 181
Chaigneau had scant grounds, beyond wishful thought and a refusal
to accept the conclusion that his long career had not advanced the
interests of France, for the belief that further French missions would
do any better than he had done himself. In 1821 the French Government
had instructed Courson de la Ville Hlio, commander of the frigate
Cloptre , to seek while he was on the Cochin Chinese coast an audience
with Minh-Mang; but, as has already been noted, the King refused to
221
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Alastair Lamb
see the French officer when the latter requested an interview early in
1822. The visit of the Cloptre , in fact, was treated almost as if it
was the vanguard of a French attack on Tourane. In 1824, the Villle
Ministry (one of the members of which was Chateaubriand, a relative of
Chaigneau's), proposed yet another mission to Minh-Mang. This was
entrusted to Captain Henri de Bougainville, commander of Thtis , 44
guns and one of the newest ships in the French navy. De Bougainville,
so his instructions from Clermont-Tonnerre, Minister of the Marine,
read, was to call in at Tourane during the course of his planned voyage
around the world, and in an audience with Minh-Mang he was to dis-
cuss matters "of peace and the protection of commerce". Thtis
arrived at Tourane on 12th January, 1825, to be joined there a few
days later by the corvette L'Esprance. De Bougainville was enter-
tained at Tourane by Edouard Borei, agent of Balguerie, Sarget et Cie.,
but he was refused permission to visit Hu and see the King. The
letter which he had with him, from the French King to Minh-Mang, and
the presents were refused. De Bougainville, in a letter to the Minister
of the Marine dated Tourane, 12th February, 1825, explained his
failure in these words:
222
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184. Taboulet, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 315-320; Cordier, Consulat, op. cit., pp.
113-129; Le Thanh Khoi, op. cit., pp. 339-340; Cady, op. cit., p. 16;
Buttinger, op. cit., p. 387.
223
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224
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189. Immediately after the Crawfurd mission there was also a marked increase
in the trade between Singapore and Cochin China, but all carried on by
Chinese junks. By 1824 about 26 junks from Singapore visited Cochin
Chinese ports each year with a total tonnage of more than 4,000. After
1824 the number of junks increased greatly. See Crawfurd, Embassy,
op. cit., p. 513.
225
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226
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227
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CHAPTER IX.
CONCLUSIONS
228
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/';-=09 )(8* =-0/']
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li
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Missions to Cochin China
man mission to Cochin China in the same category as the British pro-
jects of 1763-75 at Balambangan in the Borneo Archipelago. Chap-
man saw the Bay of Tourane as an ideal site for a British settlement
where the Chinese could bring their wares and their craftsmen,
where British and Indian manufactures could be sold for a good profit
to be invested in the China trade, and where, in time of war, British
ships could shelter and refit. The Macartney Embassy investigated
these possibilities, and Staunton, in his narrative, was by no means
convinced that there were no advantages to be derived from British
policy in Indochina. Roberts, as one of his objectives, was told to try
to secure some British foothold here; and Crawfurd, when the strategic
needs had virtually disappeared and the financial problems of the China
trade were well on their way to being solved by other means, was still
told to investigate what Cochin China had to offer in these respects.
None of the missions, with the arguable exception of Crawfurd's,
achieved anything of great significance; and for this reason they have
been very much forgotten in the standard histories of British expansion
into South-East Asia. But it would be most unfair to lay too much
blame for these failures on the envoys concerned. At this period
Cochin China lay well outside the natural sphere, one might say, of
British policy. It was not adjacent, or even near, to British territory.
Its possession, unless the French influence had developed into some-
thing far more formidable than was ever the case, was in no way essen-
tial to British interests. An effective British intervention here, aid for
the Nguyen as was suggested in 1778, or for the Tayson as was sought
in 1793, could only have been made by mounting an expensive venture
with declared expansionist aims; and such ventures did not fit into
the pattern of a period when Parliament was demanding that British
expansion in Asia should come to a stop. With the example of the
costly Balambangan venture before them, responsible Company servants
were unlikely to pay much attention to the optimistic prospects held out
in Chapman's report.
