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Rubel (Hg.) Die Barbaren Roms

Alexander Rubel (Hg.)

Die Barbaren Roms

Inklusion, Exklusion und Identität im Römischen Reich und im Barbaricum (1.-3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.)

Hartung-Gorre Verlag

2016

SAGA Studien zu Archäologie und Geschichte des Altertums, Band II

Herausgegeben von Alexander Rubel

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar.

Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Copyright © 2016 by the Authors Alle Rechte vorbehalten

Copyright © 2016 by the Authors Alle Rechte vorbehalten

Erste Auflage 2016

HARTUNG-GORRE VERLAG KONSTANZ http://www.hartung-gorre.de

ISSN: 2196-7393 ISBN: 978-3-86628-577-4

Inhalt

Vorwort

7

Alexander RUBEL

Überlegungen zum Barbarenbegriff der Römer:

 

Geten, Daker und Thraker in den Augen der Römer

11

Kai BRODERSEN

Barbaren bei Plinius d. Ä. und seinem „Affen“ Solinus:

 

Vom kulturbezogenen zum geographischen Barbarenbegriff

43

Alexandru POPA

Überlegungen zur Erkennung kultureller und ethnischer Identitäten in Dakien und angrenzenden Gebieten

55

Lucreţiu MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA

Observations on Local Recruiting in Lower Moesia:

The Case of Troesmis

71

Ligia RUSCU

Die Bürgerrechtspolitik der flavischen Kaiser in den Griechenstädten der Provinzen Niedermoesien und Thrakien

79

Eduard NEMETH

Dies- und jenseits der Südwestgrenze des römischen Dakien. Neuere Forschungsergebnisse

97

Dilyana BOTEVA

Thracian Tradition and Greco-Roman Aesthetics on the Votive Plaques of the Thracian Rider

117

Dan RUSCU

Der Bischof Ulfila zwischen nicänischer „Orthodoxie“ und Homöertum

131

Sergiu MATVEEV, Artemis BALAN

Der Obere Trajanswall und Archäologische Kulturdenkmäler aus den ersten Jahrhunderten n. Chr. im Pruth-Dnjestr Raum.

Archäologisch-räumliche

Beziehungen

141

Erik HRNČIARIK, Klára KUZMOVÁ

Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum (territory of Slovakia)

149

Maurizio BUORA

Von der Adria (Aquileia) bis zur mittleren Donau: Das Fibelspektrum römischer Zeit vom 1. Jh. v. Chr. bis zum 6. Jh. n.

163

Sergiu MUSTEAȚĂ

Antler Manufacturing in the Central and Eastern Europe During Late Antiquity

199

György NÉMETH, András SZABÓ

A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth. A Silver Magical Lamella from the Northern Necropolis of Sopianae (Pécs, Hungary). Preliminary Report

239

Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum (territory of Slovakia)

Historical background

ERIK HRNČIARIK, KLÁRA KUZMOVÁ *

In the Roman period, the territory of modern Slovakia – with the exception of ancient Gerula- ta – lay beyond the borders of the Roman Empire. Shortly after the beginning of our era, the first groups of the Suebic Quadi started to settle the areas of southwestern Slovakia, originally inhabited by Celtic tribes, while in the adjacent areas in the north the settlement from the previous period, represented by the Púchov culture, continued uninterrupted. The remainder of a Celtic-Dacian population survived in the south of eastern Slovakia, and northern Slovakia was gradually settled by carriers of the Przeworsk culture. From the end of the Early Roman period, and particularly in its later phase, the Quadi population spread also northwards and eastwards. In the areas of northern and northeastern Slovakia, the Púchov culture was gradually replaced by the so-called North Carpathian group, while the southeast was settled by the first tribes of Vandals 1 .

