139

Chapter IV

Political Power Structures Munnurukapu Community in Telangana Region

In this chapter focuses on the political elite of Andhra Pradesh in Telangana re-

gion, looking at the sociological background of the elected members of the 11 succes-

sive legislative assemblies since independence for which extensive data has been col-

lected.1 It is intended to focus on how power was shared among the major sections of

society.It should mention here that the classical caste division made in Andhra Pradesh

is between Forward castes and backward castes. The Forward castes comprise

Brahmans, Kapus, Kamma, Reddy, Komati, Kshatriya, Velma, while the backward

castes are those that are classified as OBCs.

The focus is on the emergence of backward classes and their aspirations to hold

the political power and eventually it also examines how backward communities struggle

with dominant castes such as Reddies, Kammas and Velamas in political and electoral

process. The OBCs especially in Telangana were brought into the political ambit by N.T.

Rama Rao (N.T.R) to cultivate a wider base for the TDP equally. As a result of the re-

structuring of the administrative system with the insertion of Mandal system better

placed OBCs have begun to play an increasingly influential role in local and state level

politics. 2

1
The data presented here are for the 1962, 1967, 1972,1978,1983,1985.1989,1994, 1999.2004 and 2009 No
Whos who were, however. Available before 1972
2
Ahmed Basiruddin (1970) Caste and electoral politics; Asian survey Vol 10
 140

Among the substantial land owners and pattadars in Telangana districts, Brah-

mins were once predominant. With the rise of the Reddies, Velamas and Kammas the

influential castes of peasant properties, the influence of Brahmins as a land owning

caste declined. They continued to be powerful. Komatis, a caste of traders and money

lenders had considerable influence on the economic life in the area. Marwadi, Sahukars

gradually penetrated into rural Telangana and established their ascendancy as money

lenders, the Komatis still remained on the scene as traders shop keepers and mer-

chants. The bulk of the rural masses, poor peasants unprotected tenants, share crop-

pers, and agriculture labourers came from either backward classes or dalits or tribes3.

Regionally, OBCs percentage is highest in Telangana at 53 percent. The OBCs

category is extremely heterogeneous with numerous caste groups having varied posi-

tion in the socioeconomic hierarchy. Some of these are Munnurukapu, Gollakuruma,

Gowd / Setti Balija, Padmasali, Mudiraju etc. occupying the middle level of the caste

hierarchy (between upper castes such as Brahmins, Reddys, Velamas, Kammas etc.

and lower castes such as Malas and Madigas and other OBCs). They are generally pro-

fessional groups or traditional service Castes such as toddy-tappers, weavers and small

agriculturists. Some of the OBC castes such as Goudas, Munnurukapus, Balija and

Padmashalies are better placed politically, economically on account of their economic

status and numerical strength.

3
Suri K.C (1996), Caste Politics and Power Structure in India: The Case ofAndhra Pradesh in Subrata
Mukherjee and Sushila Ramaswamy (eds.) Political Science Annual New Delhi: Deep and Deep.
 141

The caste structure in Andhra Pradesh is akin to that existing of standard in most

other parts of India. If it is viewed in traditional and social order in which people are

functionally dependent on each other they are separated as distinct groups, they are

four legally constituted groups which are known as SC, ST and OBCs and forward

castes. These OBCs are heterogeneous and there is always struggle by a few commun-

ities4.

Political History (Hyderabad state)

Hyderabad was the largest state in the Indian sub-continent in the colonial pe-

riod. Administratively, Hyderabad State was made up of 16 districts grouped into four

divisions, the covering an area of 82,698 sq .miles, with lying between 15 10and 20 40

and 81 35 E. was an extensive plateau with an average elevation of 1,250 ft above sea

level. It is vast area, plentiful resources, and large population was a premier princely

state of India. It had 21.875 villages, 133 towns, 16 districts of Hyderabad state5. It the

three linguistic into four divisions, viz, Gulshabad Division or Medak Division included

Atraf-Baldah (Hyderabad) Nalgonda, Mahabubnagar, Medak and Nizamabad), Waran-

gal division included Adilabad, Karimnagar, and Warangal (present Khammam district

was present Warangal district) Gulbarga division included Bidar, Gulbarga, Raichur and

Osmanabad districts, Aurangabad division included Aurangabad, Parbhani, Nanded

and Beed 6.The population in Telangana was more than in other regions of the state.

4
Ibid., p.119
5
Vaikuntham.S,(2010) Water resorce management Riparian conflicts, feudal chiefs and Hyderabad state (1901-
1956) Manohar publication New Delhi
6
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
 142

Located primarily on the Deccan plateau between the Krishna and Godavari riv-

ers, the state had mainly a dry economy. Throughout the 1920s the only cash crops

produced in the region were groundnut, Tobacco and oil seeds (primarily in Nizamabad,

Mahabubnagar, Karimnagar and Warangal districts.) Irrigation and commercial agricul-

ture did not really become significant until the 1930s when cotton and sugarcane culti-

vation began on a large scale. Throughout this period, there was little growth of agricul-

turally- linked trade and business, and little development of roads and other infrastruc-

ture. Only minor industry developed in the towns of Hyderabad, Warangal and Auran-

gabad, with some coal mining in the Telangana region.7

The Telangana comprises of nine districts. It was ruled by the Nizams for more

than two centuries. The last ruler was the Eighth Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan, who lost

power through police action of the Union Government on September 17, 1948. The Ni-

zam was a feudal Nawab and the state under his rule used to run on the rents collected

by feudatories and sub-feudatories. The Jagirdars, Deshpandes, Deshmukhs and Doras

used to collect rent and pay it to their superiors, ultimately reaching the treasury. Agri-

culture was backward and rain fed and there was intense classical feudal exploitation of

castes and classes by the landlords. Although the Hyderabad state was not declared a