It must also have been clear that Cochin China, whoever was
ruling it, fell within the Chinese sphere of interest, and that active
British intervention here without express approval from Peking could
well produce an adverse effect on the position of the Company's trade
at Canton. As with British policy towards the Himalayan border dur-
ing this period, so in Cochin China was the fear of Chinese reaction a
factor of significance; and especially after the British had concluded
that the Tibeto-Nepalese war of 1792 was closely connected with the
229
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230
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attracting British intervention. Had it not been for the outbreak of the
French Revolution and the virtual isolation of Pigneau de Behaine and
his successors from metropolitan France, the rulers of Cochin China
might have had to face a crisis arising from this consideration at a much
earlier date. As it was, the attempt of the Restoration Monarchy to
re-establish a close connection with Hu carried in its train, in the shape
of the Crawfurd embassy, the lesson that such developments were being
watched by the British who, in 1822, were far closer geographically to
Indochina than they had been in Chapman's day. There can be no
doubt that the Crawfurd Embassy put the seal on the Nguyen policy of
avoiding all European entanglements whatsoever, a policy to which they
were to cling until the French forced them to abandon it in the second
half of the nineteenth century. This, of course, was not one of Craw-
furd's objectives.
Cochin China at the time of Crawfurd's arrival was prepared to
trade with merchants of any nation, China, Portugal, Spain, Holland,
France, England or the United States.191 It was not, however, prepared
to commit itself to any one of these powers, though it still retained
some small sentimental regard for the French. After Crawfurd that
sentiment may have persisted, but it was not allowed to find expression
in any practical form. As we have seen from Chaigneau's letter, one
direct result of the English mission was the demand that French
ships visiting Cochin China should pay anchorage dues. In the decade
following Crawfurd's visit that sentiment virtually disappeared, and
with it went the Cochin Chinese toleration of Christians. Minh-Mang
at first continued his father's policy of toleration, although he had no
great love for Christians himself. In the 1830s, following the rebellion
against the Nguyen of Le Van Khoi in which Christians were thought
to have been implicated, toleration gave way to persecution and pros-
cription. Minh-Mang was determined that among the French Catholic
missionaries still living in his territories there should arise no new
Pigneau de Behaine to seek French aid for a rebel movement against
his dynasty. The result was the execution, in the years 1833-38, of
seven French missionaries and a somewhat larger number of Vietnamese
converts. Even at this stage Minh-Mang still showed much moderation
and caution. In 1840, he sent missions to England, France and the
231
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232
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192. The bibliography of the history of the French in Indochina in the second
half of the 19th century is indeed impressive. Apart from the works of
Le Thanh Khoi and Chesneaux, to which reference has already been
made, a good discussion of the problems and an adequate bibliography
can be found in: Buttinger, op. cit., D. Lancaster, The Emancipation of
French Indo-China, Oxford 1961; J. F. Cady, The Roots of French
Imperialism in Eastern Asia, Ithaca, New York, 1954.
