208 Int. J. Sport Management and Marketing, Vol. 2, No.

3, 2007

David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of

English identity

John Harris*
Gym Annex 263E
School of Exercise, Leisure and Sport
Kent State University, Kent, OHIO, 44242, USA
E-mail: jharri10@kent.edu
*Corresponding author

Ben Clayton
Faculty of Leisure and Tourism
Buckinghamshire Chilterns University College
Kingshill Road, High Wycombe HP13 5BB, UK
E-mail: bclayt01@bcuc.ac.uk
Abstract: David Beckham is, arguably, the most high profile association
football player in the world, securing global media interest in all aspects of his
life. Contradiction and inconsistencies are prevalent within the narratives that
accompany the conflicting images of Beckham where media discourse has
been adjusted to position him as both hero and villain. This paper examines
the inconstant nature of the nationalistic and masculine discourses applied to
Beckham and the diversity of roles played by him in upholding and distorting
ideologies in sport. Beckham has become a cultural icon and a symbol of
national identity and masculinised sporting pride. Yet many of his exploits,
both on and off the pitch, have led to allegations of non-conformity. His role,
therefore, is a complicated one as he is both symbol of, and an exception to,
conceptualisations of Englishness and of the hegemonic model of masculinity.

Keywords: David Beckham; national identity; media.

Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Harris, J. and Clayton, B.

(2007) David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English
identity, Int. J. Sport Management and Marketing, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp.208221.

Biographical notes: Dr. John Harris is an Associate Professor in the School

of Exercise, Leisure and Sport at Kent State University, USA. He has
published numerous articles on womens soccer and is currently undertaking
research on rugby and national identity in Wales, and the cultural politics of
sporting celebrity.

Dr. Ben Clayton is Research Fellow and part-time Lecturer in the Sociology of
Sport in the Faculty of Leisure and Tourism at Buckinghamshire Chilterns
University College, UK. His research interests include men and masculinities,
male athletic subcultures, gender and the sports media, and sport ethnography.

Copyright 2007 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.

 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 209

1 Introduction

David Beckham provides an important focus upon which to examine conceptualisations

of Englishness in the 21st century. Discussions of England and the English have
historically been somewhat neglected areas of analysis. This is due in part to the way
in which the terms England and Britain are often used interchangeably with little
problematisation of the differences between them (see for example, Weight, 2002). This
English/British hegemony also extended overseas through colonialism so it is not
surprising that discussions of the English have often been encompassed within a
discourse of a British identity. During recent years, a period where both Scotland and
Wales have moved towards devolution, the subject of England has received some
attention (e.g., Heffer, 1999; Paxman, 1999). In conceptualising the thinking that
surrounds this area it is worth noting that Heffer (1999) devotes a whole chapter of his
text to what he terms a crisis of identity, whilst Paxman (1999) found himself referring
to his fellow countrymen as they.
English identity, of (post)modern times, is linked closely to the performances of the
national football team. Football, as a team sport, carries with it a clearly identifiable
national image when countries meet in the international arena. Andersons (1983)
locution of an imagined community is, in many cases, (re)created through sport and
particularly football. As Hobsbawm (1990) has noted the imagined community of
millions seems more real as a team of 11 named people. The visibility of these imagined
communities is never more apparent than during the quadrennial staging of the World
Cup finals. The World Cup finals of 1998 and 2002 are both events that have shaped the
career of David Beckham and have contributed to positioning him as a global sporting
celebrity. These tournaments also marked significant moments in the positioning of
Beckham alongside nationalistic discourses where he has fulfilled the role of both hero
and villain.
Marshall (1997) suggests that the contemporary celebrity is a product of neo-liberal
democracy and consumer capitalism. As long as spectator sport has existed, sport stars
have played a role in the process of audience building, and much sports writing has
focussed upon charismatic performers (Holt et al., 1996), but in recent years, with the
onset of lifestyle consumerism by way of the post-modern era of football (see Giulianotti,
1999), football stars have come to represent much more. The (post)modern football
player has become a commodity, snatched up by the media and lapped-up by the football
fan, and it is ultimately this process that fashions their identity or character, which comes
to represent typical ways of behaving, feeling and thinking in contemporary society;
ways that have been socially, culturally and historically constructed (see Dyer, 1986).

