Understanding the Cultural Needs of Hispanic Students to Reduce Attrition in the

Community College

Study Objectives and Purpose

Over the years, students from every ethnic and socioeconomic background have gained
access to higher education. The most rapidly growing ethnic group in the United States is
Hispanic. In a nation where individuals can be more or less confident that their economic
prosperity, familial stability, and physical vitality will increase with educational attainment,
Hispanic students have the lowest educational aspirations and expectations of all major racial
and ethnic groups. Unlike other racial and ethnic groups, the majority of Hispanics do not
graduate from high school (Chapa & De La Rosa, 2004). Non-Hispanic White, Black, and Asian
high school seniors are far more likely to submit college applications than Hispanic seniors
(Desmond & Turley, 2009). Although more Hispanic students are entering higher education than
ever before, they still significantly lag behind other ethnic groups in entrance to college,
retention, and graduation. Within this scholarly essay, we explain some of the cultural barriers
for Hispanic students matriculation to higher education, (re)frame Hispanic cultural values as
assets, and make recommendations for increasing access and reducing attrition.

Theoretical Framework
Cultural Capital
Cultural capital, developed through the theoretical and empirical work of sociologist
Pierre Bourdieu. attempts to explain how privilege and power are exerted in society. Cultural
capital is associated with the class-based socialization of culturally relevant skills, abilities,
tastes, preferences, and/or norms that act as a form of currency in the social realm (Winkle-
Wagner, 2010). Cultural capital can act as a form of goods in educational settings like schools
and universities, offering privileges to some students over others. Culturally-based resources can
include such things as cultural awareness, knowledge about educational institutions, educational
credentials, and aesthetic preferences to which those in an educational setting might best relate.
Winkle-Wagner (2010) categorized the research that used Bourdieu as a framework into
four areas. Highbrow cultural capital scholarship is focused on the highbrow culture
interpretation that cultural capital is a property of those in dominant, high status, or elite group in
society. Contextually-valued cultural capital scholarship focuses on the knowledge or
competence of culture that is valued in a particular social setting. It surmises that all people have
cultural capital, but it may not be valued in a particular context. Otherized cultural capital
focuses on non-dominant, marginalized, or underrepresented populations. The last category,
Bourdieuian framework cultural capital defined or used Bourdieus larger theory, imploying
what Hovart (2001) referred to as a Bourdieuian famework in her examination of cultural
capital applications in higher education. For this particular look into the barriers for Hispanic
student persistence and completion of higher education, it is more suitable to consider the
scholarship regarding contextually-valued cultural capital.
Being a part of the Hispanic/Latino population has much cultural capital; however, that
capital is not being considered as valuable in the field of education, including the community
college. In this paper the word Hispanic and Latino are used interchangeably. This is intentional
because we are referring to the collectivistic cultural values Hispanics and Latinos share, not
necessarily the language spoken or their geographic origin. When analyzing research of Hispanic
student persistence and dropout through the lens of Hispanic cultural values of familismo,
personalismo, and machismo/caballerismo, it may seem that Hispanics hold themselves back
when it comes to furthering their education. However, if community colleges use these cultural
values to guide their practices in recruitment and retention, perhaps the rate of Hispanics in
higher education will increase.

Familismo
Hispanic cultures endorse a collectivist orientation in which the family plays a central
organizing role in daily life (Miranda, Bilot, Peluso, Berman, & Van Meek, 2006). Familismo
refers to the cultural importance of family unity, loyalty, and cooperation while placing the
family as the primary unit of importance (Marin, 1993). Culturally, family is not restricted to the
nuclear family; rather, it includes multiple generations along blood, legal, and fictive kinship
lines (Berry, 2006; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994). Familismo is widely recognized as a core
cultural value held by Hispanic individuals and families (Ayn, Marsiglia, & Bermudez-Parsai,
2010; Villarreal, Blozis, & Widaman, 2005), and it is theorized to serve a positive protective
function in the lives of Hispanic individuals (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2007).
Research shows that a large majority of Hispanic students consider attending colleges
that are in close proximity to their family. Alexander, Garcia, Gonzalez, Grimes and OBrien
(2007) noted that students are comfortable attending community college because it is relatively
close to home and has a predominantly Hispanic population. However, they are apprehensive
about transferring to a university that may be further away and predominantly White. Among
Texas high schools, Hispanics are the most likely to feel that living at home during college is
important despite income level (Desmond & Turley, 2009). This is true for students in rural and
urban areas within that particular state.
Parental support is very important for children (regardless of age) in the Hispanic culture.
If parents do not perceive education as important, their children are less likely to attend college.
The amount of time living in the United States often has an impact on parent perceptions of the
importance of a college education. First generation individuals were less likely than third
generation individuals to believe that "you do not need to go to college to be successful
(Becerra, 2010, p. 192). For Mexican American men, familismo and parental encouragement has
a positive indirect effect on college persistence (Ojeda, Navarro, & Morales, 2011).
For first generation college students, navigating the college admittance process can be
problematic. Bensimon and Dowd (2009) found interviewees described not knowing what
questions to ask, feeling lost, and desiring greater structure on transfer processes. Students
reported knowing about services and college from family members who went through the
process, but if family members were misinformed or disenchanted with the college experience,
they may discourage other family members from attending.
Unfortunately, the cultural capital value of familismo is often seen as a detractor to
Hispanic student enrollment and persistence. Educators should instead see familismo as an
opportunity to build a college going culture through the family unit. While it may at first seem
difficult to recruit Hispanic students, especially those who are first generation, it is essential to
build outreach programs that educate parents on the importance of emotionally supporting their
childs education. It is also imperative to ensure information is given to all family members in a
language they understand because they are less likely to ask questions and seek out information
on their own. Another opportunity to encourage college attendance is for community colleges in
the proximal communities to increase their outreach to families and students. Community
colleges can promote online courses that can cater to students who choose or have obligations
that prohibit taking classes on campus. Community colleges can also build programs with four-
year instititions to ensure students understand the transfer process to earn a baccalaureate degree.
What educators need to understand is once they get one family member in and through college,
the rest of the siblings and cousins and extended family will have a role model to return to the
family unit and show them how to navigate the system.