233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
(a) Documents.
The following, all from the India Office Library, London, were
consulted:
234
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235
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Abbreviations.
236
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INDEX
237
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Bellecombe, M. de, 2, 19, 20, 24
Ben Dinh, see Benthoan
Bengal, 15, 27, 43, 44, 50, 54, 56, 60, 68, 73, 75, 80, 98, 108, 109, 112,
113, 128, 130, 159, 180, 182, 187, 189, 201, 202, 230
Benthoan, 34
Berland, H 2, 3, 70, 71, 189, 199
Beverly, 210
Bhutan, 200
Binh-thuan, 70, 72
Bissachire, J. L. de la, 164, 167, 199
Blomfield, Capt., 27, 78, 79, 80
Boisquenai, M., 118
Bombay, 159, 182
Bordeaux, 167, 168, 169, 171, 186, 194, 205, 216, 221, 223
Borei, A., 169, 171, 216
Borei, E., 171, 216
Borneo, 11, 15, 16, 74, 94, 229
Bougainville, Capt. H. de, 222, 223
Bourdel, M., 171
Brest, 167, 168
Brillant, 22, 23
Brittany, 102, 111, 118, 135
Brussels, 209
Budge Budge, 28
Bugis, 29
Bui Dac Tuyen, 87, 92, 93
Burma, 21, 101, 150, 159, 160, 173, 174, 212, 213, 219, 223
Burnell, . ., 71, 79
Bussy, Admiral, 83, 160
238
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Canton, Pulo, 47, 80
Castlereagh, Lord, 100, 108
Cathcart, Colonel, 10
Cavit, 223
Ccir de Terre, Pulo, 35
Ceylon, 158, 202
Chaigneau, E., 171, 223
Chaigneau, Helene, ne Barizy, 102
Chaigneau, J. ., 4, 99, 102, 111, 118, 129, 132, 133, 135, 136, 139,
150, 154, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 185, 190, 191, 196, 197, 198,
199, 216, 220-227
Chakri Dynasty, 173, 230, 232, 233
Champa, 46, 47, 70, 72, 199
Chandernagore, 2, 9, 12, 15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 28, 76
Chapman, ., 1, 2, 9, 12, 14-77, 82, 88, 89, 94, 101, 128, 155, 161, 173,
185, 212, 219, 228, 229, 231
Charpentier de Cossigny, 100
Chavelaure, Capt., 216
Chekiang, 107, 206
Chevalier, M 2, 9, 12, 19, 20, 24, 28, 76
China, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 23, 27, 46, 59, 65, 72, 73,
74, 75, 84, 87, 88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 100, 105, 107, 109, 112, 115
120, 122, 123, 128, 132, 137, 141, 142, 146, 148, 150, 151, 153,
157, 158, 159, 161, 163, 174, 184, 189, 193, 194, 195, 199, 202,
203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 212, 214, 225, 226, 229, 231
Choiseul, 108
Choiseul-Praslin, Duc de, 8
Choumay, Cape, 50, 127
Chuong Vo, 32
Clarence, 89
Clodd, H. P., 29
Cloptre, 197, 216, 221, 222
Clermont-Tonnerre, 222
Clive, Lord, 2
Cochin, 1
Cochin China;
Chinese in, 74, 190, 193-5, 200, 205
Coinage of, 38, 81, 194
Geography of, 70-1, 199-202
Government of, 207
History of, 5-9, 21, 27, 32, 34, 46, 61, 72-3, 82-3, 86-7, 93, 99,
172, 213, 231-3
Peoples of, 71-2
Trade of, 15, 16, 28, 71, 79, 80, 88, 94, 184, 202-7, 216, 217
239
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Two Mandarins from, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 26, 27, 29, 33,
34, 35, 36, 38, 60, 61, 69, 228
Col des Nuages, 46, 73
Condore, Pulo, 5, 6, 30, 31, 32, 69, 70, 85, 86, 176, 183, 188
Constance, 216
Conway, Comte de, 86
Cordier, H., 3, 4, 163, 223
Courrier De La Paix, 221
Courson de la Ville Hlio, Capt., 197, 216 221
Coutenceau des Algrins, M., 83, 85
Coutts, 101
Crawfurd, J., 1, 3, 4, 55, 71, 102, 155, 164, 168, 173, 174-227, 228,
229, 231
Crofts and Kellican, 13, 26, 27, 28
Cuny, M., 20, 21
Cuvier, Baron, 189
Cyble, 167, 168, 169, 216
240
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E
Earl of Temple, 14
Edmonstone, N. ., 123
Egypt, 71
Eleanor, 101
F
Faifo, 5, 21, 25, 48, 49, 68, 78, 79, 81, 87, 90, 97, 111, 124, 125, 129,
155, 176, 193, 206
