The Anomaly of the Active Feminine in Greek and Roman Antiquity

Olubunmi Mia Olufemi

According to the Hippocratic author of On Generating Seed and the Nature of the
Child, the melding of weak sperm from a man and woman resulted in the
conception of a female, whereas two strong sperm resulted in a male. The belief
that women are the weaker sex was maintained by Aristotle in antiquity and
perpetuated throughout history. The deficiency of females in relation to males
provided the basis and justification of patriarchy, societal gender norms, and
assumptions of sexuality and sexual roles. In antiquity, womens sexuality was
closely tied to how much they stayed within the bounds of feminine passivity and
respectability. Female transgressors of the male-active/female-passive polarity
were labeled as subversive, a judgment that compromised their sexualities and
reputations in society. According to Aristotles Politics, the male is by nature
superior, and the female inferior; and the one rules, and other is ruled; this
principle of necessity, extends to all mankind (Aristotle) Aristotle expands the
rule of patriarchy to all natural and social hierarchies including the animal
kingdom and the family. Because men were thought to be superior by nature, it
was only right that the man would command and that the woman obey,
establishing an active/passive polarity that constituted order. Without this order,
chaos would ensue. Aristotle names Spartan women as an example of this
disorder. Spartan women had more freedom than average Greek women. They
were the only Greek girls afforded public education and were known to exercise
with men partially nude. This was unacceptable in other Greek societies where
men and women were segregated. And, because Sparta was in a state of perpetual
warfare, Spartan women were often left in control of the household, giving them
considerable power in society. Aristotle states that the freedom of the women is to
blame for Spartas decline and the Theban invasion. Not only were patriarchy and
female passivity necessary in the home, they were necessary for the good of the
state. In Greek and Roman antiquity, sexual identities and behaviors were often
delineated by the sexual roles each party played. These roles were often, though
not always, associated with gender. The active party in a sexual relationship was
often seen as masculine, because it is the male that penetrates during
heterosexual intercourse. The passive role was then seen as feminine, as the
female received the penetration of the male. This delineation established a
hierarchy in which there could be no equality, as one party must submit to the
other; and the passive partners were always associated with femininity. The
active/passive polarity could also be applied to male homosexual relationships,
which were accepted in certain Greek societies under strict social rules. In
classical Greece, these relationships were seen as rites of passage for young boys
on the verge of adulthood. Assuming the active role, an older bearded mentor
would seduce a fresh-faced passive youth through a courtship process. In Athens,
the passive male in homosexual relationships was called an eromenos, and was
seen in some respects as sexually deviant. Aristotle argues that any enjoyment of
what he saw as the subordinate, defeated role of the passive partner in a
homoerotic relation is unnatural. . . (King, 30) Because male genitalia relegated
men to the active sexuality, it could be construed as abnormal for a man to be
penetrated in the same fashion as a woman. Because women were believed to be
inferior to men, it would be unacceptable for a man to equate himself with a
woman in such an emasculating way. Little evidence remains of female
homosexual relationships from antiquity. However, a poem from the archaic
period by Alkman of Sparta suggests that females may also have indulged in
homosexual initiatory rites. Whether or not this poem is a commentary on the
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supposed masculinity of Spartan women is unclear. The speaker in Alkmans first

