CHUS 624

Religious Practices in North China

The Social Impact and Government Response
Scott Albright 05/03/2010

Religious Practices in North China Albright

Religious misery is in one mouth the expression of real misery, and in another is

a protestation against real misery. Religion is the moan of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, as it is the spirit of spiritless conditions. It is the opium of the people. Karl Marx in Selected Essays Introduction Karl Marx famous quote has certainly influenced the leaders of China since the establishment of the republic, but the citizens of that great nation have continued to moan as an oppressed creature in search of their fix for salvation. Throughout time the faithful have resisted subjugation to the state and its proclamation of being the all mighty under the mandate of heaven by continuing to seek their dose of religious opiates. Since the 1990s there has been a resurgence of both traditional and non-traditional religious practices throughout China, yet the government continues to monitor different religious organizations and has implemented policies that are oppressive toward some religious groups, while other groups are allowed to practice their faith freely. In North China, in particular, the faithful have amassed in large numbers, both in private and in public, to share their beliefs, often times in defiance of the state. This paper will examine some of the various religious practices within North China while explaining how those practices have impacted the social and political makeup of the region. It will also examine the historical significance of religion throughout the region in order to explain why the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) enforces some policies and ignores others regarding religious freedom. By understanding this, one will be able to see that religion is controlled to varying degrees in order to prevent the type of political instability that has arisen in North China throughout time due to the activities of different sects and religious groups. Research Method The research for this paper was primarily conducted using online databases through the University of Hawaii at Hilos library system. The databases provide access to scholarly essays, journal articles, and dissertations that are otherwise difficult to find in hard copy. Many of the articles used for this paper were written by ethnographers who lived and studied in various villages throughout North China. Other materials used for this paper include hard copy journals and books that can be found at the university and public libraries in Hilo. The most current material used is from an email interview with the mother of a Christian missionary and her husband who recently returned to the United States from China in March, 2010. Literature Review Finding books that describe the history of North China has been relatively easy. Beijings history in particular has been written about by many authors who have either visited or lived in the city, or who have been students of Chinese history. Ethnographic literature for the area and time frame of interest has been more difficult to find however.

Religious Practices in North China Albright Cang County, being a lesser known area of North China, is not a major discussion piece among authors, but much information about the area is still available, thanks in part to Thomas David Dubois (2005), author of The Sacred Village, Social Change and Religious Life in Rural North China. The primary focus of Sacred Village is on the religious activities within Cang County. Dubois, an assistant professor of history at the National University of Singapore, made eighteen trips to Cangzhou, Cang County in the summers of 1999 and 2002 and between 1997 and 1998. During these trips Dubois stayed with peasants in the villages around Cangzhou for three to six days at a time and conducted informal interviews with the residents. Dubois explains the many different religious sects that have been active in Cang County throughout the 20 th century. Dubois discusses the practices of the Way of Penetrating Unity, the Li Sect, and the Most Supreme and the Heaven and Earth Teachings. By learning of these sects it became easier to search for other ethnographic material about similar religious organization in other parts of North China. One book, titled Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, written by Jean Chesneaux (1971), provides information about secret religious groups similar in nature to the sects in Dubois book. Chesneaux does not focus on the ethnography of these groups or their place of operation within China, and the sects he does cover are different from those in Sacred Village. He does give descriptions of some of the rituals and ceremonies of other sects such as the White Lotus Society and the Way of Fundamental Unity however. Although there are not a multitude of ethnographic books about religion in North China available at the libraries in Hilo, there are a number of journal articles available through UH Hilos online database. One such article by Adam Yuet Chau (2005), titled The Politics of Legitimation and the Revival of Popular Religion in Shaanbei, North-Central China, provides excellent information about traditional Chinese religion and how the revival of its practice has impacted the social life of villagers. Shaanbei is located in northern Shaanxi province, which is not officially part of North China, but it does border the region of interest, and the information within the article is relevant to the subject of concern. Other journal articles that are useful for this study include Andrew Kipnis The Flourishing of Religion in Post-Mao China and the Anthropological Category of Religion (2001) and Zouping Christianity as Gendered Critique? An Ethnography of Political Potentials (2002), Xiao-Qing Wangs How Has a Chinese Village Remained Catholic? Catholicism and local Culture in a northern Chinese village (2006), and Pitman B. Potters Belief in Control: Regulation of Religion in China (2003). The other literature available at the libraries in Hilo are not as in-depth and subject specific as Dubois or Chaus, but there are still good descriptions of what people are like in books like Peking Diary, A Personal Account of Modern China by Lois Fisher (1979) and Chinese Encounters by Inge Morath and Arthur Miller (1979). These books provide descriptive accounts of life inside Beijing in the latter half of the 20th century through the many interviews and personal accounts the authors provide. The main problem with the literature that is available is that most of the authors spent very little time in the areas after the year 2000. It is now 2010 and the information within most of the books is at least a decade old. One of the reasons this paper focuses on the people of North