Muslim state there was the unambiguous stamp of Muslim hegemony in all departments

of life, viz., language, dress, etiquette and culture. In fact, the Telugu people had no lin-

guistic and cultural identity8 . Most of the Telugu feudal landlords were the Reddys and

Velamas and a few Brahmins. They were also the dominant castes in Hyderabad and

7
Ibid.,
8
Ibid.,
 143

later in A.P. The language of administration was Urdu and the Telugu feudal landlords

emulated Muslim culture in its entirety. Consequently, this resulted in peoples move-

ment against domination and hegemony9

The Arya Samaj movement in 1940s was opposed to the Muslim rule and for the

protection of Hindu religion, temples and cultures. Dassera and Deepavali, Sri Ram Na-

vami became festivals for mobilization of Hindu unity, The Vinayayak Chavathi or the

Ganesh Festival used to be organized with great gusto and enthusiasm. Ganesh Man-

dals were organized in almost every locality. The Arya Samaj succeeded in mobilizing a

large number of BC castes like Padmashali (Weavers, Kapus, sagaras (masons), Ya-

davas (shepherds) and Meras (tailors) and also a few individuals drawn from SC (Madi-

ga) caste group. This was followed by the Andhra Mahasabha movement, which was

more linguistic and ethnic in character. It mobilized the Telugus in general cutting

across caste and class lines. It established libraries and cultural centers and endea-

vored to nourish and foster the roots of Telugu language, history, culture and Telugu

identity. The movement spread all over Telangana. 10

9
Raghavendra Rao J.V., (2002), Backward class Mobilization, Marxist and Non-Marxist Paradigms, The Eastern
Anthologist Quarterly Journal EFCS, Luknow, India
9
Ibid.,
 144

The Independence movement of the Congress Party had left its impact in Telan-

gana. The Vandemataram movement was a nationalist upsurge against the feudal rule

of Nizam as well as the imperialist hegemony of the British. It found its intense expres-

sion in the district of Warangal, Khammam and Karimnagar and also in the capital city

of Hyderabad. This movement was mostly led by Brahmins and Reddys with follower-

ship drawn from a few BC castes like Goudas, Yadavas, Padmashalis, Munnur Kapus,

etc11.

During the Nizams rule, caste association was not active only the Reddy and Ve-

lama associations were functional. The Backward castes and Scheduled Castes were

engaged in traditional occupations and they lived almost like serfs. For a short interreg-

num, the Madiga were converted into Islam and Backward Class (Past Aqwam) conver-

sion movement was led by B.S.Venkat Rao. He was rewarded with a ministerial berth in

Nizams government. This however, was only fleeting movement in local history12.

In Telangana, political mobilization seems to have substantively started only after

police action by the Union Government on 13 September, 1948. The communist Party

abandoned the violent path of Maoist strategy and adopted the parliamentary path of

struggle and social transformation. The Indian Constitution and the introduction of uni-

versal adult franchise brought about a sea change in the parties and their political mobi-

lization of groups. The Andhra state was formed in 1953 and the Andhra Pradesh state

11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
 145

emerged on 1st November 1956 as a consequence of Vishalandhra movement which

led to the fusion of Andhra and Telangana regions. 13

Anti-Jagirdhari peasant movement in Telangana

The feudal nature of the state, existence of Jagirdhari system of revenue, con-

centration of land in a few hands, the utter poverty of the millions of peasants kept the

people ignorant of the outside world. The land is dry and unfertile. The State has had a

poor agricultural economy; it had a low rate of literacy. Social relations among different

groups remained feudal. Prior to its merger with the Indian union, its economy had been

very much exploitative and the people have been forced to live in poverty. The feudal

exploitation of the peasantry was more intense in this region. Here some of the biggest

land lords whether Jagirdhars or deshmukhs, owned thousands of acres of land each14.

In the local idiom these powerful Jagirdhars and Deshmukhs were called Durra,

or Dora which means sir master or lord of the village. A durra often a combination of

land lord, money lender, and village official, traditionally enjoyed several privileges in-

cluding the services of occupational castes in return for some payments either in cash

or in kind. But he tended to extract these services free owing to his power and position.

Such extractions had become somewhat legitimized by what was known as the Vetti

system under which a land lord could force a family from among his customary retainers

to cultivate his land and to do one job or the other. Vetti has been developed to an

13
Sundarayya.P (1973) Telangana peoples struggle and its lessens, Marxist publications Vijayawada
14
Balagopal.K (1988) Probings in the political economy of Agrarian classes and conflicts,perspectives,Hyderabad
pp 36-70
 146

extraordinarily comprehensive extent in Telangana. Not only do the peasants do Vetti

in the field of the land lords all the working people suffer from this abuse. The dhobi,

(washer man), the shepherd, the barber, the toddytapper, everybody has to provide

unpaid services on customarily specified occasions. Added to this the abuse of women

belonging to the toiling classes by the land lords, the process became feudal customs.

The working people (particularly those belonging the lowest castes) was being

expected not to wear a short or chappals in the presence of the Dora (lord). The Vetti

extractions wear a symbol of domination of land lords in Telangana. Most of the agricul-

ture labourers on whom Vetti obligations fell were from the lower castes15.

Agricultural castes

Agriculture constitutes the main-stay of people irrespective of the place and the

stage of development. The position of an agriculturist however was degrading and de-

pressing from times immemorial. To support the above view, Goyal (1989) states caste

was essentially based on the concept of division of labour, with each caste being asso-

ciated with a specific occupation. The idea of caste-based occupation might not exist in

its old form but disparities in opportunities between higher and lower castes show that

castes influence on occupations is still strong16.