poem is a young Spartan woman undergoing a rite of passage for girls moving
into adulthood. Young women were prepared through dancing, singing, and
other religious events for marriage and motherhood (Fantham, 13). In the poem,
the speaker discusses her admiration and desire for the older women who are the
girls chorus leaders. ...And I sing of Agidos radiance: I see her as the sun, which
Agido calls as witness to shine for us. Yet for me either to praise or blame her, the
glorious chorus leader in no way allows, but she herself stands out just as if
someone should set among the herds a horse, sturdy, prize-winning, thunder
hoofed, from dreams beneath the rock. (Alkman, 1, 39-49) Erotic relationships
between women are also prevalent in the lyric poems of Sappho of Lesbos. In the
archaic period, Sappho wrote poems for public occasions, such as marriages, but
is better known for her private poetry in which she describes intimate
relationships between women. Many of her poems describe a world that men
never saw: the deep love women could feel for one another in a society that kept
the sexes apart and the intense excitement of rituals in which only women could
participate (Fant and Lefkowitz). In Voigt 94, a young woman laments her
departure from Sappho. She says, I simply wish to die / Weve suffered terribly
/ Sappho I leave you against my will (Sappho, 94, 1-5). One possible reason for
the separation is marriage. While marriage represents the beginning of a new life
for a maiden, she must lose the life and certain relationships she had before. The
maiden in Sapphos poem obviously resents this tearing apart, as it happens
without her consent. Here, Sappho shines another light onto the limited rights of
women in archaic Greece to dictate their own lives. The maiden must move
passively on to the fate decided for her. To comfort her, the Sappho in the poem
recounts intimate memories of their time together, providing a rare glimpse of a
homoerotic relationship between women. Perhaps one of the most interesting
things about Sapphos poetry is the figure of the active dominant female. In some
of her poems, Sappho names this figure as herself. The active Sappho is rare in
that she forcefully pursues romantic relationships with young women. In Voigt
one, Sappho calls on the goddess Aphrodite to aid her in the pursuit of a female
love interest. Aphrodite replies Again whom must I persuade / back into the
harness of your love? Sappho, who wrongs you? / For if she flees, soon shell
pursue, / she doesnt accept gifts, but shell give, / if not now loving, soon shell
love / even against her will (Sappho, 1, 18-24). The goddess diction suggests
that she is a regular visitor of Sapphos. They are close enough for Sappho to call
on her multiple times to oversee affairs of the heart. The word harness and the
last line of this selection further exhibit the imbalance in the active/passive
relationship. Aphrodite will act upon the maiden at the behest of Sappho. The
object of Sapphos attentions has no choice in the matter, echoing the forced
passivity of the soon to be married maiden in Voigt 94. Sappho ends the poem
asking Aphrodite to be her ally, or comrade in arms. Not only has Sappho
assumed the masculine active role in this poem, she has used the typically male
realm of warfare to do it, redefining that male tradition for women. In Female
Homoeroticism and the Denial of Roman Reality in Latin Literature, Judith P.
Hallett discusses the perspectives of a small number of Roman works on female
same sex relationships. In these works, lesbians were thought to be masculine in
nature . Hallett notes that Roman authors most often depict a tribas (tribade
most often refers to the active female partner in female-female sex) as masculine
and aggressive and as the one who wishes to penetrate, while her lovers gender
role is left ambiguous (Pintabone, 256). The Dialogue of the Courtesans, written
by Lucian during the golden age of the Roman Empire, contains such tribades.
The Dialogue is a collection of fifteen stories dealing with various relationships of
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hetairai, or courtesans. Dialogue 5 is a conversation between two hetairai, Leaena