Exchange and trading activities in the context of the Central-European Barbaricum

The beginnings of trade in this area go far back to prehistoric times. One of the earliest forms of trade was the exchange of raw materials and products, which later developed into monetary exchange. A decisive impulse for its development were likely the cases when one party could not provide an equally valuable article of exchange to another, and looked for an alternative object of general value (means of payment), which varied in form in different environments. Shells, grain, domestic animals, textiles and pieces of precious metals were used for this purpose, and at one point cattle, canvas and precious metals became conventional means of payment. The Latin word pecunia (money), which derives from the word pecus (cattle), has its origins in this period, as does the Slavic verb to pay (platiť), which derives from the word canvas 2 . The exchange and trading activities in the Roman period north of Pannonia can be understood in three major contexts: cross-border, long-distance and internal (barbarian). Both the Roman and domestic commodities could have been the objects of exchange and trade in all three contexts. The cross-border trade in the Central European Barbaricum refers to the exchange of articles between the population of the Roman Empire, particularly

* This article has been written within the project VEGA No. 1/0045/14.
1

Pieta 1982; Pieta 1991, 376-387; Lamiová-Schmiedlová 1992, 75-79; Prohászka 2006; Kolník 2012, 231-236.

2 For more details see Kolníková – Minarovičová – Hunka – Šustek 2009; Kolníková 2012, 276-281.

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the province of Pannonia on the one hand, and barbarians, especially the Germanic tribes, on the other. At the same time, this trade could have been part of the long-distance trade, in which products and raw materials travelled between more distant areas, such as the Mediterranean and the Baltic region. The third form – the internal trade – took place within the barbarian society itself.

Cross-border trade

The study of cross-border trade is closely related to the study of the occurrence of Roman products in Slovakia. The products could have crossed the borders of the empire in different ways, but their large numbers suggest that they did so through exchange and trade contacts between the Romans and the non-Roman populations. On the other hand, some of the Roman products can be considered official gifts and bribes of the Romans to the leading classes of the native populations, with the aim of gaining their loyalty and ensuring peace on the borders and in the adjacent Barbaricum. Such practice is also mentioned by Tacitus in his Germania 3 . Many of the products, however, could have been plunder or proofs of the presence of Roman military troops on the territory settled by the barbarians. The questions related to trade, particularly to the occurrence of Roman products in this environment, are constantly being studied and discussed by scholars. Their opinions vary, for instance M. Erdrich’s claim that no trade existed between the Romans and the barbarians, all Roman products in Barbaricum being either gifts, bribes or plunder, is rare 4 . The large number of finds and their wide range, particularly in southwestern Slovakia, more or less refutes his claim. We believe that the trade with the barbarians probably did not play an impor- tant role in the Roman economy, and the income from this trade formed only a small percentage of the profit of the Roman merchants in the Danubian provinces. Epigraphical monuments from northern Pannonia, for instance, rarely bear references to merchants trading with the barbarians 5 . Trading in Roman products in Barbaricum could have taken place in different ways:

1. Through Roman merchants, the so-called negotiatores, who may have offered Roman products to the native population directly on the barbarian territory. They likely bought the products in bulk at markets in border areas (e.g. Carnuntum, Brigetio), and sold them at local markets. References to such merchants can be found in the work of several ancient authors. One of the earliest reports is by Tacitus 6 , who writes about Roman merchants residing at the court of the Marcomannic king Marobuduus (35/30 BC - AD 37/38), which has been localized in the area of today’s central Bohemia. An analogical situation cannot

3 Tac. Ger. 5.

4 Erdrich 1996.

5 Kolník 1978, 69.

6 Tac. Ann. 2, 62.

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be excluded in the centre of Vannius’ kingdom (Regnum Vannianum), which is assumed in southwestern Slovakia 7 . The report of the Pliny the Elder 8 mentions a rider wandering on the Amber Road in the company of Roman merchants. Another, indirect proof of Roman merchants in Bar- baricum is a Roman grave stele, which was brought on the territory of today’s Slovakia in a later period and bricked up into a church wall in Boldog. Although the stele found its way to the area north of the Danube only secondarily, the inscription on it relates to this area. It is a stele of Q. Atilius Primus (Fig. 1), who was, according to T. Kolník, an interpreter (inter(p)rex) of the XV Legion based in Carnuntum, a centurion (centurio) and a merchant (negotiator) outside of the Roman Empire 9 .

2. Through native merchants, who were, according to some authors 10 , in charge

of distributing the Roman products into Barbaricum. Just as the Roman merchants, they could buy their goods at provincial markets, export them across the borders of the Empire and sell them to the local population. Their access to these markets has been mentioned by several authors, for instance Pliny the Elder 11 , Tacitus 12 , and Cassius Dio 13 .