15
Venkateshu E. (2003), Social Deprivation and Social Mobilization A Cast Study of Backward Castes in Andhra
Pradesh, Unpublished thesis, Department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad, A.P
16
Ibid., p.121
 147

In Andhra Pradesh too they did not receive the attention, honor and respect

which they deserved. The Munnuru Kapus, the Reddys the Velamas and Kammas were

the most important agriculturist casts of Telangana. Though they were in no way better

off in the earlier periods like other backward castes an important change is discernible

in their position during this period, consequent to the Muslim invasions from the position

of being the servants of their superior castes they raised to the position of lords and ru-

lers of the land17.

A long term contributory factor to the sense of economic deprivation has been

agrarian or rural distress which has led to suicides in the state. Due to drought failure of

new varieties of cotton and loss of livelihood among weavers, between May 2004 and

November 2005, Telangana reported 663 suicides while Rayalaseema reported 231

and coastal Andhra stood at 174 out of a total of 1068 reported suicides. BCs are the

most affected lot in the whole episode of suicide deaths. The causes of farmer suicides

have to do with acute drought, higher investments in agriculture, failure of new crops

especially such as BT cotton leading to indebtedness with social repercussions. Difficul-

ties in wrestling a livelihood from agriculture, especially in the dry areas of Telangana

and Rayalaseema, have contributed to a general sense of dissatisfaction and distress18.

The dominant intermediary castes are the most important social group. They are

mainly represented by the agricultural caste of Reddys the Velamas and Kammas and

Kapus. Their economic and educational advancement in the early 20th century has

17
Ibid., p.122
18
Justice Sri Krishna B.N. (2010), Committee for consultation on the situation in Andhra Pradesh, New Delhi.
 148

enabled them to challenge the Brahmin dominance in the cultural and political spheres.

The Reddys the Velamas of the Telangana region were landlords and pillers of a feudal

order19.

Land holding within category in Telangana

Tabel-4.1

Above 10 Above 25
Under 2 Above 2 acres Above 5 acres
acres acres
District s
S.NO

Holding

Holding

Holding

Holding

Holding
popula-

popula-

popula-

popula-

popula-
of land

of land

of land

of land

of land
Extent

Extent

Extent

Extent

Extent
tion

tion

tion

tion

tion
Mahabubna-
1 44.75 12.57 26.31 20.49 18.96 27.44 8.43 26.69 1.55 12.81
gar
2 Rangareddy 47.35 13.8 26.22 2.1.27 17.5 26.5 7.48 24.93 1.45 13.5
3 Hyderabad 69 31.36 18.44 26.27 8.66 21.75 3.91 20.62 - -
4 Medak 61.19 22.26 22.5 25.32 11.32 24.03 4.3 19.89 0.69 8.5
5 Nizambad 64.82 27.98 22.22 29.26 9.83 24.17 2.86 14.98 0.27 3.61
6 Adilabad 43.13 11.34 24.93 20.19 21.92 31.97 9.02 28.35 1 8.15
7 Karimnagar 64.28 24.69 20.58 25.16 10.9 25.43 3.84 18.84 0.45 5.88
8 Warnagal 59.52 21.55 22.49 24.18 12.63 25.85 4.67 20.38 0.69 8.04
9 Khammam 52 16.65 23.62 21.63 16.75 28.84 6.79 24.63 0.84 8.25
10 Nalgonda 50.44 14.76 23.9 20.44 16.08 26.4 8.51 28.54 1.07 9.86
Source: Backward classes special plan. Author: prof. K. Murali manohar

Land is a most influential asset for the socio-economic status in the society. Agri-

culture and its related activities are main income sources in the rural areas. Though the

land is the peoples livelihood, development projects treat it is a commodity. Backward

communities have no or low land holding in the state and at national level also accord-

ing to the present laws, and thus sustain themselves on what is acquired by rendering

services to the villages as agricultural workers and other professions. The data provided

19
Jaffrelot, Christophe & Sanjay Kumar (2009) Rise of the plebeians? The changing face of Indian Legisla-
tive Assemblies, Star compu graphics Delhi
 149

in Table 4.420 (which was collected during the years 199394 and 2004 05) throws

light on the pattern of landholding by households across the Telangana region of AP.

The percentage of households not having land holding has increased.

Backward Classes in Telangana

The long history of Telangana people experienced the rule of local dynasties uni-

fied monarchies, conquered rulers, autocratic Zamindars, Jagirdhars, Colonial authority,

post independent dominate castes21 rule. Economically and politically this area was

conquered by many dynasties but socially caste was not eradicated by any intervention.

Even in the modern democratic era also it is the caste which is determining the direction

of democracy rather than democracy deciding the direction of castes. Therefore caste is

playing a significant role in the political process of Telangana, like any other state in In-

dia This region, except for Hyderabad city, being backward in almost every respect oc-

cupies 39.4 percentage of total area of the State. Centuries of feudal rule have left its

economy stagnant and undeveloped. The people are poor and its agriculture is confined

to some dry crops raised with the help of tank irrigation. Being he most backward of all

agricultural regions in the State, it is an extensive plateau with an average elevation of

1,200 feet above the sea level22.

The Government of Andhra Pradesh appointed a commission under the chair-

manship of Anantaramana on April 1, 1968, to look into the problems of the Backward

20
Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of
Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh
21
Ibid., p.121
22
Ibid., p.121
 150

Classes in the state. The commission identified different kinds of Backward Classes and

divided them into A, B, C and D categories depending upon the degree of their back-

wardness. The total number of Backward Communities is 93 Group A consists of 37

castes, which are mainly aboriginal tribes, Vimuktha Jathis and nomadic and semi

nomadic tribes etc. Group B consists of 21 castes, comprising mostly occupational

groups. Group C consists of Scheduled Castes converts to Christianity. Group D con-

sists of 33 castes belonging to other Backward Classes23.