Religious Practices in North China Albright China in the late twentieth century, instead of the early twenty-first century, is because that is the timeframe for which there is available literature that is relevant to what is happening in the area today. It is necessary to study the people of North China in their current environments to really understand who they are, and the best way to do this would be to go to Cangzhou or Beijing and to live in North China for several months to learn directly from the people, but unfortunately that option is not available for this study. Another problem with the available literature is that it may be inaccurate. Because of the purge of many sectarian leaders during the Cultural Revolution, and because of the oppressive attitude toward religion by different governments, some literature is distorted or simply unavailable. Teachings were not passed down, rituals forgotten, ceremonies changed, and whole sects died out all together under different rulers. The fear of being persecuted for practicing rituals and teachings has also prevented outsiders from getting a clear understanding of what type of religious activity is truly going on throughout China. Government propaganda has also distorted the accuracy of events and altered the true meaning behind different scriptures and religious texts. Many sect members have chosen to remain secretive due to government regulations, past oppression, and societal norms. Due to the very nature of this secrecy, the information about these sects has been withheld or been changed to misinform outsiders. Many sect leaders chose to keep their membership hidden from the public, which has perpetuated the secretive nature of the organizations. Some members of secret religious groups, like FieldMarshall Chu Teh, have come forward to acknowledge their membership (Chesneaux 1971), but the secrecy surrounding such groups still makes finding literature about their activities in North China difficult. Knowing the Land North China consists of the three provinces Hebei, Shandong, and Henan and is bordered by Manchuria and Mongolia to the north. The cities of Beijing and Tianjin are located within Hebei province, whose eastern edges, along with Shandongs, border the Pacific Ocean, while Henan is landlocked. Shanxi and Shaanxi provinces border Henan and Hebei in the west, and Hubei and Anhui provinces border Henan in the south. The region is primarily a large plain surrounded by mountains on three sides and swampy terrain to the south. The Yellow River is the main waterway and has had a significant impact on the lives of people in this area due to the large scale flooding which has occurred at different points in time. Because the Yellow River, along with other smaller rivers and streams, were not navigable, the man-made Grand Canal, which ran from Hangzhou to near Beijing, has been the most important north-south waterway in the region (Schopa 2006:16-17). People have tended to live in clusters of small villages with very few differences in dialects and ethnic groups. Despite the similarity in terrain, language, and ethnicity, both the rural and urban populace of North China have had varying degrees of religious perspectives. Life in North China has been significantly impacted by the many sects throughout the great plain region and has been a force of change in social, political, and religious behavior. Family and work life in Hebei, Shandong, and Henan provinces will undoubtedly continue to be