3. By direct purchase at Roman markets. The fact that the Roman border was not

an obstacle to the barbarians and that they did have access to the provincial markets is recorded

in ancient sources. Cassius Dio and Tacitus report that the Marcomanni or Hermunduri had an unlimited access to the Roman markets 14 . This was to some extent also true in tur- bulent times. For instance, one of the articles of a peace treaty from the Marcomannic wars stated that the Sarmatians settled east of Pannonia could visit specific markets in given days. A. Vaday assumes that in the canabae of Carnuntum there was space where the Romans and the barbarians could trade in animals and slaves 15 . It is likely that those who shopped at Roman markets were mostly people living close to the Roman borders, at distances which they could make in one day, i.e. about 35-40 km. In connection with the cross-border trade and with the arrival of Roman products to the territory of southwestern Slovakia we must also mention the phenomenon of “the third zone”, assumed in the immediate vicinity of the northern frontier of Pannonia 16 . As numerous finds attest, this territory was a place of intensive contacts between the native Germanic and the Roman provincial populations, including the garrisons of Roman military forts

7 Kolník 1977, 165.

8 Plin. Nat. his. 37.

9 Kolník 1978, 69.

10 e.g. Eggers 1951.

11 Plin. Nat. 37, 3.

12 Tac. Ger. 41, 45.

13 Cas. Dio 56.18.

14 Cass. Dio, Epitome LVII, 11; Tac. Germ. 41.

15 Vaday 2005, 19.
16

Bouzek – Ondřejová 1990, 22-35.

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(including temporary, marching and field camps). Roman merchants delivered the products of Italian and provincial workshops primarily to the military units based in the frontier fortifications, reaching both the civilian population and the neighbouring barbarians. Some finds, e.g. the Roman lead seals from the Germanic settlement at Hurbanovo 17 indicate that also the native settlements, which had taken over the function of the settlements of the vicus type known from the Roman Empire, played an important role in the cross-border trade. The products designated for the Roman army were thus not only stored, but also produced in these settlements 18 . The native populations and the Roman soldiers engaged in trade also during the turbulent Marcomannic wars and in Late Antiquity. The native settlements seem to have been able to produce such amounts of agricultural products as to take part in supplying the Roman army with food. This is attested for instance by archaeobotanical finds from Veľký- Meder and Beckov. According to M. Hajnalová and V. Varsik, the Quadi villages could even rival the Pannonian farms during the times of crisis 19 . Deliveries of grain from Barbaricum were for instance incorporated in peace treaties concluded after the end of each phase of the Marcomannic wars 20 . We may therefore assume that the troops of the Roman army, which wintered in Barbaricum in AD 179, as the famous inscription on the Trenčín rock informs us 21 , were supplied with food not only from the Roman Empire, but likely also from the surrounding Quadi settlements.

Long-distance trade

Several significant trans-European roads crossed the territory of today’s Slovakia in the Roman period, the most important being the Amber Road, which ran from northern Italy (from the port of Aquileia) to the Baltic Sea. Amber was highly prized and popular material for Romans, used mainly in jewellery making. They probably obtained it from the Germanic population in exchange for Roman coins and products of Roman workshops. The occurrence of Roman products between the Empire’s northern border and the Baltic Sea indicates that the course of the Amber Road had many branches on the vast barbarian territory. The main course of the Amber Road led from Pannonia and crossed the province’s Danubian border at Carnuntum, continuing northwards along the Morava valley 22 . The Devín Hill, an impor- tant strategic spot over the confluence of the rivers Morava and Danube, with attested traces of Roman settlement, played an important role here. The famous building complex at Stupava is also thought to have had a controlling function, particularly in the second century. It was built in the style of a Roman villa rustica, presumably by the Romans for

17 Kolníková 2002, 296-303.

18 Hrnčiarik 2013, 233.

19 Hajnalová – Varsik 2010, 216.
20

21 Summarized in Nešporová – Rajtár 2000, 30-33.

22 Wielowiejski 1996, 57-64.

Stahl 1989, 310.

Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum

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a loyal member of the Germanic elite. Newer research has also associated the control of the Amber Road with a central settlement assumed on the nearby site of Zohor. Its signifi- cance is attested by the graves of the native elite from the Late Flavian to Early Trajanic period, richly equipped with Roman products. Judging from archaeological finds, the settlement attained its extraordinary position until the Severan period. The contacts be- tween the Romans and the Germanic peoples in this area existed also at the rural residence at Bratislava-Dúbravka with Roman or Roman-like structures and numerous products 23 . It is also known that one of the Pannonian branches of the Amber Road led from Savaria through Arrabona to Brigetio and to its bridgehead on the left bank of the Danube (Roman fort at Iža), and after crossing the Danubian border continued north through the barbarian territory. The products of Italian and provincial workshops are attested mainly in the valleys of the rivers Nitra, Žitava and Váh, settled by the native population. The significance of this communication particularly in the Late Roman period (3rd-4th century) is attested by the rich graves of the Germanic elite from Krakovany-Stráže, a residence with Roman buildings from Cífer-Pác, as well as the concentration of Germanic settlements in this region 24 . The second important long-distance artery running through the territory of today’s Slovakia was in the east. It led from the province of Dacia through the Tisa valley, Košice valley and the Carpathian passes further north. Its course is indicated not only by rare finds of Roman products, but also by assumed transloading stations. One of them could have been situated at Ostrovany, where graves of elites richly equipped with products of Roman origin were found 25 . It is certain that the long-distance trade took place in stages, with goods flowing in both main directions and in several subsidiary directions. Since the merchants wanted to gain maximum economic profit from their investments and activities, the goods were trans- ported not only from the departure station to their destination, but also between the stations, where they reached other merchants and the native populations. Both the Roman and native merchants and businessmen were probably engaged in this process, and the commodities became part of the internal trade within the barbarian society. The occurrence and use of Roman coins is closely connected with the exchange and trading activities between the Romans and the natives. The coins occur on the studied area from the Late La Tène period until the decline of Antiquity 26 . But what was the function and value of the coins in the barbarian environment? Unlike the Celts, the Germanic tribes and other non-Roman ethnic groups in this area did not have their own currency, and the function of coins was likely unknown to them. This may be the reason why Roman coins

23 Pieta – Plachá 1999, 6-9; Staník – Turčan 2000, 22-26; Elschek 2009, 239-250; Elschek 2012, 259-265; Harmadyová 2012, 271-275; Hrnčiarik 2013, 233.

24 Hrnčiarik 2013, 234; Varsik – Kolník 2013, 71-90.

25 Prohászka 2006.

26 Summarized in Hrnčiarik 2013, 195-197.

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are rare in this area at the beginning of the first century, and their number and territorial spread increase only later. Finds and find circumstances of the coins nevertheless show that they were never used primarily as money. Trading, whether between the barbarian populations and the Romans, or between individual non-Roman groups, consisted mostly in goods exchange, and coins were used as means of payment rather occasionally. The character and intensity of the relations between the Romans and the barbarians were also affected by the geographical factor. The finds suggest that coins may have been used as means of payment in the immediate vicinity of the Roman border in trade between the natives and the Romans as well as within the barbarian society itself. This is attested by numerous finds of coins of smaller value, the so-called lost coins. The occurrence of these coin types is much rarer in areas situated in larger distances from the Roman border. The non-Roman inhabitants perceived coins as pieces of valuable metal, the quality of the material being more important to them than the message of the depicted ruler 27 . Unlike in the Roman Empire, where each transaction was confirmed by a written document and had an official form, in the barbarian environment the transaction or a mutual agreement was concluded by a handshake 28 and was completed either immediately or later. Trade agreements, just as any agreements, were always concluded between concrete people. If an agreement was to be realized later, the parties provided certain guarantees to one another. In the Roman Empire, these were the so-called tesserae numinae, but more valuable items may have served as guarantees beyond the borders, such as gold rings, jewellery or other objects (e.g. silver vessels) 29 . In addition to the finds of Roman products in Barbaricum, which are direct proofs of the Roman supply as well as of the demand on the part of the non-Roman population, there were commodities which formed part of what is known as invisible trade. How- ever, we do not have sufficient exact data about their existence in the territory of Slova- kia. The following reflections, therefore, draw on analogical situations in the neighbour- ing countries. It is very likely that the native population did not import from the provinces only ready-made bronze products, but also bronze as raw material, most often in the form of waste metal. Although there is no evidence of this in Slovakia, metal recycling is a well-known effective production technology of the Roman period. A hoard of fragments of bronze vessels from the Germanic settlement at Zohor, which had likely been collected at the cemetery (site Zohor-Piesky) and designed for such purposes, suggests that such sources may have been used 30 . At the same time, entire imported objects could have been melted later and used for production of tiny items, for example bronze brooches.