2 The highs and the lows

Beckham was first praised, hyped and (re)created as the future of English football. Where
this usually occurs, as with the mercurial Paul Gazza Gascgoine, the build-up is often
merely a precursor for a mighty fall (see Giulianotti and Gerrard, 2001; Whannel, 2002a).
Like many others before him Beckham was also felled. His sending off against Argentina
in the 1998 World Cup finals provoked a reaction that, through its visceral hostility and
widespread condemnation, was of a type seldom if ever seen before directed at one
210 J. Harris and B. Clayton

football player. Beckham was an easy target for the abuse and an appropriate site for
(re)constructing notions of masculinity and patriotism. The fact that his actions occurred
in a match against Argentina, with press accounts predictably referring to the Falklands
War and Diego Maradonas infamous hand of god goal, meant that the crime was
accentuated within media discourse. Only the Germans rival the Argentineans as figures
of hate and derision within the English press (see Maguire et al., 1999), and as
Beckhams career moved full circle it is noticeable that matches against Germany and
Argentina helped (re)shape the mediated (re)presentation of David Beckham as a
national icon.
Following his sending off against Argentina, the press, in looking for a scapegoat to
protect the wider masculine and national pride of the nation, embarked upon a hate
campaign against Beckham. Front page headlines such as The Mirrors ten heroic lions,
one stupid boy (1 July, 1998, p.1) reflects the general tone in the immediate aftermath
of the game. As Hand (2002) suggests, in the media the entire English nation is
implicated in the activities of its representatives on the football pitch. (Re)presentations
of Englishness perpetuate notions of patriotism and heroism comprising the traditional
English virtues of bravery, combativeness, determination, tenacity, commitment, honesty
and endeavour (Hand, 2002). Beckhams kick at Diego Simeone provided what
amounted to little more than a feeble excuse for Englands defeat and Simeone
himself would later acknowledge that he deliberately fell to the ground (The Observer,
2 November, 2003, p.42). Beckham became the scapegoat, presenting dissatisfied
England fans with someone to blame and a target for the frustration and discomfiture of
yet another premature exit from footballs world-stage. His actions were positioned as
being very un-English as a way of protecting English values and the remainder of the
England squad, who were later hailed by the press for their commitment and tenacity.
In November 2000, Peter Taylor, as acting England manager, made Beckham captain
for the friendly international against Italy. When the Swedish coach Sven Goran Eriksson
took over the job he continued with Beckham as his captain and the player has now lead
the national team for a number of years. During this time his importance to mediated
(re)presentations of Englishness has contributed to the (re)creation of a new Beckham
character. This (re)construction of character portrayals of Beckham highlights both the
dynamism of the celebrity complex and the fluidity and instability of contemporary
mediated celebrityhood.

3 The emergence of David Beckham

Beckhams career, although far from over, has arguably become a defining moment in
football history. Since he first appeared on the back pages of the national newspapers he
has evolved equally as a football player, celebrity, and cultural icon of his age, and has
moved from boy wonder, to emasculated man, to hate figure, to the peoples royalty
(Whannel, 2002b, p.3). As with any young English footballer in this (post)modern age,
Beckhams off-field activities attracted an increasing number of column inches within the
English press. Yet nothing could compare to the media vortex that transpired when, in
January 1998, the worlds of football and music united as Beckhams engagement to
Victoria Posh Spice Adams was announced after a 10-month relationship. Beckhams
relationship with Posh Spice has made two stars become the peoples royalty and
whilst the initial tone of much media commentary along this theme was disparaging,
 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 211