Religious Practices in North China Albright influenced by the environment, the food that is grown, and the policies of the central government, but religious sects and organizations will continue to play an important role in the future of North China and the bordering lands. The Impact of Religion on Society Confucian, Buddhist and Taoist religious thought have played an important role in the makeup of different sects and organizations within the communities of North China, but the many interpretations of these lines of thought have created an assortment of belief systems that have ranged from being radically violent to being mainly peaceful. These different interpretations have created societal changes that have molded the culture and behavior of the people within the region. In the village of Half Moon, a suburb of Beijing in the Red Flag Commune, challenges to the traditional Confucian line of thought brought about changes in the treatment of women and their place in the workforce. In the mid-1970s women had work points reduced after marriage because it was assumed they were less productive in the fields because of their responsibilities at home. The Womens Federation spoke about one woman who finished her work quicker than men and was later used as a model at political study classes where workers debated the Confucian belief that men were superior to women (Chance 1991:139). Similarly, the Womens League in Chao Yang expressed their anti-Confucian view of mens superiority in the 1970s when they intervened in a household dispute where the husband refused to do household chores. The Womens League was successful and, according to their accounts, the husband did an equal amount of housework thereafter (Fisher). Like the Womens League and the Womens Federation, some religious organizations and sects have sought to change the course of thinking from ancient practices. Others, however, claim to be independent religions on the same level as Buddhism and Christianity, while still adhering to Confucian values. One such organization is the Li sect which was first developed in the late Ming dynasty and remained popular, particularly in Tianjin, until the early 1960s. The Li sect is widely known for its prohibition of alcohol, tobacco, and opium and was sometimes referred to as the temperance teaching (Dubois:108). The prohibition of substances undoubtedly changed the lifestyle of many young Chinese in Tianjin who may have otherwise turned to drugs and alcohol, and thus changed the very culture of the community. Other sects were more reactionary to the times and were often violent in nature. One such sect was the Boxers. The Boxers evolved as an offshoot from the White Lotus Society and became popular after a great flood in August 1898 when a dike broke in three places along the Yellow River, destroying crops and displacing scores of villagers in its wake. Corrupt officials siphoned off relief aid which created tension and distrust among the distraught, while foreign missionaries became targets of attack after they were blamed for the drought which followed the flood. Men and women left without work were drawn to the Boxers who could provide food from raids they conducted on foreign missionaries (Schopa:118-123). According to one document, reprinted in Shanghai in 1953, titled I Ho Tuan, the Boxers used sacred boxing and magic practices as a way to ward off enemies and to draw new recruits (Chesneaux:116-117).

Religious Practices in North China Albright Most of the violence during the Boxer rebellion occurred within the three provinces of North China where some 45,000 foreign trooper were deployed to put down the rebellion in 1900 (Schopa:123). Like the Li sect, the Boxers also prohibited specific activities, and like the Womens League and the Womens Federation, the Boxers actively sought female participation in their movement. Girls, ages 12 to 18, took part in the rebellion as part of special units called the Red and Blue Lanterns, led by Huang-lian Sheng-mu, who claimed to have magical powers. Magic powers claimed by both male and female Boxers included formulae that could ensure invulnerability and control of the weather (Chesneaux:122). Amulets and prayers for invulnerability are not uncommon among traditional religious practices; however the violence displayed by some individuals was out of the norm. One claim by Arthur Peill states that the most violent leaders during the Boxer siege of Cang County were Buddhist monks from outside the area (Dubois:100). Religious sects and secret societies were also influential in promoting other rebel movements like the Taiping Rebellion which lasted from 1851 to 1864. The majority of the violence during the Taiping War occurred in the southern part of the country, although the rebels had their eyes set on Peking, but they only made it as far as Nanjing where they were finally defeated (Schopa:74-75). Members of the secretive Triad society, also known as the Society of Heaven and Earth, became interested in the successes of the Taiping operations and several leaders asked to join the movement early on. Cooperation between Triads and rebels was limited however, but the rebels had support from others, such as Christian missionaries who were interested in the Taipings religious views (Boardman 1951:116). The leader of the Taipings, Hung Hsiu-chuan, declared himelf Jesus Christs younger brother, while sacred books of the new dynasty drew extensively on the Bible (Chesneaux:90). Taipings were described as God worshipping Christians who practiced baptism and recited the Ten Commandments. Because of this, Christian missionaries took great interest in the rebel movement and developed rapport with many rebel leaders, however foreign support for the Taipings was limited, with most remaining neutral on the matter. Christianity on the Rise In the post-Mao era Christianity has seen a resurgence throughout China, and many believers have replaced the traditional ancestor picture in their households with a picture of Jesus Christ. In Fengjia, Zouping County, non-Protestants often complain how they are expected to tolerate Christian traditions, yet Christians will tell others in the village that ancestor worship is wrong (Kipnis 2002:87). Although members are sometimes critisized by non-Christians, Zouping County Protestants generally practice their religious traditions openly without much fear of reprisal for their faith. The number of baptized Protestants in the county grew from less than 1,000 in 1988 to 3,300 by 1998. Over the same time period the number of churches in the county grew from one to eleven, yet the Catholic population of Zouping had only grown incrementally (Kipnis 2002:84-85). It is possible that the number of Catholics have grown much