and Clonarium, about Leanas rumoured trysts with a woman named Megilla.
When she confronts Leaena with the rumours, Clonarium says she hears That
Megilla, the rich woman of Lesbos, is in love with you just like a man, that you
live with each other, and do I dont know what together (Lucian). This statement
reveals much about the general stereotypes of lesbians at the time Lucian was
writing. Megilla is from Lesbos, the birthplace of Sappho. Sappho was well known
for her poetry concerning erotic relationships between women. Megilla actively
pursues Leaena much as Sappho pursues her female love interest in Voigt one.
Later on in the play, it is revealed that Megillas wealthy partner, Demonassa, is
from Corinth and is also interested in women. Corinth was seen as the center of
the sex trade, and Corinthian women were regarded as sexually adventurous, as
were women from Lesbos (Haley, 296). It would come as no surprise to Luciens
audience that Demonassa and Megilla were from places where women were
known for their abnormal sexual behaviour. Clonariums confusion as to what the
women do together may be a reflection of the belief that two women could not
enjoy or engage in sexual intercourse because neither can penetrate the other
naturally. As a rich woman, Megilla is cast in the traditionally masculine roles of
provider, guardian and husband. She lives in her own house, firmly placing her
within her own rule and outside the authority of a man, something unheard of for
most women of the time. Megilla exercises her freedom by openly pursuing a
relationship with a hetaira. Hetairai were most often the companions of rich men.
The masculine form of hetaira means comrade, mate, fellow, companion, and in a
military context can mean brother-in-arms, drawing a further comparison to
Sapphos Voigt one. It is only when the word is feminine that it derives a sexual
connotation, meaning courtesan or concubine. This shift may be another
reflection of the imbalanced power relationship between men and women and
social gender norms. As companions of men, women could only be seen in a
sexual context. The feminine hetaira was not only a sexual partner; she was
completely dependent on her clients for social and economic status. It seems that
even etymologically women were restricted into passivity. As Clonarium continues
to question Leaena about her sexual encounter with Megilla and Demonassa, it
becomes apparent that Megilla is no ordinary woman. Megilla tells Leaena that
she is a man named Megillus and that Demonassa is her wife. Lucian presents
Megilla as a transgender figure of sorts, a man in a womans body. I was born a
woman like the rest of you, she says, but I have a mind and desires and
everything else of a man (Lucian). It is unsure what Lucians intent was in
creating a character such as Megilla, but his choice to do so can be looked at
positively under certain standards and modern feminist interpretation. While
Megilla believes she is a man, she does not need or want a male member. Rather,
she is content with how she is made and tells Leaena that her way of sexual
intercourse is much more pleasant than heterosexual sex. She expresses no
desire for physical transformation since for her, being a man seems to be more
about mental characteristics as opposed to the physical. To Megilla, her attraction
to Leaena is acceptable then because Megilla is a man, and men are attracted to
women. Though Megilla may be content with her identity as a man, Leaena is not.
She admits to Clonarium that she has had relations with Megilla and says, But I
am ashamed, for it is unnatural (Lucian). For her, and for others in Lucians
audience, it is the physical manifestation of masculinity that makes a man a
man, and anything that transgressed those strict boundaries, such as an active
female like Megilla, was unnatural or abnormal. Ovids tale of Iphis and Ianthe is
another story of female transgender relationships. Before Iphis is born, her father,
Ligdus, tells her mother, Telethusa, to expose her baby if it is born a girl.
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Telethusa is visited in a dream by the goddess Isis and is told to conceal Iphis
gender and raise her as a boy. Telethusa does so, and Iphis is perceived as a male
by the rest of the world. Ligdus names Iphis after her grandfather , keeping with a
patriarchal tradition. Ironically, the name Iphis is gender neutral, reflecting Iphis
representation of both sexes. She grows up with a female age mate named Ianthe.
When the two are betrothed, Iphis knows they cannot be married because she is a
woman. Iphis loves Ianthe and desires her sexually, but she is aware that acting
on that desire would be unnatural and impossible. She says to herself, Give up
this foolishness: you were born woman, / No use deceiving yourself as well as
others. Seek what is proper, love as woman should (Ovid, 745-748). Unlike
Megilla and Sappho, Ianthe does not actively pursue Ianthe, though she does love
her. Their relationship is acceptable only when Isis transforms Iphis into a man.
While Iphis is not a direct example of the active female, she is an example of love
between two women. However, Ovids tale still conveys and promotes sexual
restrictions and rules for women. Iphis is pure in her feminine state because she
is not sexually active. The only solution to her dilemma is for her to be
transformed into a man, further enforcing the notion that female same sex
relationships were subversive and unnatural. Perceived homosexuality was not
the only way to overstep gender boundaries of acceptability. In the Moralia,
Plutarch relates a story about the bravery of the women of Argos and the poet
Telesilla. According to Plutarch, Telesilla was physically weak until she followed
the gods advice to devote herself to poetry and music. She was highly esteemed
by the other women for her abilities and incited them to take up arms and protect
the battlements, when Cleomenes, the king of Sparta, threatened the city. Though
many women died in the fight, they succeeded in repulsing the Spartan forces.
The survivors were given leave to erect a statue of Ares in their honor . Choosing
Ares as the god for their statue is telling and may denote the womens transition
from femininity to masculinity. It is the male god of war they select, not a female
warrior goddess such as Athena. Plutarch also uses this story to explain the
origins of the Festival of Impudence, which is celebrated on the anniversary of
the battle. At the festival women wear mens clothing and men wear womens
robes. As a result of the womens newfound status and bravery, Plutarch reports
that they treated their new husbands with disrespect because they felt the men
were inferior to them. Because of this, a law was made that stateed that married
women with beards must sleep in the same beds as their husbands. This law
pokes fun, but also makes a statement about female gender roles. In On the
Bravery of Women, Plutarch claims that respectable women should remain
unseen, but their fame and good deeds should be commemorated publicly
(Fantham, 390). In the Moralia, the women of Argos proved themselves in battle
to be equal to men, but they were still subject to the rule of society that stated
that women should be married. Like men, these women have assumed the
masculine active role, which enables them to assign passivity to their husbands.
The festival to celebrate the womens victory in battle is named after impudence.
According to the American Heritage Dictionary, impudent is an adjective meaning
characterized by brash behaviour or impertinent disrespect; immodest
(American Heritage Dictionary). The festival is not so much a celebration as it is a
tongue in cheek critique of the womens behavior. After the battle, they became
impudent and treated their husbands, their betters purely on the basis of gender,
with disrespect. Like the battle, the festival becomes the only circumstance in
which it is permissible for women to don masculinity as symbolized by mens
clothing. The law that is created to address the women also has a serious note, as
it warns the women not to take the same liberties with their sexuality as they
have with their behavior. So, while it would be acceptable for men in their
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positions to seek sexual relationships with certain women outside of their wives
beds, it is unacceptable and unlawful for women to follow the same scenario.
Another traditionally male field that women took part in was philosophy. Diogenes
Laertius, a biographer of Greek philosophers in the third century CE, related the
story of a female philosopher named Hipparchia, who fell in love with a
philosopher named Crates. Because she is from a wealthy family, he tests her love
by taking off his clothes in front of her and telling her that he is all she will
receive in the marriage. She chooses him anyway and begins to dress as a man
and accompany him on all of his outings. She made love to him in public; she
went to dinner parties with him (Diogenes Laertius). By attaching herself to
Crates, Hipparchia has assumed the mixed role of the active female and hetaira.
Only hetairai accompanied men to parties with other men. Her having intercourse
with him in public also draws a direct connection to the case of Neaira, a
courtesan whose past sexual history was prosecuted under Athenian law. In the
case, Neaira was painted as a salacious woman, and one of her misdeeds
included having sexual intercourse in public. Though Hipparchia is obviously
intelligent and able to outwit a few of the men in her husbands circle with her
philosophical skill, her sexual behaviour and presence in the male setting renders
her an unrespectable woman. To conclude, the social and gender norms for
women in antiquity were very restrictive. Under Roman and Greek patriarchy,
women were simultaneously ruled by men and segregated from them. A womans
respectability was often times based on her chastity because, as the weaker sex,
it was believed that women had no strong moral compasses with which to guide
their judgement. As such, men believed women were prone to licentiousness and
other errors in character. This assumption may have formed the basis for mens
justification of the repression of female sexuality and the creation of passive
femininity. For women then to assume the masculine active role was not only
seen as unnatural in the ancient world, it was dangerous to the very hierarchal
patriarchies on which these civilizations were grounded.

