Constantina (daughter of Constantine I)

Michael DiMaio, Jr.

Salve Regina University

Also named Constantia and Constantiana in sources, Constantina was the daughter
of Constantine and Fausta. In 335, the emperor gave Constantina's hand in marriage
to his nephew Hannibalianus and made her an Augusta; although he named his
nephew Rex Regum et Ponticarum Gentium in 337 probably to replace the King of
Persia if his planned campaign against that nation was
successful, Hannibalianus was put to death in late summer 337 in the purges of the
imperial family that occurred after the death of Constantine. At this point,
Constantina disappears from the historical record for more than a decade.
In 350, when Magnentius revolted against her brother Constantius II , she
convinced Vetranio to rise up against him. In fact, at this point in
time, Magnentius offered to marry his daughter to the Emperor Constantius and to
marry Constantina in turn in order to secure peace with him. The offer was
rebuffed. In 351, in order that he could deal with the revolts of Magnentius and
Vetranio, the emperor named his cousin Gallus a Caesar and gave him Constantina
as his wife; both were dispatched to the east ern frontier in Syria to keep the Persian
menace in check. In any case, Constantina subsequently bore Gallus a daughter
whose name is unknown.
Constantina's and her husband's performance in Antioch was far from stellar and
led to an open breach between the emperor and his Caesar; Constantina is said to
have been very mean spirited and to have urged her husband to be ruthless in his
dealing with his subjects. When Constantius finally summoned Gallus to return to
his presence with a ruse in 354, the Caesar dispatched his wife to meet with her
brother in order that she might win over the Emperor to their side. Constantina,
however, died en route to her brother's side at Caeni Gallicani in Bithynia the same
year. Her remains were subsequently laid to rest near the Via Nomentana in Rome.

Bibliography

http://www.luc.edu/roman-emperors/constan.htm

Barnes, T.D., Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the

Constantinian Empire, (Cambridge, 1993), 101, 105-6.

________. Constantine and Eusebius, (Cambridge, 1981), 259.

________. New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, (Cambridge, 1982), 8, n.

28.
Bleckmann, Bruno, "Constantina, Vetranio, und Gallus Caesar." Chiron, 24 (1994):
30ff.

DiMaio, Michael and Arnold, Duane. "Per Vim, Per Caedem, Per Bellum: A Study
of Murder and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Year 337 A.D." Byzantion 62 (1992):
158ff.

Jones, A.H.M., J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris. "Constantina 2." The

Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, (Cambridge, 1971), 1.222.

Kienast, Dietmar. Rmische Kaisertabelle: Grundzge einer rmischen

Kaiserchronologie, (Darmstadt, 1990) 313-314.

Seeck, O."Constantia (14)." RE 4.1: col.958ff .

Aelia Eudoxia (wife of Arcadius)

Wendy Mayer

Eudoxia's Early Life

Little is known about Eudoxia's early life, other than that she was the daughter of
Bauto (Philostorgius, HE 11.6), a Frank of some prominence in the western court,
since he was magister militum in the early 380s under Gratian and a consul in 385.
[[10]] Holum claims that her mother was Roman and that she was therefore only
a semibarbara, but it is not clear from what source he derives that information.
[[11]] Whatever the case, it is evident from the way she is portrayed in the sources
that her "barbarian" ancestry was sufficient for the label to be used to effect against
her. We next hear of her at Constantinople in the context of the household of
Promotus (Zos., 5.3.2), which gives rise to the assumption that she had somehow
made her way to the eastern capital after her father's death in 388.[[12]] Since
Promotus wasmagister militum in the east in 386-91, with a common link with
Bauto in the person of Arbogastes,[[13]] who succeeded Bauto asmagister
militum in the west, it is possible that the transition of Eudoxia from her father's
household to that of Promotus may have occurred before Bauto's death and have
had something to do with Promotus' elevated status in the eastern court at that time
and her father's ambitions. Whatever the case, as Holum has noted,[[14]] Zosimus
asserts that after Promotus' death in 392, his two sons either lived with or moved in
the ambit of the sons (Honorius and Aracadius) of the emperor, Theodosius, and
that one of Promotus' sons had Eudoxia with him. If this is the case, then Eudoxia
was raised in close proximity to the eastern court, under the tutelage of first
Promotus and then his widow, Marsa, and was well known to Arcadius before their
marriage. In support of a privileged upbringing and perhaps also the possibility
that she was being groomed as a vehicle for her father's or foster-father's ambitions,
is the information that Eudoxia had access to education, since we are told that her
former tutor Pansophius was consecrated bishop of Nicomedia in 402
(Soz., HE 8.6.6).

Why Eudoxia was Arcadius' bride of choice, and why the wedding was conducted
on 27 April 395, scarcely three months after the death of his father on 17 January of
that year and well before Theodosius' body had arrived back in Constantinople for
burial, are open to debate, but best explained by either the desire of the grand
chamberlain Eutropius to wrest control of the young emperor away from Rufinus,
the praetorian prefect of the east and appointed guardian, or the desire of the young
emperor himself to take control of his own life.[[15]]Several factors lead to this
conclusion. Rufinus was distracted on the death of Theodosius by Stilicho's
attempt to take control of both east and west; Promotus and Rufinus had been bitter
enemies and it had been Rufinus who had engineered Promotus' downfall (Zos.,
4.51); and Rufinus had a daughter of marriageable age through whom he intended
to secure his control over Arcadius. Under these conditions, whatever the
motivation, Arcadius' selection of and swift marriage to a wife from the household
of Promotus would have been a slap in the face to the ambitions of Rufinus. To
soften the story and to account for Arcardius' choice of Eudoxia as a bride over the
daughter of Rufinus, it is alleged that Eudoxia was of extraordinary beauty and that
Eutropius manipulated Arcadius into favoring her by showing him a portrait (Zos.
5.3), but it is unlikely that this is more than a convenient fiction, especially so when
we consider that they had known each other for some six or seven years.

Eudoxia's role at court

It is only after her rise to the position of empress, namely in the nine and a half
years between 27 April, 395 and her premature death on 6 October, 404 that we
have an opportunity to observe Eudoxia at work, and then only in a very piecemeal
way. From the point of view of her role as a Roman matron and as the vehicle for
securing the Theodosian dynasty, Eudoxia was a model consort. Once she fell
pregnant in late 396, she produced children with increasing rapidity. Out of seven
pregnancies, five children survived infancy (Flaccilla b. 17 June, 397; Pulcheria b.
19 January, 399; Arcadia b. 3 April, 400; Theodosius II b. 10 April, 401; and
Marina b. 10 February, 403).[[16]] If ps-Martyrius is to be believed, two
pregnancies (due late in 403 and late in 404, respectively) ended not in
miscarriages, as previously supposed, but stillbirths, the second leading to the death
of the empress from hemorrhaging and infection.[[17]]
The precise nature of Eudoxia's role in political affairs is more difficult to assess. It
is probable that her fecundity gave her considerable standing at court. It is also
clear that in the progress of events the rise to dominance of the Gothic general
Gainas, the dismissal of Eutropius from office in late July or early August 399, the
latter's execution in mid-September or later in 399,[[18]] and the subsequent
proclamation of Eudoxia as Augusta on 9 January, 400 are connected and were
defining points in the lives of both Eudoxia and her husband. Who was behind the
move to have the honorific title bestowed on her, however, and what it meant in
effect, are matters of dispute.[[19]] In terms of her standing within the eastern
capital and provinces her elevation to Augusta did result in a real and documentable
change in status. Eudoxia was now permitted to wear the paludamentum of purple
and the imperial diadem. From the time of her elevation until her death coins were
struck in gold, silver and bronze by the eastern mints. These bore images of her
clothed as an Augusta, with the cognomen Aelia, and on the obverse a picture of a
disembodied hand reaching down to crown her with a wreath. As Holum has
pointed out, the cognomen and the image of the hand of God were all carefully
selected iconographic tools designed to cement her place in the Theodosian
succession and to promote the divine origins of her coronation.[[20]] In addition to
the minting of coins, not long after the proclamation official images of Eudoxia
(laureatae), requiring a public reception similar to those of a male Augustus, were
circulated throughout the provinces and within a few years had reached Italy and
the western court, leading to a letter of criticism to Arcadius from Honorius.
[[21]] The silver statue of Eudoxia erected on a porphyry column and marble base
in the Forum Augusteum of Constantinople by the urban prefect Simplicius in late
403,[[22]] is an example of support in at least inner eastern imperial circles for the
public promotion of the empress as Augusta.

The image of Eudoxia as the symbolic partner in a divinely instituted imperium,

that was so carefully and widely cultivated at a public level, however, can not be
thought to reflect the workings of the eastern principate in practice. Whatever the
speculation at the time about her private role in court intrigue and in the twin exiles
of John Chrysostom, Eudoxia had no legislative capacity, no imperium in any
concrete sense, and there are no grounds for thinking that within the political sphere
of the palace she ever overtly moved beyond the constraints imposed upon her. In
line with Nathan's argument regarding Arcadius' activities during the years 400-
404, it would be a mistake to see her as a partner in power. On the other hand, the
sources do suggest that it is valid to view her as nonetheless powerful by virtue of her
role as a conduit to the emperor's favors.[[23]] Whether Eudoxia was manipulated
by others in this regard, as Zosimus alleges, or whether she used her position to
manipulate for her own ends those who sought her assistance, is difficult to
determine.

Eudoxia as patron of the Nicene church

Where we do see Eudoxia exercising independent authority is not in the political
realm but the ecclesiastical. Holum has noted her patronage of the nighttime anti-
Arian processions instigated in Constantinople by the Nicene bishop, to which she
contributed at her own expense silver crosses with candles and the services of one
of her eunuchs, Brison, as choirmaster.[[24]] Her role in the spectacular public
events surrounding the importation of new martyrs' remains to Constantinople is
also significant.[[25]] On at least one occasion she persuadedArcadius to stay
home on the initial day of the celebrations, instead drawing all eyes to herself by
solemnly following the coffin throughout the night, divested of her Augustal
clothing and bodyguards, and participating prominently in the vigil at the
martyrium.[[26]] We see the same focus on the empress as the half of the imperial
couple concerned with religious affairs in the events surrounding John
Chrysostom's return to Constantinople after his first brief exile. Eudoxia is the sole
imperial representative in the public adventus ceremony played out on the
Bosporus, where again she is seen exhibiting her piety (eusebeia) prominently in
the midst of the populace.[[27]]

The impression that Eudoxia seized the model of the emperor as patron of the
church that had been established by Constantine and then, on her elevation
to Augusta, moved to detach the role from Arcadius and to appropriate it for
herself, creating an identity which allowed her to operate by divine mandate at her
husband's side, yet on her own cognizance, is reinforced by other events. Palladius
(Dial. 8) and Sozomen (HE 8.8) are both clear that, when the "Origenist" monks
from Egypt appeal directly to Eudoxia for assistance, it is she who decrees that a
synod be convoked and Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria, be called to answer
his case before it. Palladius adds that she was well informed as to the circumstances
of the monks' case before they approached her. Neither expresses any surprise at
the authority of her actions. Again, at the time of the dispute between John
Chrysostom and Severian of Gabala, it is Eudoxia who appeals to John to reconcile
himself with Severian and who then forces his hand by recalling Severian to
Constantinople from Chalcedon (Socr., HE 6.11; Soz., HE8.10). It is also telling
that in the months prior to John's second and final exile, when bishops who
supported his cause were attempting to sway imperial opinion, it is to Eudoxia that
appeals were addressed, not her husband (Palladius, Dial. 9).

Assessment

When the sources present an empress, on the one hand, as totally manipulated, and,
on the other, as the machinator in various plots, while at the same time playing on
conventional stereotypes of the barbarian woman, it sends up a flag of warning.
Eudoxia exhibits many of the same qualities (piety, humility, fecundity) as her
predecessor Flaccilla, who like her was a barbara, was honored with the
title Augusta, and saw her imperial image disseminated on coins and other media
throughout the provinces.[[28]] Yet the two have received a markedly different
reception. This requires some explanation. Eudoxia became exposed as a target on
two fronts. The first was her proclamation as Augustaonly six months into her third
pregnancy, before she had borne a male heir for the principate. It is possible that the
subsequent birth of a daughter led people to question the appropriateness of the
move and contributed to the rumor, when she finally bore a son in her fourth
pregnancy, that he had been fathered elsewhere. The second front was her adoption
of the role of patron of the imperially favored (i.e. Nicene) church. While her
guiding hand on this front enabled her to help direct the development of the
dynastic religion for her husband and children, it left her dangerously exposed to
criticism by those who objected to the directions in which she bestowed her
largesse and to the content of her decisions. It is in this light that we should view
the charges that she was "arrogant", that she "hated" the bishop of Constantinople
and actively sought his downfall, and that she had embarked upon a "war against
the church". Her contribution to ecclesiastical affairs at Constantinople, and
throughout the eastern provinces via the bishops who sought her patronage when
visiting the capital, needs acknowledgment. It is also probable that, through
establishing a model for the engagement of imperial women of the east at a high
level in the ecclesiastical sphere, she paved the way for her daughter, Pulcheria.

Bibliography:

For the sake of completeness a number of older works have been included. Those
of von Hahn-Hahn, Seeck and Holum represent the few in which Eudoxia has been
examined in her own right. More frequently she has been depicted in terms of her
"conflict" with the bishop John Chrysostom. The chapter devoted to her by Holum
remains the most complete study to date.

http://www.luc.edu/roman-emperors/lindexxx.htm

Dacier, H., Saint Jean Chrysostome et la femme chrtienne au IV e sicle de l'glise

grecque, Paris, 1907, 45-116.

Funk, F.X., "Johannes Chrysostomus und der Hof von

Konstantinopel", Theologische Quartalschrift 57 (1875) 449-80

Hahn-Hahn, I. von, Eudoxia die Kaiserin. Ein Zeitgemlde aus dem 5. Jahrhundert,
Mainz, 1866.

Holum, K., Theodosian Empresses. Women and Imperial Dominion in Late

Antiquity, Berkeley, 1982, 48-78.
Ludwig, F., Der hl. Johannes Chrysostomus in seinem Verhltnis zum
byzantinischen Hof, Braunsberg, 1883.

Mayer, W., "Constantinopolitan Women in Chrysostom's Circle", Vigiliae

Christianae 53 (1999) 265-88.

Seeck, O., art. "Eudoxia. 1)", Pauly-Wissowa 6 (1909) coll. 917-25.

Van Ommeslaeghe, F., "Jean Chrysostome en conflit avec l'impratrice Eudoxie. Le

dossier et les origines d'une lgende", Analecta Bollandiana 97 (1979) 131-59.

Galla Placidia

Ralph W. Mathisen

Galla's Youth (395-423 A.D.)

Aelia Galla Placidia, born in the east circa 388/390, was the daughter of the
emperor Theodosius I (379-395) and his second wife Galla. She was the half-sister
of the emperors Honorius (393-423) (q.v.) and Arcadius (383-408). In the early
390s, she was granted her own household, which made her financially independent.
In 394 she was summoned to Milan, and there she witnessed the death of her father
in early 395. During her childhood she was named Most Noble Girl (Nobilissima
Puella), and she seems to have been raised in the care of her cousin Serena, the
wife of the western general Stilicho. She presumably received a classical education;
she also knew how to weave and embroider.

Galla Placidia's First Marriage

When the Visigoths attacked Rome in 408, Placidia remained in the city, where, for
whatever reasons, she concurred in the execution of Serena. By the time of the sack
of Rome in 410, Placidia seems already to have been in Gothic hands. She was
carried off with them to Gaul, and in 414 she was married in a Roman wedding
ceremony to the Visigothic chieftain Athaulf at Narbonne. She may have been one
of the causes of his eventual pro-Roman outlook. She subsequently traveled with
the Goths to Spain and bore Athaulf a son, Theodosius, who died in infancy, thus
destroying an opportunity for a possible Romano-Visigothic rapprochement.

Galla Placidia's Marriage to Constantius

In 416, after Athaulf's death, Placidia finally was restored to the Romans. In the
next year, rather against her will, she was wedded to the powerful Roman
general Constantius, to whom she bore two children, Justa Grata Honoria and
the future emperor Valentinian III. In 419 she and her husband became involved --
on the losing side -- in the controversy over the election of a new bishop of Rome.
She personally summoned the African bishops to a synod in Italy, and three of the
letters she wrote in the matter still survive. In 421, Constantius became co-
emperor in the west and she was madeAugusta (Empress); their elevations,
however, were not recognized in the east. After Constantius' death in the same
year, she quarreled with her brother, and with her children sought refuge in
Constantinople with her nephew, the eastern emperor Theodosius II (402-450).

After the defeat of the western usurper Johannes in 425, the eastern government
belatedly recognized the claim of Placidia's son Valentinian to the western throne,
but only at the price of part of the western empire. The two accompanied the
eastern army to Italy, where Johannes was overthrown andValentinian was
proclaimed Augustus of the west in 425.

Galla Placidia Augusta

Placidia served as Valentinian's regent for the first twelve years of the young
emperor's reign. An early supporter of the new regime was the Count of Africa
Boniface, who had not recognized Johannes. A rival for influence was Aetius, who
had the support of the Huns. But Placidia's initial choice for supreme general was a
certain Felix, who in 430 was murdered on the orders of Aetius: according to one
report, Placidia herself had instructed Felix to kill Aetius. Meanwhile, in Africa
Placidia's erstwhile ally Boniface had declared his independence, and after Placidia
sent an army against him, Boniface was said to have responded by inviting the
Vandals to come to his assistance. The Vandal threat became so great, however, that
a reconciliation between Boniface and Placidia was reached. In 432, Boniface
returned to Italy and defeated his rival Aetius, but was killed in the process. After a
brief period of exile, Aetius was restored to favor and became Patrician and Master
of Soldiers. The rise of Aetius, coupled with Valentinian's eventual majority,
worked to reduce Placidia's direct authority, although she continued in a position of
influence up to her death.

Galla Placidia's Death

Galla Placidia was a devout Christian and patroness of religion. She was involved
in the building and restoration of several churches. In Rome, she assisted in the
restoration of the Basilica of St. Paul-Outside-the-Walls and contributed to
embellishments of the church of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem. In Ravenna, she built
churches of the Holy Cross and of St. John the Divine. The latter was the result of a
vow she had made in 423 when she and her children were caught in a storm on the
Adriatic Sea: the dedicatory inscription reads "Galla Placidia, along with her son
Placidus Valentinian Augustus and her daughter Justa Grata Honoria Augusta, paid
off their vow for their liberation from the danger of the sea." Placidia also favored
the church of Ravenna in other ways, seeing to its elevation to the status of
archbishopric. She also built a church of St. Stephen at Rimini.

Galla Placidia died at Rome on 27 November 450. Her final resting place is
unknown: there remains much doubt as to whether the so-called Mausoleum of
Galla Placidia in Ravenna is actually her tomb or not. It is reasonably certain that
either she or her son was responsible for its construction, but it probably was
initially intended as a chapel of St. Laurence, not as a tomb. Galla Placidia
exemplifies the strong-willed imperial women -- Pulcheria, the sister
of Theodosius II, being another example -- who exercised great influence in the
fifth century in default of effective male leadership.

Bibliography

Editions:

Primary: For Placidia's extant correspondence, see Otto Guenther ed., Epistulae
imperatorum pontificum aliorum inde ab a. CCCLXVII usque ad a. DLIII datae
avellana quae dicitur collectio, C.S.E.L. vol 35 pt.1 (Vienna, 1895) nos.25,27-28
(pp.71-74).

Critical Studies:

http://www.luc.edu/roman-emperors/lindexxx.htm

Gerke, F., "L'Iconografia delle monete imperiale dall' Augusta Galla

Placidia." Corsi di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina 13(1966): 163-204

Nagl, Maria Assunta, Galla Placidia , Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des
Altertums. New York, 1967.

Oost, Stewart I. "Galla Placidia and the Law." Classical Philology 63(1968): 114-
121.

________. "Some Problems in the History of Galla Placidia." Classical

Philology 60(1965): 1-10.

________. Galla Placidia Augusta. A Biographical Essay. Chicago, 1968.

Sirago, V.A. Galla Placidia e la trasformazione politica dell' Occidente. Louvain,

1961.
 Licinia Eudoxia

Ralph W. Mathisen

Licinia Eudoxia was born in 422, the daughter of the eastern emperor Theodosius
II (408-450) and Aelia Eudoxia. In 424 she was betrothed to the western
emperor Valentinian III (425-455), and the marriage was performed in
Constantinople in 437. She bore two children, Eudocia and Placidia. She received
the title Augusta in 439. After Valentinian's murder at Rome in 455, she was
compelled to marry his successor Petronius Maximus (455), and it later was
claimed that it was she who invited the Vandal Geiseric to Rome in the same year.
After the ensuing sack, she and her two daughters were carried back to Carthage. It
was not until the early 460s that she and Placidia were set free, and withdrew to
Constantinople, where she spent the remainder of her years. Eudocia remained in
Africa as the wife of Geiseric's son Huneric.

Bibliography

Critical Studies:

De Salis, J.F.W. "The Coins of the Two Eudoxias, Eudocia, Placidia, and Honoria,
and of Theodosius II, Marcian, and Leo I, Struck in Italy." Numismatic
Chronicle 7(1867): 203-215.

Duckett, Eleanor Shipley. Medieval Portraits from the East and West. Ann Arbor,
1972.

Clover, Frank M. "The Family and Early Career of Anicius

Olybrius." Historia 27(1978): 169-196.

Aelia Eudocia (Wife of Theodosius II)

Geoffrey Greatrex

University of Ottawa

Aelia Eudocia, whose first name was Athenas, was born into a pagan family
probably around the start of the fifth century. Her father, Leontius, was a prominent
philosopher, who ensured that his daughter received a thorough and traditional
education. He may have been Athenian - hence the name of his daughter - or a
native of Antioch, a city which liked to claim a traditional link with Athens.
[[1]] Probably after her father's death, the young girl came to Constantinople,
where she was baptised a Christian. At some point she became known to the
Emperor Theodosius, who married her on 7 June 421.[[2]] Despite her education
and late baptism, her subsequent travels and endowments in Palestine, as well as
her literary output (discussed below) point to a rather more Christian than pagan
attitude.[[3]]Henceforth she was known as Aelia Eudocia. Her brothers, Valerius
and Gessius, were promoted to important posts, as was her uncle Asclepiodotus,
and she herself came to exercise an influence comparable to that
of Theodosius' sister Pulcheria over the emperor.[[4]]She was swiftly able to put
her literary skills to work, extolling the performance of the Roman troops in their
war against Persia, which ended in 422, in a hexameter poem.[[5]]

In the same year (422), Eudocia gave birth to a daughter, Licinia Eudoxia, and no
doubt in consequence she was made Augusta on 2 January 423. Gold solidi were
issued with her portrait on the reverse, just as they had been for Pulcheria.
[[6]] The empress continued to build upon her position and it is highly likely that
she was instrumental in the setting up of what is generally known as the 'university'
of Constantinople in the mid-420s. By a series of laws, Theodosius set up and
endowed various chairs in the imperial capital, thus putting in order the somewhat
chaotic situation of higher learning there. Eudocia's uncle Asclepiodotus, the
praetorian prefect, was probably also involved. Building work at Athens in the 420s
has also been associated with the rise to prominence of Eudocia's family.
[[7]] Moreover, she was active in sponsoring building work in the imperial capital,
founding (e.g.) the Church of St Polyeuktos. Such indeed was her reputation as a
builder that one early sixth-century source, the 'Oracle of Baalbek' referred to
Byzantium changing its name to Eudocopolis-Constantinopolis; the region situated
between the walls built by Constantine in the fourth century and under Theodosius
II in the fifth was probably known initially as Eudocopolis.[[8]] At the same time,
efforts were made to curtail the persecution of the Jews, a minority who had
suffered particularly during the time of Pulcheria's ascendancy.[[9]]

At some point in the 420s, however, the tide turned against Eudocia. It
was Pulcheria who played a leading role in the downfall of Nestorius, the patriarch
of Constantinople, who was unseated as patriarch in 431. Nothing is heard of
Eudocia in this episode. She did, however, provide the emperor with another
daughter, Flaccilla, in 431, and possibly a son, Arcadius, who died in infancy.
[[10]] By the late 430s, relations with her husband had deteriorated to the point that
she sought his leave to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the company of Melania,
a wealthy and pious widow from the West. Evidently there was no more hope of the
birth of a male heir to the throne.[[11]]Eudocia's tour of the east in 438 was a
success. She visited all the holy sites and made a huge impression; the scene of her
kneeling before the tomb of Christ was reproduced on the wall of a church in
Constantinople after her return. Her learned address to the people of Antioch won
huge acclaim too; a bronze statue to her was erected outside the Museum of the
city.[[12]] Her return to Constantinople in 439, armed with further relics for the
capital, brought a brief resurgence of her influence: it is possible that the brilliant
career of the poet Cyrus, who at one point in the 440s occupied the posts of
praetorian and urban prefect simultaneously, was assisted in some measure by the
empress.[[13]] But it was not to last. In 443 the eunuch spatharius Chrysaphius
engineered the departure of Eudocia from the capital by having her accused of
adultery with Paulinus, a good-looking friend of the emperor (who had earlier been
accused of sexual relations with the virginPulcheria by Nestorius). Paulinus was
banished to Cappadocia and executed in the following year. The empress for her
part departed for Jerusalem once again.[[14]]

Eudocia was never to return to the imperial capital. Even in Jerusalem, her situation
worsened almost as soon as she arrived: Theodosiusdespatched the comes
domesticorum Saturninus to execute two of her confidants, the priest Severus and
the deacon John. According to Holum, '[n]ot to be outdone in brutality, Eudocia
struck Saturninus down with her own hands', reporting the brief entry of the
chronicler Marcellinus about the episode. If this is indeed the meaning of
Marcellinus' text, Eudocia's strength and determination were indeed remarkable.
More likely, however, it was members of her entourage who assassinated
Saturninus; as a consequence, the emperor deprived her of her household, although
she retained the title of Augusta.[[15]] Eudocia retained her wealth and influence,
however, and continued to be surrounded by literary figures. It was probably in this
period that she took part in the composition of the Homerocentones, biblical stories
moulded to fit Homeric verse. These verses survive, as does her eight-book poem
recounting the martyrdom of St Cyprian. The quality of her literary work has not
found general favour with modern scholars, however: in the words of Alan
Cameron, 'Eudocia cannot but seem uncouth and ignorant - and that without the
redeeming virtue of freshness and simplicity.'[[16]] At her palace in Bethlehem and
in Jerusalem she continued to receive petitions and sought to alleviate the
persecution of the Jews, in spite of the unpopularity of such a stance. With her
wealth she endowed the city of Jerusalem with a new set of walls and erected
numerous other buildings throughout the Near East.[[17]] In the wake of the
Council of Chalcedon, called by Theodosius' successor Marcian in collaboration
with his wife Pulcheria, Eudocia placed herself firmly on the side of the local
populace, which fiercely opposed the Council's decisions, perceived as being too
close to Nestorianism. The chronicler Theophanes, followed in this by the much
later church historian Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, claims that she aligned
herself with the eunuch Chrysaphius in backing the archimandrite Eutychius,
whose views were upheld by the `Robber Council' at Ephesus in 449 but then
condemned by Chalcedon; his evidence is suspect, however, since Nicephorus at
least seems to believe that she was still in Constantinople at this time, whereas, as
we have seen, she had already been forced by Chrysaphius' machinations to return
to Palestine in the early 440s.[[18]] Throughout her time in Palestine, it is clear that
she was a well known figure, thoroughly immersed in local ecclesiastical issues.
[[19]] Although troops had to intervene to restore order in the region, the Augusta
herself did not suffer any reprisals. Two years later, distressed at the sufferings of
her family in the West, where her daughter and her children had been taken captive
by the Vandal king Geiseric, she accepted the decisions of the Council, having
taken the preliminary step of consulting the local holy man, Symeon the Stylite.
Despite this, the anti-Chalcedonian church (often called 'Monophysite') continued
to regard her as a champion of its cause.[[20]] She died on 20 October 460 in
Jerusalem, where she was buried in the church of St Stephen.[[21]]

Bibliography

PLRE. Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, ed. J. Martindale, vol.2.

Cambridge, 1980.

Blockley, R.C. 1981-3. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later

Roman Empire, 2 vols. Liverpool.

Blockley, R.C. 1998. 'The dynasty of Theodosius' in Cameron and Garnsey, eds.:
111-37.

Cameron, Alan. 1982. 'The empress and the poet: paganism and politics at the court
of Theodosius II', Yale Classical Studies 27: 217-89.

Cameron, Averil, and Garnsey, P., eds. 1998. The Cambridge Ancient History,
vol.13. Cambridge.

Cameron, Averil, Ward-Perkins, B. and Whitby, M., eds. 2000. The Cambridge
Ancient History, vol.14. Cambridge.

Chitty, D.J. The Desert a City. Oxford.

Croke, B. 1995. The Chronicle of Marcellinus Comes. Sydney.

Cyril of Scythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis, Texte u.

Untersuchungen XLIX.2. Leipzig 1939, tr. R.M. Price with J. Binns, The Lives of
the Monks of Palestine. Kalamazoo, Mich., 1991.

Downey, G. 1974. A History of Antioch in Syria. Princeton.

Drake, H. 1979. 'A Coptic Version of the Discovery of the Holy
Sepulchre', GRBS 20: 381-92.

Evagrius, Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, edd. Bidez, J. and Parmentier, L.

London, 1898. Tr. Whitby 2000 (see below).

Fowden, G. 1990. 'The Athenian agora and the progress of Christianity', Journal of
Roman Archaeology 3: 494-501.

Fowden, G. 1995. 'Late Roman Achaea: identity and defence', Journal of Roman
Archaeology 8: 549-67.

Frend, W.H.C. 1972. The Rise of the Monophysite Movement. Cambridge.

Goubert, P. 1951. 'Le rle de Sainte Pulchrie et de l'eunuque Chrysaphius' in

Grillmeier, A. and Bacht, H., Das Konzil von Chalkedon: 303-21. Wrzburg.

Greatrex, G. and Lieu, S.N.C. 2002. The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian
Wars, A.D. 363-630. London.

Holum, K. 1982. Theodosian Empresses. Berkeley.

Hunt, E.D. 1982. Holy Land Pilgrimate in the Later Roman Empire, A.D. 312-460.
Oxford.

Kennedy, H. 2000. `Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia' in Cameron, Ward-Perkins

and Whitby, eds.: 588-611.

Kent, J.P.C. 1994. The Roman imperial coinage, vol.10, The divided empire and
the fall of the westernparts, AD 395-491. London.

Lee, A.D. 2000. 'The eastern empire: Theodosius to Anastasius' in Cameron, Ward-
Perkins and Whitby, eds.: 33-62.

Malalas, Chronographia, ed. J. Thurn. Berlin, 2000; tr. and annot. E. and M.
Jeffreys and R. Scott. Melbourne, 1986.

Maraval, P. 1985. Lieux saints et plerinages d'Orient: histoire et gographie des

origines la conqute arabe. Paris.

Maraval, P. 1998. 'La rception de Chalcdoine dans l'empire d'Orient' in Pietri, L.,
ed. Histoire du Christianisme des origines nos jours, vol.3. Les glises d'orient et
d'occident. Paris: 107-45.

Marcellinus comes, Chronicon in T. Mommsen, ed., Monumenta Germaniae

Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi, XI, 60-104, repr. in Croke 1995 (above).
Mundell Mango, M. 2000. 'Building and Architecture' in Cameron, Ward-Perkins
and Whitby, eds.: 918-71.

Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae, ed. J.-P.

Migne, PG 145-7.

Sironen, E. 1990. 'An honorary inscription for Empress Eudocia in the Athenian
Agora', Hesperia 59: 371-4.

Sironen, E. 1999. 'Eudocia' in Bowersock, G., Brown, P., and Grabar, O. ,

eds., Late Antiquity: 436. Cambridge, Mass.

Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor, C. Leipzig, 1883. Tr. Mango, C. and

Scott, R. Oxford, 1997.

Whitby, M. 2000a. The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus. Liverpool.

Whitby, M. 2000b. 'The Balkans and Greece 420-602' in Cameron, Ward-Perkins

and Whitby, eds.: 701-30.