Religious Practices in North China Albright more than the numbers suggest, but because many Catholics join the underground church, and are not officially registered as Catholics, it is impossible to tell if the numbers are accurate. Catholicism has been growing in popularity throughout the countryside since the late 1970s, however there is little research on underground churces where it is estimated that nearly half of all Chinese Catholics worship (Wang 2006:687-688). This makes it difficult to verify the number of new worshippers in the post-Mao era, however some estimate that there are six to eight million Catholics associated with the underground church (Yang 2006:104). A recent email from Vicki Bryburn (2010), the mother of an American missionary in China, reveals that the underground church is doing well, yet foreigners leave them alone and do not participate, as they do not want to cause harm to the underground believers. The email explains that different provinces in the country behave differently with respect to foreign believers, and that some believers are free to come and go and worship wherever they choose, Chinese or not.1 Suspicious of Christianity Christian missionaries have not always had it easy inside China. Locals have been skeptical of the purpose of missionaries and at times have been quite hostile toward them. Today missionaries are still scrutinized for their activities throughout China. Bryburns email reveals how the government continues to be suspicious of foreign missionaries: The government seems to believe that all Westerners are Christian, and are therefore suspicious of them. It took the kids over a year to get their business license to do legitimate business over there. You can freely be a believer in China, but you cannot proselytize or share your faith with anyone legally. They, as foreigners, can worship quietly and will not be disturbed, but they cannot invite a Chinese citizen to their meetings. Government suspicion of Christians has caused many members to remain secretive about their faith. Bryburns email tells how one of the missionaries referred to has a Christian friend whose husband is a member of the Communist party, but the friend does not attend any meetings at all because of what might happen to the others who continue to meet her. Missionary activities are often monitored by the government as well; as is the case of the missionaries discussed above who believe their apartment in China is bugged and also fear their online computer activity is being monitored by the Chinese government even when they are in a different country. Because of this it was impossible to talk directly to the missionaries being referred to, use their real names, or reveal exactly where they work within China. Similarly, Xiao-Qing Wang, who writes about a village in north China that has remained Catholic for nearly 400 years, does not give the exact location of the village he is studying and uses a pseudonym instead of the real name of the village. Wang explains how villagers were forced to convert the main church into an assembly hall during the Cultural Revolution, and how anti-Christian incidents have caused religious activities to be interrupted many times (Wang:694). Because of these interruptions it is assumed that Wang does not want to publicize the real identity of the village in order to protect them.