27 Summarized in Hrnčiarik 2013, 196.

28 Liv. 9, 41, 20; Liv. 30, 13, 8; 13, 11.

29 Hrnčiarik 2013, 30-31.

30 Elschek 2002.

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Other Roman export articles belonging to the invisible trade were cattle and horses. Although there is no direct evidence of such trade from Slovakia, archaeozoological analy- ses suggest that Roman cows, bulls and horses, which were bigger than the local animals and gave more yield, were imported to the Sarmatian Barbaricum (today’s eastern Hungary). A. Vaday also assumes the import of sheep, goats, swine and poultry 31 . These animals probably became naturalised outside of the Empire over time. So did some types of cultivated plants, particularly common wheat, which yielded more crops. On the other hand, in order to grow common wheat one needed to till and fertilise the land more intensively, which is why this species never became a dominant produce outside the Roman Empire in the first two centuries. The analysis of material from Slovakia (sites Beckov and Veľký Meder) has shown that common wheat and spelt did not become major agricultural products before the third and four centuries, when they gradually replaced domestic plants 32 . In Barbaricum, the Roman merchants were probably interested in the products of organic origin, which are hard to prove by archaeological material. An important export article could be wood, which the Romans used to build forts on Ripa Danubii – the northern frontier of the Roman Empire. An indirect proof is the increased occurrence of Roman coins on the Quadi territory, dating to the times when these forts were built or rebuilt 33 . Other goods may have been grain, often in the form of tribute, oxen, cow skin, horses, geese, feathers and undoubtedly also textiles, fat, wool, honey, wax, fur and female hair. U. Lund Hansen assumes that even ceramics and brooches were exported from Barbaricum 34 , which, however, is questionable based on the available sources. Finds of Germanic pottery are attested for instance in the legionary fortress at Carnuntum 35 and in the auxiliary fort at Iža 36 . They are mostly low pots (up to 20 cm) of very bad quality, and since they had been made by hand without the use of a potter’s wheel, it is unclear why the Romans would import such wares from Barbaricum along the luxury ceramics they imported from the western provinces. Much more likely is M. Grünewald’s interpretation, which considers the Germanic vessels in the Roman environment to be packaging, transport pottery, which could have contained honey or pork fat 37 . According to J. Rajtár, also dairy products, fat, seeds and similar may have been stored and sold in these vessels 38 . One ancient source states that also slaves, captives and weapons were exported 39 . Germanic men even sold their women to other tribes 40 , and they may have done so also in relation to the Roman Empire.

31 Vaday 2005, 23.

32 Varsik – Hajnalová 2010, 216.

33 Hrnčiarik 2013, 182.

34 Lund Hansen 1987, 235.

35 Grünewald 1979, 66.

36 Rajtár 2015, 389-391.
37

38 Rajtár 2015, 391.

39 Cass. Dio IV 4.

40 Salač 2008, 67.

Grünewald 1979, 66.