Farquahar, R. J., 123, 144, 168
Fendali, J., 187
Findlay, . ., 127
Finlayson, G., 175
Fleury, 108
Flotte, M. de., 118
Forsanz, G. de., 99, 135, 196
France, 2, 5-9, 12, 15, 19-24, 28, 57, 82-86, 94, 95, 96-98, 99-101,
105, 107, 108, 116, 118, 119, 121, 146, 147, 149, 151, 153, 154,
155, 160, 162, 167-172, 180, 185, 195, 196, 197, 198, 202, 205,
209, 213, 214, 215, 216, 219, 220-227, 229, 230, 231
Francis, P., 16
Fukien, 107, 206
G
Galathe, 72
Gambir de Terre, Pulo, see Ccir de Terre
Gardner, Capt., 216
General De Caen, see Page
George III, 163, 164
George IV, 174
Gerard, Abb, 104, 111
Gia-dinh, 87
Gia Long, see Ngyuan Anh
Giang-thanh, River, 200
Gibraltar, 155
Good Hope, Cape of, 161
Gore, Capt., 188
Gower, Sir E., 91
Griffin, 102, 133, 150, 151
Gunjava, 103, 110, 117, 124, 132
Guise, M., 117
H
Hainan, 112, 206, 217
Hall, D. G. E., 101, 150
Hanoi, 1, 188, 201, 204, 206
241
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Hardy, Cap., 216
Harlow, V. T., 2, 9, 228
Harrop and Stevenson, 106
Hastings, Marquess of, 173, 175, 187
Hastings, W., 2, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 28, 160, 161, 185
Ha-tien, 200, 207
Henry, 169, 170, 205, 216
Herbert's Directory, 80
Hieu, Prince, 32
Hindostn, 89, 91
Hoi-nan, see Faifo
Holland, 5, 11, 64, 68, 75, 86, 108, 150, 154, 163, 176, 186, 216, 219,
231, 232
Hu, 1, 3, 4, 7, 9, 21, 23, 25, 27, 32, 45, 49, 63, 64, 72, 73, 92,
101, 109, 110, 112, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128-141, 144, 150,
158, 161, 163, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175,
176, 189, 190-192, 200, 201, 206, 220, 221, 222, 223
Hutchinson, E. W., 218
Huttien, 34, 35
Hutton, Capt., 28, 29, 32, 33, 57, 63, 128
Kanh-hoa, 70
Karpels, S., 106
Kedah, 29, 133, 149, 173, 181, 219
Kellican, D., 13
Kergariou, Capt., de., 167, 168, 169, 185, 191, 196, 197, 216, 233
242
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Ketchpole, Mr., 188
King, Capt., 188
Kffler, J., 6, 83
Kwangsi, 88, 199
Kwangtung, 88
L
Macao, 5, 16, 21, 31, 35, 47, 80, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 133, 146,
152, 159, 168, 184, 206
Macartney, Earl of, 1, 2, 10, , 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99,
101, 107, 150, 154, 155, 163, 188, 228, 229, 230
Mackintosh, ., 109, 117, 123, 125, 127, 129, 130
243
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Mackintosh, Capl., 91
Maclennan, Capt., 28, 30, 50, 58, 59
Madagascar, 7
Madras, 4, 22, 29, 56, 74, 75, 80, 102, 109, 133, 168
Makepeace, Capt., 133
Malacca, 16, 28, 29, 69, 71, 84, 85, 94, 95, 100, 102, 109, 113, 117, 123,
144, 152, 168, 175, 177, 179, 183, 189, 205, 218
Malleret, L., 200
Manchu Dynasty, 5
Manila, 9, 10, 11, 100, 102, 151, 152, 153, 159, 168, 180, 223
Mansur I, Sultan of Trengganu, 29
Marchault, 7
Marchault Arnouville, 7
Marchini, J. ., 104, 105, 110, 111, 118, 151, 153, 168
Maunpas, 108
Maybon, . ., 2, 20, 21, 72, 97
Mekong, 1, 30, 31, 33, 46, 72, 195, 200
Menam, 187, 188
Mexico, 10
Minh-Mang, 99, 171, 172, 174, 197, 213, 221, 222, 223, 226, 230, 231,
232, 233
Minto, Lord, 160
Missions Etrangrs, Socit des, 6, 7, 82, 164, 167
Monckton, Hon. E., 29
Monteiro, X. de., 6, 83
Montmorin, Comte de, 85, 86
Moniz, ., 19, 20, 24, 28, 31, 35, 50
Mol, Comte de, 3, 163, 165
Molucca Islands, 16, 74, 85
Montyon, Baron de, 199
Moor, J. H., 3
Morse, H. ., 3
Nader Shah, 44
Nairac, P., 169
Napoleon I, 99, 100, 152, 167
Napoleon III, 232
Netherlands, see Holland
Nguyen Anh, (Gia Long), 32, 33, 82, 83, 85, 86, 97, 99, 101, 102, 106,
109, 111, 118, 130, 149, 150, 151, 152, 155, 162, 164, 165, 166,
168, 169, 171, 172, 195, 196, 207, 223, 226, 227, 229, 232, 233
Roberts, interviews with, 130-132, 136-137, 144