Religious Practices in North China Albright Repression and Insurrection Throughout Chinas history religious sects have been investigated and outlawed for their practices, and throughout time religious groups have continued to operate in secret and have caused political disturbances. It is no wonder the government today keeps a close tab on all religious movement because of their historically significant role in politics and social behavior. Some sects were formed for the purpose of protection from evils, while others, such as the Boxers, promoted the martial arts and actively sought cooperation with local militias. Much use of propaganda material has been used to promote different sects, and today the government controls much of the media and has its own propaganda campaigns in order to curb the promotion of potential anti-government movements that may form out of religious organizations. Government propaganda used to suppress the Falungong movement in 1999 and the early 2000s was extremely successful, as many anti-Falungong publications were on the book shelves or available for distribution by the end of July 1999, a week after the official ban was first promulgated (Tong 2005:517). Government intervention does not always lead to the repression of religious organizations however. After investigating the Li sect in 1929 the Ministry of the Interior gave his approval of the group, stating that it was not a religion, but rather a popular welfare organization that should be allowed to exercise its freedom of assembly (Dubois:112). It was noted that they were not a threat to the powers and could actually promote a moral well being because of their prohibition of certain substances. The threat of insurrection and rising powers within various religious sects has been real though. Zhu Yuanzhang, who had established a base in the Yangzi Valley during the later part of the Yuan dynasty, worked with the Red Turbans, an alliance to the White Lotus Society, and became a leader who rose against forced labor under the Mongol rulers. His fight, among other things, led to the fall of the Yuan dynasty, at which time he proclaimed himself ruler of the new Ming dynasty, after dissociating himself with the Red Turbans (Dillon 1998). Because of these real historical threats, the CCP perceives current religious activities as real threats as well. Throughout history religion has played an important role in Chinese society and has been oppressed because of its impact on the populace. In the year 1111 the officials in the Song Dynasty destroyed over one thousand spirit medium shrines in order to protect the world from those who do weird and immoral things and damage popular customs (Weller 1994:170). At times, religion was a significant source of resistance to imperial rule, often in the form of secret societies attempting to remain aloof from official control (Potter 2003:317), and to this day the government is suspicious of some types of religious activity and will intervene in religious affairs to protect its own interests. In 1999 the CCP banned the Falungong religious movement and arrested members by the thousands for varying reasons including the accusation that members were part of a larger U.S. Central Intelligence Agency scheme to create political instability (Tong 2002:805). The organization responsible for the implementation of laws relating to religion is the State Administration for Religious Affairs. The organization also serves the purpose of protecting the freedom of religious beliefs, and safeguarding the legitimate rights and

Religious Practices in North China Albright interests of religious groups and their activity venues. Other duties include preventing and curbing illegal elements from irregular and illegitimate activities by taking advantage of religions, as well as supporting religious circles to make self-education on patriotism, socialism, motherland reunifications, and ethical solidarity (gov.cn 2009). Although the Administration for Religious Affairs was quite successful in supressing and re-educating members of Falungong, it has not been as succesfull in preventing illegal superstitious behaviors in other parts of the country. Looking the Other Way In Shaanbei there are an array of gods, goddesses, spirit mediums, yinyang masters, and fortune-tellers," which fall under the line of illegal and superstitious, however those who engage in superstitious activities are rarely punished by the state. According to Adam Yuet Chau (243244), there has been no effort targeting superstitious activities in Shaanbei since the 1980s. Chau explains that the rain prayers, mediumism, diviniation, and other such practices still fit the criteria of being superstitious, but officals are not interested in taking action against superstion, because they derive no benefit from doing so. He explains that during the Cultural Revolution one could gain politically by being adamant about stamping out superstitious activity, but today officals would only anger the locals and cause unneccessary tension by being tough on superstition. Kipnis (2001:36) explains that in the post-Mao era there has been a merging of science and religion where Chinese medicine, acupuncture, and certain forms of qi gong are considered useful and are tolerated by the state. Kipnis states that there are strict controls on their institutionalisation and practice, however, and the activities must fit state-defined criteria, avoid politics, and submit their organisational structures to state supervision. So why does Falungong not fit into this state-defined criteria of legitimate religious activity, but the diviniation and mediumism of Shaanbei does? Kipnis argues that Falungong may have fit the criteria had there never been the 18,000 member protest in front of the Zhongnanhai, a walled compound in Beijing where high level Chinese officials reside, in 1999 Others, like Sima Nan, have called Falungong a superstitious cult long before the group was outlawed by the government and would have liked to have seen the group banned before they became internationally renowned. Sima decries superstitious activities and has even criticized a local vice minister who practices qi gong (Rosenthal), but despite his efforts the government does little to stop superstitious activities in North China. One reason officials look the other way is because superstitious activities often bring money to the country. Taoist temples are often showcased as evidence of Chinas cultural heritage, and visitors can pay good money just to take a look inside (Lorenz). In Tianjin millions of dollars have been spent on expanding a Buddhist Shaolin Temple which state-run Xinhua News (2009) reported as being vital for its cultural inheritance and publicity. Money also comes in the form of construction projects in villages. In Hongliutan, Shaanbei the Temple Associations have been known for using money collected at religious services for building irrigation ditches, highways, and schools and for providing jobs to villagers (Chau:255). Local government often see religious groups