more recently, for a period at least, they have assumed a place of buoyant recognition
as a piece of quintessential England. As Piers Morgan (former editor of The Mirror)
disclosed, on a slow news day we used to lead the paper on the royals, now we go for
Queen Posh and King Dave (quoted in Morton, 2000, p.19).
The contemporary sports star is, or is at least portrayed as, an idealised model for
one or more cultural connotation, which he/she carries with them through their
efforts, achievements and failures as an athlete. Cashmores (2002) work on Beckham
has developed the preceding rudimentarily descriptive biographies of the football star
(e.g., Blake, 1997) and provided some sociological perspectives to the Beckham
phenomenon. Cashmore (2002, p.130) proposes that: The way to understand the
Beckham phenomenon is not by looking at him, but by looking at the way others
consume him.
Whannel (2001; 2002a) has explored the media images of Beckham and the
vortextuality of events in his life demonstrating how images of Beckham have both
expressed and challenged dominant assumptions of masculinity and identity. Whannel
describes Beckham as a post-modern sport star, in that he has:
[Grown] up in an environment in which mens interests in fashion, style,
narcissism and the possibility of being objectified have all been nurtured by a
decade of the style press (Arena, GQ, FHM), in a period in which sport and
fashion have become more closely linked, in which footballers and pop stars
gravitate to one anothers glamour, and in which fame has itself become
commodified, he is subsumed by his own image. His star persona has become
the substance, the marketable object all that is solid melts into the air, or at
least, into magazine pages. (Whannel, 2002a, p.212)
Despite the huge amount of literature and television airtime devoted to him, it is
Beckhams role as a new man and as a symbol of masculine identity that has usually
attracted the attention of sociologists (e.g., Cashmore, 2002; Cashmore and Parker, 2003;
Whannel, 2002a; 2002b). While this provides us with interesting insights into mediated
(re)presentations of Beckhams gendered identity, we feel that one area that deserves
further attention is Beckhams role in mediated (re)presentations of national identity.
Although our principal focus is on national identity, we are conscious that in the
sportsworld, and in particular the mediated sportsworld, discussions of national
identity are almost always flanked by masculinised discourses of militaristic antagonism
and hegemonic ideals of muscular association and male superiority (Harris and
Humberstone, 2004).

4 Method

Through an analysis of a host of media discourses, this study seeks to locate David
Beckham within discussions of national identity and masculinity in the English press.
Association Football in England preserves its own idealised model of masculinity and
national identity, and we are interested in understanding more about where Beckham
fits within contemporary discourse, and how he influences the transgression of the
wider, hegemonic epitome of manliness and Englishness. Sport is a primarily ritualistic
arena in which central notions of culture are embodied and (re)presented by the players
and spectators. Beckhams mediated character, we posit, is exceptionally ambiguous,
both embodying and rejecting central notions of traditional football related identities.
212 J. Harris and B. Clayton

No other English athlete has received as much media attention as David Beckham
during the past decade. For this reason alone he presents a worthy site to examine
media (re)presentations.
Through an interpretive and inductive approach we aim to highlight the change and,
indeed, continuity in media expression of the political and identity imperatives of
Beckhams character. As with our previously published work on sport in the media we
draw much of our data from The Sun and The Mirror newspapers (Clayton and Harris,
2004; Harris and Clayton, 2002). These publications are the two best selling tabloid
newspapers in England and focus much of their coverage on fame and the interplay
between the public and private worlds of celebrities. As part of our wider research and
teaching interests in sport and the nation we also traced the media coverage in a range of
other English publications in an attempt to better understand the way(s) in which national
identity is (re)created. Examples are included in this work from a range of newspapers
including the Daily Mail, Guardian, Independent, Telegraph and Times along with their
sister Sunday publications. We trace media (re)presentations of Beckham in an attempt to
offer a rich descriptive analysis and work beneath the frames of meaning within which
the publications operate (see also, Whannel, 2002a).
Qualitative content/textual analysis attempts to investigate and expose hidden
meanings inherent in cultural texts (Lehtonen, 2000). The media offers a particularly
gainful opportunity to observe the social construction of meaning, and it is here that we
locate our analysis of Beckham. We especially focus on text and/or imagery that
intersects with cultural, taken-for-granted understandings of dynamics of gendered power
and national identity (see also, Clayton and Harris, 2004; Harris, 1999; Harris and
Clayton, 2002). All such articles were sorted in relation to particular themes and events.
Important moments in Beckhams career such as his sending off against Argentina and
his broken metatarsal were identified as key moments and periods where he would be
(even more) prominent in the print media coverage. This study does not try to measure
the amount of coverage afforded to the player but aims to tease out some of the textual
constructions of realities. Through tracking and analysing media discourse we aim to
present an analytic narrative of the media-driven cultural significance of Beckham. The
nation and notions of English identity are often taken for granted and assumed to operate
at a common sense level. However, media discourse is both socially constituted and
socially constitutive. Within this paper we aim to problematise and analyse delineations
of (post)modern England and Englishness through mediated (re)presentations of the
captain of its national football team.