The BCs as they are popularly known in the south constitute nearly half the

population of the state at 44.5 percent. 93 caste groups are included in the OBC cate-

gory and they have been accorded 29 percent share in reservations in the following

proportion: Group A 7 percent Group B 10 percent Group C One percent Group D 7

percent and Group E 4 percent. The last category is the most recent addition, affording

4 percent reservation to OBC Muslims.

The Government also accepted this Classification of the Commission without any

modification. The grouping of Backward Classes was evidently made by the Backward

Classes Commission on the basis of population of those groups with a view to ensuring

that a few dominant and more advance sections of backward classes do not monopolise

the benefits to the detriment of the principle of equitable distribution among several oth-

er weaker sections of Backward Classes. One has only to observe how in the absence

of such equitable distribution persons born in a few Backward Classes sections are

alone represented in political bodies and institutions while several less advanced sec-
23
Anantharaman Commission (1970), Andhra Pradesh Backward Commission, Government of Andhra Pradesh,
 151

tions among the Backward Classes have no representation at all in those bodies and

institutions24. This description of some of the caste based occupations reveals that there

are two types of backward castes one is that of commodity producers and the other

that of service providers including entertainment providers. The nature of production

activities and services led to cultural differentiation among them and stratification in the

social hierarchy25.

A brief explanation of the four different Backward Classes in the State is neces-

sary to understand the overall position of Backward Classes.

Group A Consists of 37 different kinds of low occupational communities. This group

is bigger than the other social groups. The total number of communities occupies a

very low position in the social hierarchy. Service castes (Rajaka and Nai Brahmin) are

included in this category.

Group B consists of 21 communities, comprising mostly vocational groups. It is also

known as a production group. Some major castes in this group are Gowda. Padmasalis,

wear the sacred thread. Vishwa Brahmins are also known as Pancha Brahmas. This

group comprises five divisions: (1) The Vadla (Carpenters) (2) The Kummari (Black-

smiths) (3) The Ausula (goldsmiths) (4) The Kase (carvers of figures on wood and

stone) (5) The Kanchari (Workers in bell metal). They are found in most of the villages

helping the agricultural castes by providing or repairing their farm implements.

24
Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of
Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh
25
Ibid., p.121
 152

Group C consists of only one Caste Untouchability is the main reason why some

Scheduled castes converted to Christianity. There was no social discrimination in Chris-

tianity. Hence, some Scheduled Caste people convert to Christianity for a high social

status. The first Backward Classes commission of Andhra Pradesh identified Scheduled

Caste converts to Christianity and classified them into one Group C of Backward

Classes.

Group D consists of 33 castes; belonging to other backward communities this group is

the largest among the other three groups in relation to the population. Most of these

communities are agriculturists, business and many are engaged in agricultural laborer

and other occupations. Some major communities like Yadava, Munnuru Kapus, Tooru-

pu Kapus are included in this group26.

BCs Population 1931 Census in Telangana

V. Satyanarayana estimated the population figures of Telangana on the basis of

1931 Census (see table 4.5). 27 The Backward Castes constituted a very large propor-

tion of the population in the ten districts of Telangana constituting 46 percent in 1931.

Backward Classes were unevenly distributed, and divided into a large number of small

groups. The most populous among them, the Munnurukapus &Muttras (23.9 percent)

were spread more or less evenly in the Telangana region. Among BCs Yadavas consti-

tuted 12.1 percent followed by Goudas with 10.4 percent Padmashalies (Weaver com-

munity) occupy fourth place with 8.6 percent followed by Chakali (Washer men) with 5.9

26
Anantharaman Commission (1970), Andhra Pradesh Backward Commission, Government of Andhra Pradesh,
27
Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
 153

percent. All other BCs communities constitute ranging from 0.52, 10.3, and 3.4 which

are numerically significant.

BCs Particulars in Telangana 1931 Census

Table 4.2

S.
S.
Caste Population % No Caste Population %
No
.
Munnurukapu &
1 9,43,712 23.9 16 Arekatika 71,953 1.8
Muttras
2 Yadav 4,76,825 12.1 17 Satani 55,564 1.4
3 Gouda 4,09,742 10.4 18 Darji 44,850 1.1
4 Padmashli 3,36,761 8.6 19 Waddera 44,712 1.1
5 Chakali 2,33,448 5.9 20 Balija 43,219 1,1
6 Kuruma 1,36,113 3.4 21 Uppara 32,138 0.8
Noobhasrladdaf,D
7 udekula,Mehtar, 1,53,000 3.9 22 Perika 29,264 0.7
etc.
8 Bestha 1,39,582 3.5 23 Viswabrahman 27,704 0.7
9 Magali 1,07,132 2.7 24 Gandla 26,268 0.7
10 Vaddera 1,03,106 2.6 25 Medera 24,503 0.6
11 Kumari 98,643 2.5 26 Kanchara 20,805 0.5
12 Kamsali 94,791 2.4 27 Bhatraj 12,715 0.3
Others
Ramgreji,
13 Vadla 88,099 2.2 28 Hatkar, Male, 35,158 0.9
Parthi, Veera
Musti
14 Kammari 68,128 1.7
15 Jangam 79,926 2.0 Total 39,37,861
Source: Samajikanyayam Andariki Adikaram, Author: K.V.Satyanarayana