Fausta

Fausta's full name was Flavia Maxima Fausta.[[1]] She was the daughter of the
emperor Maximian and his Syrian wife Eutropia.[[2]] The date of her birth has
been the subject of scholarly debate.[[3]] She was born and raised in Rome.[[4]]

In 307 Fausta was married to the emperor Constantine.[[5]] An anonymous Gallic

orator composed a panegyric for the occasion.[[6]] The marriage quite possibly
took place at Trier.[[7]] Although both Constantine's and Fausta's specific dates of
birth are subject to question, it is certain that he was her senior by fifteen or more
years. Constantine's drive for sole power must have put a strain on the relationship
on at least two occasions. In 310, when Maximian plotted against Constantine,
Fausta revealed the plot, thus contributing to her own father's end.[[8]] On 28
October 312 Fausta's brother, the emperor Maxentius, suffered defeat and lost his
life in the famous Battle of the Milvian Bridge. The next day his body was
recovered from the Tiber River. Constantine had the severed head affixed to a pike
and carried through the streets of Rome.[[9]] We do not know Fausta's reaction to
this act of brutality.

Fausta was mother to three sons and two daughters. The three sons
were Constantine II, born on 7 August 316 (?), Constantius II, born on 7 August
317, and Constans, born in 320 or 323.[[10]] These three were appointed Caesars
on 1 March 317, 8 November 324, and 25 December 333, respectively.[[11]] The
two daughters were Constantina (not to be confused with Constantine's half-
sister Constantia) and Helena (not to be confused with Constantine's mother
and Crispus' wife of the same name). We do not know the years of their birth, only
that Constantina was the older one of the two.[[12]] As the emperor's wife Fausta
held the rank of nobilissima femina.[[13]] Not too long after his victory
over Licinius, that is in 324 or 325, Constantine granted her the rank of Augusta,
[[14]] as he also did to his motherHelena[[15]]

Fausta's life ended in a most unfortunate way. Her own husband ordered her to be
executed in 326, shortly after he had his son Crispusexecuted.[[16]] We even learn
the means of execution: she was suffocated in an over-heated bath.[[17]] Two later
sources, Zosimus and Zonaras, report that Fausta and Crispus were involved with
each other in an illicit Phaedra-and-Hippolytus type of relationship.[[18]] We may
entertain doubts about the nature of their offense and also about the means of
Fausta's execution.[[19]] But the two deaths are so close together in time and our
sources so unanimous on this point that there must be some connection between the
two cases.[[20]] We shall not be surprised to find that Fausta suffered damnatio
memoriae.[[21]]

We must deny any validity to Zosimus'[[22]] claim that Constantine was driven to
accept Christianity by a sense of guilt over his deeds. A similar claim had already
been made by Julian the Apostate.[[23]] That Fausta and Crispus together plotted
treason is reported by Gregory of Tours,[[24]] but is very unlikely: what would
have been their common interest? It has also been claimed that Fausta took her own
life;[[25]] there is no support for this claim in any of our sources. Nor do our
sources say where Fausta met her end.[[26]] Strangely enough,Julian the
Apostate has words of high praise for Fausta in the panegyric which he addressed
to Constantius II, probably in 355.[[27]]Did Constantius II try to restore his
mother's honor?

Bibliography

Recent and concise accounts of the life of Fausta, with reference to the scattered
primary sources, are the following:

Adolf Lippold in Der kleine Pauly II (1967) 522.

A. H. M. Jones, J. R. Martindale, and J. Morris, The Prosopography of the Later

Roman Empire I (Cambridge, 1971) 325-26.

Timothy D. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (Cambridge

MA, 1982) 9, 33, 34, and 43.

Dietmar Kienast, Rmische Kaisertabelle, 2nd ed. (Darmstadt, 1996) 305.

The account by Otto Seeck, RE VI.2 (1909) 2084-86, has become in part obsolete.
More extensive or specialized studies are:

Joseph Vogt, "Heiden und Christen in der Familie Constantins des Grossen,"
in Eranion: Festschrift fr Hildebrecht Hommel (Tbingen 1961) 149-68, esp. 161-
63. Also in English: "Pagans and Christians in the Family of Constantine the
Great," in Arnaldo Momigliano, ed.,The Conflict between Paganism and
Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford 1963) 38-55, esp. 48-50.

Patrick Guthrie, "The Execution of Crispus," Phoenix 20 (1966) 325-31.

Franois Paschoud, Cinq tudes sur Zosime (Paris, 1975) 24-39.

J. Roug, "Fausta, femme de Constantin: criminelle ou victime," CahHist. 25

(1980) 3-17.

Hans A. Pohlsander, "Crispus: Brilliant Career and Tragic End," Historia 33 (1984)
79-106 at 99-106.

Jan Willem Drijvers, "Flavia Maxima Fausta: Some Remarks," Historia 41 (1992)
500- 506.

Samuel N. C. Lieu and Dominic Montserrat, edd., From Constantine to Julian:

Pagan and Byzantine Views. A Source History (London 1996). Contains translation
of and commentary on the Anonymus Valesianus, Origo Constantini.

Additionally references to Fausta will be found in all of the books on Constantine.

Helena Augusta (248/249-328/329 A.D.)

Jan Willem Drijvers

Flavia Iulia Helena was probably born in the city of Drepanum in Bithynia. Various
sources indicate that Drepanum was renamed Helenopolis by Helena's
son Constantinus I to honour and to perpetuate Helena's memory (e.g.,
Sozom., Hist. Eccl., 2.2.5). Procopius (Aedif. 5.2.1-5) mentions that Constantine
changed the name of Drepanum to Helenopolis because his mother was born there.
Her year of birth may be established on Eusebius' remark (VC., 3.46) that she died
at the age of about eighty years. Since she probably died in 328/9, she must have
been born ca. 248/9. Helena was of low social origin. Ambrose (De obit.
Theod.,42) calls her a stabularia and Eutropius (Brev. 10.2) mentions that she was
born ex obscuriore matrimonio. Philostorgius (Hist. Eccl., 2.16) calls her `a
common woman not different from strumpets' (cf. also Zos. 2.8.2 and
2.9.2). Constantius I Chlorus and Helena probably met in Drepanum ca. 270. It is
very likely that the pair lived in concubinage, an accepted form of cohabitation for
people of different social origin. In 272/3 Helena gave birth toConstantine in
Naissus. It is not known whether Helena bore any other children
besides Constantine. When in 289 Constantius became Caesar and
married Theodora, he separated from Helena and Helena's life recedes into
obscurity for us.

The gap in our knowledge about Helena's life lasts at least until 306, when the
troops in York proclaimed Constantine the successor of his father. It is probable
that from this time on Helena joined her son's court. Constantine's foremost
residences in the West were Trier and Rome. Ceiling frescoes in the imperial palace
in Trier, on which Helena possibly is depicted, as well as a lively medieval Helena
tradition in Trier and its surroundings, may be an indication that Helena once lived
in this northernmost, imperial residence. After Constantine had
defeated Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge, Helena probably came to live in Rome.
The fundus Laurentus in the south-east corner of Rome, which included
the Palatium Sessorianum, a circus and public baths (later called Thermae
Helenae), came into her possession. Several inscriptions (e.g., CIL, 6.1134, 1135,
1136) found in the area, are evidence for a close connection between Helena and
the fundus Laurentus. So is her interest in the newly found basilica Ss. Marcellino e
Pietro which was built in the area that belonged to the fundus Laurentus (Lib. Pont.,
I, 183), as well as the fact that she was buried in a mausoleum attached to this
basilica.

Helena must have been a prominent person at the imperial court. Before 324 she
held the title of Nobilissma Femina as may be concluded from coins. In 324,
after Constantine's defeat of Licinius, Helena received the title of Augusta. The
increase of coins - with the legendSECURITAS REIPUBLICE - and inscriptions
bearing this title indicate Helena's rise in status and her prominency within the Neo-
Flavian dynasty.

Although it has been suggested that from her childhood on Helena had felt great
sympathy for Christianity, it is more likely that she only converted after 312 when
her son Constantine began to protect and favour the Christian church. Eusebius
reports that Helena was converted by Constantine and that he made her a devoted
servant of God (VC, 3.47). That she once was Jewish, as suggested by theActus
Sylvestri and taken seriously by J. Vogt is most unlikely. There are indications
- e.g. her sympathy for the martyr Lucian, Arius' teacher - that Helena was
favourable towards Arianism.

The most memorable event of Helena's life was her journey to Palestine and the
other eastern provinces in 327-328. Because of Eusebius' description of this
journey (VC, 3.42-47), it is generally looked upon as a pilgrimage. Eusebius only
has eyes for the religious aspects of her journey. He depicts Helena as driven by
religious enthusiasm: she wants to pray at the places where Christ's feet had
touched the ground, she cares for the poor and needy, she only does good deeds and
is generous, and she builds churches. However, it may also be possible that her
journey to the East was a political act of conciliation. People living in the East may
have been dissatisfied with Constantine's radical (religious) reforms, which
included e.g. the replacement of many officials by Christian dignitaries and the
rigorous suppression of pagan cults. Furthermore, Constantine's popularity may
have suffered severe damage from murdering his wife Fausta and his
son Crispus in 326. A reason why Helena travelled to the East may therefore have
been to appease the inhabitants of the eastern regions of the Empire.

Shortly after her journey to the East Helena died in the presence of her son
Constantine (Euseb., VC, 3.46). The abrupt interruption in the issue of Helena
Augusta-coins in the spring of 329 suggests that she died either at the end of 328 or
the beginning of 329. She was buried in Rome in the mausoleum near the Ss.
Marcellino e Pietro at the Via Labicana. The porphyry sarcophagus, which
contained her remains, is now in the Vatican Museum.

Her greatest fame Helena acquired by an act for which she was probably not
responsible, i.e. the finding of the True Cross. Her presence in Jerusalem and the
description Eusebius presented of her stay in the Holy Land led ultimately to
connecting Helena with the discovery of the Cross. Remains of the Cross were
already venerated in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem at the end of
the 340s as is clear from sermons of Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem (Cat. 4.10, 10.19,
13.4 PG 33, 467ff, 685-687, 777). After 7 May 351, Cyril wrote the Emperor
Constantius II that the Cross was discovered during the reign of Constantine I; the
bishop gives no indication who discovered the rel ic (Ep. ad Const., 3 PG 33,
1168B). The Emperor Julian believed in the discovery of the relic; he rebukes
Christians for worshipping the object (Contra Gal. 194C). The legend of Helena's
discovery of the Cross originated in Jerusal em in the second half of the fourth
century and rapidly spread over the whole empire. Three versions of the legend
came into existence in Late Antiquity: the Helena legend, the Protonike legend and
the Judas Kyriakos legend. The Helena legend, which was known in Greek and
Latin, is found in: Rufinus (Hist. Eccl., 10.7-8), Socrates (Hist. Eccl. 1.17 PG 67,
117ff), Sozomen (Hist., Eccl. 2.1-2) Theodoretus (Hist. Eccl.. 1.18), Ambrose (De
obitu Theod., 40-49), Paulinus of Nola (Epist., 31.4-5), and Sulpicius Severus
(Chron. 2.22-34). The Protonike legend was only known in Syriac (and later on in
Armenian) and was part of the Edessene Doctrina Addai but also circulated
independently in the Syriac-speaking regions. In this version of the legend Helena's
role is taken over by the fictitious first-century empress Protonike. The Judas
Kyriakos legend originated in Greek, but became also known in Latin and Syriac
and later on in many vernacular languages. This version relates how Helena
discovered the Cross with the help of the Jew Judas, who later converted and
received the name Kyriakos. It became the most popular version of the three,
probably because of its anti-Judaism.
Because of her alleged discovery of the Cross Helena became a saint in the Eastern
Orthodox and Roman Catholic Church. Her feast day in the eastern church is 21
May and in the western church 18 August.

Bibliography

Barnes, T.D. Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, 1980.

Borgehammer, S. How the Holy Cross was Found: From Event to Medieval
Legend. Stockholm, 1991.

Brubaker, Leslie. "Memories of Helena: Patterns in Imperial Female Matronage in

the Fourth and Fifth Centuries", in: Liz James (ed.), Women, Men and Eunuchs.
Gender in Byzantium, London/New York 1997, pp. 52-75.

Bruun, Patrick. Roman Imperial Coinage 7: Constantine and Licinius A.D. 313-
337. London, 1966.

Cohen, H. Description historique des monnaies frappes sous l'Empire romain.

Paris, 1880-1892.

Couzard, R. Sainte Hlne d'aprs l'histoire et la tradition. Paris, 1911.

Deichmanm, F.W. and A. Tschira. "Das Mausoleum der Kaiserin Helena und die
Basilika der heiligen Marcellinus und Petrus an der Via Labicana vor
Rom." Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts. 72(1957): 44ff.

Drijvers Han J.W., and Jan Willem Drijvers, The Finding of the True Cross. The
Judas Kyriakos Legend in Syriac. Introduction Text and Translation, CSCO 565,
Subs. 93, Louvain 1997.

Drijvers, Jan Willem. Helena Augusta: The Mother of Constantine the Great and
her Finding of the True Cross. Leiden, 1992.

________. "Helena Augusta: Exemplary Christian Empress." Studia Patristica.

25(1993): 85ff.

Frolow, A. La Relique de la Vraie Croix: Recherches sur le dveloppement d'un

culte. Paris, 1961.

Heid, S. "Der Ursprung der Helenslegende im Pilgerbetrieb Jerusalems." Jahrbuch

fr Antike und Christentum 32(1989): 41ff.

Heinen, H. "Helena, Konstantin und die berlieferung der Kreuzauffindung im 4.

Jahrhundert." In E. Aretz et al. Der Heilige Rock zu Trier: Studien zur Geschichte
und Verehrung der Tunika Christi. Trier, 1995, 83ff.
________. Frchristliches Trier: Von den Anfngen bis zur Vlkerwanderung.
Trier, 1996.

Hunt, E.D. Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire AD 312-460. Oxford,
1982.

Kienast, Dietmar. Rmische Kaisertabelle: Grundzge einer rmischen

Kaiserchronologie. Darmstadt, 1996.(rev. ed.)

Klein, R. "Helena." Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum. 14(1987): 355ff.

Jones, A.H.M., J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris. "Fl. Iulia Helena 3," the
Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, 1971, 1.410ff.

Maurice, J. Numismatique Constantienne. 3 vols., Paris, 1908-1912.

________. Sainte Hlne: L'Art et les Saints. Paris, 1930.

L'Orange, H.P. Das sptantike Herrscherbild von Diokletian bis zu den Konstantin-
Shnen 284-361 n. Chr., mit einem Nachtrag von Max Wegner, Die Bildnisse der
Frauen und des Julian. Berlin 1984.

Pohlsander, Hans A. Helena: Empress and Saint. Chicago, 1996.

Rouillon, A.-M. Sainte Hlne. Paris, 1908.

Seeck, O. "Helena (2)." RE 7: col. 2820ff.

Simon, E. Die Konstantinische Deckengemlde in Trier, Trierer Beitrge zur

Altertumskunde 3. Mainz, 1986.

Straubinger, J. Die Kreuzauffindungslegende: Untersuchungen ber ihre

altchristlichen Fassungen mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der syrischen Texte.
Paderborn, 1912.

Vogt, J. "Helena Augusta, das Kreuz und die Juden: Fragen um die Mutter
Constantins des Grossen." Saeculum. Jahrbuch fr Universalgeschichte. 27(1976):
211ff.

Weber, W. Constantinische Deckengemlde aus dem rmischen Palast unter dem

Dom. Bischfliches Museum Trier, Museumfhrer Nr.1, Trier, 1984.
 Pulcheria (Wife of the Emperor Marcian)

Geoffrey Greatrex

University of Ottawa

Aelia Pulcheria, born on 19 January 399, was the daughter of the

Emperor Arcadius and Aelia Eudoxia. She was the elder sister of the
Emperor Theodosius II and of Arcadia and Marina. Her own elder sister, Flaccilla,
probably died before 408. Pulcheria exercised enormous influence on her
brother Theodosius for considerable periods of his reign. Numerous sources record
her extensive involvement in his education: according to Theophanes, already in
412, i.e. at the age of thirteen, she dismissed the eunuch Antiochus from court, who
had been Theodosius' tutor, and took over the role herself.[[1]] She quickly put her
stamp on the imperial court, giving it an austere, pious atmosphere. At the same
time, she secured both her own position - and, more importantly, her brother's - by
vowing her virginity to God. Pulcheria's decision to refuse to marry probably
stemmed both from genuine convictions, as evidenced by her life-long devotion to
Mary, and from political considerations: by rejecting marriage, she prevented any
noble who was aspiring to the throne from using her as a springboard to unseating
her brother. The downfall of the praetorian prefect Anthemius around this time
(414) may be connected with Pulcheria's decision, for it has been suggested that he
was exerting pressure on her to take a husband.[[2]]

On 4 July, 414, Pulcheria was made Augusta by Theodosius. Soon afterwards,

coins were minted on which she appeared on the obverse, crowned by the right
hand of God - a development by no means without precedent, although all previous
Augustae had received the status as the result of providing children to their
husbands (the emperors).[[3]] Her influence over the government of the empire
emerges clearly from a number of sources.[[4]] An immediate effect was a
hardening of imperial policy towards non-Christians, and Jews in particular.
Throughout her life, Pulcheria devoted her wealth to the church; in 420, for
instance, she sent money to Jerusalem for those in need, inspiringTheodosius to do
likewise. At the same time, at least according to the chronicler Theophanes, a
golden cross was erected in Jerusalem and the right arm of Saint Stephen
despatched from the holy city to Constantinople. Some scholars have suggested that
the Trier Ivory depicts its arrival in Constantinople, and that the short woman
standing holding a cross is Pulcheria herself; under this interpretation, the cross
represents her godly resolve (to maintain her virginity).[[5]] Whether or not this
identification is accepted, there is undoubtedly a link between these developments
and the war which broke out between Rome and Persia in 420 and which continued
until 422. Saint Stephen could be supposed to be more likely to intervene on behalf
of the Roman forces, now that such an important relic had been transferred to the
capital and more closely associated with the emperor. A series of
gold solidi commemorating the erection of the cross at Jerusalem was minted; on
the reverse of some of these issues, the emperor himself is depicted; on others, his
brother Honorius; and on others still, Pulcheria - the first time that an Augusta had
thus been placed on a par with the reigning emperors.[[6]] As it turned out, the war
ended in 422 with a treaty which allowed both sides to claim
victory; Theodosius' piety - inspired by Pulcheria - was believed to be responsible
for the success of his armies in the field.[[7]]

Inevitably, the marriage of Theodosius to Eudocia in 421 (formerly known as

Athenas), was followed by a waning of the influence of Pulcheria. She withdrew
from the imperial palace and took up residence at various other palaces in or around
the capital, e.g. at the Hebdomon and at Rufinianae. The Augusta was a wealthy
woman, and such was the extent of her properties in one quarter of the capital that
it came to be called Pulcherianae.[[8]] She maintained strong contacts with
Christians of all kinds, both those on the margins of the church hierarchy, such as
Saint Hypatius, a holy man living in the vicinity of Constantinople, and the
Akoimetae - the Sleepless Monks - who met with considerable hostility when they
appeared first in Constantinople in the 420s, as well as with Proclus, the patriarch
of Constantinople.[[9]] She continued to be a lavish patron of the church, erecting
several churches in Constantinople and playing a key role in the discovery of the
relics of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste.[[10]]

The importance of Pulcheria emerges very clearly from the Nestorian controversy.
Nestorius, who became patriarch of Constantinople in 428, clashed with the
Augusta almost immediately, refusing to admit her to the sanctuary of the Great
Church in Constantinople only days after his enthronement. Scholars have not
unreasonably perceived a link between Nestorius' christological position,
downgrading the status of the Virgin Mary from Theotokos (Mother of God) to
Christotokos (Mother of Christ), and his hostility towards Pulcheria. Equally, her
fierce defence of the Virgin Mary was certainly connected with her own vow of
virginity and the status this conferred upon her.[[11]] The story of Nestorius'
downfall and the Council of Ephesus in 431 has been told many times and need not
be related here. It is sufficient to note that the Patriarch Cyril of Alexandria, who
emerged the victor after the Council, believed that Pulcheria was instrumental in
bringing about the fall of his rival; it is also worthy of note that Theodosius, who
had initially given his backing to Nestorius, ended up having to give way to his
sister.[[12]]

Pulcheria's position appears to have remained strong for much of the 430s. By 438
the rift between the emperor and his wife Eudocia had become evident; in that year
she obtained leave from him to pay a visit to Jerusalem and the holy sites.
[[13]] However, the rise to prominence of the eunuch Chrysaphius,
the spatharius of Theodosius, brought with it a decline in Pulcheria's influence.
She was forced again to withdraw to the Hebdomon palace, this time to avoid being
consecrated as a deaconess.[[14]] Her final resurgence came when a new
christological debate was sparked. Again, her brother Theodosius was on the
opposite side, according his support to the archimandrite Eutyches, who took the
view that Christ was entirely God - what is known as the 'Monophysite view', i.e.
that Christ had one nature, and that this nature was divine. Eutyches enjoyed the
vigorous backing of Dioscorus, Cyril's successor as patriarch of Alexandria. A
council was held in Ephesus in 449 (later known as the 'Robber Council'
[latrocinium] because of various irregularities in procedure) from which this party
emerged triumphant. In the wake of this victory for Dioscorus and Eutyches, Pope
Leo sought the aid of Pulcheria (among others) to reverse the council's decisions.
[[15]]

The situation changed abruptly on 26 July 450 with the unexpected death
of Theodosius. Within a month, however, a somewhat obscure former tribune
and domesticus named Marcian had been acclaimed emperor and had married
Pulcheria. The circumstances surrounding the elevation of Marcian, who was
shortly to preside over the Council of Chalcedon (see below), were a source of
much debate and polemic, both at the time and for long afterwards. Those opposed
to the outcome of the Council insisted upon the illegitimacy
of Marcian'saccession, which was not acknowledged in the west until 452; they
were also fiercely critical of Pulcheria, portraying her as enamoured
ofMarcian and engineering his accession to satisfy her lusts. Supporters of
Chalcedon, on the other hand, affirmed that Marcian agreed to respect the empress'
virginity and sought to give the emperor's accession as much legitimacy as they
could. To what extent Pulcheria actually made the choice of Marcian is open to
doubt: one scholar sees behind his elevation the machinations of the powerful
general Aspar, with whom Marcian was certainly connected. At any rate, there are
no grounds for supposing that Pulcheria actually crowned Marcian herself; rather,
he was probably acclaimed by the assembled soldiers in the Campus Martius,
outside the city, and raised aloft on a shield.[[16]]Coins issued depict the imperial
couple with Christ himself sponsoring their marriage - perhaps an attempt to deflect
criticism of Pulcheria, whose vow of virginity was called into question by her
marriage.[[17]] Pulcheria lost no time in restoring the balance of church politics in
favour of her line. At the Council of Chalcedon, held in 451, a more moderate
christological position was proclaimed, which held that Christ was 'in two natures',
rather than being entirely God (or entirely man). The assembled bishops eagerly
offered up acclamations to the empress, on some occasions placing her
before Marcian. As he was declared a 'New Constantine', so she was hailed as a
'New Helena' (the mother of Constantine).[[18]]

Pulcheria died in 453, bequeathing her worldly goods to charity. She is regarded as
a saint in both eastern and western churches.[[19]]Butler's Lives of the
Saints concludes its remarkably glowing assessment of Pulcheria thus: 'If we
consider her actions and virtues we shall see that the commendations which St
Proclus, in his panegyric on her, Pope St Leo, and the Council of Chalcedon,
bestowed on this empress, so far from being compliments or mere eloquence, are
thoroughly well deserved. St Pulcheria is named on this day [10 September] in the
Roman Martyrology having been inserted by Cardinal Baronius, a happier and
more worthy addition than some we owe to that venerable and learned scholar; her
feast is kept by the Greeks, and at one time she had a certain cultus in the West, her
feast being observed, e.g. throughout Portugal and the kingdom of Naples.'[[20]]

Bibliography

Allen, P. 2000. 'The definition and enforcement of orthodoxy' in Cameron, Ward-

Perkins and Whitby, eds: 811-54.

Bardill, J. and Greatrex, G. 1996. 'Antiochus the Praepositus: A Persian Eunuch at

the court of Theodosius II', DOP 50: 171-97.

Blockley, R.C. 1981-3. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later

Roman Empire, 2 vols. Liverpool.

Blockley, R.C. 1998. 'The dynasty of Theodosius' in Cameron and Garnsey, eds.:
111-37.

Burgess, R.W. 1993/4. 'The accession of Marcian in the light of Chalcedonian

Apologetic and Monophysite Polemic', BZ 86/7: 47-68.

Cameron, Alan, Long, J., with Lee, S. 1993. Barbarians and Politics at the Court
of Arcadius. Berkeley.

Cameron, Averil, and Garnsey, P., eds. 1998. The Cambridge Ancient History,
vol.13. Cambridge.

Cameron, Averil, Ward-Perkins, B. and Whitby, M., eds. 2000. The Cambridge
Ancient History, vol.14. Cambridge.

Eunapius, fragments, in Blockley 1983: 1-127.

Flusin, B. 1998. 'Le Christianisme imprial et ses expressions: thologie,

spiritualit, pit' in Pietri, ed., 1998: 609-57.

Fraisse-Cou, C. 1995. 'Le dbat thologique au temps de Thodose II: Nestorius'

in Pietri, ed.: 499-550.

Fraisse-Cou, C. 1998. 'D'phse Chalcdoine: la ?paix trompeuse? (433-450)' in

Pietri, ed.: 9-77.

Frend, W.H.C. 1972. The Rise of the Monophysite Movement. Cambridge.

Goubert, P. 1951. 'Le rle de Sainte Pulchrie et de l'eunuque Chrysaphius' in
Grillmeier, A. and Bacht, H., Das Konzil von Chalkedon: 303-21. Wrzburg.

Greatrex, G. and Lieu, S.N.C. 2002. The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian
Wars, A.D. 363-630. London.

Holum, K. 1982. Theodosian Empresses. Berkeley.

Holum, K. and Vikan, G. 1980. 'The Trier Ivory, Adventus Ceremonial and the
Relics of St Stephen', DOP 33: 113-33.

Kent, J.P.C. 1994. The Roman imperial coinage, vol.10, The divided empire and
the fall of the westernparts, AD 395-491. London.

Lee, A.D. 2000. 'The eastern empire: Theodosius to Anastasius' in Cameron, Ward-
Perkins and Whitby, eds.: 33-62.

Maraval, P. 1998. 'Le Concile de Chalcdoine' in Pietri, ed. 1998: 79-106.

McCormick, M. 2000. 'Emperor and Court' in Cameron, Ward-Perkins and Whitby,

eds.: 135-63.

Pietri, L. 1995. Histoire du Christianisme des origines nos jours,

vol.2, Naissance d'une chrtient (250-430). Paris.

Pietri, L. 1998. Histoire du Christianisme des origines nos jours, vol.3. Les
glises d'orient et d'occident (432-610). Paris.

Socrates, Kirchengeschichte, ed. Hansen, G.C. Berlin, 1995.

Sozomen, Kirchengeschichte, edd. Bidez, J. and Hansen, G.C. Berlin, 1960.

Suda, Lexikon, ed. Adler, A. Leipzig, 1928-38.

Theodore Lector (= Theodore Anagnostes), Kirchengeschichte, ed. Hansen, G.C.

Berlin, 1971.

Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1883), tr. Mango, C. and

Scott, R. Oxford, 1997.

Thurston, H. and Attwater, D. 1956. Butler's Lives of the Saints. Complete Edition,
vol.3. New York.

Treadgold, W. 1997. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford.

Whitby, M. 2000. The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus. Liverpool.

Wortley, J. 1980. 'The Trier Ivory Reconsidered', GRBS 21: 381-94.

Justa Grata Honoria

Ralph W. Mathisen

University of South Carolina

Justa Grata Honoria, another strong-willed fifth-century woman, was born in 416 or
417, the daughter of the future emperor Constantius III (421) andGalla Placidia.
She was the elder sister of the emperor Valentinian III (425-455), and she held the
title of Augusta. At the orders of her brother, she was devoted to virginity, a
situation she did not find to her liking. Circa 449 she was apprehended in a love
affair with the overseer of her estates; both supposedly were engaged in a plot to
seize power for Honoria. As a result, her lover was executed and she was exiled to
Constantinople. She then appealed for help to Attila the Hun, at which the eastern
emperor Theodosius II, who already had enough problems with the Huns,
immediately dispatched her back to Italy -- with the recommendation
that Valentinian turn her over to Attila. Valentinian, meanwhile, was enraged, and
only spared her life because of the earnest entreaties of their mother. She then was
compelled to marry a reliable senator named Flavius Bassus Herculanus and
subsequently she was kept under close guard. Attila, meanwhile, chose to interpret
Honoria's missive as a marriage proposal, and demanded half of the western Roman
Empire as her dowry. Attila's ultimatum was refused, and he responded by invading
the western empire in 451 and 452. Honoria's ultimate fate is unknown; she may
have been dead by 455.

Bibliography:

Critical Studies:

Bury, J.B. "Justa Grata Honoria." Journal of Roman Studies 9(1919): pp.1-13.

De Salis, J.F.W. "The Coins of the Two Eudoxias, Eudocia, Placidia, and Honoria,
and of Theodosius II, Marcian, and Leo ... Italy." Numismatic Chronicle 7(1867)
203-215.
Duckett, Eleanor Shipley. Medieval Portraits from the East and West. Ann Arbor,
1972.

Ino (Anastasia) (Wife of Tiberius II Constantine)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

As the emperor Justin II deteriorated into dementia in 574 it became obvious that a
colleague would have to be appointed to fulfil the duties of government. The
empress, Sophia, was consulted, and her choice fell on Tiberius, leader of
the excubitors (an elite corps of palace guards). Tiberius was accordingly adopted
by Justin and given the title Caesar on 7 December 574.

Tiberius had long been married to Ino, a lady already well into middle-age, for she
had been a widow, and had had a daugher of marriageable age, prior to her
marriage to Tiberius. Tiberius had initially been betrothed to this daughter by this
first marriage, but on his fiance's death Tiberius instead married Ino herself, now a
widow, and they had had three children, (two daughters) Charito and Constantina,
[[1]] as well as a third child who had presumably died.[[2]]

Ino's four years as Caesarissa, the second-ranking lady in the empire after the
empress, were frustrating. Sophia refused to let her enter the imperial palace, even
ignoring her own husband Justin's request that Tiberius's wife should be allowed
to live with him, and Ino and her daughters were forced to live in the neighbouring
palace of Hormisdas, with Tiberius visiting them only in the evenings, and
returning to the palace early in the morning.[[3]] According to John of Ephesos, a
good friend of Tiberius' and hence an invaluable inside source,[[4]]Sophia even
refused to let the ladies of the court visit Ino to pay her their respects and scolded
them when they suggested it. Neglected, and unable to play her proper part in
imperial ceremonial, Ino also feared for her life, and she left Constantinople for
Daphnudium, where she had lived with her previous husband. Tiberius even had to
commute from Constantinople to see her when she fell ill.[[5]] According to
Theophanes, perhaps not the most reliable source on this period, Sophia when
choosing Tiberius as her husband's colleague, had been unaware of Ino's existence,
and her refusal to grant Ino any recognition was due to chagrin.[[6]]

When, however, Justin died in October 578, proposals were made to Tiberius,
who had been crowned co-emperor nine days previously, 'both through another
person' and through the patriarch Eutychius,[[7]] that he should divorce Ino and
marry Sophia or her daughter Arabia, now a widow.[[8]] To his
credit, Tiberius refused to comply: "Will it please God, as well as you," he was
said to have replied, "for me to leave my wife, by whom I have had three children,
and who took me to share all she had when I had nothing? and now that God has
raised me to power, am I to leave her and take another?"[[9]] Sophia reluctantly
allowed Ino to return to Constantinople as empress, but that her good-will was
doubted is shown by the fact that Ino avoided the official escort that was sent to
meet her, consisting of the commander of the praetorian guard, a large number of
men of senatorial rank, and a great retinue. She informed them that they would start
in the morning, but left at midnight to slip into Constantinople with only her
children and one boatman. On her arrival, Tiberius arranged for her to be met by
the senate and patriarch in the palace and she was invested immediately with the
royal insignia, after which she proceeded in a covered litter to St Sophia, and was
acclaimed by the factions of Blues and Greens. After a contest as to the most
desirable name for her to adopt (the Greens wanted her to be called Helena) the
Blues won the day and she was saluted as empress by the suitable imperial name of
Anastasia.[[10]]

Perhaps due to Sophia's opposition, Tiberius made sure that Ino, now Anastasia,
was given the same public recognition as her predecessor. Like Sophia and Justin,
Ino appeared with Tiberius on the coinage as early as 578/9, with Ino enthroned
beside Tiberius, carrying a sceptre and depicted with a nimbus, in the manner
which Sophia herself had inaugurated.[[11]] But this coinage was minted at
Thessalonica, and that from the capital features Tiberius alone. Ino's life can not
have been easy: Sophia refused to move to more suitable quarters in the imperial
palace, and Tiberius had to remodel the entire northern side for his own use, his
extensions including a bath, necessary offices, and stabling for his horses.[[12]]

We know little of Ino's religious convictions, though she was presumably not a
monophysite. A chapter heading from a part of John of Ephesus's Ecclesiastical
History now lost describes her hostility to the "orthodox", due to her lack of
knowledge of the true nature of their beliefs.[[13]]

While it was Sophia who was consulted prior to the death of Tiberius (supposedly
due to eating mulberries which had spoiled) and was responsible for the choice of
the general Maurice as his successor, Tiberius saw to it that Maurice married
not Sophia but his own daughter Constantina. At the same time, according to
Theophanes, his other daughter Charito was married to the general Germanus, and
both Maurice and Germanus were given the rank of Caesar.[[14]] Tiberius' wife
and daughters were thus provided for and there were now three empresses in the
palace, for Ino continued in the imperial palace with Sophia and with her daughter
Constantina. She died in 594 and was buried beside her husband.[[15]]

Bibliography
Bellinger, A.R.Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks
Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. I: Anastasius to Maurice 491-
602 Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1966.

