The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and

Pelliot tibétain 307

Author(s): Jacob Dalton
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 124, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 2004), pp. 759-
772
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4132116
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 The Early Development of the PadmasambhavaLegend in
Tibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and Pelliot tib6tain 307
JACOB DALTON
YALE UNIVERSITY

This article offers some new evidence on Padmasambhava,the Indian master who, accord-
ing to legend, was instrumentalin establishing Buddhism in Tibet. In the course of my re-
search on tantrain the Tibetan manuscriptsdiscovered near Dunhuang, I have found two
passages relatingto the early development of the legends surroundingthis famous Buddhist
master, neither of which have been studied to date.I The two passages are presentedbelow
in translation,and discussed in light of the other available early evidence.
The results of this study reveal a mutabilityin the early biographiesof Padmasambhava.
The master's role in the Tibetanimagination grew and evolved in dramaticways duringthe
ninth to eleventh centuries, so that by the time of his first complete biography,the twelfth-
century Zangs gling ma by Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer (1124-1192), Padmasambhavahad
become the single most importantfigure in Tibetan narrativesof their early conversion to
Buddhism. The new evidence presentedhere contributesto our understandingof how these
Tibetanconversion narrativesgrew over the early years. The presentinquiryis thereforeless
concernedwith Padmasambhavaas a historicalperson than with his legend and the thematic
lines along which it developed.2 An evaluation of the early evidence helps to clarify both
how Tibetans perceived themselves and how they understoodtheir first encounters with the
Buddhist religion.
This new evidence indicates that the Padmasambhavalegend initially flourished during
the so-called "darkperiod"of Tibetanhistory.This period stretchedfrom 842 C.E.when the
Tibetan empire collapsed, to roughly 978 c.E. when a royal court and Buddhist monastic
institutionsbegan to reappear,bringingwith them a new orthodoxy.According to traditional
Tibetanhistorical sources, this period of one and a half centurieswitnessed a horrificdegra-
dation of Buddhism, as monasteries were persecuted and the teachings corrupted.Recent
scholarshiphas begun to question this traditionalversion of events.3 Certainly,the Tibetans
who emerged from the dark period were far more Buddhist, however such affiliation is
measured, than the Tibetans who had entered it. It seems that despite the closing of the
monasteries Buddhism continued to flourish at the local level. The forms Buddhism took
during these years may well have been "corrupt"in the view of later Tibetans, but these
same corruptionswere fundamentalto the formationof the TibetanBuddhist identity.Freed
from the watchful eye of the imperialcourt and the monastic orthodoxy,Tibetansof the dark
period were able to make Buddhism their own. The themes, the imagery, and the strategies
Tibetansdeveloped duringthe inchoateyears of the darkage formedthe culturalfoundations
upon which TibetanBuddhismwas built. Only by excavatingthese foundationsand shedding

1. My thanks to the International Dunhuang Project based at the British Library for making this research
possible.
2. For some speculations (which remainjust that) on the historicity of Padmasambhava,see Bischoff 1978.
3. See Karmay 1988: 8-10; Yamaguchi 1996; Kapstein 2000: 11-12.

Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.4 (2004) 759

760 Journal of the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)

some light on the darkperiod can we gain a clearerappreciationof the Tibetan assimilation
of Buddhism.
The manuscriptsdiscovered at Dunhuangprovide a glimpse of the events of this era. It
is increasinglyclear thatmost of the Dunhuangmaterialsdate from the darkperiod,well after
the collapse of the Tibetan empire,4 and what the Dunhuang collections reveal about the
Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism is the central role that tantric Buddhism played in this
process.5 Earlier, during the empire, the exoteric traditions enjoyed far greater support,
thanks particularlyto the patronageof the royal court, while the translationof tantrictexts
was carefully controlled, if not prohibited.With the collapse of the empire, these controls
were lifted, and Tibetans plunged eagerly into the world of Buddhist tantra.
One of the constant motifs of Tibetanreligion over the centurieshas been the animated,
and often malevolent, landscape, and the need to mollify, pacify, or subjugateit. The ma-
terials I will examine here suggest that, rather than being something projected back into
Tibetan history by later histories and chronicles, this motif is a key element in some of the
earliest TibetanBuddhistlegends. The Tibetansseem to have been attractedto tantrain part
for its effectiveness in controlling spirits and demons. The Tibetan universe is infused with
spirits-spirits that live in the rocks, the trees, and the mountains, spirits that live in one's
body, that wander the landscape, that live undergroundand in the sky, spirits that cause ill-
ness or naturaldisasters. The spirit world of Tibet is an unrulydomain. Spirits demandrec-
ognition and respect, yet they are forever changing names, can be associated with multiple
locations, appear in different groups, escape classification, and manifest themselves in
accordance with shifting iconographies. Conversely, tantricritual is often guided by meta-
phors of power and control, with the practitionerseated as a virtual sovereign at the center
of the mandalapalace, ruling over the realm by threatof violence. Buddhismprovidedboth
ritualmethods of control and overarchingnarrativeschemes for explaining the spirits' roles
in Tibetan life. Throughtantrathe spirits could be mapped onto the Tibetan landscape and
correlatedwith the more orderly Buddhist system of deities.
The evidence presented below suggests that the legends surroundingthe Indian tantric
masterPadmasambhavashouldbe understoodas partof this tantricconversion of Tibet. The
theme of demon subjugationis crucial to Tibetanculture,and Padmasambhavais the demon
tamerpar excellence. He is also often depicted as the principalfigureresponsible for bring-
ing Buddhism to Tibet. Todaythe geographyof Tibet is covered with countless sacred sites
where the tantricsaint is said to have subjugatedlocal Tibetanpre-Buddhistspiritsand con-
verted them to Buddhism.The new evidence offered here reveals much abouthow these two
themes, of Padmasambhavaand Tibetan tantra,developed in concert.