5 Conceptualising English Football Masculinities

In the short history of mens studies and a sociology of gender, masculinity has been a
difficult concept to pin down. In the first instance, under a stringently functionalist
sociological regimen, masculinity and femininity became detached spheres of
instrumental and expressive roles (Parsons and Bales, 1953), prescribed naturally by
reflexive male and female bodies. Masculinity, then, was defined as the internalised
sex-role of men who, as a homogenised group of socialised beings, were the determined
cornerstone of socio-cultural rhetoric. At a national level, men were the representatives of
pride and identity, as chiefs and heroes, defenders and envoys, and collectively as a
 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 213

symbol of power and intent. One need only consider the symbolic virility of (Winston)
Churchill or the great British fleet or, in more recent times, the England football team and
its individual stars.
Holt (1989) suggests that many of the emotions and attitudes expressed within
football accord closely to a cluster of characteristics often considered to represent true
masculinity. The emergence of a sense of there being a true masculine state, in itself,
suggests a significant shift away from the functionalist dichotomisation of gender roles.
In contemporary, post-Womens Liberation and post-Gay Liberation British culture, with
a constantly changing balance of power, neither men nor women can be seen as
homogenised groups. Thus, masculinity cannot be seen as a fixed character type, but
rather as an idiosyncratic pattern of behaviours, actively constructed through the
interaction of a complex web of subjective informants. Holts (1989) assertion of a true
form of masculinity, then, necessarily implies multiple alternative forms, which unsettle
the socio-historical prescription of male role. The conceptualisation of true masculinity,
and its origins as the male role, may be considered as hegemonic masculinity (Carrigan
et al., 1987; Connell, 1987; 1995), which interacts with subordinated and marginalised
patterns, and with notions of femininity, and which is in a constant state of change
both historically and contextually. Hegemonic masculinity has come to symbolise
the most time-honoured embodiments and expressions of male power, but exists only
as ideology as an unattainable benchmark against which men feel compelled to
demonstrate complicity.
English football culture celebrates physical strength and loyalty to other men and to a
specific territory (Russell, 1997). As the national sport football has come to embody the
nations collective claim to authority in a power relations sense and, as such, provides the
ideal arena for the creation of heroes and figures of hegemonic masculinity. By way of
this masculinised and culturally exalted, nationalistic environment, professional football
players tend to fit a particular mould, which reflects the dominant patriarchal values of
working-class masculinities. The media establishes Beckhams manliness through
reference to his football talent. This was particularly evident in the build-up to the 2002
World Cup, amidst fears that the England captain would miss the opening three matches
with a foot injury. The Mirror (4 June 2002) emphasised how England desperately
needed a fit David Beckham, noting that England are a quiet team screaming out for
our leader, David, to organise them and keep the ball. Indeed, as recorded in The Mirror
(13 April 2002, p.5), England coach, Sven Goran Eriksson, was losing sleep over Becks
and his injury. Testimony to Beckhams football talent, however, was the comparisons to
the 1966 World Cup winner captain, Bobby Moore (The Mirror, 30 June 2002, p.63).
The playing days of Moore and his comrades of the era have long been the focus of
nostalgia, not only for that solitary triumph in the history of English football, but for the
days when football players oozed tenacity and chivalry; exemplifying the stiff upper
lipped muscularity and morality that today moulders under stories of drug use, roasting,
match-fixing and hyper-aggressiveness.
If the attainment of success and respect from fans and peers is a provider of
masculine identity (Messner, 1992), then Beckham may be read as the most masculine
player in the world, and it is an achievement that the English newspapers often revel in.
The Sun (25 April 2003, p.51), in particular, made no effort to disguise their delight that
the England captain could soon be representing the country at arguably the worlds
biggest club, Real Madrid, claiming (Beckham) could soon have the opportunity to
214 J. Harris and B. Clayton

prove there is far more substance to him than a public persona seen by the less forgiving
as one of an over-grown teenager with a constantly evolving hairstyle. The irony here is
that The Sun has been one of Beckhams prime critics in the past, and has had more than
a hand in establishing such a reputation for the player.
In April 2004, the News of the World newspaper published revelations of an alleged
affair between Beckham and his personal assistant Rebecca Loos. This particular story
presents an interesting case as much of the attention previously afforded to Beckham
focused upon his transgression of traditional football masculinities (e.g., Cashmore and
Parker, 2003; Whannel, 2002a). The abuse he had once faced as a player was linked in
part to his perceived effeminate characteristics and being positioned as under the
control of his wife. These revelations of an (alleged) affair seemed in some ways to
reaffirm Beckhams heterosexual, footballing masculinity (see also, Clayton and Harris,
2004). Following this story the world media published many articles on the Beckhams,
focusing upon intimate details of their private lives and discussing the potential impact
of the revelations on the Beckham brand. As a celebrity, the media takes a much
keener interest in Beckham than many other football players. Whilst he may also have
been (re)created as a (national) hero somebody distinguished by his achievements for
much of his career to date Beckham has been (re)positioned as a celebrity a person
known for their well-knowness (see Boorstin, 1992). The English/British public are
exposed to facets of both his official and unofficial identity construction through
newspapers, magazines, televised news and television documentaries. He fits many needs
in a (post)modern England that has altered considerably from the England of the last
century (see Heffer, 1999).