P. Grierson, "The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-

1042)," DOP 16 (1962) 3-60.

Euphemia (wife of Justin I)

Geoffrey Greatrex

University of Ottawa

Very little is known of the life of Justin I's wife Euphemia. Her original name was
Lupicina, a name which may have been associated with the occupation of
prostitute.[[1]] Certainly her origins were humble: as Procopius relates
(Anecdota/Secret History 6.17), she had been born a barbarian and a slave. Before
marrying Justin she had been the concubine of her previous owner.2]]

When Justin ascended the throne in July 518, both he and his wife were already at
an advanced age (Proc. Anecdota/Secret History6.17). Probably as soon
as Justin was acclaimed as emperor in the hippodrome, the people there assembled
(primarily the circus partisans) clamoured that Lupicina change her name to the
more respectable Euphemia (Theophanes, A.M. 6011); and thus she was known
henceforth.[[3]] The name was appropriate, for Euphemia of Chalcedon, a local
saint, was associated with the Council of Chalcedon (A.D. 451); and
both Justin and his wife were zealous upholders of the decisions of this council
(unlike Justin's predecessor, Anastasius I).[[4]]

As empress, we are told, again by Procopius (Anecdota/Secret History 9.47), that

she did not interfere at all in affairs of state. She favoured her husband's nephew
and eventual successor, Justinian, but adamantly opposed his marriage to the
unrespectable Theodora. Only once she had died, some time before November
524, was it possible for Justinian to organise the removal of the legal impediments
to his marriage to a former actress.[[5]]

Like many other prominent figures in Constantinople, Euphemia had

correspondence with the bishops of Rome; some letters to her from Hormisdas
(514-523) survive and one written in her name to him. Little can be gleaned from
these letters,[[6]] save perhaps an indication of the empress's piety, attested also by
her construction of a convent and church of St Euphemia. Here she was buried; and
upon his death,Justin I was entombed with her.[[7]]

Bibliography
Alan Cameron, Circus Factions. Blues and Greens at Rome and
Constantinople (Oxford, 1976)

D. Daube, `The marriage of Justinian and Theodora. Legal and theological

reflections', Catholic University of America Law Review 16 (1967), pp.380-99

T. Honor, Tribonian (London, 1978)

A. Vasiliev, Justin the First (Cambridge, MA, 1950)

Theodora (Wife of Justinian I)

James Allan Evans

University of British Columbia

Sources

If we except the chroniclers, there are hardly any sources for Theodora that are
written without parti pris. The most important, Procopius of Caesarea, who is our
only source for the lurid details of Theodora's early life, presented a different
Theodora in each of his three works, theHistory of the Wars of Justinian in seven
books to which an eighth was added later, the Anekdota or Secret History, to give it
its popular name, an essay purportedly written immediately after the first seven
books of the Wars were published and containing data which were too defamatory
to circulate openly, and the De Aedificiis or Buildings which is a panegyric
on Justinian's building program throughout the empire. All these works were
written or at least completed after Theodora's death in 548. In the Wars, Procopius
credits the regime's success at suppressing the 'Nika' revolt of 532 to Theodora's
courage and imagines a splendid scene which may have some basis in fact, where
she declares that she, at least, will not flee the capital city. The Anekdota is full of
scurrilous details about Theodora's early life as an actress and courtesan, and her
intrigues at court. In the De Aedificiis, however, the picture is uniformly flattering.
The emperor and empress shared a common piety (1.8.5), he claims, and her
loveliness was such that it was impossible to convey it in words or portray it by a
statue (1.11.9). (Even in the Anekdota 10.11, he concedes that she was attractive,
though short and rather sallow in complexion.)

Procopius' viewpoint differs in these three works, understandably in the De

Aedificiis, which was an encomium and intended to please the emperor, but they do
not actually contradict each other. The lurid details of Theodora's early life find
corroboration of sorts in an unexpected source: the Syriac historian John of Amida,
better known as John of Ephesus (PO 17, i, 188-89) for he became the
Monophysite bishop of that city, refers to Theodora almost casually as "Theodora
from the brothel" (ek tou porneiou). John is a friendly witness for he looked on
Theodora as the protector of the Monophysites and the fact that the words appear in
Greek in his Syriac text may indicate that he is simply reproducing without malice
a sobriquet from the Constantinople streets. And Justinian's law code (Codex
Justinianus V.4.23)[[1]]provides another morsel of evidence. This is the law which
Procopius[[2]] claims was promulgated by Justin I at Justinian's instance, in order
to legalize the marriage privileges of a penitent ex-actress. It declares that a former
actress who was admitted to the patriciate would henceforth have all former
blemishes wiped out and was free to marry anyone. Thus we are probably right to
consider Procopius a trustworthy witness for Theodora's early career, albeit a
malicious one when he was writing not for publication.

The death of the emperor Anastasius in 518 and the accession of Justin I marked
the end of a period of tolerance and accommodation for the Monophysite heresy,
[[3]] and the Monophysite monks and churchmen in the eastern provinces faced a
tidal wave of persecution.[[4]]Only Egypt was safe. But Theodora was converted, it
seems, to the Monophysite heresy shortly after the persecution began, and remained
a devout Monophysite until her death and her reputation has been colored by odium
theologicum. When a copy of the Anekdota was found in 1623 in the Vatican
Library, thereby introducing it to the world of scholarship, Catholic churchmen
were delighted to find such explicit proof of the wickedness of the empress, and the
Vatican librarian Alemannus, who was the Anekdota's first editor, remarked that
nothing was too execrable to be believed of this enemy of the Council of
Chalcedon.[[5]] On the other hand, Monophysite sources, mostly in Syriac, laud
her piety and devotion. Theodora and Justinian were frequently on opposite sides
of the great theological contention about the Trinity. Yet, both sought common
ground, and Justinian seems never to have doubted the fundamental loyalty of his
wife.

Theodora's Early Life

The origin of Theodora's family has prompted some speculation: Syria, Cyprus, and
Paphlagonia have all been suggested but we meet her first in
Procopius' Anekdota as the second of three daughters of one Acacius, the bear-
keeper for the Green faction in the Hippodrome at Constantinople. As such he
looked after the trained bears and other animals for the entr'actes between the
chariot races. It was usual for a son to follow his father in this post, but when
Acacius died suddenly, he left no son. However, his widow remarried quickly and
hoped that her new husband would take over the post of the old one. However the
final decision rested with the chief ballet dancer to make, and he accepted a bribe to
appoint another man. Destitute, Theodora's mother brought her children wearing
garlands into the Hippodrome where the Greens, Blue, Reds and White sat in their
reserved sections, and presented them as suppliants to the crowd. The Greens
rejected them. But the Blues who had just lost their own bear-keeper, took pity and
appointed Theodora's stepfather to the vacant post. Theodora, naturally enough,
remained an aficionado of the Blues. Whatever Theodora's differences might be on
theology with Justinian, they agreed upon what faction to support in the
Hippodrome.

As soon as they were old enough, Theodora's mother put her children on the stage.
The eldest, Comito, scored a great success and Theodora, the middle child,
followed her on stage, playing a little slave attendant for her sister. Theater was
considered the embodiment of immorality in the sixth century and by the end of the
seventh century, the Church would succeed in banning it entirely. The staple fare
was the mime, involving obscene burlesque, and on the evidence of Procopius,
Theodora made a name for herself with her portrayal of Leda and the Swan: she
stripped off her clothes as far as the law allowed, for complete nudity was banned,
and lay on her back while some attendants scattered barley on her groin. Then
geese, evidently playing Zeus in several guises, picked up the barley with their
bills. She also entertained notables at banquets and accepted a multitude of lovers.
Procopius pretends that her appetite for sexual intercourse was voracious and
relates stories about her that sound like men's locker room humor, but nonetheless
they were probably tales current on the streets of Constantinople. It is certain that
Theodora had a daughter before her marriage to Justinian and Procopius also
reports a son, who presented himself at court, claiming that his father on his
deathbed had told him that the empress was his mother, and whereupon Theodora,
having heard his story, disposed of him. We may reasonably doubt the truth of this
tale, for it assumes that Theodora was unashamed of a bastard daughter, even
arranging a good marriage for her, but was determined that her bastard son be
consigned to oblivion. The "son" may have been an imposter, or, perhaps more
likely, the report was complete fiction.

In due course, however, she became the mistress of a Syrian Hecebolus who was a
native of Tyre, and accompanied him when he went to the Libyan Pentapolis as
governor. For Theodora, this represented an escape from her profession, for a law
of 409 (Cod. Just. XI 41.5) barred local authorities from transferring actors from
their cities, thereby lessening the attraction of popular festivals, and if Hecebolus
had not been a man of some standing with "clout", Theodora might have
encountered legal obstacles to her desertion of the stage. But she soon failed to
please. Abandoned and maltreated by Hecebolus (Anek. 9.27; 12.30), she made her
way to Alexandria. We may have an authentic comment from her on Hecebolus
years later: in 535 Justinian issued a constitution (Nov. 8.1) which prohibited the
purchase of public office, for it was an inducement to corruption. Justinian states
explicitly that he consulted Theodora before he made this reform. She may have
had Hecebolus in mind as a typical public servant, for it is not unlikely that he
bought his office and recouped the purchase price by corrupt practices. But we
must not wander too far into the realm of imagination.

In Alexandria she seems to have met the patriarch, Timothy III, a Monophysite
whose position was powerful enough that he was able to give refuge to
Monophysite churchmen such as Severus, the patriarch of Antioch, when the
persecution initiated by Justin I drove them from their sees. At least Monophysite
legend had it that she considered 'Bishop Timothy' her spiritual father, and this
'Timothy' may well have been Timothy III who became patriarch in 517, one year
before Justin I's accession.[[6]] Actresses were normally denied the sacraments
until they were on their deathbeds, and so we cannot tell how Theodora met her
bishop, if, in fact, they did actually meet. But her conversion was sincere and
lasting. She remained a devout Monophysite until her death.

From Alexandria she went to Antioch and there she was befriended by the Blue
faction's star ballet dancer, Macedonia, who also, it appears, had a second
occupation as an informer of Justinian's, who was now, after Vitalian's death,
the magister militum praesentalis in Constantinople. Macedonia passed on to her
patron the names of notables who represented a threat to him. Procopius
(Anek.12.29-32) relates a fantastic tale that Theodora revealed to Macedonia a
dream which she had, that she would come to the capital where the Lord of the
Demons would bed her, marry her and make her mistress of limitless wealth. How
a confidence like that can have increased Macedonia's faith in Theodora is hard to
understand. But it may have been Macedonia who provided Theodora with an
introduction to Justinian.[[7]]Possibly she presented Theodora to him as a person
whom it would be useful to know, and as a fellow aficionado of the Blues. In any
case the two met, fell in love, and what is more remarkable, accepted each other as
intellectual equals. They were always more than sexual partners. A tradition of the
eleventh century relates that on Theodora's return to the capital, she lived in humble
lodgings and spun wool, which was a virtuous occupation. She did not forget her
erstwhile associates but there was no question of her returning to her former life.
IfJustinian wanted her, he had to marry her.

For that, new legislation would be necessary, for the laws forbade a patrician to
marry an actress. Justin, who seems to have been fond of Theodora was willing to
oblige, but Justinian encountered an unexpected obstacle in the empress
Euphemia. Justin had bought his wife as a slave many years before he became
emperor, and her slave-name Lupicina rouses suspicion for it was commonly
found among prostitutes. Yet once she became empress, she took the more
respectable name of Euphemia, and guarded the respectability of her office
jealously. She liked Justinian, and ordinarily refused him nothing, but she would
not hear of him marrying an actress. But once she was dead (ca.
523), Justin promulgated the necessary legislation and it appears in the Justinianic
Code (Cod. Just. V.4.23). It freed truly penitent actresses from all blemishes and
returned them to their pristine condition. Soon after, the patriarch Epiphanius
joined Justinian and Theodora in wedlock in the cathedral church of the Holy
Wisdom.

Thus the new dynastic family in Constantinople was sprung from a union of
Illyrian (or perhaps Thracian) peasant stock from the Balkans on the one side and
the theater on the other. This was a society which was remarkably mobile in spite of
its apparently rigid class structure.Justin had used his good fortune to further his
family's status: he had brought Justinian, the son of his sister, to Constantinople,
seen to his education and adopted him (the name Justinianus is the cognomen
which Justinian took upon adoption: his birth name was Flavius Petrus Sabbatius),
and he was only slightly less generous to another nephew, Germanus, a brilliant
army officer who made a splendid marriage into the Constantinopolitan branch of
the aristocratic Anicii. Theodora also provided an entre for her friends from the
theater. Her sister, Comito, became the wife of a rising young officer, Sittas, who
was to die young while campaigning in Armenia. Her niece married the nephew
of Justinian, Justin II, who succeeded Justinian in 565. These two parvenus on
the throne would have been only human if they took some satisfaction from the
sight of scions of Constantinople's great families bowing and scraping before them.
Theodora in particular was punctilious about court ceremonial. Procopius
(Anek. 30.23-6) complains that Justinian and Theodora made all senators,
including patricians, prostrate themselves before them whenever they entered their
presence, and made it clear that their relations with the civil militia were those of
masters and slaves. With his next breath Procopius complains that the emperor and
empress made their magistrates dance attendance upon them, and made a point of
supervising them carefully, whereas previously magistrates had a greater degree of
independence and could get on with their work. What Procopius fails to add is that
these magistrates used their independence to enrich themselves and that one reason
for the dissatisfaction with the regime, which both Procopius and John Lydus
express, is that it tried, with no marked success, to wipe out bureaucratic
corruption.[[8]]

Theodora as a partner in power

Procopius in his Anekdota indicates that what attracted Justinian to Theodora was
pure, undiluted lust. They did, we can be sure, marry for love and they hoped for
children. When Mar Saba, the stoutly Chalcedonian archimandrite of the lauras in
the Judean desert, came to Constantinople in 531 with a petition on behalf of the
Palestinians who had suffered in the Samaritan revolt, Theodora asked for his
prayers that she might conceive, but the old monk refused, saying that the son she
bore would be a greater calamity for the empire than the old Monophysite
emperor Anastasius! Theodora never did conceive. The daughter born to an
unknown father before her marriage is the only child that was certainly hers.

She had Justinian's ear while he was still the heir-in-waiting, but it was the 'Nika'
revolt which demonstrated her steel. A riot early in 532 rapidly escalated into a full-
scale revolt which almost toppled the regime. Procopius (Wars 1.24.33-37)
describes the panicky debate in the palace whether to flee in their ships or to stay
where they were. Then Theodora rose to speak. Her speech, which is a nice piece of
rhetoric, balances a speech made by a senator to the insurgents, advising cautious
action against the emperor. Theodora begins with the acknowlegement that urging
acts of daring was not considered womanly but nonetheless she took a tough line
and urged defiance. Her husband might flee if he wished, but she would stay, for
she liked the ancient maxim which said that royalty made a good shroud. The
ancient maxim had actually said that tyranny made a good shroud, and Procopius'
art may have enhanced Theodora's great scene. We cannot take it at face value,
even though Procopius may have been present at the time and witnessed it.
But Justinian whose hesitation up until this point had if anything made the
situation worse, recovered his nerve and took the offensive. He ordered his loyal
troops led by two reliable officers, Belisarius and the Gepid prince Mundo, to
attack the demonstrators in the Hippodrome. The resulting massacre would make
Tiananmen Square look like a very minuscule atrocity indeed.

Theodora knew how to be ruthless and no one should sentimentalize her. One
source[[9]] for the 'Nika' revolt reports that Justinian might have shown
compassion for the nephews of Anastasius, Pompeius and Hypatius, the latter of
whom the mob had chosen as their replacement for Justinian, but Theodora did not
approve of mercy where the security of the regime was in question. It was her will
that Pompeius and Hypatius be put to death. Justinian might later restore their
property to their heirs, but by then they were no danger to the regime.

Theodora enjoyed the perquisites of imperial power, and her marriage

with Justinian, which seems to have been a union of mutual respect, was so
unusual by contemporary standards that it provoked reactions which reveal as much
about the mind-set of the times as about the married couple. The reader of
Procopius' appraisal of Theodora (Anek. 10) will find a mother lode of clues to the
group psychology of the small cadre of bureaucrats who ran the empire and for
whom Theodora represented a center of power that did not fit their notional
horizons. 'Those who believe that the female mind is totally depraved by the loss of
chastity, will eagerly listen to all the invectives of private envy or popular
resentment, which have dissembled the virtues of Theodora, exaggerated her vices,
and condemned with rigour the venal and voluntary sins of the youthful harlot,'
wrote Edward Gibbon.[[10]] Gibbon, who never failed to relish 'venal and
voluntary sins', particularly those practised by women, mentions a selection of
Theodora's, excerpted for the most part from the Anekdota: her 'private hours were
devoted to the prudent as well as the grateful care of her beauty,' the 'most
illustrious personages of the state' who sought audiences, were kept waiting and
then 'they experienced, as her humour might suggest, the silent arrogance of an
empress, or the capricious levity of a comedian.' He notes her 'immense avarice' to
secure great wealth which might be excused by the fact that her good fortune
depended entirely upon Justinian's longevity and if he were to die before her, she
could retain her status only with her private assets. 'But the reproach of cruelty, so
repugnant even to her softer vices, has left an indelible stain on the memory of
Theodora,' added Gibbon, and he proceeded to give examples. They come from
the Anekdota, and Procopius' chief criterion for including them in that 'satire', as
Gibbon called it, was that they should be malicious. Yet Theodora never shared her
husband's reputation for being easy-going.

She presented herself, however, as the friend of the unfortunate. The great
inscription on the entablature of the church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in
Constantinople proclaims her as the 'God-crowned Theodora whose mind is
adorned with piety and whose constant toil lies in unsparing efforts to nourish the
destitute.'[[11]] She shut down brothels in the capital and removed the prostitutes to
a convent on the Asian side of the Dardanelles called the Metanoia (Repentance).
[[12]] She intervened on behalf of women who were wronged.[[13]] And there is a
clutch of legislation promulgated by Justinian which improves the status of
women and where we may suspect Theodora's influence.

It may be argued that these reforms merely mark the culmination of a trend which
had been taking place over the previous centuries, but nonetheless they belong
to Justinian and if he could consult his wife about administrative corruption, which
he indicates that he did, it seems likely that he would seek her input on legislation
affecting women's rights, too. Justinian forbade exposure of unwanted infants,
who were far more frequently girls than boys, though apparently he failed to put a
stop to the custom, for in 529 we find a new law which gave anyone who rescued
an exposed child the right to give him/her either free or slave status.[[14]] The laws
concerning tutela (guardianship) of women had undergone modification since the
days of the Roman Republic when women remained under lifetime tutela: women
were still excluded from acting as guardians in the third century, but in 390,
widows were allowed to be guardians of their children and grandchildren if they
did not remarry and if there were no other legitimate male
guardians. Justinian extended the right of guardianship to the natural mother.
[[15]]He eased the punishments for adultery: in Novel 117.15 he reminded his
subjects that while a husband might kill his wife's lover with impunity, he might not
kill his wife and, for that matter, before he killed the lover, he must send him three
written warnings, duly witnessed![[16]] A woman should not be put into prison
where male guards might violate her; if detention was necessary she could go to a
nunnery. A woman's right to hold property, he ruled, should be no less than a man's.
And the ante-nuptial donation, which had developed in Late Antiquity as a counter-
dowry given by the husband to his wife, should be equal in value to the dowry.
[[17]] Justinian's measures protecting women give us ground for suspecting
Theodora's counsel and influence, and, from their dates, it is clear that her influence
did not end with her death.

Within the civil and military militia, Theodora created her own centers of power.
The eunuch Narses who in old age developed into a brilliant general, was her
protg. So was the praetorian prefect Peter Barsymes. John the Cappadocian she
identified as an enemy. He wasJustinian's efficiency expert and both Procopius
and John the Lydian bear witness to his unpopularity. He was sacrificed to the mob
during the 'Nika' revolt but he was soon back at his former post as praetorian
prefect. But he paid Theodora scant respect, and even worse from her viewpoint, he
had Justinian's ear. Theodora was jealous of his influence and with the help of her
friends, particularly her crony, Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, she set a trap for
him and he fell into it. The bait she used was the prospect of imperial power. On
her instructions, Antonina intimated to John's nave daughter that Belisarius was
unhappy and ready to rebel, and that he would welcome John as a fellow
conspirator. This proposition involved disloyalty, but Theodora had assessed her
victim correctly. John did not balk at disloyalty to the emperor when the reward
was power. Even after John had fallen, Theodora's vengeance followed him.
Officers of the civil and militarymilitia learned that if they carried
out Justinian's commands negligently, he might be angry but he would eventually
forgive them. But let them flout Theodora and they could expect condign
retribution and no forgiveness.

Theodora's Religious Policy

In the Menelogion (Liturgical Calendar) of the Greek Orthodox Church, under

November 14 there appears "The Assumption of the Orthodox King Justinian and
the memory of Queen Theodora". Theodora was not orthodox and contemporary
orthodox churchmen recognized her as an enemy. Yet religious differences never
seem to have caused a rift between Justinian and Theodora, and Procopius
(Anek. 10.15; 27.13) may be expressing the view of his class in Constantinople
when he reports that the "rift" was a hoax devised by this evil pair to encourage
strife among the Christians.

The Arabic History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria is better
taken as a document of Monophysite folk tradition than as an accurate record of
events: it overlooks Justin I entirely, for instance, and attributes the persecution of
the Monophysites that began with Justin's accession to Justinian and regards
Theodora not only as defender of Monophysite churchmen but also as an emigrant
from Alexandria herself.[[18]] Severus, who had been a protg of the old
emperor Anastasius, had to flee to Egypt, as did many other Monophysite
churchmen and monks: in fact, Alexandria became a crucible for the various
strands of Monophysite theology, and Severus' beliefs were rapidly challenged
there by radical sectarians who made him appear a relative moderate. Theodora
may have met Severus in Alexandria. She was still only a reformed actress, but her
encounter with Monophysite refugees had important results.

She was soon in a better position to help. Severus' Chalcedonian successor in

Antioch, Paul 'the Jew' (519-21), undertook a cleansing of the churches and
monasteries of the Orient. The fragments of John of Ephesus' Ecclesiastical
History[[19]] supply a vivid record from the perspective of the persecuted. Monks
and nuns were driven from their monasteries and some had to spend their nights
like wild beasts wandering on the hillsides, enduring snow and winter rains in the
winter. Paul's tenure was short but his successor as patriarch, Euphrasius, was
moderate only by comparison. He perished in the earthquake which befell Antioch
in 526, and Monophysite tradition had no doubt that his death was not only
hideous, but appropriate. His successor, Ephraim of Amida, had been a military
officer, a former Magister Militum per Orientem, and he did not hesitate to use
military force.

During all this time Theodora's influence at court grew. But Justinian was not yet
emperor, and, dependent as he was on his nephew, Justinclearly did not want to be
hurried. In 526 Pope John visited Constantinople where he went through a
coronation ceremony with Justin, but not Justinian. But within a few
months, Justin's health was clearly failing, and on 1 April, 527, he
crowned Justinian as his co-emperor, and four months later, he died. The
Monophysites now had a sturdy friend at the center of power. Theodora did what
she could. When the monks of the monastery called 'Orientalium' at Edessa were
expelled in the dead of winter by their Chalcedonian bishop, they wandered from
place to place until they found refuge for between six and seven years at a
monastery called En-Hailaf, and then Theodora arranged for their return home.
Mare, the deposed metropolitan of Amida, and his clergy nearly perished in exile at
Petra until Theodora got permission from Justinian for them to go to Alexandria
and, when Mare died, it was Theodora who arranged for his bones to be returned to
Amida.[[20]]

Her influence in religious affairs reached its height in the early 530s. By 531, it was
clear even to a convinced orthodox theologian likeJustinian that Justin's harsh
measures against heresy had failed. In Antioch, the persecutions of the
Chalcedonian patriarch Ephraim had provoked a violent revolt.[[21]] At summer's
end, the persecution was suspended and eight Monophysite bishops were invited to
Constantinople. Early in the next year, the regime survived the 'Nika' revolt and
Theodora emerged from it with greater influence than before. When the bishops
arrived, accompanied by a mini-mob of not less than five hundred holy men,
[[22]] Theodora welcomed them and housed them in the Hormisdas Palace
adjoining the Great Palace which had been Justinian and Theodora's own dwelling
before they became emperor and empress. Theodora visited them every two or
three days, sometimes bringing Justinian with her, and the church of Saints Sergius
and Bacchus was built for Monophysite use.
In the spring of 532, while construction crews were repairing the devastation of the
'Nika' revolt in Constantinople, Justinian sponsored a three-day conference of
bishops in the Hormisdas Palace. Five bishops debated on each side. But the 'Tome'
of Leo proved the sticking-point. In the spring of the next year, Justinian published
his own confession of faith: a Chalcedonian-flavored declaration which managed to
avoid mention of the 'Tome' of Leo. Then Theodora and Justinian invited Severus
to the capital, and in the winter of 534-5, Severus came, though without
enthusiasm.[[23]] Upon his arrival, Theodora introduced him to the new patriarch
Anthimus, who had been appointed to the see of Constantinople upon the death of
Epiphanius in 535.Theodora may have known that Anthimus was not
unsympathetic to Monophysite views but, if so, she kept her information secret. As
far as anyone else knew, his orthodox credentials were impeccable.[[24]] Yet, when
Severus and Anthimus met, the latter was soon won over. In Rome, Pope John II
was not a hard-line prelate. A solution must have seemed just around the corner and
Theodora could take much of the credit for it.

Then suddenly it fell apart. In Egypt, Timothy III died, and Theodora enlisted the
help of Dioscoros the Augustal Prefect and Aristomachos the duke of Egypt to
facilitate the enthronement of a disciple of Severus, Theodosius, thereby
outmaneuvering her husband who had been plotting for a Catholic successor as
patriarch. But on the very day that Theodosius was installed, a violent uprising
organized by the extreme Monophysites, the Aphthartodocetists, drove him from
Alexandria and invested in his place the Aphthartodocetist archdeacon Gaianas,
who held the patriarchate for 103 days, until imperial troops, led by Narses, acting
under Theodora's orders with which Justinian acquiesced, replaced Theodosius on
his episcopal throne. Severus, whose theology Theodosius shared, now belonged to
the moderate Monophysite party, outnumbered in Egypt by the Aphthartodocetists
a.k.a. Julianists a.k.a Gaianists, who were disciples of Julian of Halicarnassus, an
erstwhile friend of Severus who had been his companion in exile, where he carried
Monophysite doctrine to the extreme that he claimed Christ's body was
incorruptible. Gaianas was consigned to exile in Sardinia but his theology swept
Egypt.

In Rome, Pope John II died and his successor Agapetus arrived in Constantinople
in 536 on a mission for the Ostrogothic king, Theodahad. Agapetus had a high card:
Belisarius' campaign to recover Italy from the Ostrogoths was just getting under
way and Justinian could not appear as an opponent of the Chalcedonians without
alienating the support and good will of the Italians. Shortly after his arrival on 1
March, Agapetus denounced Anthimus and on 13 March, Anthimus was deposed
and replaced by the solidly Chalcedonian Menas, director of the hospice of
Sampson. On 22 April, Agapetus died, but a synod presided over by Menas
excommunicated Anthimus, Severus and their followers and on 6 August, the
emperor confirmed the excommunication and directed that neither of the two
heretical prelates should live in any of the great cities of the empire; rather they
should dwell in isolation and the works of Severus should be burned. But with
Theodora's help, Severus returned safely to Egypt where he died in 538, and
Anthimus disappeared. After Theodora's death in 548, he was discovered living
quietly in the women's quarters of the palace which were Theodora's domain.

She soon received another patriarchal refugee, Theodosius I. Even with the help of
imperial troops, he could not hold his ground in Alexandria against the Julianists.
Word was brought to Theodora and she (according to the History of the Patriarchs
of the Coptic Church) "calmly, wisely and humbly, went in to the prince and
informed him of all that had happened, without his sanction, to Father Theodosius,
patriarch in the city of Alexandria," and Justinian gave Theodora the power to do
what was necessary. So an investigation was held into the disputed ordinations of
Theodosius and his Julianist rival, Gaianas, and Theodosius was vindicated. But for
all Justinian could do, Theodosius would not accept the creed of Chalcedon even
though Justinian brought him to Constantinople and argued the matter with him on
six occasions. So Justinian deposed him and exiled him together with 300
Monophysites to the fortress of Derkos in Thrace. Theodora soon came to his
rescue, however, and brought him back to the relative comfort of the Hormisdas
Palace where he lived under her protection, and after her death in 548,
under Justinian's, for on her deathbed Theodora had Justinian swear that he
would protect her little community of Monophysite refugees there, and he kept his
promise.

Pope Agapetus died in Constantinople before he could return to Italy. Theodora's

choice as his successor was a deacon who had accompanied Agapetus to
Constantinople, Vigilius, who had apparently intimated that he was prepared to be
more malleable. But the election was held before Vigilius could reach Rome, and
the new pope was the son of Pope Hormisdas, Silverius, who had the support of the
Ostrogothic king Theodahad. Events were moving rapidly in Italy: Belisarius,
leading an imperial invasion force, was advancing from the south, Naples fell, and
the Ostrogoths, disgusted with Theodahad's flaccid leadership, deposed him and
replaced him with Witigis. He decided that his best strategy would be to secure his
northern frontier against the Franks before he attended to the Byzantines, and he
evacuated Rome, having first received a loyalty oath from Silverius. Once the
Goths had departed, Silverius invited the Byzantine forces into the city. That might
have given him some claim for consideration. But for Theodora he was only an
impediment to her theological strategy.

Procopius (Wars 5.25. 13-14) mentions briefly that Belisarius deposed Silverius
under suspicion of treason and sent him to Greece and theAnekdota (1.14) promises
to describe Theodora's skullduggery, but it is an unfulfilled promise. However,
the Liber Pontificalis describes how Silverius refused Theodora's demand that he
remove the anathema of Agapetus from Anthimus, and when he refused, she sent
Belisarius instructions to find a pretext to remove him. Belisarius and his wife
Antonina saw to it that Silverius was deposed, and Vigilius appointed in his stead.
Theodora now had her man on the papal throne but as it turned out, he was not
malleable enough.