4. HereI amsettingasidethemassesof professionally

copiedMahdyana sitras,manyof whichmayhavebeen
sponsoredby theTibetankingRalpa canduringthefirsthalf of theninthcentury(seevanSchaik2002:136-37).
Some preliminarywork on post-Tibetan-occupationDunhuangmanuscriptshas been done by TsuguhitoTakeuchi
(2004). In my opinion, Takeuchi'sconclusions can be taken even further:the vast majorityof the Tibetan tantric
materials (and possibly much of the suitricmaterialstoo) date from the tenth century.I am currentlycompleting a
book on these issues, in collaborationwith Sam van Schaik.
5. By distinguishingthe tantricelements from the other forces at work in the conversion of Tibet, I do not mean
to underestimatethe influences of the sitras. However, the tantrasin particularappearto have capturedthe Tibetan
imagination,and many of the more creativeTibetanadaptationsof Buddhismseem to have involved tantricthemes,
from new developments in Rdzogs chen to new mythic narratives.In any case, the legends relating to Padmasam-
bhava grew out of the tantricsphere, and these are our present focus.
 DALTON:
The Early Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet 761

I. ITJ644:6 PADMASAMBHAVAAT THE ASURA CAVE

The first piece of evidence appears in a short manuscriptheld in the Stein collection.
Though catalogued by Louis de la Vall6e Poussin in 1918, ITJ644 has been overlooked by
scholars, apparentlybecause of the unremarkableentry it received: "A treatiseon the Phalas
(compare Abhidharma-kosa,VI, Madhyamaka-vrtti,XXIV)."7 The remainderof the entry
is limited to the manuscript's opening and closing lines, neither of which provide any in-
dication of the work's actual significance. There are in fact two items in the manuscript,
which are closely related. The first item is a presentationof a nine vehicles (theg pa dgu)
doxographicalsystem, the second a discussion of the differentvidyidhara levels, which are
also grouped by vehicle.8
The relevant passage appearsin the second item, in the context of the three vidyadhara
levels associatedwith the vehicle of Kriyatantra.Here vidyadhara'knowledgebearer'refers
to one who has masteredthe teachings of the Buddhisttantras.A vidyddhara's"knowledge"
is specifically one of magic spells, and throughoutIndian literaturethese beings are en-
dowed with abilities to fly, to travel to other realms, and to perform spells.9 According to
our text, there are three vidyddharalevels that can be attained through the practice of the
Kriya tantras:the vidyddhara of accomplishments (grub pa'i rigs 'dzin), the vidyadhara
who dwells on the levels (sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzin), and the spontaneously accomplishing
vidyadhara (lhun kyis grub pa'i rigs 'dzin). The description of the second of these, the
vidyddharawho dwells on the levels, reads as follows:
ThenVajrapani arrivedandgrantedthesiddhis.Thenhe wentto theAsuraCave,anduponbe-
the
holding visageof anemanationof Vajrapani presentthere,he strucktherockwithhis foot.
It seemedas if he had stuckit into dough.Fromthatfootprintthe sacrament(samaya)de-
scended,andfromwithinthattherecamea springwitheightstreams.Oneflowedto the south
face of Mt. Meru,so thatthe springwas calledAsvakamra. Sevenof themfell insideof the
AsuraCave.In this [spring]he cleansedhimselfandgainedaccomplishment. Thushe became
one who is calleda vidyadharawho dwellson thelevels.10
Unfortunatelythe protagonistof this short story remainsunnamed,but several links between
this story and the later depictions of Padmasambhava.First, Padmasambhavais commonly
associatedwith an AsuraCave at Yangle shod, locatednearmodem-dayPharpingon the edge
of KathmanduValley in Nepal. ' Today this is one of the most importantPadmasambhava

6. Scholarshaveuseda confusingvarietyof acronymsforreferringto the Steincollectionheldatthe British

Libraryandthe Pelliotcollectionheld at the Bibliothbquenationale.I have optedfor ITJ,an abbreviationof
"IOL[India OfficeLibrary]Tib[etan]J,"sincethisis howtheTibetanDunhua'ng materialsareidentifiedattheBrit-
ish Library.Similarly,PTwill be usedto referto the"Pelliottib6tain"
materialsin Paris.
7. de la Vall6ePoussin1962:205.
8. A discussionof theninevehiclessystemofferedin thismanuscript canbe foundin my forthcoming article
on thetantricdoxographical systemsof earlyTibetanBuddhism.
9. Onvidyadharas, see Przyluski1923;Granoff2000.
10. ITJ644, 2a.6-2b.1. de nas phyag na rdo rje gshegs nas/ dngos grub sbyin ba dang/ a su ra'i brag phug du
phyin pa dang/ de na phyag na rdo rje'i sprul pa gcig bzhugspa'i zhal mthong nas brag la rkangpa gcig brgyab
pa dang/ zan la brgyab bzhin snang ngo/ rjes de nas dam babs nas/ nang de na chu myig yan lag brgyaddang Idan
ba brgyadyod pa la/ gcig ni ri rab kyi lho ngos su rdol te chu myig rta rna zhes bya 'o/bdun a su ra'i nang na 'bab
pa la khrus byed cing bsgrubpa de/ sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzin ces bya'o.
11. We shouldbe cautious,however,as multipleAsuracavesarementionedin Tibetantantricliterature.
See,
forexample,Dharmairi1975:45.3 and51.4, whereotherAsuracavesarediscussed.Of particularinterestarethe
mentionsof twoChinesetranslations of earlyKriyaVajrakumfra
texts(see Mayer1991:186;mythanksto Mayer
forbringingtheseto my attention).
762 Journal of the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)