6 Creating heroes and national identities

According to Rowe et al. (1998), men are the representatives of national character.
National identity is established through the achievements of male sports teams and
individual male athletes. As such, male sports stars emit the masculine status of the
nations men, and the media construct a masculine ideal within England through the
elaboration of the countrys achievements, and promotion of male athletes and teams. In
doing this, the media constructs a masculine status in English/British sport, by glorifying
male efforts in defeating international opposition, and encouraging male support and
patriotism amongst tabloid readers. The Daily Mail (7 September, 2001, p.86) stated that
like the Three Lions on his shirt, David Beckham has come to represent all that is good
in English football. This type of descriptor links the athlete to portrayals of the nation
and focuses upon the importance of international success.
Both The Sun and The Mirror, in particular, utilise their expansive national influence
to direct the countrys men toward an aggregated unified force, protecting all that is
masculine in the sport. Football is not the only sport where national identity is established
by the media. Tucks (2003) research into Rugby Union demonstrates how a sport with a
very different profile to football is also used to promote an English identity and draws
attention to the multi-dimensionality of identity that is not only based upon national
characteristics but also encompasses gendered, classed and racial components. As
Englands national sport, football is the perfect example to demonstrate the print medias
application of a particular imagined identity. The tabloid press places a high level of
expectancy upon on the back of the nations sports teams, radiating a patriotic, masculine
 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 215

vibe (Harris, 1999; Harris and Clayton, 2002). In order to protect this masculine status of
the country, the newspapers modify their portrayal of athletes and teams, dependent upon
their adherence to expectations. For example, after defeat at the hands of Portugal in Euro
2000, descriptions of the England football team took a sudden change in direction, from
determined, assets, and heroes, to more sombre portraits such as sorry England and
blundering (Harris and Clayton, 2002). This exemplifies the capricious nature of the
sports media, in its reporting of male sport.

7 A national disgrace

On 31 June 1998, Beckham was figuratively stripped of his manhood and his nationality
after he was blamed for Englands exit from the World Cup when he was sent off for an
unnecessary retaliatory kick out at Argentine player Diego Simone. The Mirror (1 July
1998, p.1) led the subsequent disdain, headlining ten heroic lions, one stupid boy. The
use of the lion as a national symbol dates back to Richard I (aka Richard the Lion-heart,
11571199 AD), whose military exploits on the Crusades and death in battle fashioned
the prototype brave, courageous English lion-heart (Hand, 2002). It is this model
that is absorbed by the English football media and bestowed upon the England team,
representing the bravery, strength and courage of the king of the beasts, as well
as being denotative of the British Royal Family, from which the symbol was derived
and is still representative of today. Beckhams actions obligated the English media to
disassociate him from the lion symbol. Tabloid castigation and widespread hatred from
fans across the country was to follow and Beckham became the target of all manner of
abuse and the butt of many jokes (Whannel, 2002a). It is worth noting, however, that the
derision that bombarded Beckham at this time tended to focus upon his effeminate
characteristics and supposed dumb-wittedness, and rarely questioned his football talent. It
is important to note that the newspaper, in addition to figuratively stripping Beckham of
his nationality, also infantilised and emasculated him through describing the player as a
boy. By singling out one player as a scapegoat the masculine identity of the rest of the
team, and the English nation, is preserved. In 2005, when Beckham was sent off in a
world cup qualifying match against Austria the media made little of it. This was probably
due not only to the fact that England won the game but also in part to Beckhams new
(re)positioning as a national hero.
As Whannel (2002a, p.203) articulates, Beckhams sending off against Argentina in
1998 provided a point of condensation for discourses of morality and fair play in sport in
which national pride became national shame. In many ways, Beckhams kicking offence
may have been seen as un-English, transcending the blurred macho boundaries of
English football (Hand, 2002). For this offence, Beckham was put on display in the new
village stocks of the tabloid media (Whannel, 2002a) and faced a long period as the
whipping boy of the English press. The fact that he played for Manchester United, the
most popular and yet arguably the most loathed club in the country, accentuated the
abuse hurled in Beckhams direction (see Brick, 2001). Manchester United players were
often booed by sections of the English crowd when representing their country. This
othering of Manchester United and its England internationals provoked a reaction
whereby visiting teams being beaten at United were met with chants of Are you England
in disguise? (Brick, 2001). In relation to (re)presentations of national identity in club
216 J. Harris and B. Clayton