The next incident in the saga of Justinian's continuing effort to find common
ground for the Chalcedonians and Monophysites was the 'Three Chapters' dispute.
It arose from an effort to clear the Chalcedonians of any suspicion of Nestorianism
by condemning the teaching of three long-dead theologians and it gave rise to a
protracted struggle which pitted the churches of Italy and Africa against
Constantinople. Ironically, for the Monophysites the dispute was largely irrelevant.
Vigilius waged an epic struggle with Justinian and eventually lost, but in the
process, the 'Three Chapters' incident revealed the gulf that was widening between
East and West. Vigilius was not an unyielding prelate but he knew that if he
compromised, Italy and Africa would disown him, which in fact, did happen when
he did, in the end, surrender. The pope in the sixth century was anything but an
absolute potentate in matters of faith. Theodora died while the dispute was still
raging. But before she died she made a last contribution to the growing schism in
Christendom.

In 541, al-Harith, the sheikh of the Ghassanid tribe of Saracens whose friendship
was important for the security of the south Syrian frontier, was in Constantinople
on other business and took the opportunity to approach Theodora with a request for
bishops. Imperial prestige in the east was low at this point. Only the year before,
the Persians had sacked Antioch. With Theodora's blessing, Theodosius, who from
his refuge in the Hormisdas Palace was now recognized as the spiritual leader of
the Monophysites, ordained two monks as nomadic bishops. Nominally Jacob
Baradaeus was metropolitan of Edessa and Theodore was metropolitan of Bostra
but neither resided in their episcopal seats where they might have been vulnerable
to arrest. Instead they moved from camp to camp, in the countryside beyond the
reach of the Chalcedonian hierarchy.

Theodosius himself had been reluctant to ordain Monophysite bishops for he was
well aware that, with the establishment of a separate Monophysite hierarchy,
Christendom would be permanently split in two. That would strike at the heart of
imperial unity, and the moderate Monophysites were still steadfastly loyal. But
Jacob Baradaeus had no such scruples. His Life, attributed to John of Ephesus,
relates how he came to Constantinople, and met Theodora who had already seen
him in a dream and was given a dwelling by her where he met a large number of
the faithful, among them the Ghassanid sheikh, al-Harith. Once he was consecrated
bishop at al-Harith's request, he secretly secured permission from Theodosius to
ordain priests and the Life[[25]] says with some exaggeration that he ordained
100,000. Justiniantried to arrest him but he was never caught and in the end, he
gave up. Baradaeus has a good claim to be the founder of the Monophysite church.

The final result of Theodora's policy on theological matters was separatist. The split
between Chalcedonian and Monophysite doctrines was probably insoluble, for
behind both were popular forces which could not be controlled by theological
formulas. The 'Tome' of Pope Leo, which was the core of the Chalcedonian Creed,
was a reef on which all formulas would founder, for the Catholics would not accept
any amendment to it, whereas even the most moderate Monophysite had come to
regard it as an evil doctrine. One could argue, as the Chalcedonians did, that
Theodora fostered heresy and thus undermined the unity of Christendom. But it
would be equally fair to say that it was the non-negotiable position taken by Rome
that undermined unity, and that Theodora's championship of the Monophysites
delayed the alienation of the eastern church, and might have postponed it
indefinitely but for external events she could not control or foresee.

Yet, one incident shows how far Theodora could go to thwart her husband on
religious matters. The Nobadae south of Egypt were converted to Monophysite
Christianity about 540. Justinian had been determined that they be converted to the
Chalcedonian faith and Theodora equally determined that they should be
Monophysites. So Justinian made arrangements for Chalcedonian missionaries
from the Thebaid should go with presents to Silko the king of the Nobadae. But on
hearing this, Theodora prepared her own missionaries and wrote to the duke of the
Thebaid that he should delay her husband's embassy so that the Monophysite
missionaries should arrive first; otherwise he would pay for it with his life. The
duke was canny enough not to thwart Theodora and thus he saw to it that the
Chalcedonian missionaries were delayed, and when they reached Silko, they were
sent away, for the Nobadae had already adopted the creed of Theodosius.[[26]]

At the end of his life Justinian converted to Monophysitism himself, and he did
not choose the moderate Monophysitism of Theodosius who still lived in the
Hormisdas Palace, but the extreme form taught by Julian of Halicarnassus.
Theodora was by then long dead. She had died of cancer in 548 and though it has
been argued that the sole source for her illness, Victor of Tonnena, may not use the
word "cancer" in its modern medical sense, yet cancer, possibly breast cancer,
seems to be best guess. Perhaps Theodora's long discussions and debates with her
husband (both were no mean theologians) on the nature of the Trinity had, in the
end, convinced Justinian. She was a remarkable woman who left her mark on her
age. How she should be ranked for statecraft remains an open question.

Bibliography:

Bridge, Anthony, Theodora. Portrait in a Byzantine Landscape. London, 1978.

Browning, Robert, Justinian and Theodora. 2nd ed., London, 1987.

Capizzi, Carmelo, Giustiniano I tra politica e religione. Messina, 1994.

Diehl, Ch., Thodora, impratrice de Byzance, Paris, 1904.

Evans, J. A. S., 'The "Nika" rebellion and the Empress Theodora," Byzantion, 47
(1977), 380-382.

________. The Age of Justinian: The Circumstances of Imperial Power. London,

1996.

Holmes, W. G. The Age of Justinian and Theodora, 2 vols. London, 1912.

Sophia (Wife of Justin II)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Justin II and Sophia

Introduction

Sophia, wife of Justin II (565-578), was the niece of Theodora, presumably being
the daughter of one of Theodora's sisters.[[1]] Since we hear nothing of the career
of Theodora's younger sister Anastasia, Sophia may well have been the daughter
of Comito, the elder sister, who in 528 made a prestigious marriage
with Justinian's general Sittas.[[2]] True to her policy of promoting the interests of
her family whenever possible, Theodora ensured that her niece Sophia was
married to Justinian's nephew Justin, the son of Justinian's sister Vigilantia, and it
was perhaps not coincidental that it was Justin and Sophia who
succeeded Justinian at his death on November 14, 565, for during her
lifetime Theodora clearly favoured as Justinian's successor Justin over his
cousin, the son of Germanus and also named Justin. Sophia was a worthy successor
to her aunt. From the time of her accession, she emerges as a powerful and
influential empress, who believed that she had inherited the right to power.
According to the monophysite bishop, John of Ephesus, Sophia attributed her
husband's madness to his failure to appreciate her status sufficiently: "The kingdom
came through me, and it has come back to me: and as for him, he is chastised, and
has fallen into this trial on my account, because he did not value me sufficiently,
and vexed me."[[3]] Such was the force of her personality that, even as empress-
consort, her role in government was publicly recognised, unlike that of her
aunt Theodora, while the fact that her husband was to suffer from dementia
resulted in Sophia's having unparalleled influence over both government and the
succession.

Sources

Sources for the reign of Justin II and Sophia are in general unfavourable, not least
because the imperial couple instituted a persecution of monophysites throughout
the empire (monophysites were considered heretics, in as much as they believed
that Christ had only one nature, and that divine). John of Ephesus, one of our main
sources, was himself imprisoned as part of their campaign to impose orthodoxy,
[[4]] and his portrait of Sophia shows an empress who was both arrogant and
domineering. His unflattering picture of the imperial pair is supplemented by that
of Evagrius, who stresses avarice as a characteristic feature of the reign.[[5]] In
contrast the lengthy laudatory poem of Corippus, In laudem Iustini Minoris (In
Praise of Justin the Younger) written shortly after their accession, was specifically
intended to flatter the couple, and pays marked reverence to Sophia. Indeed, it
appears from Corippus that Sophia herself was his source for events which took
place behind the scenes.[[6]]

Sophia's role as empress-consort

On her accession Sophia already had a married daughter, Arabia, and it can be
assumed that Sophia herself was therefore born no later than 535 and must have
been married and Arabia born by 550. In fact, it is probable that her marriage took
place before Theodora's death in June 548, and she was probably born c. 530.
According to Theophanes, she had also had a son, Justus, who had died prior to
565.[[7]]Under Justinian, Justin had held the prestigious post of curopalates, the
major-domo of the imperial palace responsible for its organisation and construction
work, and Arabia's husband, Badouarios, was to succeed Justin in this influential
position.[[8]] Sophia appears to have played an important part in helping to
orchestrate Justin's accession to the throne, for Justinian had nominated no
successor. Justin had the advantage over his cousin of being on the spot, and with
the senate's backing he was secretely acclaimed in the palace on 14 November 565
before his accession was proclaimed to the people and factions.[[9]] The
acclamations of the people treated the couple as a pair, the "two lights of the
world", according to Corippus,[[10]] and Sophia appears to have been the dominant
partner at their accession. In Corippus' poem, the first three books of which were
probably written in 566, Sophia is invoked as queen of all, who protects the world
("summa regens Sapientia protegis orbem"), the appeal to her preceding one to the
Theotokos, the "Mother of God", and as "divine and propitious empress, holy and
venerable name, immortal good, the Wisdom (Sapientia) of our tongue".
[[11]] Sophia in Greek means "wisdom" and Corippus frequently translates her
name as "Sapientia", the Latin equivalent. In Justin's accession speech made in the
palace, as presented by Corippus, she is linked indelibly with him: "this holy head
Wisdom (ie, Sophia) is made the consort, to rule with me together in honour the
world entrusted to me, sitting in the same place".[[12]] Sophia is shown as having
organised the funerary arrangements atJustinian's death and as having woven a
sumptuous shroud for him, decorated with scenes of triumph from his reign.
[[13]] Corippus even pretends that Justinian had prophetically named St Sophia in
her honour, though the church had had this name since its original foundation, and
points out that Theodora was ruling at the time the church was rebuilt, thus giving
Sophia a dynastic claim to the throne as well asJustin.[[14]]

Justin's accession was supposedly predicted by both the patriarch of the time, John
of Sirimis (otherwise known as John Scholastikos), and the ex-patriarch Eutychius,
who had been exiled by Justinian in 565.[[15]] Nevertheless, Justin had a serious
rival in his second cousin, also called Justin, the son of Justinian's cousin
Germanus. Sophia ensured that this rival was soon dispatched. According to
Evagrius, he was initially welcomed in Constantinople, but was soon removed to
Alexandria and murdered; the Spanish chronicler John of Biclar, who was in
Constantinople at the time, ascribes this decision specifically to Sophia. In
Evagrius' account, the imperial couple are shown as sending for the head and
kicking it to indulge their "boiling spite".[[16]] In 568 the veteran general Narses
was recalled from Italy, and Sophia is said to have had a hand in this decision as
well. Paul the Deacon records that she was said to have sent Narses the message
that she would give him the job of assigning the duties of weaving to the girls in
the gynaikonitis (women's quarters), as a task more suited to a eunuch than
generalship, and that Narses was so afraid of the empress that he dared not return to
Constantinople.[[17]] Sophia was clearly a femme formidable who had the full
confidence of her husband, and it is not surprising that Justin crowned her
Augusta, an honour which had been denied Theodora.[[18]]

Sophia also showed a great concern with financial measures and treasury reserves.
There appears to have been general concern among financiers at the time of the
couple's accession. A conspiracy by leading senators Aitherios and Addaios in 566
may have been connected with dissatisfaction on the part of the financial
community, for Aitherios had been involved in the bankers' conspiracy of 562/3,
caused byJustinian's demands against wealthy financiers. Decisive action was
taken against the conspiracy and the two leaders were beheaded on the grounds that
they had attempted to poison Justin.[[19]] One of Justin's first actions was to
repay debts and cancel taxation arrears, as well as repaying loans,
which Justinian had demanded from the wealthy, from out of his private resources.
[[20]] In Theophanes's account it is Sophia who summons the bankers and money-
lenders and orders that the financial records of contracts and receipts be produced.
She then reads the receipts, hands them over to the debtors and repays the amounts
owed.[[21]] Theophanes places this in the wrong year, but it is clear that his source
portrayed Sophia as the instigator of financial measures after Justin's accession. In
general, and despite Justin'sdistribution of largesse at his reestablishment of the
consulship (which had lapsed since 541),[[22]] the imperial couple's priority was to
restock the treasury, exhausted during Justinian's reign, though the accumulation
of large reserves was attributed to avarice on their part.[[23]] Sophia was to show a
deep concern with imperial spending and treasury reserves during the reign of her
protege Tiberius and accused him of denuding the treasury of money which she
had taken pains to accumulate.

Sophia and the face of power

The keynote to Sophia's perception of her status is struck by her adoption of the
official title Aelia, the title given to empresses of the Theodosian house and their
successors Verina, Ariadne and Zenonis, and which Euphemia and Theodora had
dropped. Sophia was also the first empress whose portrait was shown on coins
alongside that of the emperor, and was depicted from the first year of Justin's reign
on the folleis, copper coins used in the day-to-day transactions of the empire.
Like Justin she was shown enthroned, in full imperial dress, holding a sceptre and
with a nimbus, denoting her imperial status; on coins minted at Carthage her name
was even added to that of Justin.[[24]] Other Byzantine empresses had appeared on
the coinage -- notably Helena, Fausta, Pulcheria and Licinia Eudoxia -- but
Sophia's collegial status, vis--vis Justin, was shown by her appearance alongside
him as emperor with equally royal insignia. Justin's dependence on Sophia, and his
desire to flatter her, is also shown by the fact that he rebuilt the harbour of Julian
and named it after her (the Sophia), and called two new palaces after his wife, the
Sophiae near the harbour of Julian, built before their accession, and the Sophianae
across the Bosporus, probably built shortly afterwards.[[25]] Theophanes also
claims that Justin restored the public bath of the Taurus and named it Sophianae
after Sophia.[[26]] The couple were also depicted in statuary in the capital; John of
Ephesus mentions two bronze statues of Justin and Sophia,[[27]] while two groups
of statues featured Sophia with, in one case, Justin, Arabia and
Vigilantia, Justin's mother, and in the other, Arabia and Sophia's niece Helena.
[[28]] The couple maintained a high profile in the capital through their building
program, and epigrams celebrating their dedications speak of Justin and Sophia as
a pair,[[29]] while they also promoted their philanthropic image by the construction
and repair of many of the capital's churches and commissioned a new throne-room
in the palace, known as theChrysotriklinos, or golden chamber.[[30]]

Justin and Sophia also took pains to broadcast their collegiality and religious
orthodoxy overseas, by presenting a relic of the True Cross to St Radegund in Gaul
and making a gift of a superbly enamelled cross, the "Vatican Cross", to Rome in
both their names, which bore a portrait of both Justin and Sophia on its two arms
and contained another relic of the True Cross.[[31]] The gift to Radegund gave rise
to the composition by Venantius Fortunatus of two hymns and a poem, in which
Sophia is called the new Helena and which suggests that the relic was sent on
Sophia's initiative.[[32]]

Sophia and religious orthodoxy

In their earlier years, Sophia and Justin, like so many of Theodora's family, were
seen as inclining towards the monophysite heresy, and John of Ephesus depicts
Sophia as a champion of monophysitism until the 560s, when she found it politic to
adopt an orthodox stance in religion. According to John, a monophysite presbyter
named Andrew used to administer the communion to Sophia and all her household,
while Justin was thought to take the monophysite communion more covertly:
Sophia would ask Andrew to place one "pearl" or piece of consecrated bread upon
the patten under the cloth, and it was supposed that Justin later took it in secret.
[[33]] In the later history of the monophysite Michael the Syrian Sophia is shown
as maintaining the faith even after her accession,[[34]] though it is clear that, in
order to gain Justinian's approbation and the possible designation of Justin as his
official successor, she found it expedient to adopt orthodoxy in the early 560s:
Theodore bishop of Caesarea is said to have warned her that Justinian was
unwilling to see power pass into the hands of one who was not committed to
orthodoxy,[[35]] though, as it happened, Justinian was by this point still not
willing to nominate an heir. Perhaps he was not convinced by her change of faith.

In fact Sophia may well have retained monophysite leanings. Despite her
conversion to orthodoxy, and Justin's deep commitment to church unity, the couple
remained on good terms with at least one member of Theodora's family, her
grandson, the wealthy ultra-monophysite monk Athanasios, who actually made the
couple his main heirs.[[36]] It may therefore be conjectured that Sophia's
conversion was a matter of policy, rather than inner conviction, and it should be
noted that in his eulogy of the couple Corippus included a prayer to Mary spoken as
if by Sophia which stressed the divine nature of Christ, and which would have
caused no problems for a monophysite.[[37]] On the other hand, like Justin,
Sophia was personally concerned in the persecution of monophysite believers later
in their reign, as a result of the couple's preoccupation with the need to unite
conflicting religious groups, and both Justin and Sophia clearly felt the need to
prove their unexceptionable orthodoxy to the empire at large.

Until the early 570s Justin and Sophia seem to have aimed at a working
compromise with the monophysites and at reconciling schismatic monophysite
groups with each other, as they attempted to do, unsuccessfully, in Egypt.
[[38]] After attempts at conciliation had failed, Justintried in another edict,
probably in 571/2, to reconcile religious differences.[[39]] Monophysite leaders,
who felt that they had been enticed into agreeing to church union on false
pretences, only intensified their resistance at this point,[[40]] and Justin and
Sophia's attempt to conciliate recalcitrant bishops met again with failure: John of
Ephesus records them as saying, "Cheer up, and be comforted: for we purpose in
God to content you, and unite you to us in perfect unity."[[41]] But repeated failure
led to anger on the part of the imperial couple and intensive persecution of
monophysite monks, nuns, and clergy resulted.[[42]] In the 570s Justin and Sophia
are seen as personally visiting monophysite monasteries and offering gifts in
attempts to persuade monks to convert to orthodoxy:
"the following day [after the patriarch's visit] the king visited the monasteries in person; and
the next day the queen in like manner, offering each of them gifts, and restoring such monks
as either had, or were ready to make their submissions. But such as resisted were exiled, or
sent into close confinement, or made over without mercy to the praetorian guards to
torture..."[[43]] Members of Sophia's own family were targeted in the persecution, including
Georgia and Antipatra, the wife and mother-in-law of John, one of Theodora's grandsons by
her illegitimate daughter, and John's name was also struck from the consular diptychs.[[44]]

Sophia in sole control

Following the recommencement of hostilities with Persia in 572, after Justin had refused to
pay an installment of tribute which was due, the Persians devastated Syria and captured
Dara. Justin had already been showing signs of madness, and with this news his dementia set
in in earnest. Sophia was forced to have bars fixed to the windows of his rooms, after he had
attempted to throw himself out, and despite lucid intervals Justin was totally unable to
continue in the role of emperor.[[45]]

Sophia herself was able to negotiate first a one-year and then a three-year truce with Persia,
[[46]] but under these circumstances it was natural that, like Ariadne at Zeno's death, she
should be consulted by the senate and asked to give her views on possible successors
toJustin. Although there were family members, including her son-in-law Badouarios, who
might have been suitable, Sophia fixed on Tiberius, leader of the excubitors (one of the corps
of imperial guards), whom Justin was persuaded to make his adopted son and heir in
December 574, and then in 578 joint emperor.[[47]] Sophia may have had plans to
marry Tiberius after Justin's death, and there were even rumours that she had taken him as
her lover,[[48]] though her main priority was that there should be no diminution of her status
as empress, andTiberius was made to swear that he would pay her every honour.[[49]] Sophia
maintained a strong interest in the treasury, even withTiberius as Caesar, scolding him for his
lavish expenditure and finally taking the keys of the treasury away from him.
[[50]] After Justin'sdeath, when Tiberius was sole emperor, she still rebuked him for his
lavish spending: "All that we by great industry and care have gathered and stored up, you are
scattering to the winds as with a fan", she is reported to have said after Tiberius had spent no
less than 7,200 pounds of gold,[[51]] and, according to Gregory of Tours, Sophia
told Tiberius more than once that he had reduced the state to poverty and was squandering
money that it had taken her years to accumulate.[[52]] Sophia can hardly have been pleased
with his reply: "What you collected by iniquity and plunder and rapine, I am doing my best
that not a fragment of it may remain in my palace," or with his remission of one-quarter of all
taxes and cancellation of the charge of 4 solidi imposed by Justin and Sophia on recipients of
the bread dole.[[53]]

The choice of Tiberius had a further snag, as far as Sophia's status was concerned -- he was
married. According to Theophanes, Sophia did not know that Tiberius was married until his
wife Ino arrived in Constantinople and was acclaimed, and was hoping to marry Tiberiusand
remain empress,[[54]] though it is hardly tenable that Tiberius' marriage was unknown. But
the fact that Tiberius had a wife meant that in matters of imperial rank and ceremonial Sophia
would have a rival. Sophia managed by simply ignoring Ino, and prevented her from entering
the palace during the four years that Tiberius was Caesar, even ignoring Justin's appeals on
the subject. John of Ephesus records her as saying to Justin: "Fool, do you wish me to make
myself as great a simpleton as yourself? You! who have invested your slave with the insignia
of sovereignty!" And then she vowed with oaths, "I, as long as I live, will never give my
kingdom and my crown to another, nor shall another enter here as long as I am
alive."[[55]] Tiberius' wife and two daughters therefore lived in the neighbouring Hormisdas
palace and Sophia even refused to let the noble ladies of the court pay their respects to the
Caesar's wife. So embarrassed was Ino at the situation, and perhaps fearing at the same time
some attempt on her life by Sophia, that she actually left Constantinople.[[56]]

Sophia may have hoped that Tiberius would divorce Ino and marry her and proposals were
made to him through the patriarch Eutychius, on Justin's death in October 578, that he should
rid himself of Ino and marry Sophia or her daughter Arabia.[[57]] Tiberius refused, and
instead invited Sophia to consider herself as his mother and permitted her to remain in the
palace. That Tiberius and Ino feared that Sophia may have had designs on Ino's safety is
shown by the way that Ino was smuggled in a small boat into the capital and palace and
proclaimed empress without Sophia's knowledge.[[59]]

While Tiberius was prepared to maintain Sophia's imperial status, she seems to have been
dissatisfied with the situation. According to Gregory of Tours, Sophia was implicated in a plot
against Tiberius in favour of Justin's distant cousin Justinian, as a result of which she was
deprived of her, doubtless extensive, property, and left only a small allowance, while her
servants were dismissed and others appointed.[[60]] Since Justinian was later taken into
favour, Tiberius apparently considered Sophia the main force behind the conspiracy, and
John of Ephesus states that she "set on foot plots without number against king Tiberius... in
bitter malice and wicked violence, being indignant at seeing him and his wife resident in the
palace, and invested with the royal authority; and herself now in her lifetime deprived of her
kingdom".[[61]] She continued to live in the palace, even after Tiberius had found that prior
to Justin's death she had removed several hundred pounds' worth of gold from there to her
own house, but despite this concession she was unhappy at her loss of status ("humiliated, and
reduced in rank, and deserted by all men") and the presence of a rival.[[62]] In fact, because
she showed no signs of leaving the state apartments, Tiberius was forced to remodel the
whole northern side of the palace, sacrificing a beautiful garden and other buildings to do so.
[[63]] Theophanes' account for the year 579/80 records that Sophia finally moved to the
palace of Sophiai (which had been built for her by Justin, not Tiberius as Theophanes
claims), and that she had her own cubicularii, and every other amenity, being honoured
asTiberius' mother.[[64]] However, a surviving chapter heading from a part of John of
Ephesus's Ecclesiastical History in which thirteen chapters have been lost in the manuscript is
devoted to the three queens who inhabited the imperial palace after Tiberius' death, which
suggests that Theophanes may have been mistaken about her removal.[[65]]

Significantly, as the senior empress, her influence was still paramount. Prior
to Tiberius' death in 582, it was Sophia who was consulted as to a possible successor, and her
recommendation of the general Maurice was adopted. If she planned to marry Maurice, as
Gregory of Tours states, she was outmanoeuvred, and Maurice chose Tiberius' daughter
Constantina.[[66]] Sophia's eventual end is not known, though she may have died prior to
Phokas' take-over in 602 as she is not mentioned in the context of his measures against the
imperial family. Certainly she was still alive in 601, and on good terms with the new empress
Constantina, for on March 26, 601 Sophia is shown as joining her in making an Easter present
of a stemma, or crown, to Maurice, which Maurice hung up above the altar in St Sophia, thus
offending both Augustas.[[67]]

In her love of imperial status and its public recognition, and in her overt wielding of power as
empress-consort, Sophia more than matched her aunt Theodora. Her legitimising factor in the
succession was fully recognised: she was able to appoint two successors to her husband, and
retained an interest in government even after Justin's death, while as the dominant figure
in Justin's reign she was, if not the first, perhaps the most marked example of collegial rule in
Byzantium.

Bibliography:

Bellinger, A.R.Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in
the Whittemore Collection, vol. I: Anastasius to Maurice 491-602 Washington DC:
Dumbarton Oaks, 1966.

Brennan, B."Venantius Fortunatus: Byzantine Agent?", Byzantion 65 (1995), esp. 12-13.

Cameron, Averil. "The Artistic Patronage of Justin II," Byzantion 50 (1980), pp. 62-84.

________. "The Byzantine Sources of Gregory of Tours," Journal of Theological Studies 26

(1975), 421-26.

________. "The Empress Sophia," Byzantion 45 (1975), pp. 5-21.

________."An Emperor's Abdication," Byzantinoslavica 37 (1986), 161-67.

________. "Images of Authority: Elites and Icons in Late Sixth-Century Byzantium," Past &
Present 84 (1979), 17.

________. "Notes on the Sophiae, the Sophianae, and the Harbour of Sophia," Byzantion 37
(1968), 11-20.

Garland, Lynda. Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527-

1204. London: Routledge, 1999, pp. 40-57.

Ino (Anastasia) (Wife of Tiberius II Constantine)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

As the emperor Justin II deteriorated into dementia in 574 it became obvious that a
colleague would have to be appointed to fulfil the duties of government. The
empress, Sophia, was consulted, and her choice fell on Tiberius, leader of
the excubitors (an elite corps of palace guards). Tiberius was accordingly adopted
by Justin and given the title Caesar on 7 December 574.

Tiberius had long been married to Ino, a lady already well into middle-age, for she
had been a widow, and had had a daugher of marriageable age, prior to her
marriage to Tiberius. Tiberius had initially been betrothed to this daughter by this
first marriage, but on his fiance's death Tiberius instead married Ino herself, now a
widow, and they had had three children, (two daughters) Charito and Constantina,
[[1]] as well as a third child who had presumably died.[[2]]

Ino's four years as Caesarissa, the second-ranking lady in the empire after the
empress, were frustrating. Sophia refused to let her enter the imperial palace, even
ignoring her own husband Justin's request that Tiberius's wife should be allowed
to live with him, and Ino and her daughters were forced to live in the neighbouring
palace of Hormisdas, with Tiberius visiting them only in the evenings, and
returning to the palace early in the morning.[[3]] According to John of Ephesos, a
good friend of Tiberius' and hence an invaluable inside source,[[4]]Sophia even
refused to let the ladies of the court visit Ino to pay her their respects and scolded
them when they suggested it. Neglected, and unable to play her proper part in
imperial ceremonial, Ino also feared for her life, and she left Constantinople for
Daphnudium, where she had lived with her previous husband. Tiberius even had to
commute from Constantinople to see her when she fell ill.[[5]] According to
Theophanes, perhaps not the most reliable source on this period, Sophia when
choosing Tiberius as her husband's colleague, had been unaware of Ino's existence,
and her refusal to grant Ino any recognition was due to chagrin.[[6]]

When, however, Justin died in October 578, proposals were made to Tiberius,
who had been crowned co-emperor nine days previously, 'both through another
person' and through the patriarch Eutychius,[[7]] that he should divorce Ino and
marry Sophia or her daughter Arabia, now a widow.[[8]] To his
credit, Tiberius refused to comply: "Will it please God, as well as you," he was
said to have replied, "for me to leave my wife, by whom I have had three children,
and who took me to share all she had when I had nothing? and now that God has
raised me to power, am I to leave her and take another?"[[9]] Sophia reluctantly
allowed Ino to return to Constantinople as empress, but that her good-will was
doubted is shown by the fact that Ino avoided the official escort that was sent to
meet her, consisting of the commander of the praetorian guard, a large number of
men of senatorial rank, and a great retinue. She informed them that they would start
in the morning, but left at midnight to slip into Constantinople with only her
children and one boatman. On her arrival, Tiberius arranged for her to be met by
the senate and patriarch in the palace and she was invested immediately with the
royal insignia, after which she proceeded in a covered litter to St Sophia, and was
acclaimed by the factions of Blues and Greens. After a contest as to the most
desirable name for her to adopt (the Greens wanted her to be called Helena) the
Blues won the day and she was saluted as empress by the suitable imperial name of
Anastasia.[[10]]

Perhaps due to Sophia's opposition, Tiberius made sure that Ino, now Anastasia,
was given the same public recognition as her predecessor. Like Sophia and Justin,
Ino appeared with Tiberius on the coinage as early as 578/9, with Ino enthroned
beside Tiberius, carrying a sceptre and depicted with a nimbus, in the manner
which Sophia herself had inaugurated.[[11]] But this coinage was minted at
Thessalonica, and that from the capital features Tiberius alone. Ino's life can not
have been easy: Sophia refused to move to more suitable quarters in the imperial
palace, and Tiberius had to remodel the entire northern side for his own use, his
extensions including a bath, necessary offices, and stabling for his horses.[[12]]

We know little of Ino's religious convictions, though she was presumably not a
monophysite. A chapter heading from a part of John of Ephesus's Ecclesiastical
History now lost describes her hostility to the "orthodox", due to her lack of
knowledge of the true nature of their beliefs.[[13]]

While it was Sophia who was consulted prior to the death of Tiberius (supposedly
due to eating mulberries which had spoiled) and was responsible for the choice of
the general Maurice as his successor, Tiberius saw to it that Maurice married
not Sophia but his own daughter Constantina. At the same time, according to
Theophanes, his other daughter Charito was married to the general Germanus, and
both Maurice and Germanus were given the rank of Caesar.[[14]] Tiberius' wife
and daughters were thus provided for and there were now three empresses in the
palace, for Ino continued in the imperial palace with Sophia and with her daughter
Constantina. She died in 594 and was buried beside her husband.[[15]]

Bibliography

Bellinger, A.R.Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks

Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. I: Anastasius to Maurice 491-
602 Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1966.

P. Grierson, "The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-

1042)," DOP 16 (1962) 3-60.