religious sites and is recognized by most Newar and Tibetan Buddhists as the place where
Padmasambhavaperfected the ritual systems for the deity Vajrakilaya.
This modern belief is generally consistent with the principal Dunhuangsource on Pad-
masambhavathat has alreadybeen studied. PT44 is a work devoted to the ritual traditions
of Vajrakilaya.12It relates how Acarya Sambhava, as he is called, practiced meditation,
battled demons, and performedmiracles at the Asura Cave at Yang la shod:
AfterarrivingatYang[-la]-shod in Nepal,he performed thepracticesbelonging[toalltheclasses
of yoga]fromthe generalKriyaup throughAtiyoga.He proclaimed eachandeverytransmis-
sionof theKila,forthepurposesof all thevehicles,fromtheHundredThousand [Verse]Tantra
as [is affirmed]in all the secrettantras.In thatway,havingdefinitivelyestablished
of Vajrakila,
thetransmissions concerning attainment, andhavingagainescortedtheHundredThousand [back
to Nepal],AcaryaSambhava thenperformedtheritesof attainment in the Asuracave withthe
NewariSer-po,Indra-shu-gu-ta, Pra-be-se,andothers.Andthushe performed therites,impel-
ling thefourBse goddesses, whose embodied forms had notpassed away. He named themGreat
Sorceressof OuterSplendor,MiraculousNourisher,GreatWitchBestowingGlory,andLife-
GrantingConjuress.Havingperformedthe greatattainment for sevendays,he manifestlybe-
heldthe visageof Vajrakumara [theAdamantYouth,an epithetof Vajrakila].
Havingacquiredthe accomplishment of the Kila,concerning[his attainment of] the signs,
Padmasambhava, havingset a limitlessforestablaze,thrust[the Kila]at the blaze.Srigupta,
havingstruckit at therockin theregionof the frontierforestof India,broketherockintofour
fragmentsandthus"thrustit at stone."TheNewariSer-pothrustit at waterandso reversedthe
water'scourse,therebyestablishing Nepalitself as a mercantilecenter.Suchwerethemiraculous
abilitiesandpowersthatemerged.13
A number of parallels between this account and ITJ644 immediately present themselves.
Until now PT44 had been our earliest evidence of the Padmasambhavalegend. In light of
the parallels in ITJ644, PT44 now appearsto be just one renditionof a popular story.
Both accounts have their respective protagoniststravel to the Asura cave, practice Kriya
yoga, behold a vision of a wrathfuldeity's "visage"(zhal mthong),andthen performmiracles
involving the alterationof naturalformationsin the landscape. Takingthese broadparallels
as our focus, we can compare the more specific differences to reveal thematic lines along
which the story may have developed. In ITJ644 the master practices only Kriya, while in
PT44 he practices all the tantric vehicles from Kriya to Atiyoga. Similarly, in the former
manuscripthe venerates the deity Vajrapani,while in the latter Vajrakilaya.Both of these
differences-the additional vehicles and the altered deity-suggest that the Pelliot manu-
script representsa later version of the Asura cave narrativethan our shorterStein passage.
Recent scholarshiphas noted a markedincrease in the popularityof Atiyoga and Mahayoga
(with which Vajrakilayais usually associated) among Tibetans during the ninth and tenth
centuries, and we might expect these shifts to be reflected in the Dunhuangdocuments that
date from this same period.14
The impression that PT44 representsa later version of events may be supportedby Tsu-
guhito Takeuchi'srecent dating of the manuscriptto the late tenth century,near the time of

12. The entire item was introduced,transliterated,and translatedin Bischoff and Hartman1971: 11-27. The
section on Padmasambhava'sactivities has been retranslatedmore recently in Kapstein2000: 158-59.
13. PT44, la.3-9a.5. As translatedin Kapstein2000: 158.
14. On the "gradualarticulationof a self-conscious GreatPerfectionmovementin Tibet"duringthe darkperiod,
see Germano 1994: 219.
 DALTON: The Early Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet 763

the closing of the Dunhuang cave. 15As Bischoff and Hartmannoted in their 1971 article,
a fragmentof a Tibetandate is found on the cover page of PT44 that reads "the second year,
the tiger year" (lo gnyis stag gi lo). They were unable to identify this date, but Takeuchi
succeeds where they did not. The paper used to make PT44 was apparentlyrecycled; in its
previous incarnationit had been a letter from the Khotanese king to the Chinese ruler of
Shazhou.On the basis of the Tibetandate notedby Bischoff, a Chinese seal, and a still legible
fragment of the original letter written in Khotanese, Takeuchi was able to date the Kho-
tanese letter to the year 978. This means, concludes Takeuchi, "that the Buddhist text on
Padmasambhavawas written even later, namely after the 980s."16
Thus PT44 may be one of the latest of the Dunhuang documents (given that the cave
was sealed in the early eleventh century), a fact that at least does not contradict the idea
that ITJ644 representsan earlier traditionof the legends surroundingAsura caves. In short,
certain details of an earlier Asura cave story appear to have been reworked, as in PT44,
into a more elaborate form that supportedthe Padmasambhavaand the Vajrakilayaritual
traditions.17
A similar reworkingof the legend may be seen in the Zangs gling ma, the early Padma-
sambhavabiographyby Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer. Where ITJ644 says that our unnamed
hero attainedthe vidyddharaof "dwelling on the levels" while meditatingat the AsuraCave,
Nyang ral has him attainingthe vidyddharaof mahamudra.The vidycdharaof mahdmudra
does appear in ITJ644, but later, as the highest level of vidyddhara, attained through the
practice of Mahayoga.'8 As in PT44, Padmasambhava'slevel of practice duringhis visit to
Nepal was made higher in the Zangs gling ma, possibly updated to appeal to later Tibetan
interests.
There is a furtherelement in ITJ644 that deserves attention:the account of the springthat
was createdout of the miraculousfootprintin the rock. The modem-day Padmasambhavasite
in Nepal is located near a naturalspring.Moreover, accordingto the laterBuddhisttradition,