Estimation of Population in Telangana

According to the Telangana region estimation itself, the BCs population is

48.68% SCs15.85% STs 8.87% Reddys 4.5% and, Kammas 3% Christians 1.24%

Muslim BCs 12.43% others 9.95%. Official caste census statistics in India are available
 154

only up to the year 1931 and later only after several years an organized effort has been

made by mandal commission to assess the strength of backward castes. Census statis-

tics during the post-independence period cover only details about the populations by

region and especially data relating to SCs and STs. Mandal commissions has relied

mainly on the 1931 census data has the base and worked out projections of population

growth of OBCs on all India bases while Muralidhar Rao commission did the same for

the data relating to Andhra Pradesh28

Another organized estimate of caste projections has been made by the govern-

ment of Andhra Pradesh to conduct the local body elections based on caste reserva-

tions of elected positions in both rural and urban local bodies. Both Mandal and Mura-

lidhar rao commissions estimated the BC (OBC) population at 52 percent, while the

government of Andhra Pradesh estimated exclusively for the purposes of local bodies

elections at 48 percent. The Sri Krishna committee (2010) on Telangana while quoting

the government sources put the BCs population figure at 44.5 percent in the state. Pro-

vides the details relating to the general caste composition of the state as estimated re-

cently

28
Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
 155

Estimate Population in Telangana

Tabel-4.3

Muslim
SC ST Christians BC Others
BC

Adilabad 18.54 16.74 0.59 45.94 2.85 6.87

Nizamabad 14.84 7.7 0.69 53.4 4.32 10.12

Karimnagar 18.62 2.60 0.59 60.51 1.80 4.32

Medak 17.58 5.4 1.30 53.63 3.33 7.77

Ranga Reddy 14.55 4.09 2.51 47.07 3.43 8.00

Mahabubnagar 17.10 7.93 0.54 55.11 2.54 5.91

Nalgonda 17.73 10.55 1.00 51.11 1.58 3.67

Warangal 16.99 14.10 0.95 52.26 1.64 3.82

Khammam 16.5 26.47 1.19 31.00 1.61 3.77

Hyderabad 8.21 0.90 2.43 37.70 8.23 32.94

Total 15.85 8.87 1.24 48.68 12.43 9.95

Source: Samajikanyayam Andariki Adikaram, Author: K.V.Satyanarayana

According to the state estimation itself, the BCs population Census statistics dur-

ing the post- independence period cover only details about the populations by region

and especially data relating to SCs and STs. Mandal commissions has relied mainly on

the 1931 census data as the base and worked out projections of population growth of

OBCs on all India basis while Muralidhar Rao commission did the same for the data re-

lating to Andhra Pradesh. Another organized estimate of caste projections has been

made by the government of Andhra Pradesh to conduct the local body elections based
 156

on caste reservations of elected positions in both rural and urban local bodies. Both

Mandal and Muralidhar Rao commissions estimated the BC (OBC) population at 52

percent, while the government of Andhra Pradesh estimated exclusively for the purpos-

es of local bodies elections at 48 percent. The Sri Krishna committee (2010) on Telan-

gana while quoting the government sources put the BCs population figure at 44.5 per-

centage the state. Provides the details relating to the general caste composition of the

state as estimated recently29

Population of BCs in Andhra Pradesh

Distribution of Social Groups by State and Region (percentage)
Table 4.4

Other
Region SCs STs Muslims OBCs
Minorities
Andhra Pradesh
16.2 6.6 9.2 1.7 44.5

Telangana inc
Hyderabad 15.8 8.9 12.4 1.5 50.7

Telangana 53
16.9 10.0 8.4 1.2
[ex. Hyderabad] 35
8.0 6.9 41.2 3.2

Rayalaseema
16.7 2.9 12.5 0.9 43

Costal Andhra
16.3 6.0 1.5 2.2 39

Source : Census 2001 and NSSO 64th round. Sri Krishna Committee Report

29
Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
 157

Table 4.7 also indicate that there is variation in the formation of social groups

between various regions within Andhra Pradesh. The upper castes constitute only 10.7

percent of the total population of the Telangana region, while in Rayalaseema and Cos-

tal Andhra it is 24.2 percent and 32.0 percent respectively. BCs constitute 44.5 percent

in the State of Andhra Pradesh while the Telangana region excluding Hyderabad holds

53.00 percent of population. In Coastal Andhra, BCs constitute 39.0 percent (Srikaku-

lam, Vijayanagaram and Vishakapatnam districts cover a large majority of BC popula-

tion), while in Rayalaseema, it is 43.00 Andhra Pradesh has very nearly the same distri-

bution of SC population as in the rest of the country in general and from within its vari-

ous regions30.

However, the minorities especially Muslims constitutes 41.2 percent in Hydera-

bad city alone, while in Telangana excluding Hyderabad it has been 6.9 percent. Tribal

population in Telangana excluding Hyderabad constitutes 10 percent. In the overall

sense in Telangana BCs, SCs, STs and Minorities constitute slightly more than 89 per-

cent, while in overall in Andhra Pradesh it was 78 percent, while BCs in the whole of

Andhra Pradesh constitute slightly more than 44.5 percent. This data clearly indicates

that the upper castes or dominant castes constitute less than 11 percent in Telangana

and only 22 percent in the whole of Andhra Pradesh. This makes very clear that BCs

consisting of 140 different castes together with common interests and common prob-

lems constitute the single largest group of population as well as voters and spread over

30
Justice Sri Krishna B.N. (2010), Committee for consultation on the situation in Andhra Pradesh, New Delhi.
 158

in almost all constituencies ranging from a maximum of 85 percent to a minimum 35

percent31.

The Role of Caste in Politics

The role of the caste is dominant in the politics of Indian society. Especially in

Andhra Pradesh the significance of the caste factor can be understood in the words of

Rajani Kothari Those in India where campaign of casteism in politics are really looking

for a sort of politics which has no basis in the society. 32 Caste plays an active role in

the political life of the country at the levels. Allotment of party tickets, formation of state

ministers, appointment of numerous boards, committees and commissions, are made

on a Caste basis, and this seems to be accepted as legitimate by a large number of the

people33. Since the first general elections caste has been an important factor in electoral

politics. Marxists and Non-Marxists scholars both acknowledge the importance of caste

in politics. Political support of the caste loyalists is enlisted in a number of ways, e.g. by

a generalized appeal to caste sentiment by the organized activities of caste associa-

tions34 etc.