Constantina (Wife of the Emperor Maurice)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, New South Wales

Maurice and Constantina

Constantina, one of the three children of the emperor Tiberius Constantine and his
wife Ino (Anastasia), was chosen by her father, as he lay dying, to marry the
general Maurice. This betrothal took place in August 582. With her mother and
sister Charito, she had slipped into the capital by boat on her father's accession as
sole emperor in October 578, to avoid possible threats from the dowager
empress Sophia, whose husband Justin had finally died after several years of
dementia.[[1]] After four years of experiencing imperial status, the family
ofTiberius was again threatened by Sophia's appointment
of Maurice as Tiberius's successor. Tiberius circumvented this by orchestrating
his daughters' marriages, Constantina to Maurice, and Charito to the general
Germanus, governor of Africa, with both his sons-in-law-elect being given the rank
of Caesar.[[2]] Constantina's role in the transfer of power was specifically
recognised by Evagrius who, in recording the betrothal of Maurice and
Constantina, speaks of the empire as being her dowry.[[3]] The two girls were
relatively young at their marriage, for Tiberius speaks of their 'immature youth' in
his speech prior to Maurice's proclamation as emperor.[[4]] According to John of
Ephesus, Tiberius gave his daughter the name Constantina as a coronation name,
in which case we do not know her baptismal name; presumably, like the names of
her mother Ino and her sister Charito, it may have had 'hellenic', i.e., pagan,
overtones, and thus been unsuitable nomenclature for an empress.[[5]]

Maurice and Constantina succeeded Tiberius at his death on 14 August 582, and
were married by the patriarch John Nesteutes with due pomp later in the autumn:

"The royal bridal chamber had been magnificently arrayed within the circuit of the
first great precinct of the palace, adorned with gold and princely stones, and
furthermore empurpled with crimson hangings of priceless deep-tinged Tyrian dye.
The daughter of Tiberius, the virgin bride, preceded the emperor to the bridal
throne, as though in hiding, shortly to be seen by the people when the fine curtains
were suddenly thrown apart as if at an agreed signal. At once the emperor arrived at
the bridal chamber, magnificently escorted by many white-robed men. And so he
entered within the lofty curtains to escort the queen to the presence of the onlookers
and to embrace her. The emperor's bridal attendant was present; this man was an
imperial eunuch, Margarites by name, a distinguished man in the royal household.
The queen rose from her throne to honour her bridegroom the emperor, while the
factions chanted the bridal hymn. In full view of the people the bride's attendant
saluted the bridal pair with a cup, for it was not right to put on crowns, since they
were not in fact private individuals who were being married: for this action had
already been anticipated by their royal title."[[6]]

The wedding celebrations lasted for seven days and the citizens were entertained
with displays of wealth and the music of flutes, lyres and pipes, conjurors, mimes,
and chariot-races.[[7]] The acclamations, which greeted the couple at their
marriage, have been preserved, and speak of God blessing their marriage, '...Who
once in Cana attended the marriage/ And there blessed the water in his love for
men/ And changed it into wine for the enjoyment of men;/ So He, God, will give
you children, born in the purple.'[[8]]

Constantina was depicted on the copper coinage of Maurice's reign, though not on
that minted in Constantinople. She is shown both seated beside him on a double
throne and standing holding a long cruciform sceptre.[[9]] Maurice also had
statues of himself, Constantina, and their children placed on the Chalce facade of
the palace, above the famous icon of Christ.[[10]] Constantina's status as empress,
and that of imperial women in general, is shown by the fact that Pope Gregory
maintained contact with both her and Maurice's widowed sister Theoctiste.[[11]]

Constantina had to share the rank of empress and the imperial palace with two
predecessors, her mother Ino, and the redoubtable Sophia, widow of Justin II, and
John of Ephesus devoted a chapter (now lost) of his Ecclesiastical History to the
three empresses who inhabited the palace,[[12]] although the Patria speaks
of Maurice as repairing the old palace of Sophiae as a residence for his mother-in-
law.[[13]]While relations between Sophia and Ino may have been
strained, Sophia seems to have been on good terms with Constantina: on Easter
Sunday (26 March) 601 they are recorded as having given a precious crown
to Maurice, which caused friction between them and the
emperor. Maurice apparently took one look at it and then had it hung above the
altar of St Sophia by a triple chain of gold and precious stones. When the empresses
heard of this they were greatly upset and they celebrated Easter in conflict with the
emperor.[[14]] It may have been this crown which was supposedly coveted by Leo
IV, and which caused him to break out into a carbuncle which caused a fever and
early death; the crown was returned to the church after his death by his widow, the
empress Irene.[[15]] The rift between Maurice and Constantina may have been
connected with the popular discontent being evinced with Maurice's government
at the time. Not long afterwards Maurice and his eldest son were nearly killed in a
popular riot, while early in 602, following severe food shortages, Mauricewas
made the subject of a diapompeusis, or parade of infamy, in the capital.[[16]]

Constantina was a prolific wife, giving birth to nine children, the eldest of whom,
Theodosius, was born on 4 August 583. According to John of Ephesus, he was the
only heir to the throne who had been born to a ruling emperor since the birth
of Theodosius II, after whom he was named.[[17]] Theodosius was followed by
five boys, Tiberius, Peter, Paul, Justin and Justinian, and three girls, Anastasia
(named after her grandmother), Theoctiste (named after Maurice's sister) and
Cleopatra.[[18]] To have such a number of surviving children was unusual,
and Maurice's procreative proclivities were made the subject of popular ridicule.
Following the riot in which he was nearly killed, the people (presumably the
factions, in particular the Greens) dressed up a man who looked like Maurice in a
black cloak and crown of garlic, and paraded him before the populace on a donkey,
to the accompanying vernacular chant in 'political', ie, 15-syllable, verse:
"He found his heifer tender and soft,| and he fucked her like the proverbial young
cock,|and fathered children like chips off the block. |Now no one dares speak; he's
muzzled us all.| My holy Lord, my holy Lord, fearful and mighty,| let him have it
on the head to stop his conceit,| and I'll bring you the great bull in
thanksgiving."[[19]]

In November 602 Maurice was overthrown by Phocas. On the night of 22

November, facing mutiny by the Green faction, Mauricedonned civilian dress and,
with Constantina and their children, fled the capital on board a warship. The army
crowned Phocas the following day. After weathering a storm at sea, Maurice and
his family landed at St Autonomos, near Praenetus some 45 miles from the capital,
but were detained there by Maurice's arthritis. They were captured and brought to
the harbour of Eutropius at Chalcedon, where on 27 November the five younger
boys were put to death, followed by the emperor. Maurice's sister Gordia gathered
their remains for burial and had them interred, not in the Holy Apostles but in the
monastery of St Mamas, or Nea Metanoia, which Gordia herself had founded.[[20]]

In the following year Constantina and her three daughters were confined in a
monastic institution, called 'the house of Leo', apparently the monastery of St
Mamas.[[21]] In 605, according to Theophanes, they escaped in the middle of the
night to St Sophia, with the help of the palace eunuch Scholasticus. This was at the
instigation of the patrician Germanus, presumably Constantina's brother-in-law,
whose daughter had married her cousin, Theodosius, Maurice's eldest son. The
Greens, who were hostile to Germanus, reviled Constantina and were impervious to
bribery, and the patriarch Cyriacus eventually agreed to the removal of the women
from the church on the terms that they would not be harmed. Phocas then had them
confined again in a monastery, and Germanus was ordained a priest. However, in
this account of the events of 605, Theophanes' story is confused, and it is likely that
he has created a historical doublet and is renarrating their previous incarceration in
603. In any case, Constantina had clearly not given up her resistance
to Phocas's regime. In 605, she was certainly intriguing with Germanus, using her
serving maid Petronia as a go-between, and both had hopes that Constantina's
eldest son, Theodosius, was still alive. Petronia, however, betrayed her mistress,
and Phocas had Constantina delivered to Theopemptus, prefect of Constantinople,
to be tortured, and she confessed the complicity of the patrician Romanus. His
interrogation revealed the names of other conspirators. Romanus was beheaded,
and Constantina and her daughters, together with Germanus and his daughter, were
put to the sword at the jetty of Eutropius, where Maurice had been killed.[[23]]

Constantina was buried with Maurice in the monastery of St Mamas, her sister-in-
law's foundation.[[24]]

Bibliography:

Kaegi, W.E., Byzantine Military Unrest. Amsterdam, 1981.

Olster, D., The Politics of Usurpation, Amsterdam, 1993.

Stratos, A.N., Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vol. I. Amsterdam, 1968, esp. pp.
40-56, 70-71.

Whitby, M., The Emperor Maurice and his Historian. Oxford, 1988.

Leontia (Wife of the Emperor Phocas)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Phocas and Leontia

Leontia was the wife of the emperor Phocas, who was crowned by the army on 23
November 602, after the flight from the capital of the emperor Maurice and his
wife Constantina. According to the Chronicon Paschale Phocas entered the city on
25 November, and after chariot races and donatives to the soldiers, he had Leontia
escorted royally into the city and crowned Augusta. Theophanes dates this
coronation to 27 November, on the fifth day after Phocas's proclamation.[[1]] The
account of Theophylact Simacatta gives us valuable information about the
reception of a new empress at this period, and the way in which Leontia's arrival
sparked further conflict between the circus factions of the Blues and Greens:

"The tyrant (Phocas) also had a wife whose name was Leontia; he placed a royal
crown on her. Since it is customary for emperors to proclaim their consorts with
processions as well, the tyrant openly honoured the custom and decided to lead the
queen Leontia in triumph. On this day then, there was a conflict between the
factions about their station, since they contested the arrangement of places: for the
Greens wanted to take up station in the Ampelion, as it is called (this is a forecourt
of the emperor's dwelling), and to serenade the queen with the customary applause,
but the Blue faction objected, for they regarded this as contrary to custom and alien.
Accordingly, since very great commotion arose, the tyrant sent in Alexander to
quell the strife of the disputants".[[2]]
It was this factional disturbance, in which the Blues reminded Phocas that Maurice
was still alive, which persuaded Phocas that the former emperor had to be killed,
and the execution took place the same day.

Phocas and Leontia had one daughter, Domentzia, who was married, probably in
605, to the patrician general Priscus. The groom at least was more than middle-
aged, being approximately 60 years of age at the time.[[3]] This is our last
reference to Leontia in the sources, for we are told that the marriage took place with
great pomp in the Marina palace, a departure from tradition, and that during the
races following the wedding the factions placed statues both of the imperial
couple, Phocas and Leontia, and of the newly-weds in the Hippodrome, decked
with bay-leaves. The fact that this honour was also paid to the bride and groom
implied that Priscus was Phocas's heir or colleague andPhocas, in a temper,
ordered the statues of his daughter and new son-in-law to be
destroyed. Phocas's rages and brutality are clearly exaggerated by historians,
though he may not have been the easiest of men to live with: certainly, he was said
to have had an official mistress, Callinice, the daughter of a high-ranking official.
[[4]]

Leontia's imperial status was emphasised on the coinage. She appears on much of
the copper coinage of the East, on folleis and half-folleisfrom Constantinople
(unlike her predecessors Ino and Constantina), Thessalonica, Nicomedia, Cyzicus,
and Antioch, shown standing beside Phocas, crowned and nimbate, holding a
cruciform sceptre,[[5]] even though Leontia had not produced an heir to the throne.
The date of her death is not known, but she was presumably one of the family
members killed after Phocas's overthrow on 5 October 610.

Bibliography:

Kaegi, W.E., Byzantine Military Unrest. Amsterdam, 1981.

Olster, D., The Politics of Usurpation. Amsterdam, 1993.

Rsch, G., 'Der Aufstand der Herakleioi gegen Phokas (608-10) im Spiegel
numismatischer Quellen', Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik, 28 (1979),
51-62.

Stratos, A.N., Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vol. I. Amsterdam, 1968, pp. 57-
91.

Whitby, M., The Emperor Maurice and his Historian. Oxford, 1988.

Fabia (First Wife of Heraclius )

 Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Fabia, the daughter of Rogas, an African from Libya, was betrothed

to Heraclius prior to his accession. Apparently in preparation for his coup d' tat
she was present in Constantinople, together with Heraclius' mother Epiphania,
as Heraclius waited near the capital with his army in late September or early
October 610. Both women were imprisoned by Phocas in the monastery of Nea
Metanoia, "New Repentance," presumably in an effort to cow Heraclius by using
them as hostages as well as to prevent the women from working in their family's
interest. The Green faction, however, did not allow this to go unchallenged and they
released Fabia and Epiphania and took them toHeraclius on the island of
Calonymus from where Heraclius launched his assault on the
city. Phocas's resistance was unsuccessful andHeraclius and Fabia gained the
throne. Fabia's coronation as Augusta and marriage to Heraclius took place on the
day following their arrival, 5 October 610, immediately after Heraclius's
coronation, the marriage ceremony being performed by the Patriarch Sergius. The
details of Heraclius's coup vary markedly in the different accounts and only
Theophanes mentions the wedding.[[1]]

As empress Fabia took the name of Eudocia. Her reign, however, was short. Her
first child, Epiphania, was born on 7 July 611 in the suburban palace of Hiereia, on
the Asiatic shore south of Chalcedon. Epiphania was followed by a son, Heraclius
Constantine, after an interval of only 10 months. Once again the empress was
confined in a suburban palace, this time that of Sophianae on the Asiatic shore near
the city, on 3 May 612. Eudocia herself survived the birth, but died later that year
on 13 August, at the Blachernae palace. The Patriarch Nicephorus in his Short
History records that she died of epilepsy.[[2]]

Eudocia's body was conveyed to the palace by boat and her funeral procession on
the following day was marked by an incident which demonstrated the veneration
with which the imperial family was held by the populace at large. As her coffin was
being carried through the crowded streets, a foreign maidservant accidentally spat
out of an upstairs window, her spittle landing on the empress's robes as she lay in
the open coffin. The spectators seized the poor girl and burnt her to death in the
Forum Bovis, while her mistress promptly fled before she could suffer the same
fate.[[3]] Eudocia's popularity is shown not only by this incident, but by the way in
which Heraclius Constantine is referred to in the Ethiopic source of John of
Nikiu, as the son of Eudocia --as opposed to his step-brothers, the offspring of his
father's incestuous marriage to Martina.[[4]] Eudocia was buried in the Church of
the Holy Apostles, Justinian's foundation, in a shrine of Thessalian green
marble. Heraclius, despite his longstanding second marriage to his niece, was to be
buried next to her some thirty years later.[[5]] Despite her coronation as Augusta
Eudocia was not depicted on her husband's coinage, perhaps because she died
shortly after the birth of her son, the occasion which would normally be celebrated
by the empress's appearance on the coinage.

Bibliography

Haldon, J.F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge, 1990.

Olster, D. The Politics of Usurpation in the Seventh Century, Amsterdam, 1993.

Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vol. I. Amsterdam, 1968

Epiphania (daughter of Heraclius)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Epiphania was born to Heraclius and his first wife Fabia (who took the imperial
name Eudocia) in the suburban palace of Hieria on 7 July 611, nine months after
their marriage. She was baptised in the following month by the patriarch Sergius at
the feast of the Assumption of the Theotokos (15 August) at the palace of
Blachernae. Her name of Epiphania was clearly given in honour of her paternal
grandmother, who had been in Constantinople at the time of her son's coup and had
been imprisoned by Phocas in the monastery 'New Repentance' prior
toHeraclius' take-over.[[1]]

Epiphania's mother, the empress Eudocia, died in August 612, not long after the
birth of her son Heraclius Constantine. Since Heracliuswas the first of his line,
and Epiphania his eldest child (her brother Heraclius Constantine was only three
months of age at this point), there was need of an empress. Accordingly Epiphania
was crowned Augusta under the name of Eudocia (presumably in memory of her
mother) on 4 October of that year at the tender age of 15 months. The ceremony
took place in the Church of St Stephen in the Great Palace and was performed by
the patriarch. Afterwards, seated in a chariot and escorted, we are specifically told
by the Chronicon Paschale, by Philaretus the cubicularius and by Synetus the
majordomo (castrensis), she was taken to St Sophia to receive the acclamations of
the people. Her retinue, officials of the imperial bedchamber, and the ceremonial
thus followed the usual custom for the coronation of an empress.[[2]]

Like her younger brothers and sisters by her step-mother Martina, Epiphania
appears to have accompanied her father and stepmother on campaign. In 624, at
least, when Heraclius and Martina departed for the eastern front on his second
Persian campaign, Epiphania and her younger brother Heraclius Constantine were
with them, though the children only went as far as Nicomedia before returning to
the capital.[[3]]

During the exigencies of his Persian campaigns, Heraclius was in desperate need
of allies, and in 626 he suggested his daughter Epiphania as a suitable bride for the
Chazar commander Ziebel, who was second-in-rank after the Chazar Chagan: his
title was Jabgu-chagan. This was not the last example of a Byzantine-Chazar
marriage alliance: Justinian II was to marry the khagan's sister, and Constantine
Vmarried a Chazar princess, who took the name Irene. According to Theophanes,
Ziebel gave Heraclius 40,000 brave soldiers as allies for his advance on Chosroes.
[[4]] Nicephorus records a romantic version of events in which Heraclius met the
commander outside Tiflis and received his submission. Heraclius then placed his
own crown on the chagan's head, called him his son, and presented him with all the
utensils from the banquet he had given him, as well as an imperial garment and
pearl earrings. To ensure the chagan's loyalty, he then proceeded to offer him his
daughter, showing him a portrait of Eudocia, the 'Roman Augusta', whose beauty so
struck Ziebel that he immediately fell in love with her. His loyalty being assured, he
presented Heraclius with a multitude of fighting men and a commander.[[5]] This
policy was in line with Heraclius's betrothal of Theodosios, his second son
by Martina, to Nike daughter of the Persian Christian general Shahrvaraz, who
changed sides in 626: the marriage took place in 629/30 and Heraclius gave him
the Persian crown though his rule only lasted from April to June 630.[[6]]

At the same time as Theodosius's marriage to Nike, and Heraclius

Constantine's marriage to his cousin Gregoria (629/30), Eudocia was dispatched
to her new home in Chazaria, centred round the region of the lower Volga.
However, she was spared this relatively unsophisticated lifestyle and on the report
of the death of Ziebel Heraclius ordered her return. Nicephorus also records that c.
636 Cyrus, Patriarch of Alexandria, proposed that tribute should be paid to the
Arabs and that either the Augusta Eudocia or another of the emperor's daughters
should be offered in marriage to the Arab general 'Amr ibn al 'Asi to halt the Arab
advance. This account is rejected by historians of the Arabs, though it is partially
confirmed by the independent account of Theophanes.[[7]] Eudocia may have died
before the end of the decade: Mango notes that the acclamations recorded in
Constantine Porphyrogennitus's de ceremoniis for 4 January 639 name all the
imperial family apart from Eudocia, implying that she was no longer alive.[[8]]

There has been considerable discussion as to whether the empress represented

alongside Heraclius and his eldest son Heraclius Constantine on the bronze
coinage between 615/16 and 629 was Epiphania-Eudocia or Martina her step-
mother. The thesis that the empress depicted was Epiphania-Eudocia relies on the
supposition that Heraclius and Martina were not married until 623 or 624, and
fails to explain why Eudocia's representation did not appear until 615/16. It was
unprecedented for the daughter of a ruling emperor to appear on the coinage (the
first princesses so represented were the daughters of Theophilus in the ninth
century), while it was not unusual for an empress to be depicted, especially after the
birth of an heir. For Eudocia and not Martina to be so honoured after the latter's
marriage to the emperor would hardly have been tolerated by the
impassioned Heraclius, and that users of the coinage at least thought that the
empress depicted was the extremely unpopular Martina (and not Epiphania-
Eudocia) is shown by one coin in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, where the image
of the empress has been obliterated, apparently by hammering.[[9]]

Bibliography:

Chronicon Paschale [Easter Chronicle], tr. M. & M. Whitby, Liverpool: Liverpool

University Press, 1989.

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

W.E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, Cambridge, 1992.

________. Byzantine Military Unrest. Amsterdam, 1981.

C. Mango, 'Deux tudes sur Byzance et la Perse sassanide,' Travaux et Mmoires, 9

(1985), 91-117.

D. Olster, The Politics of Usurpation in the Seventh Century, Amsterdam, 1993

A.N. Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vols 1-2, Amsterdam: Hakkert,
1968-72.

M. Whittow, The Making of Orthodox Byzantium 600-1025, Basingstoke, 1996.

C. Zuckerman, 'La petite Augusta et le Turc: Epiphania-Eudocie sur les monnaies

d'Heraclius,' Revue Numismatique, 150 (1995), 113-26.

Martina (Second Wife of Heraclius)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Martina was to have the doubtful honour of being one of the most hated rulers of
any period in Byzantium, and of being probably the most detested empress of all
time. Her husband, the emperor Heraclius (610-41), had been married before. His
marriage to the extremely popular Fabia-Eudocia took place on the same day as
his coronation, 5 October 610, but she died of epilepsy in August 612, leaving a son
and a daughter.

Fabia was a hard act for any empress to follow. To make matters worse Martina,
who was considerably younger than Heraclius, was his niece, the daughter of his
sister Maria, by her first marriage to a certain Martinus. This incestuous
relationship went against all the rulings of the church,[[1]] and caused violent
reactions from both clergy and populace, which were to complicate
considerably Heraclius' reign and those of his sons Heraclius Constantine
(Constantine III) and Heraclonas.

Uncle and niece

The date at which the marriage and Martina's coronation as Augusta took place is
disputed: Theophanes places the marriage shortly after the death of Eudocia in
612/13,[[2]] though Nicephorus does not record it until after the Avar attack of 623.
[[3]] Heraclius' coinage between 615 and 629 has been used to support the
argument both ways. The marriage must have occurred before 615/6 if Martina is
the female figure who appears on the copper coinage with Heraclius and her
stepson from year six of the reign, though it has been suggested that this figure
is Epiphania-Eudocia, Heraclius' eldest daughter, who was crowned Augusta as a
baby.[[4]] This empress wears a crown adorned with pyramids and long pendilia,
and her position on the left of the coin shows her as taking rank after the
heir, Heraclius Constantine. While it is possible that such coins might have been
issued depicting Epiphania prior to Martina's marriage, it is highly unlikely that
coins representing not Martina but her young step-daughter would continue to be
issued once Martina became empress. It is therefore possible to use these coins as
evidence for the date of Martina's marriage and for her concern to underline her
own status as being equivalent to that of other empresses from Sophia, wife
of Justin II, on. That the populace at least thought that the figure on the coins was
Martina is shown by one example from the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, where the
empress' image has been obliterated, apparently by hammering.[[5]]

Despite his disapproval of the marriage, the Patriarch Sergius performed the
ceremony himself and crowned Martina in the Augustaeum after she was
proclaimed Augusta by Heraclius. According to Nicephorus, the patriarch
attempted to put pressure on Heraclius by writing to him and admonishing him to
repudiate Martina. In reply, the emperor excused himself: 'What you say is very
well. The obligation you owe me as high priest and friend you have already paid.
For the rest, the responsibility shall lie on me.'[[6]] The popular reaction too was
markedly unfavourable and news of the marriage was greeted in the hippodrome
with insults even by the Greens, Heraclius' favoured faction.[[7]]Members of the
imperial family also voiced their objections, with Heraclius' brother (and Martina's
uncle) Theodore continually criticisingHeraclius because of this relationship and
saying 'his sin is continually before him'. This insult was a double-edged one, not
only targetting the incestuous marriage but highlighting Martina's unconventional
habit of travelling with Heraclius and the army.[[8]]

Heraclius and Martina were clearly a very close couple: seldom apart, they had at
least ten children, though the names and order of these children are questions for
debate: they seem to have included Fabius, Theodosius, Constantine, Heraclius
(Heraclonas), David (Tiberius), Martinus or Marinus, Augustina, Anastasia and/or
Martina, and Febronia. Of these at least two were handicapped, which was seen as
punishment for the illegality of the marriage: Fabius, the eldest, had a paralysed
neck and the second, Theodosius, was a deaf-mute.[[9]]Even when pregnant
Martina accompanied Heraclius, and Heraclonas, perhaps her fourth child, was
born at Lazica in 626 whileHeraclius was on campaign against the Persians, and
was with him at Antioch (with a child), when the news was received of the serious
defeat by the Arabs at the river Yarmuk in August 636.[[10]]

Martina as empress-consort

Like many a step-mother Martina was concerned to secure some part of the
succession for her own children, and her relationship with the well-
liked Constantine, who had been co-emperor since 613, was a stormy one: she was
after all both his step-mother and his first cousin, which cannot have made matters
any easier. Heraclonas was the eldest of her children eligible for the throne
(deformity acted as a barrier), and in 632 at the age of six or thereabouts he was
proclaimed Caesar by his half-brother during Constantine's consulship, a sign that
he was next in line for the throne.[[11]]

A plot in 637 may have been influenced by her manoeuvres on behalf of her
children: the plotters included Heraclius' illegitimate son Atalarichus and his
nephew Theodore: the noses and hands of all conspirators were cut off, one of
Theodore's legs was also amputated, and they were exiled to Prinkipo.[[12]] One of
the consequences was that Martina's son Heraclonas (officially Heraclius II) was
crowned emperor in July 638, and his younger brother David made
Caesar: Heraclius also had his daughters Augustina and Anastasia pronounced
Augustae.[[13]] The situation was exacerbated because Constantine may already
have been suffering from ill-health, while the elder ofConstantine's two sons,
another Heraclius, was then only seven years of age. The political situation was
therefore tense and Martina's children were clearly in a position to make a move on
the throne in the event of anything happening to Constantine.

Mother and Empress

Early in 641 Heraclius made a will, not leaving the empire to Constantine his
eldest son as his undisputed successor, but providing for his
sons Constantine and Heraclonas (Constantine III and Heraclius II) to be
emperors of equal rank. Martina was to be honoured by them as 'mother and
empress'.[[14]] Constantine at this time was twenty-eight years of age with two
sons of his own, and yet had his fifteen-year old half-brother associated with him,
while Martina was clearly to have some authority in government, not just as a
regent figure but as a ruler in her own right. Heraclius was within his rights in
nominating two of his sons as co-rulers, but the decision was not a popular one, the
situation being complicated by the terminal illness suffered by Constantine. In the
event of Constantine's death the throne was now to pass to his half-brother by
Martina, and not his own two sons. As a result, strife within the capital, based on
the factions of the two emperors and popular hatred of Martina, continued to grow.

Heraclius died on 11 February 641 of dropsy. The incestuous nature of his

marriage was still not forgotten, and Nicephorus considersHeraclius' final illness
(in which his private parts turned around and discharged the urine in his face,
unless he placed a board against his abdomen) as punishment for his transgression
in marrying his niece.[[15]] After his three-day lying-in-state and burial in the
Church of the Holy Apostles, his will was made public by Martina herself in an
unheard-of show of authority by an empress. She summoned the patriarch Pyrrhus,
the senate and other dignitaries and called an assembly of the people in the
hippodrome to show them the testament of Heracliusand the provisions for herself
and Heraclius' sons. This took place in the absence
of Constantine and Heraclonas, for the populace's first reaction was to insist that
they be brought out. She proceded to demand, as empress, first place in the empire
(in other words to assume authority herself); the crowd in contrast made their
wishes for an emperor, Constantine in particular as senior emperor, very plain:
'You have the honour due to the mother of the emperors, but they that of our
emperors and lords.... Nor can you, O Lady, receive barbarians or other foreign
emissaries who come to the palace or converse with them. May God forbid that the
Roman State should come to such a pass!' And they came down from their seats
acclaiming the emperors. When Martina had heard these things, she withdrew to
her palace.[[16]]

This objection to her participation in government was in direct opposition to

Martina's own plans, and she was clearly unhappy at this turn in events, though not
without a further agenda. Heraclius had apparently before his death given Martina
a private sum of money, left in the care of the patriarch Pyrrhus for her protection
in case Constantine should evict her from the palace. This
money Constantine now forced Pyrrhus to disgorge, perhaps because the empire
was in such dire financial straits. His supporters feared action against him on the
part of Martina and Heraclonas, and the treasurer Philagrius advised him to write
to the army, informing them that he was dying and asking for their assistance in
protecting the rights of his children. He also sent a vast sum of money, more than
two million solidi (gold coins), to Valentinus, an adjutant of Philagrius, to distribute
to the soldiers to persuade them to secure the succession for his sons after his death.
[[17]]

As expected, Constantine was soon to die, after only ruling for 103 days,
according to Nicephorus. His death, probably from tuberculosis,[[18]] perhaps took
place on 24 May 641.[[19]] The belief that Martina had poisoned him was rampant,
and was later officially propagated by Constantine's son Heraclius (who ruled
as Constans II). The patriarch Pyrrhus is often mentioned as her accomplice.
Theophanes, for example, states: 'when Heraclius had died and his son Constantine
became emperor, Pyrrhus along with Martina killed him by poison.'[[20]]It is
unclear why Pyrrhus would have been involved, unless because he felt
that Constantine was not properly supportive of monotheletism, a doctrine
propounded (unsuccessfully) by Heraclius in an attempt to heal the breach between
orthodox and monophysites: Pyrrhus, appointed by Heraclius on Sergius' death in
638, was, like Martina, a fervent monothelete.

Martina's regency

Heraclonas, aged fifteen years, then succeeded to the throne, though the de
facto ruler was of course his mother Martina.[[21]] John of Nikiu records that the
entire clergy was opposed to the new regime, declaring, 'it is not fitting that one
derived from a reprobate seed should sit on the imperial throne: rather it is the sons
of Constantine, who was the son of Eudocia, that should bear sway over the
empire.'[[22]]Donatives were given to the army to ensure its loyalty,[[23]] and
unpopular punitive measures taken against Constantine's supporters, including the
treasurer Philagrius, who was tonsured (made a monk) and exiled. The monothelete
ecclesiastical policy was also revived, and Cyrus the monothelete bishop of
Alexandria was recalled from exile and sent back to Egypt.[[24]]

Martina's unpopularity -- with the clergy, the factions, the populace, the senate, and
the army -- now reached an all-time low. Valentinus Arshakuni, a general of
Armenian descent and Philagrius' adjutant, who had been appointed commander-in-
chief of the East byConstantine, now fired the soldiery against Martina and her
regime.[[25]] Following Constantine's instructions he distributed the money sent
by Philagrius and prevailed on the troops throughout the provinces to act against
Martina and her sons and ignore the empress' orders, as well as orchestrating a
march on Constantinople.[[26]] Martina and Heraclonas held the capital securely,
but Valentinus advanced as far as Chalcedon, where he remained, supposedly in
order to assist the interests of Constantine's children, though there were concerns
that he had designs on the throne on his own account.[[27]] In September 641, due
to pressure caused by the army's presence, the youngHeraclius, Constantine's son,
now aged ten, was crowned in St Sophia by Heraclonas and renamed Constantine
by the populace (as emperor he was known as Constans).[[28]] Rioting, however,
continued in the city and that same evening the mob, with 'Jews and other
unbelievers', broke into the sanctuary of St Sophia and attempted to assault the
patriarch Pyrrhus, unpopular because of his support of Martina. Pyrrhus resigned
his office on the following day, 29 September 641, according to Nicephorus, and
left for Carthage.[[29]] In an attempt to defuse the situation
further, Heraclonas and Martina came to an agreement with Valentinus, and
appointed him comes excubitorum, promising he would not be called to account for
the money received from Constantine. In addition his soldiers would be rewarded
with gold. At the same time Martina's younger son David was crowned as third co-
emperor (lessening Constantine/Constans'status as co-emperor and heir) and
renamed Tiberius.[[30]]

Downfall

Shortly afterwards the people of the capital revolted against Heraclonas and
Martina. The senate seems to have played an important role in events but the
rebellion may also have been sparked off by further trouble with the army, and been
directed by Valentinus. John of Nikiu's account is not entirely reliable, but he tells
us that the hatred between the two emperors (by which he presumably means their
factions) continued to grow and that Satan sowed dissension
between Heraclonas and the army, which must have continued to consider itself a
champion of the rights of Constantine's children. The troops in Cappadocia
committed atrocities, and produced a letter supposedly sent by Martina and Pyrrhus
to David the 'Matarguem' (perhaps a logothete) to make 'a vigorous war, and to take
Martina to be his wife, and to put down the sons of Constantine'. This letter, though
possibly a forgery, was used as a catalyst for further trouble and John tells us that as
a consequence all the soldiers and people in the capital rose up and a large force
marched to the capital, captured the palace and had Martina and her three sons
-- Heraclonas, David and Martinus -- 'escorted forth with insolence'. They were
stripped of the imperial crown, their noses cut off (so that they could not attempt to
regain the throne) and sent in exile to Rhodes; the youngest son, presumably
Martinus, was castrated, but Theodosius, the second son, was left unharmed
because he was a deaf-mute. According to Theophanes, Heraclonas' nose was cut
off and Martina's tongue. The seventh-century Armenian source, Sebeos, states that
Martina's tongue was cut out and then she and her two sons were killed.
[[31]] Whatever the details, it was the end of Martina's involvement in political life,
and she seems to have spent the rest of her life in exile.

The young emperor, Constantine's son and Heraclius' grandson, was now known
as Constans (a diminutive of Constantine) and reigned as Constans II (641-68).
Constans did not assume real power until about 650 and Heraclonas' and Martina's
downfall was obviously orchestrated by those who assumed power on behalf of this
branch of Heraclius' family, most notably Valentinus, who appears to have tried to
acquire the throne for himself and who married his daughter Fausta to the young
emperor. Certainly he played a part in removing supporters of Martina from their
positions,[[32]] and many of the policies of her six-month period of rule were
reversed.

Views of Martina

Later opinions of Martina and her government were invariably hostile. Theophanes
quotes a speech supposedly made to the senate byConstans on his accession in
641/2 in which he thanks the senators for their part in overthrowing his uncle and
Martina, and condemns Martina's past actions:

'My father Constantine, who begot me, reigned for a considerable time in the
lifetime of his father... and, after his death, for a very short time; for the envy of his
stepmother Martina both cut off his fair hopes and deprived him of life, and this on
account of Heraclonas, her illicit offspring by Heraclius. Your godly decision
rightly cast her out from the imperial dignity along with her child lest the Roman
Empire appeared to be ruled in an unlawful manner.'[[33]]

Empress-regents henceforth play a very understated role in government, until the

time of the empress Irene in 780. Whether Constans'mother, Gregoria, widow
of Constantine III, played a part in overseeing the first years of her young son's
rule is a moot point. Presumably she did -- although her influence is never
mentioned. And yet she was a family member in her own right, as the daughter
of Heraclius' cousin Niketas, and thus had married her own second cousin.
[[34]] Doubtless she had learnt from Martina the dangers which could attend
popular perceptions of an intriguing empress-mother and kept her head down.