Religious Practices in North China Albright which practice superstitious-like activities as a source of cultural and economic strength, and the central government does very little to encourage local leaders to put a stop to the activities of these groups. Other reasons officials look the other way is because many are members of religious organizations themselves. Tong (796) explains that there were over 300,000 Party members who had to be converted and rehabilitated after renouncing Falungong, while Bryburns email indicates that Party leaders are even married to members of the underground church. Conclusion Insurrections, protests, and rebellions infused with religious fervor have posed threats to various regimes throughout Chinas history, and in North China, where the nations capital lies; these threats have been more severe than elsewhere in the country. Because of this, religion has been controlled to varying degrees, and in the post-Mao era, where traditional and nontraditional Chinese religious practices have re-emerged, control has been fine-tuned to fit the interests of the CCP. The current regime understands that religion can benefit society economically and culturally, but it also knows that the threat of political instability due to religious activities is a real threat. Superstitious activity is often overlooked, but public displays of dissent by religious groups are quickly suppressed. Illegal underground churches flourish in some parts of the region and popular religion continues to remain a part of the mainstream in many villages throughout the country. In North China there are a variety of religious groups who practice their faith in the open, while others have to remain secretive due to government control. The future of North Chinas religious resurgence lies mainly within the ability of the faithful to contain their dissenting views toward the central government. It is possible that government controls on religion will relax, but even if it doesnt, the people will continue to seek their religious opiate and will moan endlessly in the heartless world of oppression and misery.

Religious Practices in North China Albright

Notes 1. Email interview on March 24, 2010. Bryburn is the mother of a Christian missionary named Angie who, along with her husband, recently returned from China after doing missionary work there. Although I did not get to talk with Angie directly, I believe the information provided was accurate, as the mother waited to respond to any questions I had until she had confirmed the answers with her daughter. The following is a portion of the email in full: The government seems to believe that all Westerners are Christian, and are therefore suspicious of them. It took the kids over a year to get their business license to do legitimate business over there. You can freely BE a believer in China, but you cannot proselytize or share your faith with anyone legally. They, as foreigners, can worship quietly and will not be disturbed, but they cannot invite a Chinese citizen to their meetings. The underground church is doing well, yet foreigners leave them alone and do not participate as they (foreigners) will break the above rule and will cause harm to the underground believers. Angie has a friend who is a believer, but her husband is a member of the C. party. She does not attend any meetings at all because of what might happen to the others who continue to meet together. Different provinces in the country behave differently with respect to foreign believers. Some believers are free to come and go and worship wherever they choose, Chinese or not. You have probably heard of the "3 self church" which is legal in china. However, I have heard that Jesus is not taught as Lord (as the government is Lord); you cannot teach the book of Romans, Revelation, or the 2nd coming. I read what Franklin Graham had written and published in his conversation with a Chinese religious official, and he said there is freedom of religion, but none of it was true in our kid's province. We have many examples of what their "freedom" is. One family has 4 children and the dad left the country to renew his visa (I think). He was not allowed back into the country and his wife had to pack up everything and everyone and get out quickly. Of course she had to leave a lot of her things there. There are numerous examples of families being kicked out, especially if those families have shared any printed Christian materials with the Chinese. The kids have bought stuff from families who have to leave quickly. This situation causes them to not share freely. They would probably not be imprisoned, thank the Lord, but would be asked to leave at a moment's notice.

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