31
Ibid.
32
Kothari, Rajani (1970) Caste in Indian politics Orient long men New Delhi
33
Karanth G.K Caste in contemporary Rural India in Srinivas M.N (ed)
34
Beteille, Andre, (1996) Caste in contemporary India in Fulleer (Jled) caste Today, New Delhi, Oxford university
press
 159

Caste and District Background of MLAs of Telangana Region (1955-2009)

Table -4.5

General
Unreserved Reserved
District Total
FC BC Minority Total S.C. S.T. Total
101 28 05 134 24 Nil 24 158
Mahabubnagar
77.09 20.89 3.75 100.0 15.12 Nil 14.12 100.00
42 13 02 57 23 Nil 23 80
Rangareddy
73.62 22.8 3.50 100.0 28.75 Nil 28.75 100.00
61 28 53 142 23 Nil 23 80
Hyderabad
42.95 19.71 37.32 100.00 28.75 Nil 28.75 100.00
83 11 02 96 26 Nil 26 122
Medak
86.45 11.48 2.02 100.00 21.31 Nil 21.31 100.00
61 25 07 93 12 Nil 12 105
Nizamabad
65.59 26.82 7.52 100.00 11.42 Nil 11.42 100.00
110 18 Nil 128 28 Nil 28 156
Karimnagar
85.93 14.08 Nil 100.00 17.94 Nil 17.94 100.00
84 28 03 115 23 14 37 152
Warangal
73.04 23.34 2.60 100.00 15.13 9.21 24.43 100.00
47 05 07 59 15 30 45 104
Khammam
79.68 8.40 11.88 100.00 14.42 28.84 43.28 100.00
98 14 Nil 112 24 08 32 144
Nalgonda
87.50 12.50 Nil 100.00 16.68 5.55 22.22 100.00
55 05 01 61 22 22 44 105
Adilabad
90.18 8.18 10.63 100.00 20.95 20.95 41.90 100.00
742 175 80 997 208 74 282 1279
Total
74.42 17.55 8.02 100.00 16.28 5.72 22.00 100.00
Source: Agrakula Palanalo Andhra Pradesh Rajakiyalu Author: Prof.K.Murali Manohar
 160

Table -4.8 provides detailed districts-wise data relating to the caste- background

of MLAs being elected from different Telangana castes during the last 12 general elec-

tions. The data shows that out of ten districts, in almost eight districts, upper castes had

more than 80 percent of MLAs seats in their control in Telangana. In Adilabad the share

of upper castes has been more than 90 percent, while in Medak it was 84.48 percent,

Karimnagar 85.93 percent and Nalgonda 87.50 percent. BCs representation was no-

minal in several districts including Khammam and Adilabad, the highest representation

being found was at Warangal (23.34 percent) followed by Ranga Reddy district (22.80

percent). In seven elections each in Khammam and Adilabad, there was no BC repre-

sentation at all, Karimnagar and Nalgonda districts had never sent a minority candidate

in election to the assembly, though they had respectable percentage of minority popula-

tion. Like-wise Ranga reddy district was also under-represented despite the fact that

they had huge minority population in the region. Medak, Adilabad and Warangal had

little representation of minorities in the state assembly. This shows the uneven repre-

sentation of castes and also over representation of certain upper castes and lower re-

presentation of BCs and minorities. SCs and STs had representation mainly due to the

political reservation otherwise their position should have been much worse.

Caste and Religious compositions are the important indicators of the social struc-

ture and they have predominated role in political power equation especially in India.

The existence of caste system based on superiorsubordinate relationship of human

beings itself clearly indicate the social backwardness of the society and this particular

aspect i.e. relegation of a defined section of a society to inequality is found perhaps only
 161

in India. Nowhere in the world has any particular section been devoid of basic human

rights, dignity of laborer and social equality on the basis of classification that finds its

roots in religious writings. In India, the Hindu society is divided into various castes and

subcastes in a hierarchy manner and they are particularly divided to do and not to do

certain things35

Caste composition of Assembly Elections from Telangana

Table-4.6

Caste 1962 1967 1972 1978 1983 1985 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 Total
Reddy 42 33 27 34 35 34 36 31 33 42 40 387
Kamma 3 2 2 7 8 7 6 7 6 4 3 55
Velma 9 8 8 6 8 7 6 6 6 8 7 79
Brahman 11 5 6 2 6 4 3 4 3 2 3 49
Vysya 2 - - - 1 1 1 - - - - 3
Munnurukapu 2 2 1 2 2 2 6 4 10 7 9 47
Goudas - 3 3 - - 2 3 2 3 3 6 25
Mude raj - - 2 - - 3 3 3 2 2 3 18
Yadava - 1 2 - - - - 3 4 1 1 12
Muslim 6 6 7 5 6 6 5 5 6 6 7 65
Arya
- 1 1 - - 3 2 1 - 2 3 13
Kshatriya
Meru - - 1 - - - - - - - - 1
Padmashali - 1 1 - - 1 2 1 - 2 1 9
Viswakarma - - 1 - - 1 1 1 - - - 4
Perika - - - - - - - - 1 1 1 3
Rajaka - - - - - - - - - 1 1 2
Boya - - - - - - - 1 - - - 1
Kurma 1 1 - - - 1 - - - - - 3
Others - 5 5 - 1 - 1 - - 1 1 14
Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers

35
Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of
Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh
 162

The researcher wanted to focus on different BCs communities represented or

entered Assembly. The data in table-4.9 indicates that out of 11 elections held for the

state Assembly (1962-2009), the dominant castes could corner 573 of M.L.As positions.