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Internal trade

Compared with the cross-border and long-distance trade, research of the internal trade in barbarian societies is much more complicated, and its reconstruction is extremely demanding given the current state of research in Slovakia. One of the problems is that the production centres producing characteristic types of domestic pottery, jewellery and other items cannot be localised with certainty. Instead, we have to study how the Roman products spread in the barbarian environment. It is assumed that the internal trade consisted in the exchange of goods. Tacitus reports on this in the fifth book of Germania, stating that the Germanic peoples do know the function of Roman coins to some degree, but the old way of exchang- ing goods prevails inside their society 41 . As we have already noted, the use of Roman coins within the Germanic society was common near the Pannonian border. But since the Roman coins also occur in the northern and eastern areas of today’s Slovakia, they may have had a limited role in the internal trade, too. It is also possible, though unproven, that the coins were melted down and recast by native craftsmen, as was the case in the Celtic oppida in Bohemia 42 . Unlike the Celts, however, they did not use the coins to make new coins, but rather to make jewellery and other items of daily use. The occurrence of Roman products in smaller settlement agglomerations suggests that they were distributed among the native population also by their own merchants and businessmen. For instance terra sigillata, Roman provincial coarse pottery and some bronze vessels and brooches were likely distributed within the internal trade only as supplementary products to the domestic ones. This assumption is based on their quantity and territorial spread. Another indirect evidence of internal trade is the occurrence of metals, particularly bronze and native bronze products in Barbaricum. As V. Salač noted with reference to examples from the territory of today’s Bohemia, bronze products occur on almost all Germanic settlements, but materials needed for their production (especially tin and copper) occur rarely in these areas 43 . We can therefore assume that in the barbarian environment, bronze and damaged bronze items were distributed as raw materials by native merchants, who walked from one settlement to another and sold such wares. We can also assume the existence of central settlements where the inhabitants from the surrounding settlements gathered and sold their products or bought others. As with the cross-border and long-distance trade, the products of the internal trade may have included skin, textiles, honey, wax and other agricultural products and materials. For instance, the specific character and the large number of weaving workshops in the Germanic residence at Cífer-Pác, dating from the same period, indicate a certain overproduction of textiles and their success on the market. T. Štolcová and T. Kolník assume that they were sold into a wider area 44 .

41 Tac. Ger. 5.

42 Motyková – Drda – Rybárová 1984, 153.

43 Salač 2008, 68.

44 Štolcová – Kolník 2010, 482.

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An important source for the study of the internal trade is the production of domestic pottery, although it is hard to follow its distribution among the settlements. Pottery kilns of the native populations in southwestern Slovakia are attested for instance at Nitra 45 and Cífer-Pác 46 . What is missing, however, is a detailed typology of products and a map of their spread, which could help clarify its distribution in the given Germanic environment. The situation is different in the Barbaricum of southeastern Slovakia. Several pottery kilns that had produced characteristic pottery with stamped decoration, the so-called Blažice type, were excavated at settlements at Blažice and Ostrovany. Finds of this pottery are attested in various parts of eastern Slovakia, occurring at both settlements and cemeteries. They testify to the distribution of local pottery products within the region and to the existence of internal trade 47 .

Conclusion

On the basis of historical and particularly archaeological sources, three major forms of trading and exchange relations can be attested or assumed in the territory of Slovakia in the Roman period: cross-border, long-distance and internal trade. Thanks to the occurrence of Roman products in Barbaricum, the cross-border trade is the best identifiable of them. Not only Roman, but also native merchants participated in the cross-border trade, as J. Eggers 48 and J. Kunow 49 have assumed. It is an important fact that the defence system on the Danubian border allowed the barbarians settled beyond the frontier to visit selected markets on the Pannonian territory. The record of Roman imports in areas distant from the Roman borders is a proof of both cross-border and long-distance trade. Trading took place mostly in the western part of the studied area along the Amber Road, and in the eastern part along the road that led from the province of Dacia through the Tisa valley and the Carpathian passes further north. We can assume that trading took place in stages and flowed in both main directions and in several subsidiary directions. Trading articles were transported not only from the departure station to their destination, but also between the stations, reaching other merchants and the native population. Given the current state of research, the internal trade within the barbarian society is the form of trade that is hardest to identify. This is due to the lack of direct evidence of native production centres of pottery, jewellery and other objects. In studying the internal trade, the Roman products play only a limited role. Judging from their occurrence in smaller settlement agglomerations, their distribution was likely provided also by native merchants. We can assume the existence of larger trading centres, where trading in domestic products took place. Trading relations in the studied Barbaricum seem to have been based on the exchange of goods. However, the

45 Chropovský – Fusek 1988, 143-163; Březinová 2003.

46 Kolník – Varsik 2006, 409-432; Varsik – Kolník 2014, 277-293.

47 Luštíková 2013, 91-110.

48 Eggers 1951.

49 Kunow 1985.

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occurrence of Roman coins suggests that especially the Quadi population settled in the western part of this area may have used the coins as means of payment, in both cross-border and internal trade.

Translated by: Ľubomíra Kuzmová.

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1 6 2 Die Barbaren Roms Fig. 1 Stele of Q. Atilius Primus from Boldog (Photo

Fig. 1 Stele of Q. Atilius Primus from Boldog (Photo E. Hrnčiarik).