Personalismo
Personalismo refers to the importance that Latinos place on personal goodness and
getting along with others. Marn (1993) stated that personalismo poses great value on personal
character and inner qualities, and represents a preference for people within the same ethnic
group. Hispanics tend to form a tighter knit community with people who share the same
background and values. Language is an important tool to build relationships and foster
community. Unfortunately, Hispanics tend to avoid situations where they will be discriminated
for not speaking English. That discrimination can be perceived as a barrier to college enrollment
and persistence in college (Becerra, 2010). Discrimination can come from other students, but it
can also come from professionals. The lack of Hispanic professionals in higher education can
dissuade students from seeking help. Students report lack of knowledge about the transfer
process and fear of seeking help from counseling professionals, especially if those professionals
cannot relate to the student (Bensimon & Dowd, 2009). Garcia (2010) found students who are
first in their family to attend college have no knowledge about timelines and deadlines for filing
for FAFSA. They reported experiencing difficulty with online registration systems; they did not
know how to use it; they did not know they could still register face to face. Students look to
professionals who they can build a relationship with and are willing to take the time to mentor
the student through the college process.
Student affairs personal should embrace the cultural capital value of personalismo as a
way to build a mentorship with students. Typically, when students visit the student affairs areas
they may meet with a different counselor each time. Also, each appointment may only be allotted
a certain amount of time which may not give the student to opportunity to resolve their issues. If
professionals do not create a bond with their students and show them that they are cared about as
individuals, students are less likely to return to be counseled. Once that bond is created, Hispanic
students will seek out their mentor when problems arise much like they would seek their parents
advice and support at home.

Machismo/Caballerismo
To varying degrees, machismo in the Mexican and the Mexican American community is
being defined as a construct that is both positive and negative (Casas, Wagenheim, Banchero, &
Mendoza-Romero, 1994; Neff, 2001). The negative aspects include domination, aggressiveness,
demonstrating masculine prowess. However, Mexican and Mexican American cultures have
often pointed out the positive characteristics consistent with machismo: nurturance, protection of
the family and its honor, dignity, wisdom, hard work, responsibility, spirituality, and emotional
connectedness often referred to as caballerismo (Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey,
2008).
The need to work to contribute to family income is important, especially for Hispanic
men. Latinos tend to work while enrolled in college at higher rates than college students of other
racial and ethnic groups (Pew Hispanic Research Center, 2004). Becerra (2010) found that
participants with at least some college were more likely to perceive the need to work to earn
money (p. 196) as a reason why Latinos fail to enroll in college or fail to finish if they start.
Ojeda, Navarro, and Morales (2011) found Mexican American men viewed their family and
familial obligations as potential distraction to their success in college. They further found that
death, illness, or unexpected pregnancy of significant other was a barrier to persistence for men.
The need to take care of ailing family members or providing for a new family takes precedence
over a college education inspite of the men having to work longer hours for less pay. Crisp and
Nora (2010) found students financial circumstance that delay entrance and/or force students to
attend part-time contribute to lack of transfer or persistence in college. They also found
environmental factors (e.g., working too many hours, not receiving enough financial aid, and
enrolling part time in college negatively affected students in both developmental and academic
courses.
Again, most community college professionals would see the cultural capital of
machismo/caballerismo as a detriment to student persistence to earning a degree. Educators
should instead view this value as an opportunity to promote education as a way to ensure
financial security for Hispanic families. Community colleges have an advantage to offer
postsecondary opportunities to students through one- and two-year industry certifications.
Technical programs can be very attractive to students with familial obligations because they can
be in the workforce with specialized skills in a short amount of time.

Conclusion
The Hispanic culture is rich with values that should be embraced by those in higher
education. Much of the literature discusses the barriers for Hispanics as a result of their
commitments to family and culture. But, as we understand contextually-valued cultural capital
and how the values of familismo, personalismo, and machismo can be leveraged in higher
education, professionals at community colleges and universities can create and strengthen
programs to recruit Hispanic students. Family and community building are at the heart of gaining
and retaining Hispanic students at the community college.
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