Martina's marriage to her uncle and her ambition for her family had inspired
implacable resentment among the people of Constantinople. Her attempt to
sideline Constantine III, who had been co-emperor since 613, and take over the
reins of government in her own right onHeraclius' death, as Heraclius had himself
laid down in his will, was thwarted by concerted popular opposition. She was
perfectly within her rights to rule on behalf of her underage son Heraclonas, but to
achieve his accession she was widely believed to have deliberately poisoned her
stepson. She was probably seen as one of those persons responsible for removing
God's favour from the empire, which was so clearly evidenced in the sweeping
Arab victories from 636 onwards. Hated and feared by her contemporaries,
Martina's career was to affect perceptions of empress-regents and their role for a
considerable period.

Bibliography:

Chronicon Paschale [Easter Chronicle], tr. M. & M. Whitby, Liverpool: Liverpool

University Press, 1989.
Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,
Washington DC, 1990.

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

The Chronicle of John, Coptic Bishop of Nikiu, trans. R.H. Charles, London:
Williams and Norgate, 1916.

The Armenian History attributed to Sebeos, trans. with notes by R.W. Thompson,
historical commentary by James Howard-Johnston and Tim Greenwood, 2 vols.,
Liverpool University Press, 1999.

Christophilopoulou, Antibasileia eis to Byzantion (Regency in

Byzantium), Symmeikta 2 (1970), 1-144.

van Dieten, J.L. Geschichte der Patriarchen von Sergios I. bis Johannes VI. (610-
715), Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1972.

Garland, L. Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527-1204,

London & New York: Routledge, 1999, 61-72.

Grierson, P. 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-

1042),' Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962) 1-63.

________. Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection

and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. 3.1, Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks,
1973.

Haldon, J.F. 'Ideology and Social Change in the Seventh Century: Military
Discontent as a Barometer,' Klio 68 (1986) 139-90.

________. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Kaegi Jr, W.E. Byzantine Military Unrest 471-843: an Interpretation, Amsterdam,

1981.

________. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1992.

Mango, C. 'Deux tudes sur Byzance et la Perse sassanide,' Travaux et Mmoires, 9

(1985), 91-117.
Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vols 1-2, Amsterdam: Hakkert,
1968-72.

Verghese, P. 'The Monothelite Controversy -- a Historical Survey,' Greek Orthodox

Theological Review 13 (1968) 196-211.

Zuckerman, C. 'La petite Augusta et le Turc: Epiphania-Eudocie sur les monnaies

d'Heraclius,' Revue Numismatique, 150 (1995), 113-26.

Gregoria (Wife of Heraclius Constantine)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Shortly after his baptism and coronation on 22 January 613, Heraclius's son and
heir, the one-year-old Heraclius Constantine, was betrothed to his cousin
Gregoria. His fiance was the daughter of the general Nicetas,
whom Heraclius had recently honoured with the rank of patrician.
Nicetas, Heraclius's first cousin (the son of Heraclius's uncle Gregorius), had
been a moving force in Heraclius's coup d' tat and by the betrothal and marriage
of Heraclius Constantine to his second cousin the two halves of the family were
united in imperial power. As the couple were second cousins, the marriage was
technically incestuous, but this consideration must have been outweighed by the
advantages of the match to the family as a whole. Furthermore, its illegality paled
into insignificance beside the emperor's marriage to his niece Martina which was
to take place in 613 or 614. Gregoria's father Nicetas had taken part in the conquest
of Egypt from Phocas, had been governor of Egypt, and was famed for bringing the
Holy Sponge and Holy Lance to Constantinople from Palestine in 612; from 619 to
628/9 he appears to have been exarch of Africa.[[1]]

Gregoria's marriage took place in 629 or perhaps early 630, at the same time as that
of Theodosios, one of Heraclius Constantine'syounger half-brothers, to Nike, the
daughter of the Persian general Shahrvaraz. Gregoria was brought from Pentapolis
in Libya for the occasion: hence she does not seem to have been brought up in the
palace with her fiance but to have lived with her father, who had recently died,
perhaps in 629.[[2]] Their eldest child, Flavius Heraclius, who was later crowned
emperor under the name Constantine and was to be known as Constans, was born
on 7 November 630.[[3]] The date of birth of a second son, Theodosius, is
unknown; Theodosius was killed by his elder brother in 658/9.[[4]]

In 641 Gregoria's husband, Heraclius Constantine, was to succeed to the throne

only briefly. After three or four months on the throne with his co-ruler and half-
brother Heraclonas, he died, probably of tuberculosis. He was succeeded by the
regime of Heraclonas and his mother Martina. On their deposition a few months
later, probably in September 641, Gregoria's son Constantine came to power
asConstans II and reigned from 641 to 668, though he did not assume real power
until about 650. During the period prior to 650 Gregoria must have played an
important role as regent for her son. She was not only the widow of Heraclius
Constantine, and thus empress-dowager, but, as the daughter of Heraclius's cousin
Niketas, a member of the Heraclean dynasty in her own right. As such she must
have been involved in the conflicts between her husband and his step-mother and
between the champions of her son Constans and those of his uncle Heraclonas.
Indeed, it would be unrealistic to suppose that Gregoria was prepared to tolerate
either Martina's imperial ambitions for her children and the supplanting of her
own, or Martina's attempt to dominate the political scene
after Heraclius's death. Martina'sunpopularity as both empress and regent had
been such that Gregoria, as mother of the young emperor, doubtless found it wise to
minimise her overt involvement in government, but that does not imply that she did
not have considerable influence over events. The sources, however, ignore the part
she played in Constans's early reign and the details of her death are not known.

Bibliography:

Garland, L. Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527-

1204. London: Routledge, 1999, pp. 61-72.

Haldon, J.F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge, 1990.

Kaegi, W.E. 'New Evidence on the Early Reign of Heraclius', Byzantinische

Zeitschrift, 66 (1973), 308-30.

________. Byzantine Military Unrest, Amsterdam, 1981.

________. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, Cambridge, 1992.

Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vols. 2 & 3, Amsterdam.

Fausta (Wife of Constans II)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Fausta, wife of Constans II, as the daughter of the general Valentinus Arshakuni,
was a descendant of the Armenian Arsacid house, which had ruled in Armenia until
the early fifth century. Members of this house subsequently played an important
role in the Byzantine army and court.[[1]] Valentinus had designs on the throne,
and Fausta's marriage to Constans, grandson of Heraclius, was the result of
political manoeuvring by her father following his involvement in the overthrow of
the government of Constans' uncle Heraclonas and his motherMartina.
Valentinus appears to have aimed at becoming emperor in his own right: in any
case his position was strengthened by his status as father-in-law to an underage
ruler.

In September 641 Constans was crowned co-emperor by his uncle Heraclonas,

and a few months later, in the winter of 641/2, the regime of Heraclonas and his
mother Martina came to an end: Constans, at the age of ten or eleven, became
sole emperor. Constans'coronation had been in great measure due to pressure from
Fausta's father, Valentinus, who had been appointed commander-in-chief in the East
by Constans' father, Constantine III, and who supported the rights of his sons
against the machinations of Martina afterConstantine's death.[[2]] As commander
of the troops in Anatolia Valentinus had forced Martina and the patriarch Pyrrhus
to arrange forConstans to be publicly crowned co-emperor by Heraclonas, and he
was appointed to the prestigious rank of comes excubitorum (count of
the excubitors, an elite corps of palace guards) by Heraclonas in the hope of
moderating his opposition to the regime.[[3]] Valentinus at this point attempted to
have himself proclaimed co-emperor, or possibly Caesar, this attempt being
thwarted by the Constantinopolitan populace. While Theophanes states that
Valentinus was associated in the popular mind with the rule
of Heraclonas and Martina, it is far more likely that Valentinus played a major
role in the opposition to their regime and their deposition and mutilation, and that
he was actively seeking to put the young Constans in a position of authority, with or
without himself as colleague.[[4]]

It was apparently at this point, Constans' accession, that Valentinus arranged for
his daughter Fausta to marry the new emperor, our main source for this alliance
being the Coptic bishop John of Nikiu. John tells us that Valentinus tried to make
himself emperor, and that, after the people of Constantinople forced him to put off
the imperial purple, he swore to Constans, 'I have not done this with any evil
intent, but in order to contend against the Moslem'. His excuse was apparently
accepted and he was then made commander-in-chief of the army and his daughter
married to Constans: 'and on that occasion they had her proclaimed through the
voice of the herald by the imperial name of Augusta'.[[5]] As the father-in-law of
the new emperor, and commander-in-chief of the East, if not of the entire army,
Valentinus retained an extremely influential position -- perhaps too much so for the
Constantinopolitans, for in 644 or 645 his soldiers' activities in the city, apparently
relating to another bid by Valentinus for the throne, sparked off a riot which led to
his being lynched by the mob.[[6]]
Fausta and Constans had three sons, Constantine (IV), Heraclius and Tiberius, of
whom the eldest, Constantine, was born c. 650 and proclaimed co-emperor in
April 654; in 659 his two younger brothers were also crowned. From these dates we
should probably assume that Fausta was slightly younger than her husband, and
perhaps born in the early 630s.

Constans' plans to subjugate Lombards in Italy and reorganise the defence of

Africa against the Arabs led to his leaving Constantinople in 661/2, and eventually
he established himself at Syracuse. His rule became increasingly unpopular in
Sicily, while the considerable opposition in Constantinople to his plan to transfer
government to Sicily on a permanent basis resulted in his wife and three sons being
prevented from joining him by the demes and government officials.

At the assassination of her husband in 668, at the age of only 38 years, Fausta
would have been left a relatively young widow with three teenage sons. According
to Cedrenus, Constans' body was returned to Constantinople and buried in the
same tomb as his father.[[7]]Were this the case, however, one would expect that
Fausta would later have been buried with him, and Grierson believes that it is
probable that Constans was buried at Syracuse.[[8]] The catalogus
sepulchrorum in the de ceremoniis of Constantine Porphyogenitus records that
Fausta's tomb of green Thessalian marble stood in the mausoleum
of Constantine in the capital.[[9]] All three of her sons possessed the rank of
emperor and, while the date of her death is not known, it is quite possible that she
saw the deposition of her younger sons from their imperial rank and their
mutilation by their brother Constantine in 681, possibly as a result of a conspiracy
for the throne.[[10]]

Bibliography:

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

The Chronicle of John, Coptic Bishop of Nikiu, trans. R.H. Charles, London:
Williams and Norgate, 1916.

The Armenian History attributed to Sebeos, trans. with notes by R.W. Thompson,
historical commentary by James Howard-Johnston and Tim Greenwood, 2 vols.,
Liverpool University Press, 1999.

The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis), trans. with an introduction by Raymond

Davis, Liverpool University Press, 1989.
Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vols 2-4, Amsterdam: Hakkert,
1972-78.

Bury, J.B. History of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 2, London, 1889.

Grierson, Philip. 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-
1042),' Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962) 1-63.

Haldon, J.F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge University Press, 1990.

________., Byzantine Praetorians, An Administrative, Institutional and Social

Survey of the Opsikion and Tagmata, c. 580-900, Poikila Byzantina III, Bonn &
Berlin, 1984.

Kaegi Jr, W.E. Byzantine Military Unrest 471-843: an Interpretation, Amsterdam,

1981.

The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, ed. J.R. Martindale et al., vol. 3, sv
"Valentinus" 5.

Anastasia (Wife of Constantine IV))

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Nothing is known of the antecedents of Anastasia, wife of Constantine IV (668-

685). Her eldest son Justinian II was born c. 668, which would place her birth
most probably in the early 650s. A presumably apocryphal tradition, recorded by
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, states that she gave birth to Justinian on the island
of Cyprus.[[1]]

When Constantine died in 685, at the age of only 35 years, he was survived by
Anastasia and their sons Justinian, then 17 years of age, and Heraclius.
[[2]] Heraclius' existence is only known from the fact that a letter was sent
by Constantine to Pope Benedict II (684-85) together with locks of his children's
hair.[[3]] That Anastasia was not entirely a cipher during her son's reign is signalled
by the report that she was targeted by Justinian's treasurer and supervisor of
works, Stephen the eunuch, during Justinian's first period of rule. One
ofJustinian's cruel and severely efficient ministers, who contributed greatly to the
emperor's unpopularity, Stephen, according to Nicephorus, 'inflicted many
punishments not only on those under his authority, but went so far in his insolence
as to inflict lashes on Justinian's mother as teachers do to children'. Theophanes
chronicles this incident under the year 693/4, adding that it took place in the
emperor's absence. His account implies that the context was that of the construction
work in the palace, where Justinian's building projects in 694 included the
construction and mosaic decoration of the Triklinos, or Great Hall.[[4]]

Anastasia was to be buried next to Constantine in a block of Thessalian marble in

the mausoleum of Justinian in the church of the Holy Apostles,[[5]] but she long
outlived her husband and was still alive in 711 when her son Justinian II was put
to death by Elias on Phillipicus' orders, after his second period of rule. On this
occasion Anastasia valiantly but unsuccessfully tried to save her grandson Tiberius
from a similar fate -- Tiberius had been left behind in the capital while his father
attempted to rally troops in Asia Minor. Theophanes describes Tiberius grasping the
altar table in the sanctuary of the Virgin Mary in the church of Blachernai, while his
grandmother remained outside thebema (as was proper for women), and fell at the
feet of the patrician Mauros, one of the assassins, imploring him not to kill her
innocent grandson. Even while she held his feet, the other, Strouthos, entered the
sanctuary and seized the boy, whose throat was cut at the city walls nearby. Tiberius
was buried in the church of Sts Cosmas and Damian.[[6]]

Bibliography:

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis), trans. with an introduction by Raymond

Davis, Liverpool University Press, 1989.

Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vol. 4, Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1978.

Grierson, Philip 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-
1042),' Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962) 1-63.

Haldon, J.F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Eudocia (First Wife of Justinian II )

 Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

All that is known of the first wife of Justinian II (685-95, 705-11) is her name,
Eudocia, and the fact that she had a daughter, who in 705 was old enough to be
promised in marriage to the Bulgarian khan Tervel, together with plentiful gifts, in
exchange for Tervel's help in assistingJustinian to regain his throne.[[1]] Tervel
was given the rank of Caesar to reward him for his help, and presumably, though it
is not mentioned in the sources, his marriage to Justinian's daughter took place at
the same time.[[2]] To have a marriageable daughter in 705, Eudocia was
presumably born c. 670, and she must have died prior to 695, when Justinian was
mutilated and sent into exile at Cherson, for she was buried not in Cherson but in
the capital, in a rose-coloured tomb in the mausoleum of Justinian I.[[3]]

Bibliography:

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Grierson, Philip 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-
1042),' Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 16 (1962) 1-63.

Theodora (Second Wife of Justinian II )

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Dethroned and mutilated in 695, the emperor Justinian II was exiled to Cherson
on the Crimean peninsula. There he sought help from the Chazar chagan, the
Chazar Turks being the ruling tribe in the northern Caucasus in this period. To
cement the alliance Justinian married the chagan's sister in 703. The Chazar
princess subsequently took the name of Theodora, which was doubtless intended
by Justinian to recall the glories of the reign of the earlier imperial
couple Justinian I and Theodora. The marriage of a member of the imperial
family with the Chazar royal family was not a total departure from tradition: in
626 Heraclius had suggested his daughter, the Augusta Epiphania, as a wife for the
Chazar commander Ziebel, while Constantine V was to marry a Chazar princess,
whose name was perhaps Chichek, in 732.

While Justinian and Theodora were in exile at Cherson, Apsimaros, who as

emperor took the name Tiberius, became aware ofJustinian's plans to regain the
empire and bribed Theodora's brother, the Chazar chagan, to deliver Justinian alive
to him, or failing that his head. But Theodora was informed of the plot by one of
her brother's servants. Her loyalties were now clearly with her new husband and his
imperial plans rather than the country of her birth, despite the defects
in Justinian's appearance (his nose and tongue had been amputated). She
warned Justinian of the assassination attempt, and he eliminated those detailed to
kill him, by inviting them singly to a private meeting and strangling them with a
cord. After escaping, he sent Theodora back to Chazaria for safety. With the help of
the Bulgar khan Tervel, he regained the throne in 705: Tervel's assistance was
acquired by the promise in marriage of Justinian's daughter by his first
wife Eudokiaand many gifts, and he was given the title of Caesar
on Justinian's restoration.[[1]]

Once safe in Constantinople Justinian sent to Chazaria for his wife and young son
Tiberius, who had apparently been born in his absence. He appears to have
expected opposition from his brother-in-law. A large fleet intended to escort them
was sunk during a storm, which provoked a sarcastic message from the chagan: 'O
fool, could you not have taken your wife on two or three ships without killing so
great a multitude? Do you think that you are taking her, too, by war? Behold, a son
has been born to you. Send your emissaries and take them away.'
The cubicularius Theophylact was then dispatched to escort them safely to the
capital.[[2]] On their arrival Justinian crowned both, Theodora as his Augusta and
Tiberius as his co-emperor. Theodora was thus the first foreign-born empress of
Byzantium.

Theodora's rule was to be short. The murder in 711 of her husband Justinian and
her son Tiberius was to mean the end of the Heraclid dynasty. It is unclear whether
Theodora was still alive at this point: according to the late source Zonaras,
Theodora died before Justinian, perhaps because it was Anastasia, Tiberius'
grandmother, and not Theodora, who was recorded as trying to save the young
prince from being murdered like his father. But the fact that no tomb is recorded for
Theodora suggests that she died after her husband and son and thus later than 711.
[[3]] If she escaped imprisonment, or worse, in the capital, she presumably returned
to her homeland.

Bibliography:

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.
Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The
Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Dujchev, I. 'Le triomphe de l'empereur Justinien II en 705,' in Byzantion,

Aphieroma ston Andrea N. Strato, Athens 1986, vol. I, 83-91.

Grierson, Philip 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-
1042),' Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962) 1-63.

Haldon, J.F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture,

Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Head, C. Justinian II of Byzantium, Madison, Wisconsin, 1972.

Stratos, A.N. Byzantium in the Seventh Century, vol. 5, Amsterdam: Hakkert.

Sumner, G.V. 'Philippicus, Anastasius II and Theodosius III', Greek, Roman &
Byzantine Studies, 17 (1976) 287-94.

Maria (wife of Leo III)

Lynda Garland

University of New England, New South Wales

Maria gave birth to Constantine V, son and heir of Leo III, in July 718, during the
second Arab siege of Constantinople, some 15 months after Leo's
accession[[1]] The couple had previously had a daughter Anna, who married the
Armenian Artabasdus, general of the Armeniac theme, who was later to rebel
against Constantine after his accession: Theophanes dates Leo's betrothal of Anna
to Artabasdus to the year 715, following the accession of Theodosius III.[[2]]

On 25 December, an auspicious choice of date, Maria was formally given the rank
of empress, following which her son, the heir to the throne, was baptised. First
Maria was crowned Augusta in the Augusteus hall of the palace,[[3]] and she then
processed to St Sophia without the emperor. In the Great Church she prayed in
front of the sanctuary doors and proceeded to the Great Baptistery. Her husband
and some members of his household were already waiting for her there and the
baptism of their son was then celebrated by the patriarch Germanus. Iconophile
sources such as Theophanes report a highly symbolic, and doubtless apocryphal,
incident during the six-month-old baby's immersion, which denoted the evil
that Constantine was to cause the empire: 'a terrible and evil-smelling sign was
manifested in his very infancy, for he defecated in the holy font, as affirmed by
actual eyewitnesses'.[[4]] Apparently undisturbed by her son's relevation of himself
as a closet iconoclast in the face of orthodox liturgical proceedings, Maria is
recorded as then processing back with Constantine to the Great Palace, while she
distributed largess on her way from the church to the Chalke gate.
[[5]] Constantine was crowned co-emperor on Easter Day 720.[[6]]

Bibliography:

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Artabasdus (742-743 A.D.) and Anna (wife of Artabasdus)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, New South Wales

Anna, daughter of Leo III, was born prior to her father's accession and, according
to Theophanes, it was in 715 that she was promised in marriage to the Armenian
Artabasdus, general of the Armeniac theme, following Theodosius III's deposition
of Anastasius II. The marriage took place some time after Leo became emperor, in
March 717, and Artabasdus was given the rank of curopalates or major-domo of
the palace, a high honorary title, and made count (comes) of the Opsikion theme.
[[1]] Artabasdus was to rebel againstConstantine V, his brother-in-law, shortly
after his accession in 741, relying on iconophile support for his following. The
rebellion lasted two and a half years and during this period Artabasdus ruled with
his eldest son Nicephorus as co-emperor. He may also have made his younger son,
Nicetas, co-emperor and crowned his wife Anna as Augusta.[[2]]

Eventually Constantine captured Constantinople and Artabasdos and his two sons
were blinded.[[3]] According to the (of course) anti-iconoclast Life of Michael the
Syncellus, 'after blinding the husband of his sister Anna, the most orthodox ruler
Artabasdus, Constantine banished him with his wife and his nine children to the
aforesaid monastery (of Chora on the outskirts of Constantinople), after he had
turned the monastery into a lodging house for laymen'.[[4]]

Theophanes reports that, thirty years after the suppression of the rebellion, still
incensed presumably at Anna's support of the ambitions of her husband and
sons, Constantine forced his elder sister to proceed to the monastery of Chora,
where Artabasdus was buried, dig up his bones, place them in her cloak (pallium),
and throw them into the so-called tombs of Pelagius, charnel pits, among the bodies
of executed criminals.[[5]]

Bibliography:
Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The
Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

The Life of Michael the Synkellos, ed. & tr. Mary B. Cunningham, Belfast, 1991.

P. Speck, Artabasdos, der rechtglubige Vorkmpfer der gttlichen Lehren, Poikila

Byzantina 2, Bonn, 1981.

Maria (second wife of Constantine V)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, New South Wales

Maria, the second wife of Constantine V, died, without children, shortly after her
marriage, which probably took place late in 750; her predecessor, Irene, had died at
some point after the birth of her son Leo on 25 January 750. Nicephorus reports
Maria's death as taking place at the same time as the coronation of her step-son Leo
IV in 751, which Theophanes dates to Pentecost (6 June), though he is mistaken as
to the year, and Constantine's capture of Melitene which took place in late 750 or
751.[[1]]

<bibliography:< p=""></bibliography:<>

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,

Washington DC, 1990.

C. Mango, 'St Anthusa of Mantineon and the Family of Constantine V,' Analecta
Bollandiana 100 (1982), 407-08.

Eudocia (third wife of Constantine V)

 Lynda Garland
University of New England, New South Wales

It was considered a sign of Constantine's religious unorthodoxy and tendency to

heresy that he contracted a third marriage, which was always frowned on by some
sections of the Orthodox Church: the next emperor to contract a third marriage
was Leo VI in 899.

The date of Constantine's marriage to Eudocia is not known (his second

wife, Maria, apparently died early in 751), but by 769 the couple had five sons --
Christopher, Nicephorus, Nicetas, Eudoxius, and Anthimus -- and at least one
daughter, Anthusa, which means 'flourishing'.[[1]] Nicephorus who appears to have
been the second eldest son, was certainly old enough to be the figure-head of an
attempted coup against Irene in October 780, which might imply that the marriage
took place c. 755 or before[[2]]

It was not until 769 that Eudocia was crowned: 'in this year the thrice-married
emperor crowned his wife Eudocia as his third Augusta in the Tribunal of the
Nineteen Couches on 1 April, a Saturday. And the two [eldest] sons he had by her,
Christopher and Nicephorus, he appointed Caesars in the same Tribunal on the next
day, which was 2 April and Easter Sunday He likewise placed a golden mantle
and a crown upon their youngest brother Nicetas, whom he appointed nobilissimus.'
Eudocia's coronation is thus specifically linked with her production of imperial
sons. Following this ceremony, in the course of the customary procession to St
Sophia the new appointees gave largess in the form of newly minted-coins to
passers-by between the palace and the Great Church.[[3]]

Like Constantine's first wife, the Chazar princess Irene, Eudocia appears to have
been an unashamed iconophile and an enthusiastic supporter of monastic
institutions, despite her husband's iconoclast and anti-monastic policies. She
certainly made generous donations to the monastery of St Anthusa of Mantineon,
where she went for help during a difficult pregnancy. Furthermore, her daughter
Anthusa, who was presumably named in honour of this saint, was also an
iconophile and later became a nun. That her sister-in-law Anthusa was named by
the empress Irene (widow of Leo IV) in 780 as a possible co-regent with her for
her son Constantine VI perhaps implies that Eudocia was no longer alive, though
Irene may have had a hidden agenda here as in so much else: in any case Anthusa
refused the honour and remained in the palace devoting herself to good works.[[4]]

Bibliography:

Theophanes, Chronographia, trans. C. Mango & R. Scott, with G. Greatrex, The

Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284-
813, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.
Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History, ed. & tr. C. Mango,
Washington DC, 1990.

Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, ed. H. Delehaye, Propylaeum ad

AASS Nov., Brussels, 1902, 613-14, 848-52.

C. Mango, 'St Anthusa of Mantineon and the Family of Constantine V,' Analecta
Bollandiana 100 (1982), 408-09.

R. Morris, Monks and Laymen in Byzantium 843-1118, Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press (1995).

Constantine VI (780-797 A.D.) and Irene (797-802 A.D.)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, New South Wales

Irene was born in Athens, presumably between 750 and 755 (the actual date is
unknown, but she can hardly have been older than her husband, Leo IV, who was
born in January 750)[[1]] In 769 the iconoclast emperor Constantine V
Copronymus (the 'dung-named') wanted a bride for his eldest son and heir Leo IV.
Historians offer no explanation of why Irene was chosen, though it has been
suggested that she may have been the first instance of an imperial bride chosen
through a beauty contest or 'bride-show', a curious Byzantine custom enacted some
five times between the late eighth and early tenth century to select a bride for the
heir to the throne and by means of which Irene's own son Constantine was to
'choose' his first wife. There is, however, no evidence, that Irene herself took part in
such a ceremony.[[2]]

The Sarantapechos family to which Irene belonged was from central Greece and
must have been relatively prominent. While Irene was an orphan, her uncle
Constantine Sarantapechos was a patrician and possibly strategos (commander of
the theme) of the Helladics; his son and her nephew Theophylact, a spatharius --
presumably appointed by Irene herself -- is mentioned in connection with the
suppression of a revolt centering around Constantine V's sons in 799. Other family
members too were to achieve rank and status through her agency: a cousin later
married the Bulgar khan Telerik and another relative married the future emperor
Stauracius.[[3]]Other than this we have no evidence of powerful connections for
her, and the devotion to icons, which Irene displayed once empress, makes her an
apparently unlikely choice by Constantine V unless we postulate that, for political
reasons, an alliance with her family and their connections in Greece was of especial
importance to Constantine at this time. It is, of course, possible that her sympathies
with regard to icons were not known at the time of her marriage, or it may be that
tacit iconophile (pro-icon) sympathies were expected of imperial women: at the end
of his reign, at least,Constantine V tacitly tolerated monastic benefactions among
his own family -- according to the Synaxarion notice for St Anthusa of Mantineon
his third wife Eudocia made generous donations to Anthusa's monastery, where she
went during a difficult pregnancy. Theophanes tells us that Constantine's first
wife, Irene, was also known for her piety (ie, her iconophilism),
and Constantine's daughter Anthusa (named for the saint) was also an iconophile
and became a nun.[[4]] Irene's iconophile beliefs may therefore not have been seen
as a barrier to her promotion to the position of empress, although it is possible that
she may have had to swear an oath to support iconoclasm publicy as imperial
policy.[[5]]

Marriage and Widowhood

After Irene's arrival in Constantinople on 1 November 769 she was betrothed

to Leo in one of the palace chapels, that of Our Lady of the Pharos, on 3
November. Her coronation took place on 17 December, following which she was
married to Leo in the chapel of St Stephen in the Daphne palace adjoining the
Great Palace. Their only child, Constantine, named for his
grandfather Constantine V, was born on 14 January 771 and four years later, on
the death of his father in August 775, Leo was to succeed to the throne at the age of
twenty-five years.[[6]] While Leo, though an iconoclast, originally pursued a
policy of moderation towards iconophiles, his policies became much harsher in
August 780, shortly before his death, when a number of courtiers were punished for
icon-veneration: the most prominent among them, Theophanes
the cubicularius and parakoimomenos, died as a result.[[7]] This change of stance
may have been a reaction to Irene's involvement, for, according to
Cedrenus, Leo had found two icons in her possession, supplied by some of the
leading eunuchs of the court, though the anecdote might later have been fabricated
by her supporters to prove her devotion to icon-veneration even in unpropitious
circumstances.[[8]] Certainly it would be unwise to accept uncritically the
suggestion that Irene may have hastened Leo's death as a result of this marital
disharmony.[[9]]

Whatever the relationship between the imperial couple, when Leo died on 8
September 780 Irene became regent for their ten-year old son Constantine -- Irene's
proposal that Anthusa, her sister-in-law, should join her in the regency should be
treated with caution, and in any case did not eventuate as Anthusa preferred to
remain in the palace dedicating herself to good works.[[10]] It is hard to deny that
Irene immediately took the opportunity to signal a change of direction in policy: a
rumour became current in Constantinople that Leo's fever had been caused by his
appropriation of the jewelled crown dedicated in St Sophia by
either Heraclius or Maurice, which he had insisted on wearing. Irene's ostentatious
return of the crown -- further decorated with pearls --in full imperial procession on
Christmas Day 780 could only have focused public attention on this allegation
against her deceased husband.[[11]] Six weeks after the young Constantine's
accession, his uncle the Caesar Nicephorus became the focus for revolt, when a
conspiracy of powerful figures, including an ex-general of the Armeniac theme, a
captain of the imperial guard, and a top-ranking political adviser, rose up against
the government. These were arrested and scourged, tonsured (ie, forcibly made
monks) and banished and their positions taken by loyal supporters of Irene.
Nicephorus and his four brothers were ordained as priests, a status which
disqualified them from ruling and which was emphasised when they were made to
administer communion on Christmas Day in St Sophia, the occasion on which Irene
'returned' the votive crown.[[12]]

The Regency

From the outset Irene appears to have had political ambitions and was certainly
concerned to emphasise her status as regent, and more than regent. On her first
coins she not Constantine VI holds the orb, and she is referred to as Constantine's
co-ruler, while Constantine's name is placed on the reverse, the less important side
of the coin.[[13]] Her selection in 781 of a bride for her son was also significant --
Rotrud (called in Greek Erythro) a daughter of Charlemagne.([14]] Rotrud's
suitability for the position was ensured by the dispatch of a eunuch Elissaios to
teach her 'Greek letters and language and educate her in the customs of the Roman
empire'.[[15]] That Irene's position was not entirely secure is shown by another
plot early in 781, when Elpidius, strategos of Sicily, joined the Caesars' faction:
when the Sicilians would not return him to Constantinople, Irene had his wife and
sons scourged, tonsured and imprisoned.[[16]] A fleet under the patrician
Theodore succeeded in defeating the Sicilians and Elpidius fled to Africa where he
defected to the Arabs.[[17]] Perhaps as a result of this defection, in 781 Irene
appointed one of her eunuchs, the sakellarius John, to exercise supervision over all
the Asiatic themata (the post of sakellarius, a high-ranking official, may have
included fiscal responsibilities at this point). Another eunuch, Stauracius, was made
logothete of the dromos, the most important ministerial position. It was customary
for empresses to rely on eunuch ministers, but Irene's dependence on eunuchs in all
aspects of government demonstrates her distrust of aristocrats in positions of
eminence (perhaps because of their iconoclast tendencies), while the mingled
incompetence and veniality of her appointees highlight her own inability to select
competent and trustworthy staff: Stauracius in particular was to prove a bane to the
empire.
A success was gained for the new administration when Michael Lachanodrakon
(Constantine V's general) foiled an Arab attack on the eastern frontiers, but
unfortunately this was neutralised when the strategos of the Bucellarii, Tatzates,
defected to the Arabs out of dislike of Stauracius who had already by this point
achieved a stranglehold on governmental decisions.[[18]] This defection aborted a
plan to encircle the caliph's son Harun al-Rashid and a huge Arab army. Stauracius
was sent to negotiate with the Arabs when Harun asked for peace negotiations. Due
to their failure to take adequate precautions, the negotiators were seized, the
Bucellarion troops joined Tatzates in defecting, and Irene had to agree to pay a
huge annual tribute of 70 or 90,000 dinars to the Arabs for a three year truce, give
them 10,000 silk garments and provide them with guides, provisions and access to
markets during their withdrawal.[[19]] While Tatzates may well have been hostile
to Stauracius, he could also have felt threatened by Irene's policy of
removing Constantine V's generals from their commands.[[20]] Despite
Stauracius' previous lack of success, he was also sent against the Slavs in northern
Greece in the next year. On this occasion he recovered his reputation as a military
leader, making the Slavs of northern Greece pay tribute to the empire, and bringing
back booty and captives: this was officially recognised when he celebrated a
triumph during the hippodrome games in January 784. As part of a policy of
resettling Slav-held territory, in May Irene and Constantine visited Thrace, Beroia
(Stara Zagora) was rebuilt and renamed Irenopolis ('city of Irene' or 'city of peace'),
and a new theme, called 'Macedonia', formed.[[21]]
IreneandtheIcons