When we take total numbers from different communities, Reddy caste tops with 387

followed by Velama community 79 and Kamma castes with 55. This shows domination

of these three communities over the politics of Andhra Pradesh. Almost all the chief

ministers are from these communities. After the emergence of the TDP, Kammas

domination started over Andhra Pradesh politics. During the congress rule all most all

the chief ministers are from Reddy communities. Among the chief ministers, Reddy

community dominated for almost 20 years whereas the dominated Kammas more than

16 years. No BCs could reach that level despite the fact that there does constitute more

than 50 percent of population in the state. The researcher wanted to examine the space

given to back ward class community under Congress and TDP rule in 11 Assembly

elections till 2009.So for Brahmans elected to Assembly are significant with 49

members as shown in the table. Sine research is on Munnurukapu community it is

interesting to note that only 47 members in community were elected during these 11

Assembly elections. Among other backward classes Goudas, Mudiraj and Yadavas

have fair representations. Rest of the communities such as Perika, Rajaka, Kurma,

Padmashalies and Meru, had no representations in various elections among 140 BCs in

Telangana Only 13 BC castes represented assembly so far.

The emergence of TeluguDesham party, which was initially relied on mobilization

BC votes, which were hitherto neglected by the Congress party, had successfully
 163

converted them into their cadre at the grassroots level. In the same analogy TDP has

started offering a little more number of seats to BCs relatively higher than that of the

Congress party. In the process progressively all parties had recognized the need for

allotting more number of seats to BCs and as a result their representation in the state

Assembly has risen to a certain extent during the second phase. However, the allotment

of seats had never been as for the proportion of the population of various castes as

Congress, TDP Communist parities and the TRS continue to provide higher

representation to upper castes in the course of allotment of party tickets. It may be

observed that the Congress has mainly become a Reddy-Kamma party the

TeluguDesham and the Communist parties are Kamma-Reddy party, while The TRS a

Velma-Reddy party in other words limited companys of dominant castes. The table-5

established the fact that number of BCs elected to assembly increased from 1983

onwards.The 1985 election Scenario and the representation of the Backward classes

communities dont indicate much improvement of backward classes representation. The

representation the members from this caste increased with the emergence of TDP and

TRS. Over all analyses of this table show that show that more members are elected

from Munnuru Kapus community than from any other BCs community. 36

Indira Gandhis populist radicalism and political strategy of mobilization and ac-

commodation of marginalized groups was instrumental in increasing the social polariza-

tion along both caste and class lines. This not only led to the breakdown of the tradi-

tional patron-client relationships at the local level but also paved the way for the decline

36
Srinivasulu.K and Prakash Sarangi (1999), Political realignment in post-NTR, Andhra Pradesh ,EPW August 21-28,
p 24-50
 164

of the political control of dominant landed castes. Indira Gandhi populism and radical

rhetoric, by raising the aspirations and expectations of the marginalized social groups

and communities, opened up a new phase of political contradictions. Thus caught up in

the contradictions and intense factionalism a reflection of the contradictions the Con-

gress under Indira Gandhi increasingly resorted to centralization of power at the political

organizational level and at the governmental level in the center. The consequence of

this process was the erosion of regional leadership and initiative. The failure of the

Congress Party to accommodate contending interests, its inability to channelize the poli-

ticization of marginalized communities opened up new political possibilities. It is against

this background, that the emergence of the TDP in AP has to be appreciated37

The 1980s brought about an important change in the political history of the state.

The Congress Party tasted defeat for the first time in the electoral history of the state. It

was a sequel to the intra-party factional conflict and repeated diktat from the high

command leading to frequent changes of Chief Ministers, as witnessed by four changes

in a five-year period preceding the 1983 assembly election. As a reaction to these cen-

tralizing tendencies in the Congress, neglect - of the weaker sections, a regional party

emerged with a proclaimed objective to represent the interests of Telugu people.

NT.Rama Rao, who belongs to coastal Andhra Kamma caste, a popular film star

launched TDP on March 29th 1982, which within nine months of its formation emerged

37
Venkateshu E. (2003), Social Deprivation and Social Mobilization A Cast Study of Backward Castes in Andhra
Pradesh, Unpublished thesis, Department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad, A.P
 165

with absolute majority in the 1983 assembly elections. The TDP won 202 seats out of

the total of 294, whereas, the Congress Party could secure only 60 seats38

Caste composition of Loksabha from Telangana.

Table-4.7

Caste 62 67 71 77 80 84 89 91 96 98 99 04 09 Total

Reddy 5 3 6 3 5 6 3 4 3 5 3 3 5 54

Kamma 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 10

Brahman 2 2 1 2 1 1 9

Velma 2 3 2 2 1 2 3 1 1 1 2 3 23

Gouda 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 10

Padma
2 1 1 1 2 7
shali

Munnur
1 1 2
ukapu

Muslim 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 17

Kurma 1 1 1 3

Yadava 1 1 1 3

Bondili 1 1

Mude raj 1 1 2

Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers

38
Srinivasulu.K and Prakash Sarangi (1999),opcit.
 166

The data in table-4.10 reveals the caste of members elected to Loksabha in elec-

tions held till 2009. Caste party and regional background of elected members of Lok-

sabha drawn from the state It may be observed that almost all political parties pre-

ferred to give party tickets to their members generally representing dominant castes and

as a result a large majority of unreserved seats were found to have been informally re-

served to dominant castes. The caste background of the Lok sabha members during

the last 13 elections Table-5 Reddy community members top the list with 54 followed by

Velma community with 23.Next comes Kamma community with ten members followed

by gouda with 10 and Brahman with 9, it is significant note that only two members from

this community are elected to parliament so for. They are not adequately represented in

the Lok sabha as in the case of assembly. As for as OBC community is concerned in

parliament elections gouda community members top with 10 followed by Padmashali

with 5 Kurma and Yadav with 3 each as shown in the table. These two tables i.e. 5 and

6 analyzed together BC members are poorly represented in law making bodies when

compared to their population, therefore there is continuous movement by various BC

castes for 50 percent reservation in assembly and parliament. This demand is not ac-

cepted because the whole system is under different dominant communities in different

states.