Roberts, letter to, 142-143, 145
244
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Nguyen Dynasty, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 20, 21, 32, 40, 61, 72, 73, 82, 83, 85,
88, 89, 99, 171, 230, 232, 233
Nha Trang, 70
Niaung, M., 92
Nile, River, 71
Nonsuch, 103
O'Friell, J., 6
Olivier de Puymanel, 106
Ong-how-bow, 137, 139
Ong-tom-beign, 69
Ong-to-noe, 128, 129, 132, 136, 140, 164, 165
Ong-ta-hia, 50, 51, 56, 57, 60
Opperman-Mandrot and Co., 168
Origny-en-Thierache, 209
245
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Portugal, 1, 5, 31, 36, 42, 47, 50, 58, 59, 62, 68, 81, 89, 105, 107, 133,
135, 142, 146, 150, 159, 169, 184, 191, 203, 218, 231
Potos, 158
Prince of Wales' Island, see Penang
Prussia, 86
Purefoy, Capt., 102, 111, 133, 136, 151, 168
Saigon, 1, 27, 33, 55, 83, 86, 87, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 160, 176,
188, 189, 193, 194, 195, 200, 201, 204, 206, 207, 209, 216, 232
Scant Michel, 171, 216, 223
Sapata, Pulo, 69
Seringapatam, 164
Sheppard, M. C. ff., 29
246
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Ships, see individual names
Admiral Pocock, Amazon, Amboyna, Armida, Beverly, Brillant,
Choiseul, Clarance, Cleopatre, Constance, Courrier De La Paix,
Coutts, bele, Danae, Diligente, Discovery, Earl of Temple,
Eleanor, Fleury, Gdathe, Generai de Caen, Griffin, Gunjava,
Henry, Hindostn, Jackall, Jenny, John Adam, Jules, La Favorite,
Im Paix, Ixtrose, Lauriston, , Marchault, Maunpas, Nonsuch,
Page, Phoenix, Rumbold, Thetis, Topaz.
Siam, 3, 4, 6, 16, 32, 43, 75, 83, 94, 146, 150, 173, 174, 177, 178, 179,
181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 195, 199, 200, 202, 203,
205, 210, 211, 212, 213, 216, 217, 219, 220, 232, 233
Si-Chang Islands, 187
Singapore, 1, 11, 12, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 189, 204, 205, 219, 221,
223, 225, 226, 230
Song-cau, 206
Song Giang, River, 70
Spain, 10, 11, 54, 99, 151, 153, 155, 159, 231
Staunton, Sir G., 2, 3, 88, 92, 93, 94, 107
St. James, Cape and Bay, 33, 101, 102, 103, 111, 123, 132, 135, 144,
176, 201
Suffren, Admiral, 160
Sulu, 15, 81, 180
Sumatra, 94, 189
Sunda, 85
Surabaya, 223
Swinton, G., 176, 182
Symes, M., 101
Syriam, 160
T
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Torin, Capt., 101, 102
Tothill, W., 92
Totty, Mr., 17, 28, 32, 57, 61, 62
Toulon, 118
Tourane, 2, 6, 7, 8, 11, 16, 20, 21, 27, 32, 36, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 69,
74, 76, 78, 81, 85, 87, 88, 89, 91-99, 102-109, 110-117, 123,
124-141, 143, 144, 145, 151, 155, 157, 158, 159, 168, 169, 172,
175, 176, 193, 196, 197, 201, 222, 232
Tranquebar, 106
Trengganu, 29, 30, 33
Trinder, Lt., 123, 125, 127, 129, 131, 136, 139, 141
Trinh Dynasty, 5, 9, 21, 27, 32, 46, 61, 72, 73, 87
Trinh San, 21
Truong-duc, 72
Truong Phuoc Loan, 31, 32
Tyson, see Tay-Son
U
Ubi, Pulo, 29, 30
V
Van Braam, 150, 163
Van-Hue, 8, 46, 87, 88, 93
Van-Le, 8
Van-Nhac, 8, 21, 27, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42-46, 49, 52, 68,
70, 87
Vannier, P., 99, 111, 112, 113, 118, 138, 144, 145, 150, 154, 164, 165,
168, 169, 170, 171, 190, 191, 196, 197, 199, 222, 226
Varella, Cape, 72
Vergennes, 8
Veren, Bishop of, see Labartette
Veret, M., 188
Versailles, Treaty of, 82, 85, 86, 88, 94, 96, 97, 107, 152, 172, 196,
197, 227
Vienna, Congress of, 172
Vietminh, 1
Villle, 222
Vo-Vuong, 6, 7, 8, 23, 32, 73, 79, 83
W
Wellesley, Lord, 101, 103, 118, 119-123, 150, 152, 164
Wellesley, Province, 173
William V, of the Netherlands, 86
White, Capt., 231
Y
Yule, H., 71, 79
Yunnan, 195, 199, 200, 201, 217
248
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ERRATA
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