15. Most scholarsnow agreethatthe cave containingthe Dunhuangmanuscriptswas sealed in the early eleventh
century,c. 1006. On the closing of the cave, see Rong Xinjiang 1999-2000: 247-75.
16. Takeuchi2004: 3.
17. I remain hesitant about this argument,however, given several caveats that should be added here: First, as
noted in the introductionto the presentarticle, it is increasinglyclear thatthe overwhelming majorityof the Tibetan
tantricmaterials from Dunhuangdate from the tenth century,and perhapseven from the second half of the tenth
century.This means that PT44's late date might not be so unusual, and that our ITJ644 manuscriptmay well date
from the same period. However, even if ITJ644representsa contemporaryalternativeto PT44's Yang le shod narra-
tive, it remains significantthat such alternativesexisted, and the points on which the two accounts differ likely still
reflect the kinds of Tibetan concerns that motivated the changing narrative.Second, in the interlinearnotes to the
Dunhuangversion of the Thabs kyi zhags pa pad mo 'i 'phrengba commentary(ITJ321),the commentaryis attrib-
uted to Padmasambhava.If we accept this attribution(and the existence of a historical Padmasambhava),we must
also accept that the master was at least aware of the early Vajrakilayaritual system, for in chaptertwenty of that
work the famous Phurpa bcu gnyis is cited (ITJ321,64v.6, or P.4717, 119b.8:Ki la ya bcu gnyis kyi ta ntra), as well
as its "supplementarytantra"(phurpa bcu gnyis kyi rgyiudphyi ma; ITJ321,70b.4, or P.4717, 122b.4). The tantrais
quoted in a section on violent rites, and it is only one among a series of titles cited, but it implies Padmasambhava
had at least readthis seminal Vajrakilayatantra.Finally,regardingthe differencebetween Vajrapaniand Vajrakilaya,
we should considerthe possibility that these were consideredtwo forms of the same deity. If so, the idea that ITJ644
representsan earlier narrative,in this regardat least, would be less significant.
18. Note that this is differentfrom the later normativeformulationsof the four vidyadharalevels of Mahayoga,
in which the vidyddharaof mahamudrais only the second highest level, placed below that of spontaneousaccom-
plishment (lhun grub).
764 Journal of the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)

when subjugatingthe local ndga spirit, Padmasambhavaleft an imprintof his ritual dagger
(kila) in the rocks directly above the spring. From this imprint "wateremerges at certain
auspicious moments."19
Apart from these modern traces of Padmasambhava'slegendary activities, I have been
unable to locate any accounts of eight streamsin the later biographies of the master.How-
ever, a clue does appearin the recently discovered Dba' bzhed, a narrativehistory of the
Tibetan imperial period that may date from as early as the eleventh century.20The relevant
passage takes us to Padmasambhava'stime in centralTibet, when he is said to have assisted
the Tibetan king (btsan po) Khri srong Ide'u brtsan in the subjugationof demons and the
irrigationof the lands aroundBsam yas monastery:
Later,as the bTsanpo was washinghis hairandthe mKhanpo [Padmasambhava] heardabout
this,he askedwherethe waterusedfor washingtheheadof thebTsanpo hadbeentakenfrom.
bZheszla [a close servantof the king]answeredthatit hadbeentakenfromthe rTsangchab
riverof 'Ombu tshal.ThemKhanpo said:"Thisis of no use. Thereis a springcalledrTama
on topof theRi rab[i.e.,Mt.Meru].If thewaterfor washingthebTsanpo's hairis takenfrom
there,thiswill bringhimlonglife andhighpoliticalauthority."21
The translatorsof this passage, Wangdu and Diemberger, remarkon the unusual name of
the spring: "rTarna, i.e., 'Horse Ears', is known as the Tibetanform for Asvakarna,one of
the Golden Mountains aroundMt. Meru/Ri rab. In this legendary story it has turnedinto a
spring on top of Meru."The Dba' bzhed's transformationof As'vakarnafrom a mountain
aroundMt. Meru to a spring atop Mt. Meru is easily explained by our short passage from
ITJ644. There the miraculous spring created by our unnamed hero during his time at the
Asura Cave flowed from the southernface of Mt. Meru, therebygiving the spring its name,
Asvakarna.Furthermore,in both passages washing in the waters of that spring grantsgreat
blessings, blessings of a religious naturefor our hero and of a secular one for the Tibetan
king. Once again the events described in ITJ644 appear to have been reworked towards
other purposes, this time in the Dba' bzhed towards linking the master's famous successes
in Nepal to the Tibetanking. Whetherthe protagonistin ITJ44is Padmasambhavaor not, it
is at least clear that this manuscriptincludes a numberof precursorsto the later Padmasam-
bhava legend.

II. PT307: PADMASAMBHAVAAND THE DEMON QUEENS OF TIBET

The second piece of new evidence is more extensive. It appearsin a short work on the
female protectorsin the wrathfulmandalaof Sri Maha Heruka.The other items on the same
scroll include a discussion of the tantric vows and a relatively standardMahayoga ritual
text. Unlike ITJ644, this text refers to Padmasambhavaby name (Mkhanpo pad ma sam ba
ba) and recounts his activities in Tibet:

19. Dowman1995:96. HereDowmanis followingan explanationby the fourthKhamssprul,Choskyi nyi

ma(1730-79/80),of theview of thelocalNewarVajrficaryas. Khamssprul'saccountshouldnotbe immediately
accepted,however,forit is possiblethattheNewarswerethemselvesinfluenced by earlierTibetanpilgrims.Today,
unlessthey havehad long contactwithTibetanteachers,Newarshavelittle to say aboutPadmasambhava (my
thanksto HubertDecleerforhis clarificationof thesepoints).FortwootherlateTibetanreferencesto themaster's
demon-taming activitiesat Yangle shod,see Wylie 1970:31.
20. Ondating,see WangduandDiemberger 2000:xiv and8.
21. WangduandDiemberger 2000:56 (myitalics).
 DALTON:The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet 765