Let us analyze at this point the nature of political power in Telangana from the

following data as seen from table 6 shows among the forward castes it is the Brahmin

caste which has declined in its position in the LokSabha, and the dominant castes
 167

Kammas and Reddies have gained strength. However, the Reddies and Velamas have

managed to maintain a stable position the Lok Sabha election 1989.

Thus the past sixty four years of experience reveal that there has been a covert

or an overt understanding between the dominant castes that power should never go

out of their hands and bounds and for purpose, adjustments, divide and rule politics,

accommodation-politics, equity in sharing spoils. Dominant members individually or

combinedly played a significant role in keeping BCs away from political power, on the

other, it has also been proved beyond any doubt that excessive loyalty of BCs to polit-

ical parties which are almost owned and managed by certain dominant castes as their

limited companies has been fatal and such politics were never proved panacea to

BCs. In case of assertion however, the dominant castes in power there used in every

manner from subtle disenfranchising or keep-them-always-split and un-united devices

to sap the numerical strength of BCs and continued their legacy uninterrupted. Thus the

political status of non-dominant castes especially BCs in AP stand today as a story of

prejudice, discrimination, suppression and segregation covert or overt, subtle or blatant

and the full promise of constitution envisaging political equality and equality of political

opportunities had never been realized over the years and neither the demolition of oli-

garchy nor the universal adult franchise has resulted in political equality and political

justice to backward castes.

 168

Munnurukapus MLAs in Telangana

Table-4.8

Left Oth-
Year Congress TDP TRS BJP Total
parties ers

1983 - 2 - - - - 2

1985 - 2 - - - - 2

1989 5 1 - - - - 6

1994 2 2 - - - - 4

1999 5 4 - 1 - - 10

2004 6 1 - - - - 7

2009 4 - 4 1 - - 9

2014 - - 8 1 - - 9

Total 22 12 12 2 - - 48

Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers

The Table No- 4.11 is formulated from news papers and caste association the

data in the table shows the number of Munnurukapus MLAS elected from various politi-

cal parties in eight assembly elections. It is interesting to note that 22 members Munnu-

rukapu community members are elected from the congress party in eight elections,

whereas 12 members are elected from TDP. TRS is established in 2001 and contested

in three elections. TRS was created for the achievement of separate Telangana state.

The Telangana movement continued for 14 years. Munnurukapu leaders actively parti-

cipated in the movement and were part of JACS. Therefore they had good share in two

assembly elections that is 2009 and 2014 with 12 members. Their political share in As-
 169

sembly increased with the emergence of TRS. As shown in the table. Munnurukapu

caste representations in 2009 constitute 4 members we are elected from TRS. In 2014

elections largest number of representatives i.e. 8 members share elected from this

community which never happened in any Assembly elections.

Caste and Democratic Decentralization

Our nation with centuries of its socio-cultural heritage marked by graded

inequalities both in status and opportunities, that denied among other education to

women, sudras and antisudras, a cruel consequence of Varna and caste systems,

sanctified by religion opted oath the dawn of independents for democratic form of

governance in tune with the rapidly emerging socio-political order on a global scale.

Equality of status opportunities and before law is the central theme of democracy in total

contrast with the unequal social order that prevailed in the cast ridden cultural

heritage39. To re-cultivate and reserve the mind-set deeply sub-merged in cast

privileges and pride so as to reconcile and accept the democratic rights of the

disadvantaged is indeed a very tough task for the constitution and its later

implementation over six decades of the instrument of the change- over constitution

suffered this serious limitation that had been still depriving the major chunk of the

disadvantaged of their proportional share of opportunities.

39
Satyanarayana K.V. (2011) Reservations and their allotment by rotation in Panchayat Raj elections in A.P-a criti-
cal analysis with constructive suggestions, Suparna publication Hyderabad
 170

Summing up

The fourth chapter deals the Political Power Structure in Munnurukapu

Community in Telangana. The Political System in Telangana contextualises the

Munnurukapu Community in the backdrop of Political Power Structures in Andhra

Pradesh with special reference to Telangana. The population of BCs constitutes nearly

50 percent of total population. But, they have never been represented in the Assembly

proportionate to their population. In these elections, however on average, 15 percent of

BC communities are elected. Each political party is dominated by upper caste shows

that the BCs are divided in their loyalty to different parties. Thus the strategy of domi-

nant caste, heterogeneous nature and culture of BCs are resulting in inadequate repre-

sentation of BCs.

Further, different political parties have become synonymous with dominant com-

munities such as Congress for Reddys and TDP for Kammas. These communities nev-

er allowed other BCs to emerge independently. Within the various backward communi-

ties around 100 who are numerically less, economically unsound are never represented

in assembly. Only 13 BCs (communities) are represented in Assembly so far in Telan-

gana region, whereas around 100 communities are never represented. There is division

among BCs because some communities alienated are from the masses. Dominant

communities never allowed emergence of any BCs leader as powerful within the party.

There is no chief minister from BCs in AP so far. It is interesting to note that 22 mem-

bers of Munnurukapu community members are elected from the congress party in eight
 171

elections, whereas 12 members are elected from TDP. TRS is established in 2001 and

contested in three elections. TRS was created for the achievement of separate

Telangana state.

The Telangana movement continued for 14 years. Munnurukapu leaders actively

participated in the movement and were part of JACs. But they had inadequate share in

two Assembly elections together 2009 and 2014 with 12 members. Their political share

in Assembly increased with the emergence of TRS. Munnurukapu caste representations

in 2009 constitute 4 members are elected from TRS. In 2014 elections fair number of

representatives i.e. 8 members elected from this community to the Assembly.