*Hippocrates. On the Generating Seed and the Nature of the Child 4-7, 13, 30.
Trans. I.M. Lonie. In Mary Lefkowitz and Maureen Fant, eds. Women's Life in
Greece and Rome. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1982. Pgs. 85-87
*Aristotle. Politics 1254b3-1277b25 (excerpts); 1313b33-39; 1335a8-17. Trans.
B. Jowett. In Women's Life in Greece and Rome. Pgs. 63-65
*Fantham, Elaine et al. eds. Women in the Classical World. New York: Oxford
Univ. Press, 1994. Pg, 59
Martin, Thomas R. Ancient Greece: From Prehistoric to Hellenistic Times. New
Haven: Yale Univ. 1996. Pg. 79
Politics.
Ruth Mazo Karras. Active/Passive, Acts/Passions: Greek and Roman
Sexualities. The American Historical Review. 2000.
King, Helen. Sowing the Field: Greek and Roman Sexology. In Roy Porter and
Mikulas Teich, eds. Sexual Knowledge, Sexual Science: The History of Attitudes to
Sexuality. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994. Pg, 30.
Fantham et al. Women in the Classical World. Pg. 15
Rayor, pg. 161
Pintabone, Diane T. Ovids Iphis and Ianthe: When Girls Wont be Girls. In Lisa
Auanger and Nancy Sorkin Rabinowitz, eds. Among Women: From the
Homosocial and the Homoerotic in the Ancient World. Austin: Univ. of Texas
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Haley, Shelley P. Lucians Laeana and Clonarium. In Lisa Auanger and Nancy
Sorkin Rabinowitz, eds. Among Women: From the Homosocial and the
Homoerotic in the Ancient World. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 2002 Pg, 292.
Haley, pg. 293
Ovid. The Story of Iphis and Ianthe. Metamorphoses. Trans. Rolfe Humphries.
Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1955. Pgs. 229-233.
Pintabone, 265-272

Plutarch. Moralia 245 c-f. Trans. F. C. Babbitt. I

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