football, United adopted a very pro-European stance. Beckham himself is a product of the
many changes in English football culture and could be described as more European than
most other English footballers.
It is worth noting that analyses of masculinity within English professional football
need to take into account the changing nature of the game. English football culture has
undoubtedly changed in recent years with the influx of overseas players and managers to
the English game. With them they have brought different training methods and a greater
focus upon lifestyle factors (see Adams, 1998; Beckham, 2003). Trying to explain and
position David Beckham in relation to the above is not an easy task. Alcohol has always
been linked to football (Collins and Vamplew, 2002) and many of the games great
characters were known for their fondness for a drink. Beckham is perhaps one of the
first real English football superstars, positioned as a character, who did not need to have
alcohol consumption as a central point of his mediated identity. Yet he has done this in an
age where binge drinking and alcohol related illnesses continue to increase in English
society. Here his difference is used as a positive aspect, and his clean living has been
highlighted when promoting (re)presentations of him.

8 King of England

Redemption for Beckham was a long time coming, and it is difficult, if at all possible,
to pinpoint the moment that all was forgiven. There were many defining moments in
the (re)construction of an overtly nationalistic Beckham character. He was appointed
as captain of the England team in November 2000 and made a significant contribution
to a 51 victory over the old enemy, Germany, in the World Cup qualifiers, supporting
the medias claim to militaristic hero. Similarly, he scored a last-gasp free-kick goal
against Greece, which guaranteed Englands inclusion in the 2002 World Cup finals.
This virtuoso performance saw Beckhamania move to unprecedented levels. The Sun
(8 October 2001, p.6) even called for Beckham to be knighted, announcing its bound to
happen for Becks one day so why put it off?. The newspapers correspondent
rationalised his appeal by noting Beckhams performance was one of the finest individual
efforts he had ever seen and suggested hes a suitable role model for every starry-eyed
kid in the land (The Sun, 8 October 2001, p.6).
Indeed, because football so clearly defines (post)modern Englishness, David
Beckham came to embody the hopes and dreams of the English. The request for him to
be honoured with a knighthood may be seen as an action to elevate him in the British
establishment (or traditional British hegemony), securing a position of some significance
for the countrys best-loved hero (at the time) and further defending against the
homogenisation that threatens English identity. We are conscious here that at times the
terms English and British are used interchangeably within the media with little
problematisation of their differences. This English hegemony means that Celtic nations
are often marginalised within discussions of British identity. Whilst it is beyond the scope
of this paper to focus upon this aspect in any depth it is certainly an area in need of
further research.
Despite his ever-increasing popularity at this time, for many of the newspapers
Beckhams ghosts of 1998 were only really laid to rest when he scored the only goal
to beat Argentina in the 2002 World Cup finals in Japan. The Mirrors (8 June 2002, p.1)
u-turn headline read from stupid boy to (main) man, paying testimony to Beckhams
 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 217

football aptitude and his heroic struggle to erase the memories of the previous World
Cup. In spite of long-standing rivalries with Scotland and Wales, and some epic clashes
with Germany in the recent history of English football, Argentina is arguably the nations
greatest (or most hated) football foe (Downing, 2003).
The year of 2002 saw a multitude of issues presented before the British public for
mediated debate and scrutiny. These included topics such as the worth of our Royal
Family and the justification for a war with Iraq, but no issue occupied the public psyche
to the same extent as the BBCs campaign to find the Great Britons. Beckham was
selected as the 33rd greatest Briton of all time, higher than any other sportsman and
relegating some of Britains greatest achievers in literature, science and war down the
table or out of the top 100 altogether. This was a sign of his new found standing as a
national icon and helps contextualise how he became the focus of what could best be
described as a national crisis.