Rdo rje kun grags ma has a black-coloredbody. To many she appearspleasing, [in which case,]
if their samaya is kept, she wears dharmarobes and is adorned with various additional orna-
ments, displaying a beautiful and lovely form. Or she may be displeasing, [in which case,] if the
samaya is kept, she is black with [her hair in] a top-knot and riding a mule. She is also called
Rkong la de mo ('obliged to Kong po'). She is the leader of these seven.
Rdo rje kun tu bzang has a white-coloredbody. For her seat, she sits upon a white all-knowing
horse, and she relishes the saliva from vows. She is also called Sha myed gangs dkar('fleshless
white snow mountain').
Rdo rje kun gsal ma has a pink-coloredbody. She usually wears black robes and rides a blue
horse. She is also called Lha ri g.ya' ma skyol ('the slate bearerof Lha ri').
Rdo rje ye shes mchog has a pink-coloredbody. She wears an assortmentof clothes. She rides
an emanationof a female mdzo. She is also called Bda' la btsan mo ('queen of the herders').
Rdo rje sgron ma usually wears robes. For her seat, she rides an emanatedmyan. She is also
called Kha rag khyung btsun ('revered garudaof Kha rag').
Rdo rje 'od chags ma has a red-coloredbody and usually wears clothes. For her seat, she rides
an emanationof a wild (khamyu?) female yak. She is also called Byang gi gser tang yi ge 'khor
'dul ma ('tamer of the wheel of letters, the golden tone of the north').
Rdo rje g.yu sgron ma has a blue-colored body. As her throne she rides an emanated blue
horse. She is also known as Lho'i ting ting ('chime of the south').
These seven are also known as dddkinis, the powerful women, the seven great mothers, or the
seven great raksasis. Originally the two types of mandalas were arrangedand arose, and then
in the chapter on the taming of Ma tang Rudra,their vows were bestowed and their activities
appointed. The great charnel ground was opened, and the seven protective guardians were
addressed by the Heruka. Furthermore,they are an assembly which is large but seems small.
Thereafterthey were also sacred consorts to the noble one.
After that, both the Indian master Padmasambhavaand Rlang dpal gyis seng ge subjugated
and suppressed them. Bestowing upon these ladies of Tibet vajras to hold, they gave them
names for being in the company of [the buddha]Vajradhara.Since then, they have aided and
supportedthose who accomplishthe secret mantrain accordancewith the scripturalsystems, and
they have been entrustedas the eternally unfailing guardiansof Tibet.
They are also sisters. These women who are greaterthan the great have promised; they are
avowed. They rejoice in the saliva from vows. They are pleased by the remainderofferings.
They strive to act unremittinglyfor meditatorsand for the pure substances.They wield a variety
of terriblyfearsome weapons. At other times they wield lovely and beautiful implements.
Great leader Rdo rje kun grags ma, fleshless white snow mountain Rdo rje kun tu bzang,
glorious one of Lha ri, Kun gsal ma, queen of herdersRdo rje ye shes mchog, revered garuda
of Kha rag, Rdo rje sgron ma, golden tone of the north Rdo rje 'od chags ma, chime of the
south Rdo rje g.yu sgron ma: For the welfare of sentient beings, performaccording to the vows
you took in the presence of the noble ones. If the previousjewels are deceived or if the vows are
violated, then the devastationswill be unbearable-one's mind will burn and one will shudder
with horrorat the hell fires. Keep me in mind! Come here! Performcompletely the activities of
pacifying, expanding, overwhelming, and violence. Accomplish without fault.22
As noted above, the Tibetan landscape is dotted with innumerable sacred sites where Pad-
masambhava is said to have subjugated and converted the local Tibetan pre-Buddhist spirits.
It is probably no exaggeration to say that these conversion narratives represent the dominant
way in which the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism has been understood by Tibetans them-
selves. PT307 may be our earliest reference to such narratives.

22. PT307,lines 10-32. Fora completetranscription,

see theAppendix.
766 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.4 (2004)

The relationshipbetween Padmasambhavaand the seven female deities described here

should be consideredin light of the saptamdtrkd('seven mothers'). Carvingsof these seven
mothers are prominently displayed on buildings throughoutNorthernIndia and the Kath-
mandu Valley of Nepal, and, even more significantly, systems of holy sites (pitha) and
temples associated with the seven mothers are common.23The saptamdtrkdsites played an
importantrole within eighth-century Indian tantric circles. The Guhyasamija Tantra,for
example, recommends that wrathful subjugation rites be performed "in the places of the
matrkd" (Skt. matrg.rhe,Tib. ma mo gnas).24 The importance of the saptamdtrki was
clearly recognized by the dark-periodBuddhists of Tibet; references to the ma bdun appear
throughoutthe Dunhuangmanuscripts.There is little to indicate that these were references
to anything other than the normative Indian set of seven. In PT307 however, we see the
seven goddesses transformedand transplantedinto the Tibetan landscape.
Whatever their Indian precedents, in Tibet the seven mothers came to be seen as pre-
Buddhistspiritstied to specificallyTibetansites, usually sacredmountainsor lakes. Innumer-
able lists of such local "pre-Buddhist"spirits are found throughoutTibetan literature,and
many make specific reference to the seven goddesses. The autobiographical writings of
Klong chen pa (1308-1363) refer to a set of "seven sisters,"though now headed by Rdo rje
g.yu sgron ma (the last of our own seven), while the other sisters remainunnamed.25Even
more significantly, Franz-KarlEhrhardhas observed the existence of a "Cult of the Seven
Mothers"(Ma bdun bka' brgyudpa) continuing well into the nineteenthcentury.26It is im-
portantto note, however, that none of these later references to the seven mothersis prior to
the influence of Buddhism. For this reason we may never know whether a parallel set of
seven goddesses existed in Tibet before Buddhism's arrival,or if the Tibetan set appeared
in response to the Indian saptamdtrki.
The list of the seven goddesses in our PT307 shares names with many other groups of
native Tibetandeities.27Any attemptto use these otherlists to locate the homes of our seven
sisters is frustratedby their fluidity.In a study by the eighteenth-centuryscholar Klong rdol
bla ma, for example, the chief sister in our own text appearstwice, once underher Buddhist
name Rdo rje kun grags ma as the protectorof the lake Gnam mtsho phyug mo, and again
underher pre-Buddhistname Rkong la de mo as the protectorof Bres na ri gdong in Kong.28
Countlesslists of local spiritsappearthroughoutTibetanliterature;Nebesky-Wojkowitz's
voluminous, yet partial, survey is so overwhelming that one might wish to dismiss these
lists as meaningless chaos. Yet we are left with the Tibetans' own consistent interestin these
lists, and this makes them significant. Tibetans are clearly eager to make sense out of the