The direction of Irene's religious policy was becoming apparent by mid-781. We

are told by Theophanes: 'From that time on the pious began to speak freely. God's
word spread about, those who sought salvation were able to renounce the world
without hindrance, God's praises rose up to heaven, the monasteries recovered, and
all good things were manifested.' To what exent the issue of icon-veneration was a
gendered one is unclear. Certainly, in both 787 and 843 icon-veneration was
restored as orthodox practice by an empress ruling as regent for an under-age son:
both empresses, Irene and Theodora, were later canonised. Perhaps, therefore,
Irene's restoration of icons in 787 should be seen in the context of women's
spirituality in general, in that icon-worship was particularly a feature of women's
religious practices in Byzantium. Indeed, women and monastics were traditionally
the most enthusiastic venerators of both saints' relics and of icons. They also proved
loyal to their beliefs: monks, and nuns, provided nearly all the victims of iconoclast
'persecution'.[[22]] Irene actively encouraged a revival in monasticism and, in a
move to bolster the support for icon-veneration, her regime masterminded the
supposed discovery of a coffin by the Long Walls of Thrace, on which was
engraved 'Christ will be born of the Virgin Mary and I believe in Him. O sun, you
will see me again in the reign of Constantine and Irene.'[[23]] This attempt at
propaganda for the regime's new religious policies was followed up at the
resignation of the current patriarch. When the much-respected Patriarch Paul fell ill
in 784 and retired to a monastery, he was supposed to have advised the summoning
of an ecumenical council to terminate iconoclasm: the official version of his
retirement describes him as repenting of his service under an iconoclast emperor.
[[24]] Irene thereupon took the opportunity to appoint a patriarch sympathetic to
her views and whom she could manipulate -- her choice, Tarasius, was not a cleric
but a layman and high-flying public servant prior to his appointment by Irene.
Moreover his pro-monastic views had been demonstrated by his having already
founded a private monastery on his own estate at Stenon outside Constantinople.
[[25]]

The Restoration of Icon-Veneration

Irene seems to have had a distinct preference for public displays of governmental
policy on Christmas Day, and Tarasius -- after rapid promotion through the church
hierarchy -- became patriarch on 25 December 784 after the see had been vacant for
some three months. His selection had been confirmed by a meeting of senators,
clergy and citizens in the Magnaura palace, though there seems to have been some
dissent on the subject of a council. One of Tarasius' first diplomatic acts was to
write in August 785 an anti-iconoclast profession of faith to Pope Hadrian. At the
same time Irene asked the Pope to dispatch emissaries for an ecumenical council,
while Tarasius contacted the patriarchates of Alexandria and Antioch. Hadrian
objected to a layman being elected to the patriarchate, but his sympathies were
solidly iconophile and he sent representatives to the scheduled council, which met
in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople on 1 August 786, with Irene
and Constantine watching from the gallery. Irene had, up to now, moved fairly
slowly: even so the venue and participants (many of the bishops having been
appointees of her father-in-law and husband) were not favourable to her plans. The
iconoclast bishops conspired to undermine the council and at their officers'
instigation the tagmata (army units stationed in the city who were loyal
toConstantine V's memory.[[26]]) broke up proceedings, threatening to kill some
of the delegates. The council was dissolved.[[27]] Irene's response was, with
Stauracius' assistance, to remove iconoclast troops from the city. The rebellious
troops were dispatched to Malagina on the pretext of an expedition against the
Arabs and then posted to the provinces. They were replaced by regiments from
Thrace and Bithynia, a high proportion of whom would have been Slavs without
strong iconoclast views. It may also have been at this time that she created the
personal guard called the Vigla or 'Watch' whose primary role was to protect the
palace.[[28]]
Capable of learning from her mistakes, Irene was careful to summon her next
council away from Constantinople. In May 787 an ecumenical council was
summoned to meet at Nicaea (significant because Constantine the Great's council
met there in 325) away from the possibility of popular riots or army involvement.
[[29]] 365 bishops assembled at Nicaea in September to reject iconoclasm and
anathematise the three iconoclast patriarchs and their supporters. While iconoclasm
was declared a heresy, Tarasius, presumably following Irene's lead, allowed
repentant iconoclasts to participate, and the council's unanimous decision was
presented to Irene and Constantine at a final session of the council at which Irene
presided, held in the Magnaura Palace in Constantinople on 23 October. Irene
signed the document before Constantine, contrary to her usual practice, and was
acclaimed with Constantine as the 'New Constantine' and the 'New Helena'.
[[30]]The definition (horos) of the council justified the veneration of icons in the
following terms:

'We define with all accuracy and care that the venerable and holy icons be set up
like the form of the venerable and life-giving Cross, inasmuch as matter consisting
of colours and pebbles and other matter is appropriate in the holy church of God...,
as well as the image of our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ, of our
undefiled Lady the Holy Mother of God, of the angels worthy of honour, and of all
the holy and pious men. For the more frequently they are seen by means of pictorial
representation the more those who behold them are aroused to remember and desire
the prototypes and to give them greeting and worship of honour -- but not the true
worship of our faith which befits only the divine nature -- but to offer them both
incense and candles, in the same way as to the form of the venerable and life-giving
Cross and to the holy gospel books and to the other sacred objects, as was the
custom even of the Ancients.[[31]]

Iconoclasts were not necessarily instantly converted to icon-veneration, and Irene

seems to have moved slowly in deference to their sensibilities. While she replaced
the Christ icon on the Chalke Gate of the imperial palace, the removal of which had
signalled the beginning of iconoclasm in 726, according to the Scriptor Incertus the
restored icon had an inscription placed over its head which read, '[The image]
which Leo the emperor had formerly cast down, Irene has re-erected here',
[[32]] and the lack of a reference to Constantine VI makes it certain that the
restoration of the image was not made until after 797. It was however natural that
as empress she would commission iconographic art and she also acted as a
monastic patron: under her rule there is evidence of the return of monastic
investment of money in art. A number of churches can be attributed to her reign,
such as St Sophia at Thessalonica and Bizye in Thrace, and several monastery
churches in Bithynia: St Sophia in Thessalonica can be dated by the monograms of
Constantine and Irene.[[33]] The Patria tells us that she was said, with Constantine
VI, to have built a church to St Anastasius, as well as restoring the church of the
Theotokos at Pege; she also established a small monastery of St Euphrosyne known
as 'ta Libadia', and built churches to St Luke and St Eustathius.[[34]] As part of this
artistic revival a number of major works were also undertaken, such as statues of
Constantine VI and Irene themselves:[[35]] Constantine erected a bronze statue of
his mother in the hippodrome,[[36]] and their mosaic portraits were dedicated at
Pege. Irene was also an active philanthropist: she established several homes for the
aged, hospices for the poor, xenodocheia (hostels for travellers), and a cemetery for
the poor.[[37]]

Irene's political ambitions

It was customary for orphaned emperors to take up the reigns of power at the age of
sixteen. With orthodoxy now restored, Irene showed no signs of resigning power,
even though Constantine was of age, and indeed theHistoria Syntomos, attributed to
Michael Psellus, speaks of their joint reign like a battleground: 'they went for each
other, hit and hit back in turn, and now Irene exercised absolute power, now
Constantine took possession of the palace alone, again the mother, again the son,
until their conflict resulted in a disaster for both.'[[38]] In 788 she broke off the
projected marriage alliance with Charlemagne's daughter (a decision which
reportedly distressed Constantine) and selected another bride for him by means of a
bride-show. This is the first recorded case of a bride-show (the next being in AD
807/8, when Irene's relative Theophano was married to Stauracius, son of
Nicephorus I), and Irene, who presumably instituted the custom, may well have
used it as propaganda for her regime, implying that Byzantine emperors had no
need of foreign alliances.[[39]] Irene dispatched a panel of judges, equipped with a
set of ideal standards, to travel through the empire selecting candidates: the girls'
height, the size of their feet and probably their waists were measured by the
commissioners. The winning candidate was Maria of Amnia, whom
the protospathariusTheophanes had escorted from Paphlagonia.[[40]] The girls
selected were naturally from suitable iconophile families, and Irene of course
ensured that Constantine was not allowed freedom of choice even among these
carefully picked possibilities. The 'winner', Maria, was the granddaughter of
Philaretus, a magnate from the Armeniac theme and later a saint, who had
impoverished himself and owed his position to Irene. The Life of Irene makes it
clear that it was Irene herself who picked the bride, while the Life of St
Philaretus speaks of the thirteen girls as being presented not just to the emperor but
to Irene, Constantine and Stauracius. The happy couple were married in November.
[[41]]

Following the breaking-off of the alliance with Charlemagne, the Byzantine forces
under the command of the palace eunuch John, now the military logothete, were
defeated in Italy. Irene had also suffered setbacks at the hands of the Arabs and
Bulgars.[[42]] A military leader for the empire was clearly necessary, and
relationships between Constantine and Irene began to deteriorate: The Devil,
grudging the emperors' piety, inspired certain evil men to set the mother against her
son and the son against his mother. They persuaded her that they had been informed
through prophecies to the effect that: "It is ordained by God that your son should
not obtain the Empire, for it is yours, given to you by God." Deceived, like the
woman she was, and being also ambitious, she was satisfied that things were indeed
so, and did not perceive that those men had offered the above pretext because they
wanted to administer the affairs of State.[[43]] Irene's eunuch advisers and
ministers, notably the all-powerful Stauracius, were obviously against Constantine's
assumption of power in his own right and supportive of Irene's regime in which
power was wielded by themselves. Constantine therefore conspired with the men of
his entourage ('who were few') to arrest Stauracius and banish him to Sicily.
Constantine's plan was that he should take over Stauracius' responsibilities and rule
in conjunction with his mother - he was after all legally of age to rule -- but his
plans were thwarted by an earthquake which resulted in the court moving to the
palace at St Mamas for safety. Stauracius was thus given the time to counter the
plot and incite Irene against Constantine. The empress had her son's men, including
his tutor, arrested, flogged, tonsured, and exiled and any other supporters were
severely dealt with. Irene gave Constantine a piece of her mind and he was
imprisoned for several days.

In an attempt to neutralise Constantine's power-base, the army was now asked to

swear that as long as Irene was alive they would not accept Constantine as ruler and
that they would place her name before Constantine's in the acclamations. No one
dared object, though the army must have wished to see a descendant
of Constantine V on the throne and in charge of the army, which was hardly
distinguishing itself under its present commanders[[44]]. In fact, in September 790,
the theme of the Armeniacs refused to swear the oath and insisted on keeping
Constantine's name before that of Irene. When Alexius Mousele (or Mousoulem),
commander of the Watch, was sent to deal with them, they imprisoned their
general, appointed Mousele their commander, and acclaimed Constantine as sole
emperor. The men of the other themes followed their example by imprisoning
their strategoi, Irene's appointees, and acclaiming Constantine. In October 790 all
these mutinous regiments, more than half of the entire army, assembled at Atroa in
Bithynia and demanded that Constantine, who was now nineteen, be sent to them.
Irene was afraid of the army and let him go. The troops thereupon confirmed
Constantine as emperor.[[45]] Constantine took action on two counts: he had his
tutor recalled and sent him, with the iconoclast general Michael Lachanodrakon,
[[46]] to ensure that the Armeniacs -- his hard-core supporters -- took an oath that
they would not accept Irene as emperor. He also confirmed Mousele as
their strategos. On the home front, when he returned to Constantine in December
790, he had Stauracius flogged, tonsured and exiled to the theme of the Armeniacs;
the eunuch Aetius the protospatharius, another close confidant of Irene's, and all
her other eunuchs were also exiled. Irene herself was confined in her palace of
Eleutherios, which she had built overlooking the harbour of Eleutherios and where
she had secreted a large sum of money. However, she was not deposed and her
name and portrait continued to appear on coins. Constantine's name, however, now
appeared on the obverse not the reverse.[[47]]

On 15 January 792, for reasons which must remain unclear but following entreaties
both from Irene and many others in authority (presumably her supporters),
Constantine recalled his mother as his co-ruler and restored her title of empress. For
the next five years Irene appears on the obverse of the gold coinage with the title
'Irene Augusta (Empress)', and Constantine is shown on the reverse with the title
of basileus(emperor), but as a beardless youth. Stauracius was recalled from exile
and Mousele replaced as strategos of the Armeniacs. The only objection seems to
have arisen from the theme of the Armeniacs who refused to acclaim Irene (quite
understandably) and rebelled, demanding Mousele, their ex-commander, back.
Though Alexius Mousele was currently in Constantinople under a guarantee of
safety, this demand, plus the rumour that he would be made emperor, caused
Constantine to have him flogged, tonsured and confined in thepraetorium.
[[48]] Constantine failed to achieve any notable military successes and suffered a
severe defeat against the Bulgars at Markellai in July 792. This caused concern to
the army and the tagmata in Constantinople decided to bring Constantine's uncle,
the Caesar Nicephorus, out of retirement and make him emperor. Constantine's
response to this threat -- perhaps on his mother's advice -- showed his perception of
his own vulnerability. Nicephorus was blinded and his four brothers (the sons
of Constantine V) had their tongues cut out. To ensure his own safety Constantine
also had Alexius Mousele blinded, on the warning of his mother and Stauracius that
otherwise Mousele would replace him as emperor.[[49]] While the threat may have
been a real one, Irene clearly had a score to settle with Mousele over his support of
Constantine in 790 and here appears to have been manipulating her rather malleable
son into demonstrating his weakness and alienating the army, and particularly the
theme of the Armeniacs, by this injustice to his erstwhile supporter.

Her advice resulted in a full-scale revolt. Naturally, the Armeniacs were hardly
pleased with the turn of events and imprisoned Theodore Kamoulianos, who was
sent to them as their new strategos. An expedition made against them in November
792 was defeated and both of Constantine's commanders blinded. Their revolt was
finally quelled in May 793 by Constantine at the head of all the other themata.
Their leaders were put to death, the rest subjected to fines and confiscations, and a
thousand men brought into the city in chains with their faces tattooed with the
words 'Armeniac plotter', and then banished to Sicily and other islands.
[[50]] Constantine had been made to appear disloyal and unjust. Furthermore,
having alienated his own power-base he was forced to rely more on his mother and
her 'faction'.

The 'adulterous' emperor

Constantine disliked his wife, Maria, perhaps because she had been his mother's
choice and Theophanes considers the deterioration in their relationship Irene's
doing: 'the emperor, who had conceived an aversion towards his wife Maria
through the machinations of his mother (for she was yearning for power and
wanted him to be universally condemned), forced her to become a nun and, after
obtaining her consent, had her tonsured in January of the third indication
[795].'[[51]] Constantine had taken as his mistress Theodote a cubicularia, or lady-
in-waiting, of his mother's and hence needed to divorce Maria to remarry.
Constantine may also have been motivated by hopes of the arrival of a legitimate
son and heir. Maria seems to have gone willingly to her convent on the island of
Principo, and their two little daughters (of whom one, Euphrosyne, was later to be
the wife of Michael II the Amorian) went with her. Irene must have been aware of
the liaison and perhaps encouraged it. Certainly she made no objection to the
empress's becoming a nun in a convent she had herself founded. In August
Constantine crowned Theodote as Augusta (a title Maria had not been granted) and
married her in September at the palace of St Mamas with the wedding festivities
lasting forty days.[[52]]

As Irene had cleverly foreseen the church strongly disapproved of this remarriage,
the legality of which was hotly debated. Doubtless on Irene's orders Tarasius had
not prevented the divorce and marriage. He would not perform the ceremony
himself but on the principle of 'economy' (oikonomia) had compromised by
allowing his catechist to tonsure the empress Maria as a nun and Joseph, abbot of
the Cathara monastery, to perform the marriage. Platon, abbot of the monastery of
Saccoudion and uncle of both Theodore the Studite and Theodote led the monastic
opposition against this 'adulterous' liaison (the issue is often called the 'Moechian',
or 'adulterous', controversy).[[53]] The rift within the imperial family was clearly
demonstrated by the fact that Irene was openly on the side of the monastic
establishment, against her son and the patriarch, 'because they opposed him
[Constantine] and put him to shame'.[[54]]

In an attempt to conciliate the monastic establishment and regain popularity

generally Constantine, with Irene and Tarasius, held in July of 796 a celebration to
mark the return to the capital of the relics of the fourth-century saint Euphemia,
believed to have been thrown into the sea by Constantine V, but which had been
miraculously recovered by a passing ship and taken to Lemnos; these were now
restored to the capital. Constantine's two young daughters Irene and Euphrosyne
distributed parts of the saint's body to notables at the ceremony.[[55][Tactfully no
one seems to have commented on the discrepancy between the original undecayed
body of the saint and the dry bones now on display. Euphemia's church,
or martyrion, was also restored from its state as a supposed 'arms-store and dung-
heap' and reconsecrated.[[56]] The episode had the further merit from the point of
view of Irene's iconophile regime of high-lighting Constantine V's supposed
antipathy towards holy relics.[[57]] But despite this display of piety the monastic
establishment was not won over and Constantine early in 797 was driven to have
Platon imprisoned, and the other monks flogged and exiled to Thessalonica.
[[58]] Irene had won that round and Constantine had further compromised his
reputation as ruler by his harshness.

Death of an only son

While the court was enjoying a stay at the hot springs at Prousa (Brusa) in October
796, the news arrived that Theodote had given birth to a son, presumably
prematurely (the baby, called Leo, died in the following May) and Leo rushed to his
wife's side. This gave Irene -- doubtless concerned for her own position at the birth
of Constantine's son and heir -- the opportunity to plot against him in his absence:
'his mother addressed the commanders of the tagmata and beguiled them by means
of gifts and promises with a view to deposing her son and becoming sole ruler
herself; some of them she coaxed personally, others through the men of her
household, and she drew everyone to her side and was waiting to find the proper
moment.'[[59]] Irene may have used the questionable legitimacy of her grandson to
raise concerns about the succession. But Constantine does not seem to have
perceived any danger in his position though it was already being seriously
undermined. When he led a campaign against the Arabs in March 797, he was
accompanied by Stauracius and other friends of his mother. These, afraid of the
psychological value of a victory to Constantine at this juncture, bribed scouts to
report that the Arabs had retreated, and to his chagrin the emperor returned empty-
handed.

Irene's moves now became more direct. Following the death of his son Leo on 1
May, Constantine crossed home to St Mamas after a racing contest: his mother's
supporters followed him 'so as to catch him', presumably planning his arrest.
Learning of this Constantine decided to take refuge in the theme of the Anatolics,
accompanied, 'without his knowledge, by his mother's friends': this speaks of
treachery once again from within the emperor's own retinue. Theodote also fled the
city. Irene assembled the officers loyal to her in her palace of Eleutherios and then
entered the imperial palace, a declaration that she was assuming full imperial
power. The news that an army was gathering around Constantine almost caused her
to send a delegation of bishops requesting a promise of safety. Instead, however,
she wrote to her adherents in the emperor's retinue threatening to tell Constantine of
their designs against him unless he were handed over to her. As a result they seized
him, put him on board the imperial galley and bringing him to the city where he
was confined in the Porphyra, the purple palace where he was born. This took place
on 15 -- or more probably 19 -- August 797. Constantine was now aged 26 years.
He was there blinded 'in a cruel and grievous manner with a view to making him
die at the behest of his mother and her advisers'.[[60]]

Irene was fully accountable, having manipulated events to this conclusion. She was
clearly aware of the decision to blind the emperor and indeed appears to have made
it herself. Whatever the degree of Constantine's unpopularity, the deed was
generally abhorred: Theophanes tells us that the sun was darkened for seventeen
days and 'everyone acknowledged' that this was because the emperor had been
blinded. Whether Constantine actually died from this treatment is a matter that has
been much debated, and if he did it was certainly hushed up. In fact, it appears that
he died in exile on the island of Principo and was buried in Irene's monastery of St
Euphrosyne in Constantinople alongside his first wife.[[61]] Irene was now in total
control.

Irene 'Basileus'

Irene's constitutional position was now an anomalous one. Nevertheless there was
now a serious shortage of rival candidates for the throne, despite the fact that there
were four sons of Constantine V still unblinded (though lacking tongues and in
holy orders). Nor does her imperial status seem to have caused her any
embarrassment: in fact she struck gold coins with her portrait on both sides to
emphasise that she was sole ruler and in at least one of her Novels used the title
emperor ('Irene the pious emperor'), not empress,[[62]] though she used the
feminine title basilissa or augusta on her coins, as well as on her seals. She thus
became the first Byzantine empress to mint coins as sole ruler. She was clearly not
averse to displaying her imperial status to her subjects: on the gold coins of her sole
reign she is depicted in a robe embroidered like the consular dress of the emperors,
holding a cruciform sceptre and globus cruciger.[[63]] The fact that the eastern
throne was now held solely by Irene may have encouraged Charlemagne to assume
the title of 'emperor of the Romans': he was crowned by Pope Leo on 25 December
800, the pope arguing that the imperial throne was technically vacant as it was
occupied by a woman.[[64]]

Within Constantinople too there were clearly concerns about Irene's fitness to rule.
The brothers of Constantine V were again the centre of a plot in October 797 when
they were persuaded to take refuge in St Sophia, the idea being that one of them
would be chosen as emperor by the populace. No popular uprising took place and
Irene's eunuch Aetius inveigled them from the church and banished them to Athens.
A further plot in March 799 to make one of them emperor resulting in the four as
yet unblinded all losing their eyes. This plot was prompted by the 'Helladics', and
Irene's uncle Constantine Sarantapechos -- possibly strategos of the theme of
Hellas (Greece) -- may have informed her of the plot.[[65]] Obviously the themes,
even Irene's own homeland, had reservations about her regime. Certainly, from the
time when Irene assumed sole power military activity was kept to a minimum and
Byzantium acknowledged the dominance of the Arab leader Harun al-Rashid on the
eastern frontier: in 798 the Arabs even advanced as far as Malagina and succeeded
in capturing the herd of imperial war horses. This humiliating episode was followed
by other raiding parties, including an expedition in 798/9 which inflicted a severe
defeat on the soldiers of the Opsikion theme and captured their camp equipment.
Harun then consented to a four-year truce for which Irene had to pay an annual
tribute.[[66]]

Irene's financial policies during this period might be seen to have been an attempt
to buy her popularity. On 1 April 799, Easter Monday, she processed from the
Church of the Holy Apostles in her chariot drawn by four white horses led by
patricians, scattering gold coins to the people in an attempt to perhaps maintain
public support.[[67]] She could also be blamed for being somewhat profligate with
the empire's monetary reserves: in 801 Irene remitted civic taxes for the capital and
cancelled the customs dues, commercia, of Abydos and Hieron, which controlled
traffic reaching Constantinople by sea.[[68]] These measures, and 'many other
liberalities' have generally been assumed to have been made, like her donation of
gold coins in 799, for the sake of maintaining popularity,[[69]] though there is also
evidence that she was also concerned with philanthropic measures. Theodore the
Studite in a fulsome letter addressed to Irene refers to her abolition of payments
demanded, it appears, from soldiers' widows in lieu of their deceased husbands'
military service. She also seems to have exempted philanthropic institutions, the
orphanage, hostels, homes for the aged, churches and imperial monasteries from the
hearth taxes (kapnika); these were restored by her successor Nicephorus.[[70]] At
the same time, however, she was also thought to have concealed large amounts of
money in her private palace, presumably as a nest egg in case of emergencies.[[71]]

It was obviously in Irene's interest to justify her blinding of Constantine and take-
over of power. One of Irene's first actions was to release Platon and Theodore and
she was to establish them as abbots of the monastery of Studius in Constantinople.
[[72]] Tarasius must also have been acting on instructions when he only now
defrocked Joseph of Cathara who had performed the 'adulterous' marriage of
Constantine and Theodote. Both actions explicitly condemned Constantine VI's
remarriage and persecution of his monastic opponents. It was also at this period that
she replaced the Christ icon on the Chalke Gate of the imperial palace. However,
Constantine's death had changed the dynamics of power at court and from as early
as 797/8 Irene was to have problems controlling her two powerful eunuchs
Stauracius and Aetius, both of whom were aiming at securing the empire for their
relatives after Irene's death. This rivalry intensified when Irene fell critically ill in
May 799. Aetius, who had won the support of Nicetas Triphyllius, domestic of
the Scholae (one of the regiments of the imperial guard), informed the empress that
Stauracius was aiming for the position of emperor. Irene held a state council at the
palace of Hiereia, at which Stauracius apologised for his conduct and --
surprisingly -- retained his position. In February 800, as part of his revenge against
Aetius and Nicetas, he prepared the way for a rebellion by bribing the imperial
guard and their officers with money and gifts. Although no eunuch had ever been
emperor, he seems to have cherished imperial ambitions in his own right, perhaps
because of the degree of power he had been allowed to wield under Irene. Aware of
the situation -- presumably warned by Aetius -- Irene called another state council in
the Great Palace and forbade any contact with Stauracius. Aetius as a reward for his
services was made strategos of the Anatolics. The situation might have deteriorated
still further, but Stauracius fell fatally ill, coughing blood. He had been persuaded
by doctors, monks and magicians that he would live to be emperor, and on those
grounds started a revolt against Aetius among Aetius's troops in Cappadocia.
However, Stauracius died in June and did not live to hear how it fared, though the
rebels were arrested and exiled.[[73]] Government was obviously breaking down:
not only the army but also the administration must have been disturbed at a state of
affairs where the empress's eunuchs were openly squabbling over the throne and
being rewarded for informing on the other by the leadership of themes.

The end of the regime

It was in this climate that Charlemagne was crowned emperor in December, which
must seriously have damaged Irene's prestige on the international scene. According
to Theophanes, Charlemagne followed this up by considering first a naval
expedition against Byzantine Sicily and then marriage to Irene. Aetius was now
essentially in charge of the government and army and in 801/2 he tried to make his
brother Leo emperor: he appointed him strategos of Thrace and Macedonia, while
he himself controlled the Asiatic themes (the Anatolic and Opsikion). These four
themes were strategically close to Constantinople and possessed a third or more of
the empire's troops. Aetius himself had led his themes and won a victory over the
Arabs in 800, though he was defeated in the next year.[[74]] Aetius's conduct
became more and more autocratic: 'being filled with pride, he humiliated
dignitaries in positions of authority and took no account of them'. One of these
officials was clearly Nicephorus, Irene's finance minister (logothete of
the genikon or treasury). The disgruntled courtiers decided to revolt, and their plans
were confirmed by the arrival of the ambassadors from Charlemagne and Pope Leo,
asking Irene to marry Charlemagne and unite the two halves of the empire,
especially as Irene appears to have been happy to consent. However, Aetius 'who
ruled by her side and was usurping power on behalf of his brother' prevented her
from making a firm commitment to the alliance. While the ambassadors from
Charlemagne were still in the city (and presumably the timing was deliberately
chosen), at dawn on 31 October 802 Nicephorus assumed power. He was backed
by a number of high-ranking conspirators, including Nicetas Triphyllius the
domestic of the Scholae, the quaestor, and a relative of Irene's, Leo Sarantapechys.
The conspirators tricked the guards at the Chalke gate of the Great Palace into
believing that Aetius was forcing the empress to proclaim his brother Leo as
emperor and that she had therefore sent for Nicephorus to proclaim him emperor
instead to forestall Aetius's plan; the guards themselves willingly joined in the
ceremony. The palace of Eleutherios, where Irene was living, was surrounded and
at day-break she was confined in the Great Palace. Nicephorus was then crowned
in St Sophia by Patriarch Tarasius.

Theophanes's account makes it clear that Irene's deposition was supported by a

number of her own supporters: "Men who lived a pious and reasonable life
wondered at God's judgement, namely how He had permitted a woman who had
suffered like a martyr on behalf of the true faith to be ousted by a swineherd and
that her closest friends should have joined him out of cupidity, I mean Leo of
Sinope (who was patrician and sakellarios), and the accursed Triphyllioi, and the
above-mentioned patricians who had been enriched by her many liberalities, who
had often dined at her table, and had assured her through flattery and under terrible
oaths that they considered her goodwill more essential than anything else in the
world"'[[75]]

The rebellion seems to have been sparked off by fears that the greatly disliked
eunuch Aetius would move to put his brother on the throne before Irene could
accept the Franks' marriage proposal. On the following day she was visited
by Nicephorus who urged her not to conceal any of the imperial treasures: there
must have been rumours that Irene had concealed a fortune in her palace. She was
to be allowed to keep her palace of Eleutherios as long as she did not hide any of
the imperial treasures, and she swore to that effect on a fragment of the True Cross
'down to the last penny'.[[76]] However he exiled her to the convent on the island
of Principo which she had herself built, and later in November she was removed to
Lesbos and severely guarded; it is possible that in the interim she had been
involved in a plot to regain power.[[77]] A rebellion against Nicephorus in July
802, in which Bardanes Tourkos, strategos of the Anatolics, was proclaimed
emperor by his men, may have been in support of Irene, though Theophanes does
not say so;[[78]] Bardanes as domestic of the Scholae had been one of Irene's main
supporters in bringing her to power and had been one of the four patricians who led
her horses in her triumphal procession in 799. The revolt was not popular and
Bardanes withdrew to a monastery.

Nevertheless, Irene and her relations retained some prestige. Nicephorus' decision
to marry his son and heir Stauracius to Irene's niece Theophano (even though 'she
was betrothed to another man and had slept with him many times')[[79]] was
doubtless to strengthen the dynastic claims of Nicephorus's own family. Irene died
on 9 August 803, after which her body was transferred to her monastery at Principo.
[[80]] Despite her actions as empress, she was canonised for her part in restoring
icon-veneration and her saint's life endows her with all appropriate -- and
inappropriate -- piety and virtues.