9 The foot, finance and fashion

From being the most hated man in England during the summer of 1998 by the time of the
next World Cup finals in 2002 Beckham was the most visible and sought after footballer
of them all. The screaming hordes of Japanese fans waiting for just a glimpse of their idol
were visible exemplars of Beckhams now global status leading White (2002, p.171) to
comment that in the world cup England were David Beckham. Beckham was portrayed
as a symbol of an age delineated as new football, one where appeal is based upon image
and commodification. Yet Beckham very nearly missed out on the 2002 World Cup finals
and the chance to meet old foes.
Playing for Manchester United in a Champions League fixture against Spanish club
Deportivo la Coruna, Beckham broke the metatarsal bone in his left foot. This sparked
something akin to a national crisis as all televised news programmes and national
newspapers led with this story. How important this story became is visibly shown by the
following passage from The Independent newspaper (12 April 2002, p.15): England
woke up yesterday to learn that its modern-day Nelson, its Wellington and Raleigh rolled
into one, had been injured in battle.
Even the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, took time out from his other commitments to
state that nothing was more important to Englands arrangements for the World Cup
than the state of David Beckhams foot. Beckhams positioning as a global star meant
that it was not only in England that the story was given prominence. An example of this
can be seen by the words of the Xinhua news agency, China who reported that
Beckhams left foot being broken had in turn broken the hearts of Chinese soccer fans.
Conversely, the Argentinean sports daily Ole ran with the ironic title Dont cry for me,
Inglaterra. Beckhams potential economic impact also caused concern with The Daily
Telegraph (15 April 2002, p.12) reporting that without their star name gracing the
tournament accountants were already assessing the potential financial implications. The
press rapidly seized upon the fact that it was an Argentinean who caused this injury.
Nationalistic and militaristic discourse like that cited above from The Independent
newspaper, took prominence, as issues of national prestige and pride were implicitly
associated with the fitness of the England football captain.
218 J. Harris and B. Clayton

It is the same media that provided the platform for his redemption and at the height of
his popularity newspapers reported upon how Beckham has grown as a player and
learned the discipline that escaped him in 1998 stating that David Beckham has come to
represent all that is good about English football (Daily Mail, 7 September 2001, p.86)
and the hair-trigger temper which caused Beckhams fall from grace (in 1998) is now
under firm control and the petulant upstart has matured into an inspirational leader and
player respected all over the world (The Mirror, 5 June 2002, p.63). Ironically, Beckham
was to receive much negative media comment when he admitted to deliberately getting
himself booked in a World Cup qualifying match against Wales in 2004. Already on one
yellow card from a previous group game, Beckham injured himself making a somewhat
reckless tackle not long after scoring an important goal to secure an England victory.
Feeling that his rib injury would mean missing the next match in Azerbaijan, Beckham
launched into another reckless challenge with the intention of receiving a booking so that
his one match ban would be served whilst he nursed his injury. By publicly avowing that
he was not as stupid as people thought, and proudly telling this story, Beckham came in
for much criticism from the football authorities at the national and international level.
Such a tale represents another downside in the roller coaster ride of David Beckham. His
story is one full of many twists and turns moving along a continuum from hero to villain
with apparent ease. Perrymans (2002) tale of supporting England in Japan during the
World Cup finals gives an example of the popularity of Beckham. Pictures of the
England captain were used as gifts to the hosts of the travelling support as a new softer
Englishness was promoted at a major international football competition.
In the Sunday Times Rich List (27 April 2003, p.1), Beckham was revealed to
be the countrys richest young sportsman, with a combined wealth with Victoria of an
estimated 50 million. The disclosure of the Beckhams worth coincided with rumours of
the players wish to leave Manchester United for the European champions, Real Madrid,
after he was left on the substitutes bench for the vital Champions League clash between
the two clubs. The English press leaped at the opportunity to link the revelations, with the
News of the World (27 April 2003, p.4) boldly testifying Becks is already richer than any
of the Real superstars. It almost seemed to be a matter of national importance that
Beckham earned more than the global stars at the Spanish club, with the newspaper
utilising a two-page spread to demonstrate the Englishmans worth. The Daily Mail
(25 April 2003, pp.56) also devoted two pages to the footballers wealth and retail
habits, announcing Becks is so upset he just has to go shopping again and adding
50m man can certainly afford it.
In the June 2002 issue of mens magazine GQ, Beckham posed for a series of photos
for which he was reportedly paid 30,000. Dubbed by the magazine as his most
outrageous shoot, Beckham donned considerable facial make-up, torso dripping with
baby oil, mostly wearing white attire, open at the front. The Mirror (29 April 2002, p.7)
headlined Camp David, selecting what seemed to be the most effeminate of all the
photographs to endorse the caption, featuring Beckham sporting a white silk scarf,
uncovered chest and nail varnish. Yet the papers centre pages took an altogether
different tone, presenting the football star against the backdrop the St. Georges Cross, and
employing a more explicitly heterosexual and fiercely nationalistic tenor.
Since Beckhams appointment as England captain, and his redemption from past
mistakes, his positive contributions to the waning national pride have tapered derisive
attacks on his effeminate characteristics. However, one of Englands biggest rival nations
 David Beckham and the changing (re)presentations of English identity 219