23. On the saptamatrka,see Macdonaldand Stahl 1979: 83-105; Harper1989; Panikkar1989; Gronbold2001:
vol. 1, 369-75; Davidson 2002: 300-303.
24. GuhyasamdjaTantra,XIV, 55. The interlinearnotes to this verse in the Dunhuangedition (ITJ438, 53v.5)
confirm that the ma mo were understoodby early Tibetansto be the same as the seven mothers (ma bdun).
25. For a translationof the relevantpassage, see Germanoand Gyatso 2000: 258. The story is also told in Dud-
jom Rinpoche 1991: vol. 1, 581-85.
26. Ehrhard'sexplorationshave been based on a twenty-two-folio text dealing with the cult by Brag dkarrta so
sprul sku (b. 1775), titled Dpal Idan gur rigs mdo chen brgyud pa'i lo rgyus nyung ngu'i ngag gi brjod pa padma
ra ga 'i phreng ba. Accordingto Gene Smith (oral communication),the cult was a sub-school of the Stod 'brugtra-
dition and seems to have been popularin the Skyid grong region on the Tibet-Nepalborder.The lineages of the cult
were affiliated with the Zur family, and several students of Tshe dbang nor bu wrote on the ma bdun rituals.
Ehrhard'sfindings will certainlyadd much to our understandingof the developmentof the seven mothersin Tibet.
27. The list of the twelve Brtan ma (or Bstan ma) goddesses in particularcan shed some light on the homes of
our seven sisters. See Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1996: 181-88.
28. See Tucci 1949: 728.
 DALTON: The Early Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet 767

disorder of names and places, the shifting iconographies, and the various groupings. The
spirit world of Tibet is an unruly one: the Tibetan universe is filled with powerful beings
who demand recognition, yet are forever evading classification. TantricBuddhism offered
early Tibetans a way to order these chaotic beings.
Thus it is not surprising to see some of our seven sisters appear again in Nyang ral's
twelfth-centurynarrativeof Padmasambhava'sdemon taming activities. The Zangs gling ma
follows the masterthrougha series of eight locations in centralTibet.29At each location he
subjugatesthe local spirits, and finally at G.ya' ri ('Slate Mountain')he binds them all under
oath as guardiansof the new Buddhist religion. Nyang ral's version of events is far more
elaboratethan PT307's, but the fundamentaltheme of Padmasambhavaforcing the Tibetan
deities to accept vows to protect Buddhism is the same.
The theme of violent subjugation was of course not a new one in Buddhism. Of par-
ticularinterestin PT307 is the explicit connection made between the populartantricmyth of
the Buddha's violent subjugationof Rudra and Padmasambhava'sown activities in Tibet.
Here we can see that from an early date Tibetans looked to the tantric subjugationmyth to
understandtheir own conversion to Buddhism. In India, Rudra was another name for the
Hindu god Siva, a fact thathas caused many scholarsto speculatethat strongSaiva-Buddhist
competition may have contributedto the myth's popularity there. PT307 reveals how the
Indiannarrativeof the Buddhistconversion of Siva was adoptedby the Tibetansand applied
to their own non-Buddhist deities.
Of the many versions of the Rudrasubjugationnarrative,our PT307 passage almost cer-
tainly refers to that found in chapterfifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantra.The "two types of
mandalas" mentioned are probably the peaceful and the wrathful Mayajijlamandalas de-
scribed in this influential work.30And the reference to the bestowal of vajras for the sisters
to hold likely refers to the closing lines of the Guhyagarbha chapter, in which all the
women in Rudra's demonic host are addressed:"Then the Great Joyous Bhagavan, having
bestowed the vajra into their hands, conferred the name initiation, then he arrayed them
around the outer edges of the mandala."31Similarly, in PT307 the Tibetan goddesses are
grantedvajras to carry as symbols of their new roles as Buddhist guardiansand given new
Buddhist names bearing the prefix "Vajra."Thus Rkong la de mo is renamed Rdo rje kun
grags ma ('Vajra Renown') and so on. The goddesses' position around the outside of the
mandalais also implied by the line in PT307 stating that "they are pleased by the remainder
offerings."(The leftover offerings are traditionallyoffered to the mundaneprotectordeities
aroundthe mandala's edges.)
The connectionbetween Padmasambhavaand the tantricsubjugationrites is reinforcedby
other early evidence. One of the few works that was attributedto the master from an early
date is the Man ngag lta ba'i 'phreng ba, a commentary to the thirteenth chapter of the
Guhyagarbha Tantra.32In addition to the Rudra myth in its fifteenth chapter, this tantra

29. For an English translation,see chapternine of Tsogyal 1993: 62-64.

30. Chapterfifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantraopens with the wrathfulmandalaemanatingout of the peaceful
mandalathat is discussed earlier in the tantra:de nas de bzhin gshegs pa thams cad kyi bdag po sangs rgyas thams
cad kyi ngo bo nyid kyi khro bo'i dkyil 'khormngonpar 'du mdzodde (GuhyagarbhaTantra,195.6).
31. GuhyagarbhaTantra,206.1-2. de nas bcom Idan 'das dgyes pa chen pos/ lag tu rdo rje byin nas ming gi
dbag bskur te dkyil 'khorgyi phyi rim du bkod do.
32. For a discussion and translationof this text, see Karmay 1988: 137-74. The early date of its attributionis
based primarilyon (1) its being cited in the Bsam gtan mig sgron, a work composed by Gnubs chen sangs rgyas ye
shes in the early tenth century,and on (2) the existence of a sub-commentaryto the Man ngag Ita ba'i 'phrengba
written in the eleventh century by Rong zom chos kyis bzang po (c. 1012-88).
768 Journalof the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)