in the football world, it seemed, did not take the same view, as a German newspaper
asked, Is Beckham turning into a woman? The article, from the Bild Zeitung (reported
in The Mirror, 12 July 2002, p.15), allegedly declared:
Football is an ultra-tough sport for men, but amidst the sweat and the
shinpads, one superstar has suddenly discovered his feminine side. It is
none other than Englands national captain, David Beckham or should that
be MISS David Beckham? Her rather than him. His latest trick has been to
paint his fingernails pink. She slips on his wife Victorias G-strings, wears
dresses, 50,000 diamond rings, and clothes by Jean-Paul Gaultier and Gucci.
Not to mention experimenting with his hair in front of the bathroom mirror
every morning.
The article also noted that the English public, far from being shocked by Beckhams
deviance, are beginning to copy his style. Indeed, the footballer has been presented as the
ideal modern man and a role model for the nations youth. The Guardian (20 October
2001, p.23) noted that football hero David Beckham loving father, adoring husband,
dedicated fashionista has become the very model of a modern man (see also,
Cashmore and Parker, 2003). The now famous picture of Beckham stepping out in a
sarong attracted much comment. Some have even suggested that this encouraged the
trend amongst English football fans to wear the national flag wrapped around the waist
(Mail on Sunday, 2 November 2003, p.6).

10 Concluding remarks

We can learn much about changes in society by focusing upon the prominent sports stars
of our times and Beckham is without doubt one of the most significant athletes of
(post)modern times. He transcends boundaries in a way that few (if any) other English
athletes have ever done before and (together with his wife) has become a truly global
brand. His transfer to Real Madrid is still often (re)presented as being more of a
marketing exercise than a purchase based on his ability as a football player (see for
example, Ball, 2004; Burns, 2004; Carlin, 2004) but he has survived numerous
managerial changes at the club and continues to be selected for all important games. Yet
the marketability and commercial significance of Beckham should not be overlooked as
in 2006 Real Madrid finally surpassed Manchester United as the worlds richest football
club. Many newspapers suggested that this new global order was attributable largely to
the England captain noting that the Beckham-steered Spanish club are now No. 1 in the
games league of financial muscle (The Times, 16 February 2006, p.4).
We believe that Beckham is an interesting site to (re)examine changing notions of
Englishness in football for he has been portrayed as both the scapegoat for national
failure and the reason for national success. The continued globalisation of sport and
the development of Beckhams playing career in Spain offer further opportunities for
this analysis. Beckham is not just a national celebrity but is one of the most visible
athletes in the global media, positioned in some accounts as the Michael Jordan
of Europe (The Washington Post, 21 June 2001, p.32). The 2002 World Cup was
remarkable more for the hoards of screaming Japanese fans who waited patiently for just
a glimpse of their idol rather than Beckhams quite average performances on the world
stage (see Perryman, 2002). Beckhams role as a statesman, and symbol of English
identity abroad, took on another dimension following his transfer to Real Madrid. Few
220 J. Harris and B. Clayton

English (or other British) football players have succeeded abroad and Beckhams first
few months in Madrid met with widespread approval. However, the latter part of the
campaign was characterised by a loss of form and allegations of extra-marital affairs.
Overall it appears that the English media still tend to largely adopt a positive tone
in articles about him. Of course our analysis of Beckham and his positioning as a symbol
of national identity in England is only a partial one. Future research may well trace
the changes in media portrayals of Beckhams national character as he continues to
live and work in Spain. The 2006 World Cup may represent another significant moment
in the players career. It will also be interesting to note how discourses of europeanisation
and globalisation are positioned around him as both a symbol of, and exception to,
conceptualisations of Englishness in the 21st century.

Acknowledgements

Thanks to Paul Pedersen and to the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful
comments on an earlier version of this paper.

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