was known in Tibet for its connections to the rites of liberation(sgrol ba), or ritualkilling
of demonic beings. Furthermore,there is a text in the Dunhuangcollections that is attrib-
uted to Padmasambhava,a commentaryon anotherMahayoga tantra,the Thabs kyi zhags
pa padmo'i 'phreng ba,33 and in this work the authormakes direct reference to liberating
beings who are "attachedto wrong views."34 Clearly, Padmasambhava'sinvolvement in
demon taming was established from an early date.
Appended to this same manuscript(ITJ321) is a short verse praising the merits of Pad-
masambhava.An interlinearnote (mchan 'grel) attributesthe verse to Santigarbha(Slobs
dpon shan ti gar ba), an Indian contemporaryof Padmasambhavawho was also active at
the court of the Tibetanking Khrisrong Ide'u brtsan."Santigarbhaexamined this work, and
having found it to be withouterrors,he praisedPadmasambhava..."35 Little is known about
Sdntigarbha.Various sources say he specialized in medicine and the rituals associated with
the Buddhist deity Yamantaka.He is also said to have presided at the consecrationof Bsam
yas, the first Buddhist monasteryin Tibet. In any case, from the perspective of the later Ti-
betan tradition,it is remarkablethat the opinion of a relatively insignificantfigurelike San-
tigarbhawould have any relevance for one with the statureof Padmasambhava.
In a similar way, our PT307 is unusual for its reference to a second player in the narra-
tive of Tibet's exorcism and conversion; the TibetanRlang dpal gyis seng ge is also a rela-
tively obscure figure. He is said to have been one of the first Tibetansto receive ordination
at Bsam yas monastery in the late eighth century.The few references to him agree that he
was an expert at controllingthe spirits of the Tibetanlandscape. Dudjom Rinpoche, for ex-
ample, writes that "by propitiatingMundanePraise, Pelgi Senge was served by the eight-
fold groups of spirits."36The deity MundanePraise ('Jig rten mchod bstod) is usually found
in the list of eight deities in the Rnying ma school's Mahayoga SadhanaClass (sgrub sde),
where he is considered one of three mundane deities who were converted by Padmasam-
bhava.Whateverthe historicalaccuracyof such claims, for our presentstudy it is significant
that even today Dpal gyi seng ge is associated with the mundanepre-Buddhistprotectorsof
Tibet.
The presence of such an obscure figure alongside Padmasambhavais unusual. In later
traditionsPadmasambhavastandsin a class by himself, as the lone conquerorof Tibet's local
spirits during the imperial period. PT307 suggests that Padmasambhava'srole in the estab-
lishmentof Buddhismin Tibet may have expandedover time, so as to eclipse others(notably
a native Tibetan) acting aroundhim. In the Tibetan imagination,Tibet's pre-Buddhistland-
scape requiredthe expertise of a foreigner to tame it. The importantrole played by a native
Tibetan was inconsistent with the later narrativesand so was forgotten.

III. POSSIBLE CONCLUSIONS

The inflation of Padmasambhava'sactivities has also been observed by the translatorsof

the Dba' bzhed, who write, "This peculiar narration,consistent in several details with the
scanty mention of Padmasambhavain dynastic sources (PT44), is very differentfrom what
we read in later works; it seems to indicate that this text must have preceded the great
mythographicaltradition."'37 The new evidence presented in this article makes it clear that

33. For the tantra,see Peking 458. The commentaryis found at Peking 4717 but is missing from the Rnying ma
collections. The attributionof the work to Padmasambhavawas forgottenby the later Tibetantradition.
34. ITJ321, 2a.2.
35. ITJ321, 84a.5. slobs dpon shan ti gar bas brtags nas ma nor nas /sam ba bha la stod pa'o.
36. Dudjom Rinpoche 1991: 535.
37. Wangduand Diemberger2000: 13-14.
 DALTON:The Early Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegend in Tibet 769

in fact PT44 and the Dba' bzhed were already part of the "mythographicaltradition."The
Asura Cave account, the AMvakarna spring, and other evidence all indicate that by the time
PT44 and the Dba' bzhed were composed in the late tenth or eleventh century,the tradition
was well established, with strong roots in the dark period of Tibetan history.
Wangduand Diemberger's conclusion leads them to speculate on the characterof a his-
toricalPadmasambhava.In the Dba' bzhedPadmasambhava'svisit to Tibet is far shorterthan
in later sources, as he is sent back to India by Tibetansopposing his activities. This prompts
the following theory:
Theportraitof Padmasambhava
as mainlyconcernedwithwatermagicandsheerwatertech-
nology (for example, when he suggests trainingrivers and lakes with gabions so that these can
be crossed),mayevenhintat a possibleattemptto importintoTibetthe sophisticated
irrigation
systems used in his land of origin. In fact both in northernPakistan [Padmasambhava'sbirth-
place] and in further western regions there had been a long tradition of extremely advanced
irrigationtechnology which allowed a very efficient use of springs and even made it possible to
cross great expanses of desert with covered channels. Given the political importanceof control
over waterresources,it is not surprisingthatthe Tibetanpolitical leadershipfelt more threatened
than pleased.38

There is some evidence of the importance of irrigation and water rights in other regions
of central Asia among the documents dating from the late eighth century.39One might also
be tempted to use Wangdu and Diemberger's theory to explain ITJ644's account of our
(proto-?) Padmasambhavacreating the spring and the eight streams at the Asura Cave in
Nepal. Moreoverit is certainlythe case that anyone workingin eighth-centuryIndiaor Tibet
to manipulatebodies of waterwould inevitablyhave been faced with local beliefs in the naga
spirits protectingthose sites.40The tantricsubjugationrites would have complemented such
work, and Padmasambhava'sdemon-tamingactivities described in PT307 may well reflect
this dual role. Padmasambhava'stransformationof the Tibetan landscape may have been
both physical and spiritualin nature.
However we should be wary of such speculations, particularly given the extensive
mutability seen in all of our evidence. Whatever the case may be regardinga possibly his-
torical Padmasambhavaand his involvement in the physical landscape, it was the spiritual
aspect of Padmasambhavathat capturedthe Tibetanimagination.The theme of violent sub-
jugation is crucial to Tibetan culture, and Padmasambhavais the demon tamerpar excel-
lence. Others have noted a tendency among Tibetans to refer to themselves as "Red-Faced
Flesh-Eating Demons" in need of taming.41Vajrakilaya, the main deity used for pinning
demons to the ground, appearsthroughoutall kinds of Tibetan rituals. Reenactmentsof the
Buddha's taming of Rudra,or of Padmasambhava'staming of the native demons, are per-
formed at almost every Tibetan festival. Padmasambhavastands at the center of all these
aspects of Tibetan culture. Whateverthe historical realities of Padmasambhava,his legend
developed along the themes of subjugation.
Ultimately,to searchfor an originalPadmasambhavamay in fact be less illuminatingthan
to tracehis continuallychangingmanifestationsthroughTibetanhistory.Tibetansthemselves

38. WangduandDiemberger 2000: 14.

39. Onthelateeighth-centurydocument(BritishLibrary, Or.9268A)concerningthe strictlycontrolledsaleof
waterrightsaroundKhotan,see Skjaerv0forthcoming.Andaccordingto RongXinjiang,irrigationwas important
aroundDunhuang (see RongXinjiang2004:60).
40. On the links betweenBuddhism,nagas, and waterreservoirs,see especiallyShawforthcoming;also
Gunawardana 1979:215-16. Ontheuse of violentritualin theconstruction
of irrigationsystems,see Spiro1978:
104-7;WessingandJordaan1997:117.
41. See Gyatso1987.
770 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.4 (2004)

hold that Padmasambhavahas always acted like a mirror, perfectly reflecting whatever
aspects of the Buddhistteachings arerequiredby his faithful followers. Perhapswe too learn
more by seeing Padmasambhavain this way, less as a historically locatable person than as
a shifting matrix of meanings constantly calling for interpretation.

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APPENDIX
OF PADMASAMBHAVA
TRANSCRIPTION PASSAGEFROM PELLIOTTIBtiTAIN307,
LINES 10-32

@/:/rdo rje kun grags ma/ sku mdog nag mo mang dgyes sam thugs dam skongs na na bza' dar rma
gsol/ rgyan gzhan la yang sna tshogs kyis brgyan pal gzugs mdzes shing sdug par ston / myi dgyes
la thugs dam skongs na nag mo ral pa can tre'u la bcibs/ rkong la de mo zhes kyang bgyi/ 'di bdun
gyi gtso mo lags//
rdo rje kun tu bzang sku mdo dkar mo cang shes dkar po'i gdan la bzhugs shing thugs dam kha chu
la dgyes/ sha myed gangs dkar zhes kyang bgyi/
rdo rje kun gsal ma/ sku mdog snar mo na bza' gtsos gsol/ rta sngon po la bcibs/ lha ri g.ya' ma skyol
zhes kyang bgyi/ /
rdo rje ye shes mchog/ sku mdog snar mo na bza' sna tshogs gsol/ /mdzo mo sprul te bcibs / brda' la
btsan mo zhes bgyi/
rdo rje sgron ma/ na bza' gtsos gsol gdan/ smyan sprul te bcibs/ kha rag khyung btsun zhes bgyi/
rdo rje 'od chags ma/ sku bdog dmar mo na bza' gtsos gsol/ /gdan khri 'bri kham yu sprul te bcigs/
byang gi gser tang yi ge 'khor 'dul ma zhes bgyi/
rdo rje g.yu sgron ma/ sku mdog sngon mo gdan khri rta sngon po sprul te bcibs/ lho'i ting ting zhes
bgyi'o/
772 Journal of the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)

@/:/ 'di bdun yang mkha' 'gro ma zhes kyang bgyi/ shug 'gro ma zhes kyang bgyi/ ma chen mo bdun
zhes kyang bgyi/ srin mo
chen mo bdun zhes kyang bgyi stel /thog ma ni dkyil 'khorrnamgnyis bshams shing byung ba dang/
ma tang ru ta bthul
ba'i le'u dang las/ /dam stsol zhing las su bskos te/ /dur khrod chen po phye dang bdun srung ba'i
srungs mar/ /he ru kas bka'
stsol to/ /de yang chen chung 'dra' ba'i tshogs so/ /de slan chad ni dpal gyi yang gzungs dam pa'o/ /
de'i 'og du ni rgya gar
gyi mkhanpo pad ma sam ba ba dang/ rlang dpal gyi seng ge gnyis kyis btul cing dam brnantel /bod
khams gyi
bdag mo 'di rnams lag du rdo rje byin nas rdo rje 'chang gi gral du mying btags so/ /de nas gzhung
bzhin gsang sngags
sgrub pa rnams kyi mthu dang stong grogs bgyid pa dang/ bod khams mtharmyi 'jig pa'i srungs mar
bcol zhing/ sring mo
yang yin/ che je chen mo rnams kyis zhal gyis bzhes shing/ dam bcas so/ /dam tsig kha chu la dga'/
mchod pa lhag
la dgyes so/ bsgom ba dang rdzas dag nan tan cher bgyi 'tshal/V
/phyag mtshan yang 'jigs tshul rna
tshogs pa thogs so/
(b)ar 'ga' ni phyag mtshan sdug cing mdzes pa thogs so// /bdag nyid chen mo rdo rje kun grags ma/
gangs dkar
sha myed rdo rje kun tu bzang/ dpal IdanIha ri rdo rje kun gsal ma/ brda' la btsan mo rdo rje ye shes
mchog/ kha rag khyung
btsun rdo rje sgron ma zhe'o/ byang gi gser tang rdo rje 'od chags ma/ lho'i ting ting rdo rje g.yu
sgron ma/ /sems can
don phyir 'phags pa'i spyan sngar khyed/ /dam bcas khas 'ches gang yin de Itargyis/ /dkon mchog
bslus
sam/ yang na dam nyams nal rang rgyud sreg cing dmyal mye skyi g.ya' ba'i/ /'jigs chen myi bzad
de soms
'dir gshegs la/ /zhi/ rgyas/ dbang dang/ mngon spyod las kyi rnams/ /rdzogs par mdzod la
skyon myed grub par gyis/ /.