An assessment of Constantine VI and Irene's take-over

The most indefensible action of Irene's reign was of course the deposition and
blinding of her son, the rightful emperor. Constantine has enjoyed a reputation as
an ineffectual ruler, dominated by his mother, whose campaigns against Bulgarians
and Arabs were only productive of embarrassment to Byzantium and its army.
Nevertheless, he was not without ambitions of his own, and views of his incapacity
may well have been manufactured by his mother's supporters. Nor is it clear that
she disposed of him because he was developing iconoclast tendencies: he signed
the acts of the council of Nicaea in 787 and joined in the celebrations surrounding
the restoration of the relics of St Euphemia in 796. He had been crowned co-
emperor by his father Leo in 776, and that he clearly desired to oust his mother and
rule in his own right is demonstrated by his attempt to supplant Irene in February
790 (Theophanes AM 6282) and his successful deposition of her in December 790
(Theophanes AM 6283), when he was 19 years of age. Significantly, his removal of
Irene from power was followed almost immediately in April 791 by an expedition
against the Bulgarians under their leader Kardamos, whom he met not far from
Adrianople. The expedition was neither a success nor a failure: both sides withdrew
following a small engagement, though Theophanes speaks of the Romans losing
their courage and returning 'ingloriously'. Similarly, in September Constantine led a
force out of Amorium against the Arabs at Tarsus, but retreated in the October
before arriving at his destination (AM 6283, 6284). These episodes might reflect his
inexperience, or the lack of the preparedness of the army, rather than any
indecisiveness on his part.
In July he made a further expedition against the Bulgarians, in the process
reinforcing the fortress of Marcellae. Kardamos came to meet him and 'persuaded
by false prophets that the victory would be his, the emperor joined battle without
plan or order and was severely beaten'. In this engagement, not only did
Constantine lose a large part of his army, but the iconoclast general Michael
Lachandrakon, the former strategoi Nicetas and Theognostus, and a number of
other notables (including the 'false prophet' Pancratius who had prophesied his
victory) fell in battle. The Bulgarians captured the whole baggage train, including
the emperor's tent. This was Constantine's most ignominious failure, partly, as it
seems, due to faulty advisers, and it was this defeat which inspired the tagmata to
settle on the Caesar Nicephorus as a substitute emperor: Constantine had him
blinded and his other uncles had their tongues cut out. The ex-strategos of the
Armeniacs, Alexius Mousele, was also blinded at this point. Theophanes (AM
6284) is critical of this 'unjust deed' and relates these punishments to Constantine's
own blinding five years later on a Saturday in August, suggesting that these
punishments were excessive and unmerited.
Despite these initial failures, it should be added that Constantine's campaigns
against the Armeniac rebels were concluded satisfactorily: after his generals
Constantine Artaser the protospatharius and Chrysocheres strategos of the
Bucellarii were captured in 792, Constantine led an expedition at the head of all the
other themata, and, with the aid of the treachery of the Armenians serving with
them, defeated the rebels on 26 May 793, putting their leaders to death. With regard
to his judgement as a commander, however, it should be noted that his failure to
reward the Armenians for their treachery led to their surrendering the fort of
Kamachon to the Arabs shortly afterwards in a fit of resentment. In addition, the
fact that he had the faces of the 1,000 rebels, who were led into Constantinople in
chains, tattooed in ink with the words 'Armenian plotter' before dispersing them to
Sicily and other island destinations implies a certain degree of overkill in his
reaction to their defection (AM 6285). This tendency to overreact is perhaps
paralleled by his harsh treatment of Theodore the Studite and the other Studite
monks following their opposition to his divorce and remarriage, while the Life of
Tarasius (of course, a partial source) speaks of Constantine's cruelty towards
Tarasius' supporters and 'persecution' of the patriarch for failing to agree to his
marriage to Theodote.[[81]

Constantine made a further expedition against the Arabs in April 795, and in May
engaged and defeated an Arab raiding party (TheophanesAM 6287). Such minor
successes were followed up in 796, in the May of which Constantinople was
devastated by an earthquake. Kardamos of Bulgaria took advantage of this to
demand tribute, threatening to appear at the Golden Gate and devastate Thrace.
Constantine's attitude to this blackmail was reassuringly resolute, if somewhat
immature: The emperor sent him some horse excrement wrapped in a kerchief and
said, 'such tribute as befits you I have sent you. You are an old man and I do not
want you to take the trouble of coming all the way here. Instead, I will go to
Marcellae, and do you come out. Then let God decide.'

Constantine did indeed call Kardamos' bluff by advancing to the region of

Adrianople, where he defied the Bulgarians for seventeen days. Kardamos did not
dare to give battle and withdrew (Theophanes AM 6288). In the same year, the
Arabs advanced as far as Amorium, but withdrew without any gains, except a few
captives from the region. The fact that Constantine was both enthusiastic about his
campaigning and achieving some successes is shown by Irene and Stauracius'
evident unwillingness to allow him to gain a major victory, for, when he led 20,000
men against the Arabs in March 797, the campaign was aborted by misinformation:
'The supporters of Stauracius, being aware of the ardour of the army and of the
emperor, were afraid lest he prove victorious in war and they fail in their plot
against him. So they bribed the scouts and caused them to lie that the Saracens had
departed. The emperor, for his part, was much saddened and returned to the City
empty-handed.' (Theophanes AM 6289). When he fled his mother's plot in July,
Irene's supporters feared that army support for Constantine would render their plans
fruitless, and indeed Theophanes reports that the army was collecting around the
emperor. This almost caused Irene to capitulate, though in the event she preferred
to blackmail her supporters into dealing terminally with the emperor
(Theophanes AM 6289).

That Constantine's following was substantial is implied, after his deposition, by the
attempt of 'trouble-makers' in October 797 to have one of his sons proclaimed
emperor. A great crowd collected in St Sophia in their support, but Aetius was able
to extract the boys and banish them to Athens (Theophanes AM 6290). A further
plot in support of their rights by the Helladics took place in March 798, perhaps
with the approval of Irene's own uncle Constantine Sarantapechos; Irene however
sent her nephew Theophylact to stamp out the rebellion, and the boys, and perhaps
Constantine, were blinded (Theophanes AM 6291). Constantine appears to have
lacked diplomatic finesse and judgement, but since he was only 26 years of age at
the time of his death, and clearly not without support from within the army, it is
probably unwise to label him too categorically as an ineffectual commander, nor
one who needed to be removed for the good of the state.

After he was blinded by his mother's supporters on Saturday 16 April 797, at the
age of 26, he was exiled to Principo and died before 806. He was buried in
Constantinople in Irene's monastery of St Euphrosyne, where his first wife Maria
and his daughters Irene and Euphrosyne, who was to marry Michael II, were later
buried: Maria may have retired to this monastery after their divorce. It is possible
that he was still alive in 802, as it is recorded that shortly after his accession the
new emperor Nicephorus befriended Constantine in an attempt to discover the
whereabouts of a treasure hidden in the palace (Cedrenus 2.31; Leo Gramm. 202).
This would imply that Constantine had been brought or allowed back to
Constantinople under the new regime (after all the new heir to the throne Stauracius
was later to marry Theophano, Constantine's cousin), and the Continuator of
George Monachus (809) narrates that Constantine lived in a mansion known as ta
Isidorou, which was later turned into a convent by his widow. The fact that he was
given an imperial funeral, though not in the Chuch of the Holy Apostles, implies
that Constantine's status had been at least partially rehabilitated by his mother's
imperial successor and this may well have been an implicit condemnation of Irene's
deposition of her son, the rightful emperor.[[82]]

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Vita Philareti, 'La vie de S. Philarte, ed. M.-H. Fourmy & M. Leroy, Byzantion, 9
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(1891), 395-423.

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EudociaIngerina,WifeofBasilI
 Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia
Shaun Tougher
Cardiff University, UK

Eudocia Ingerina ('daughter of Inger'), arguably the central player in the

establishment of the Macedonian dynasty, was the wife of Basil I(867-886), the
first of this line. She was thus the mother of the two successive emperors, Leo
VI (886-912) and Alexander (912-913) and grandmother of the
renowned Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus(913-959). The dynasty which she
founded, perhaps the most glorious in Byzantine history, was to rule the empire
until the death of Eudocia's great-great-great-granddaughter, the 'purple-born' nun
Theodora, in 1056.

What is, of course, down-played in historical sources of the Macedonian dynasty is

that this 'well-branched vine bearing the grapes of the Empire',[[1]] in order to
achieve the accession of her new husband Basil, had been an active accomplice in
the murder of her long-time lover, the twenty-seven-year-old Michael III (842-
867), whom Basil then supplanted.

EudociaandMichaelIII

Michael III 'the Amorian',anotableplayboyemperor,hadbeenbornon19

January840.[[2]]AstheonlysurvivingsonofTheophilus(829842)and
Theodora,followingfiveoldersistersThecla,Anna,Anastasia,Mariaand
Pulcheria(thethreeoldestofwhomhadbeencrownedempressesbytheirfatherin
theabsenceofason)[[3]]Michaelathisfather'sunexpectedlyearlydeathcame
tothethronewhenonlytwoyearsofage.

Michael'smother,Theodora,daughterofMarinus,
adrungariusortourmarches(highrankingprovincialmilitaryofficer),andhis
wifeTheoctistePhlorina,[[4]]originatedfromPaphlagonia.On5June830shehad
beenmarriedtoTheophilus,supposedlyafterabrideshow,at
whichTheophilusrejectedthepoetessKassia.[[5]]Shebroughtherfamilyto
powerwithher:despitecertaindisagreementswithinthemarriage(particularly
overiconveneration,Theophilusbeingacommitted
iconoclast),TheophilusclearlyintendedTheodoratoactasregentintheeventof
hisdeath,butincludedwithherintheregencycounciltheeunuchTheoctistus,
logotheteofthedromos,andTheodora'suncleManueltheprotomagistros;her
brotherBardas,andpossiblyanotherbrotherPetronas,mayalsohavebeen
included.[[6]]

WhileTheodoraandTheoctistustooktheopportunityasregentstorestoreicon
venerationin843(forwhichbothwerecanonised),[[7]]Michael'sinterestsashe
grewupweremoreliberalandlessconventional.Certainlyhewasprecociousby
modern(ifnotbymedieval)standards,andin855,attheageoffifteen,was
devotedtohuntingandchariotracingandhadalreadyopenlytakenamistress.This
lady,EudociaIngerina,musthavebeenbornc.840orearlierandsowasprobably
slightlyolderthanMichael(forwhichtherearemanyhistoricalparallelsatthe
Byzantineandothermedievalcourts).Shewasobviouslyofgoodfamily,perhapsa
ladyinwaitingandoneofTheodora'sretinue,andherfatherIngermayhavebeen
relatedtotheiconoclastbishopIngerofNicaea,whoheldtheseeofNicaeac.825.
[[8]]CyrilMangohaspostulatedthatthefamilywasofRusdescentandEudocia
thereforeofScandinavianorigin(IngerbeinganapproximaterenderingofIgoror
Ingvarr).InthiscaseEudociamaywellhavebeenafairhaired'Scandinavian
beauty'.[[9]]WearetoldbyvarioussourcesthatherfatherIngerwasofgood
familyandshewasalsoconnected,presumablythroughhermother,withthe
Martinakioi,who,likebishopInger,hadiconoclastleanings.[[10]]Theophano,first

wifeofEudocia'ssonLeoVI ,alsobelongedtothisfamily,beingthedaughterof
ConstantineMartinakesandsooneofEudocia'sownrelations.Eudociaherself
choseTheophanoasherson'swifeandashersuccessorasempress.[[11]]

Whilemistressesatcourtwerenothingnewinthisperiod,theywerealmost
invariably(asfaraswecanjudge)ofgoodfamily,involvinggirlsatcourtwho
werethereintheirroleasattendantsofthewomenoftheimperialfamily.
Significantlymanyofthesebecameimperialmistressesandendedupmarryingthe
emperor.ThiswasthecaseforTheodote,mistressandthensecondwife
ofConstantine VI;aswellasforZoeZaoutzainaandZoeKarbounopsina,
mistressesofLeo VIandhissecondandfourthwivesrespectively.Eudociawould
alsohavebeenoneofthisclass:awellborn,educated,attractiveandsocially
competentteenagerwithahighlyrespectedfamilybackground,andsoof
appropriatematerialforanimperialbrideataperiodwhenitwasusualfor
empressestobechosenfromwithintheByzantineelite.

TheassociationbetweenMichael andEudociaIngerinawasnotatalltotheliking
ofthepiousempressTheodora,anditisrecordedthatEudociawashatedbyboth
TheodoraandherchiefministerTheoctistusbecauseofher'impudence'or
shamelessness:[[12]]thisteenagestarlet,whohad'entrapped'thegreatestcatchin
theempire,wasclearlynotconcernedtoplaydownherrelationshipwiththeyoung
emperorandmadeherpositionasimperialconcubinemorethanobvious.So,to
counteractthisinfatuationasquicklyaspossible,inthatsameyear
asMichael'sliaisonbecamenotorious,Theodoraissaidtohavearrangedabride
showtochooseasuitableimperialbride.Thefifteenyearoldemperorwasmarried
tothemoresuitableEudociaDecapolitissa,aladyofwhosebackgroundweknow
nothingandwhomMichaelwastoignorefortherestofhisreign.Themarriage
wasstagemanagedthroughthepreliminariesofabrideshow,thoughEudocia
Decapolitissawascertainlyofnoblebirthandbelongedtocourtcircles.[[13]]As
withpreviousbrideshows,thepotentialgroomhadlittle,ifany,sayinthe
selectionandthedecisionwasorchestratedbyTheodoraandTheoctistus:Eudocia
Ingerinaasanoblegirlofgoodfamily,wellknownatcourt,andpresumably
intenselygoodlooking(aswasexpectedofanimperialmistress)[[14]]was
actuallypermittedtotakepart,butMichaelwasnotallowedtochooseher.
[[15]]Thefactthatshewastheemperor'smistresswasobviouslynotconsideredto
beanappropriatequalificationandTheodoraintendedtoseethisyoungrivalto
herselfandherdaughtersupstagedatcourt.

Thisunwishedformarriagemayhavebeenoneofthecontributingfactors
behindMichael'srebellionagainsthismother'sregency.Whilestillfifteenyearsof
age,hedeposedTheodoraandTheoctistus,withthehelpofhisuncleBardas,
Theodora'sbrother,whowastoreplacethemasMichael'schiefminister.Themost
shockingaspectofMichael'sdepositionofhismotherwasthemurderof
Theoctistuson20November855.Inasensehistorywasrepeatingitself,for
TheoctistushadearlierhelpedMichael'sgrandfather,Michael II,
assassinatehispredecessorLeo V.Bardasdidnotprobablyintendthemurder,
butMichaeleggedontheimperialguardtokillTheoctistusthoughTheodoratried
toprotectherlogotheteashecoweredbehindachair.[[16]]Kalomaria,Theodora's
sister,andTheophanes,chiefofthewardrobe,arealsosaidtohavejoinedthe
conspiracy.[[17]]Bardashadencouragedthisrevolt,byconvincingMichael that
TheodoraplannedtodeposehimandmarryTheoctistusherself(unlikelybecause
hewasaeunuch),[[18]]ormarryoffoneofherdaughterstoasuitablesoninlaw
andmakehimemperor.[[19]]InanycaseitwaseasytoseethatTheodoraand
TheoctistuswouldalwaysstandinthewayofMichaelrulinginhisownright.
[[20]]

Once Michael wassixteenandofanagetoruleforhimself,hewasofficially

acclaimedsoleruleron15March856.[[21]]HoweverTheodorawasdistraughtat
themurderofherministerandnothappyatbeingsidelined,asshemadeclear
to Michael.Shewastocontinuetoliveinthepalacetill858,whensheandher
daughtersweresenttotheGastriaandtaKarianoumonasteries,thoughthe
PatriarchIgnatiuswouldnottonsurethembecausetheywent
unwillingly.[[22]]WithEudociaIngerinaprominentatcourtandthepositionof
EudociaDecapolitissaonlynominal,thesituationoftheseniorempressandher
daughtersmusthavebeenuncomfortableandperhapstheirmonasticseclusion
cameasarelief.Overtime,however,Michael'shostilitytowardsTheodora
graduallywaned,andheappearstohavereleasedhismotherandsistersfromthe
Gastriaafewyearslater,perhapsin863,andallowedhismothertoresumea
ceremonialroleatcourt.

AfterhavingTheoctistusassassinated,MichaelnamedhisuncleBardas(whowas,
indeed,anoutstandingadministrator)chartoulariostoukanikleiou(keeperofthe
inkstand),magistrosandthendomesticoftheScholae;in859hewas
madecuropalates,andon26April862MichaelcrownedhimCaesar,thus
nominatinghimashisheirapparentintheabsenceofanychildreninthedynasty's
youngergeneration,asituationMichaelhimselfhaddonemuchtobringabout.
[[23]]

Eudocia, the imperial mistress

What,inthemeantime,ofEudociaIngerina?InthethirdyearofMichael's(sole)
reign,soc.857/8,wearetoldthathepromotedhiscousinAntigonus,oneof
Bardas'ssons,tothepostofdomesticoftheScholae,whilemakinghisothercousin
domestic(commanderinchief)oftheWest.Thiscousinwasmarriedofftoagirl
calledEudocia'whohadanunsavouryreputation'.Thesearenotnecessarily
sufficientgroundsonwhichtoidentifyherwithourEudociaIngerina,as'Eudocia
daughterofInger'isspecificallynamedinoursourcesonnumerousoccasionsand
theidentificationwithherwouldpresumablyhavebeenmadeexplicit.[[24]]Onthe
otherhand,EudociawasnotaparticularlycommonnameuntilthelaterByzantine
period,andarguablytherewouldhavebeenfewEudociasatcourtwhowereso
notorious.Itis,therefore,notunreasonabletospeculatethatMichael mayhave
marriedhismistresstooneofhiscousinsinordertolegitimisehersocialstatusand
giveheranimportantpositioninthehierarchyofthewomenofthecourt.
OnceMichael'smotherandsisterswereensconcedinconvents,thewivesofthe
remainingmembersofTheodora'sfamily(herbrothersandnephews)wouldhave
heldthehighestranksalongsidethenominalempressEudociaDecapolitissa.
Additionally,Bardas'sfamily,asMichaelwouldhavefoundconvenient,were
comfortablypositionedwithinthepalaceitself,forkeyfiguresintheregencylived
withinthepalaceprecinctsandBardas'sotherson,Antigonus,builtareceptionhall
withintheimperialresidence.[[25]]

However,theyoungdomesticoftheWestwastodieshortlyafterhismarriage,and
Bardashimselfwasthenrumouredtohavetakenupwithhiswidoweddaughterin
law,Eudocia,almostimmediatelyafterhisson'sdeath.Hewaspointedlycriticised
bythepatriarchoverthisliaison.[[26]]Thiswouldfitwiththefactthat,while
BardashadmarriedTheodosia,sisterofStIreneofChrysobalanton,ashissecond
wifec.855,hedivorcedherc.862,theincestuousrelationshipwithEudocia,orthe
reportofit,beingperhapsthecatalystforthisdivorce.[[27]]

ThepresumptionthatthislooselivingEudociainBardas'shousehold
andMichael'smistresswereoneandthesameisveryappealing.CertainlyBardas's
maritalsituation(andthemoralcharacterofhisdaughterinlaw)wasamatterof
publicknowledgeandthesubjectofstrictcensurebythePatriarchIgnatius:indeed,
iftherewerealiaisonbetweentheemperor'suncleandtheemperor'smistress,it
canhardlyhavebeenkeptsecretinthehothouseworldofthecourt.NicetasDavid
Paphlagon,inhisLifeofthePatriarchIgnatius,confirmsthatBardasdeposedthe
patriarchforcontinuallycondemninghisrelationshipwithhisdaughterinlaw
Eudociaasincestuousandforexcommunicatinghimoverthisliaison:afurther
factorinIgnatius'sdepositionmayhavebeenIgnatius'srefusaltotonsurethe
empressandherdaughters,onthegroundsthattheybecamenunsunwillingly.
[[28]]Ignatiuswaspatriarchforthefirsttimefrom4July847to23October858,
[[29]]andIgnatius'sdepositionthuscoincidedbothwiththeempressTheodora's
banishmentfromthepalaceandwiththemarriageandearlydeathofBardas'sson.
ButEudocia'spositioninBardas'shouseholdmaypurelyhavebeenamatterof
imperialconveniencefromMichael'spointofview.AmarriagetoMichael'sshort
livedcousinwouldhavegivenEudociarespectabilityandrankamongtheimperial
womenwithoutremovingherfromcourt.Whethershethenbecameintimatewith
herfatherinlawafterherhusband'sdeathcanonlybeamatterofconjecture.
PerhapsIgnatius'sattackonBardaswasreallyanattempttomarginaliseEudocia
withouthavingtonametheemperorasherlover.Theodora,forexample,might
havebeentryingtopreserveherson'sreputationanddamagethatofEudociaby
transferringthemoralblameforanunsavouryliaisonwithherontoherbrother
insteadofimplicatingherson.

IfEudociahadbeenmarriedtoTheodora'sownnephew(andwasnowhiswidow),
herprominentpositionatcourtbothasaclosefamilymemberandsimultaneously
astheimperialmistresscanhardlyhavebeenpalatabletotheseniorempressand
herdaughters.Withoutdoubt,thepalaceandthewomen'squartersinparticular
musthavepolarisedintofactionssupportingthevariousimperialwomen.This
embarrassingsituationmightwellhavemaderetirementtoaconventseemmore
attractivefortheempressmother,especiallyifherson'smistresswas
simultaneouslysaidtobeembroiledwithTheodora'sownbrother.

However,Michael'scareerwastobesoonindeliblyaltered(fortheworse)whena
newfigureenteredhisandEudociaIngerina'slife.Basil I,founderofthe
Macedoniandynasty,hadbeenborninThraceorMacedoniainthe830s.[[30]]For
thefinaltenyearsofMichael'sreign, Basil wastobehisconstantcompanion,
terminatinginhismurderofMichaelonthenightof23/24September
867.Basil'scareer,uptohisaccessiontothethrone,seemsbizarre,butwhatever
thetruthbehindhisrisetopowertheaccountwehavemusthaveseemedcredible
toByzantines,althoughthedifferentversionsofitsurelybeggedquestions.Itcan
beconjecturedthatattheageofabouttwentyfiveBasilhadenteredtheserviceof
hislocalstrategusinMacedonia.Heshortlydecidedthatcareeropportunitieswere
betterinConstantinopleand,whilesleepingroughoutsidethechurchofSt
DiomedesneartheGoldenGate,wasspottedandbefriendedbythesacristanofthe
church:thetwobecameadoptivebrothers.Thesacristan'sbrotherwasadoctorin
theentourageofTheophilitzes,acourtierandoneofMichael'sminorrelatives,and
thisdoctorrecommendedBasiltoTheophilitzesasagroom.Impressedbyhis
physiqueTheophilitzesemployedhim.When,ononeoccasion,Michaelwas
havingtroubleexaminingtheteethofanewandsplendidhorsewhichhewishedto
useinhischariotteam,Theophilitzesofferedtheservicesof Basil,whoimpressed
theemperorwithhisskillsasahorsetamer.Basilwasimmediatelyemployedin
theemperor'sstablesandfromhere,asmighthavebeenexpected,bearingin
mindMichael'spassionforhorsesandchariotracing,[[31]]becameoneofthe
emperor'smostintimatecompanions.[[32]]

AnalternativeversionhasBasil'sskillsasawrestlerbringinghim
toMichael'snoticewhenhedefeatedavisitingBulgarianchampion.
[[33]]Whatevertheattraction,Michaelwasentrancedbythisnewcompanion,who
ispraisedforhisskillsinhunting,ballplaying,wrestlingandjumping,discus
throwing,weightliftingandrunning.[[34]]AccordinglyBasil wasgivenincreasing
rankanddignitiesand,thoughTheodoraissaidtohavewarnedMichaelofthe
dangerinherentinthisassociation(clearlyshetrustedBasilnobetterthanshedid
EudociaIngerina),hersontooknonotice.[[35]].ThusitseemsthatBasil'smeeting
withMichaelmusthavetakenplacebeforeTheodora'sforcedretirementin858,
whenMichaelwasattheimpressionableageofeighteen.[[36]]

Basil wasmadepatricianandfinallyin865LordChamberlain(parakoimomenos),
apositionwhichcouldsupportthesuggestionthatBasilandMichael alsoengaged
inahomosexualrelationship(thepost,whichrequiredclosepersonalattendanceon
theemperor,wasgenerallyreservedforaeunuch).[[37]]Basilwasambitious,and
nowitwastimetogiveBardasthepush.Michaelmightalsohavewantedhimout
oftheway,evenifhewasnottheprimemoverintheplot.Whenon21April866
thearmywasassemblingattheriverMaeanderintheThrakesionthemeforan
expeditionagainsttheArabs,MichaelstoodbywhileBasil assassinatedBardas.
[[38]]HismurderisgraphicallydepictedintheMadridScylitzesmanuscript.
[[39]]Indeed,thecomplicatedandextendedlovetriangle(orrectangle)between
EudociaIngerina,Bardas,hisson,and Michaelmightwellhavemadethefactthat
Bardas'sgenitalswereparadedaroundthearmyonapoleparticularlyappropriate
inthecircumstancesperhapsEudocia'srelationshiptohisuncle(orthepublic
perceptionthereof)hadbecomecloserthanMichael hadinitiallyanticipated.

Eudocia and Basil the Macedonian

IfthereisanytruthinthesuggestionthatEudociahadbecometheloverofBardas,
itisclearthatthissituationhadalreadybeenalteredbeforethemurder
ofMichael'suncle,for BasiltheMacedonianhadbecomeEudocia'shusband.The
exactdateofthemarriageisnotknown,thoughithastraditionallybeenlocatedin
theyear865.[[40]]
AfterBardas'smurder,MichaelimmediatelyabandonedhisArabexpedition:the
implicationthattheexpeditionwasmerelya'setup'inordertoeffecttheeasy
eliminationofBardasisinescapable.OncebackinConstantinopleMichaelthen
had BasilcrownedcoemperorbythepatriarchPhotius;thistookplaceonlya
monthafterthemurder,on26May866.[[41]]Eudociawasnowempress.Atthis
pointshewasfivemonthspregnant.HersonLeo,laterLeo VI,wastobebornon1
September866,andsohadbeenconceivedlatein865.

ThemarriagetoEudociahadbeeneffectedonconditionthatBasiltreatedherwith
respectashis'lady'(i.e.,appropriatelytoherrankasempress)and,accordingtothe
Logothetetradition,themarriageoftheimperialconcubinetoBasil wasnotas
straightforwardasonemightimagine,forBasilwasmadetodivorceanexisting
wifeMaria,whowassentbacktoMacedoniawithasuitablygenerouspayoff.Itis
evenpossiblethatBasilandMariamayhavehadchildrenandMangosuggestsnot
onlytheexistenceofadaughter,Anastasia,butthatBasil'seldestsonConstantine
wasMaria'sandnotEudocia's.[[42]]TheparentagenotonlyofConstantine,but
ofLeotoohasgivenrisetoconsiderableconjecture:someantiMacedonian
sources,whichassumethatEudociaremainedMichael'smistressduringMichael's
lifetime,pointoutthatthedateofLeo'sbirthmakestheassumptionthatthechild
wasMichael's(notBasil's)aforegoneconclusion.[[43]]

ItispossiblethatMichaelhadintendedtheEudociaBasilliaisontobeonlya
nominalmarriage,forwearetoldthat,byMichael'sdesire,Basil wasto
takeMichael'seldestsisterTheclaashismistress.[[44]]Theclahadbeenanunand
wasnowapproximatelythirtyfiveyearsofage,butshealsoheldtherankofan
empress,havingbeencrownedduringherfather'sreign.[[45]]Shehadprobably
returnedtothepalaceafterfiveorsoyearsofmonasticseclusionwiththeother
femalesofthefamilyin863.AccordingtoMango,thewholepointofthecharade
ofthemarriageofBasilandEudociaappearstohavebeentoensurethatthebaby
withwhomshewaspregnantin866(thefutureLeoVI,supposedlyason
ofMichaelandnotBasil
)wouldbe'borninthepurple'.[[46]]Atthesametime
Eudociawouldhaveimperialstatus,andMichaelandEudociawouldbeableto
continuetheirrelationship,while Basilwouldhaveanimperialmistress.

TheliaisonbetweenMichaelandEudociaandpresumablythat
betweenBasilandTheclamayhavecontinueduptillMichael'sdeath:the
LogotheteimpliesthatEudocia'snextsonStephenwasalsoMichael's andthat
onlyAlexander,theyoungestofEudocia'sthreesons,wasalegitimateson
ofBasil's.[[47]]WhileMacedoniansourcesinsistthatLeo wasBasil'schild,itcan
bearguedthatthiswasbecauseitwouldhavebeentooembarrassingtorevealthe
existenceofthemnagetrois,especiallyEudocia'spositionwithinit,sinceshe
wasafterallthefuturematriarchoftheMacedoniandynasty.Certainly,ifshewas
stillMichael'smistressuptohisdeathinSeptember867,Stephen,borntwo
monthslater,wouldhavebeenMichael'ssonaswellasLeo.However,the
ingenioustheoryofMangocanbequestioned.[[48]]Onemustnotforgetthe
hostilityoftheLogothetetotheMacedoniandynasty.ThefactthatBasil'seldest
son,Constantine,isalsosaidtobeasonofMichaelandEudocia,isoverlooked.
[[49]]ThisunderminestheargumentthatthebirthofLeowasparticularly
significant.Further,itseemsratheroddthatLeowouldhavebeenthefirstchild
ofMichaelandEudociaiftheyhadbeenhavinganaffairsinceMichaelwasa
teenager.

Itisentirelypossible(ifnotprobable)thatLeowasasonofBasilandEudocia
afterall:or,ofcourse,thatevenEudociaherselfwasnotsure

whetherBasil orMichaelwasthefatherofherchild.Indeedtheburgeoningfamily
ofBasilmayexplainthetensionthatdevelopedintherelationship
betweenMichaelandBasil;theirintenserelationshipbegantoturnsour.Ata
banquetfollowingchariotracesatthepalaceofStMamas
whichMichael celebratedwithBasilandEudocia,Basil hadcausetofearforhis
newpositionwhenapatricianBasiliscianus(oneofMichael'smoredisreputable
promotions),whohadjustflatteredtheemperoroverhischariotvictoryforthe
Blues,wasinvitedtoputontheimperialshoes:thepurplejewelledshoeswerethe

veryessenceofimperialstatus.BothBasil andEudocia,theempress,were
concernedatthissuggestionthatBasilmightbelosingfavourandthatdemotion
mightbeinthecards.WhenBasiliscianushesitatedinputting
onBasil'sshoes,MichaelsaidbluntlytoBasil,'Theysuithimbetterthantheydo
you.Imadeyouemperordon'tIhavetheauthoritytomakeanother?'Eudocia
thenburstintotearswiththewords,'Theimperialdignity,Omylord,isagreat
thingandItoowasunworthytohavebeenhonouredwithit.Butitisnotrightthat
itshouldbetreatedwithcontempt.'[[50]]Michaeltoldhernottodistressherself:it
washisfirmintentiontomakeBasiliscianusemperor.

Itisabundantlyclearthattheemperorcouldinstantaneouslyraiseacourtiertothe
highestlevels(andsimilarlydemoteone),andafterhismeteoriccareertheco
emperorwouldhavebeenonlytoowellawareofthatfact.[[51]]FromEudocia's
pointofviewherpositionasAugustawasunderthreat.Basilisreportedashaving
beenbothangeredanddistressed.[[52]]ThereisfurtherevidencethatMichaelwas
turningagainstBasil:thereappearstohavebeenanassassinationattempt
onBasilwhilehewasouthunting,andhewasdeliberatelyomittedfromtheco
emperor'susualplaceonConstantinople'sgoldandsilvercoinage.[[53]]

Perhapsthemostbizarreaspectofthewholematrimonialtangleaccordingtothe

Logothete'saccountisMichael'ssuggestionthatBasilshouldtakeMichael's own
sisterashismistress.[[54]]YetthereisnoevidencethatTheclaobjected.Her

liaisonwithBasilisevenconfirmedbythefactthatthreeyearslater,c.870,when
shesentamanofbusinesstoBasil,thensecurelyemperorinhisownright,he
askedtheretainerwhoThecla's(current)loverwas.Onbeingtoldthatitwasa
certainNeatocomites,Basil reactedviolently:Neatocomiteswasforcedtobecome
amonkandTheclawasbeatenanddeprivedofherproperty.Apartfromthe
jealousyofanexlover,theremightalsohavebeenasubtexthere,as
NeatocomiteshadunsuccessfullytriedtowarnBardasofthethreatposed
byBasilthedaybeforehewasmurdered:perhapsBasil sawTheclanotjustas
unfaithfultohismemory,butasdisloyaltohisregime.[[55]]Thisreported
relationshipbetweernTheclaandNeatocomites,likethelateraffairofEudocia
herself,givesusaninterestingwindowintothelifestylepossibleforwomenofthe
imperialfamily.

Assassination and accession

ThefinalactinthisbloodyJacobeanmelodramawastheremovalofMichael.Now
thatBasilhadreasontobelievehemightbelosingMichael's favour,timewas
runningoutfortheemperor,andwhilehewashuntingoutsidethecityin
September867hewaswarnedbyamonkofaplotagainsthimmasterminded
byBasil.[[56]]Theactualmurdertookplacelaterthatmonth,onthenightof23
September867,afterthe'coimperial'couple,BasilandEudocia,hadbeeninvited
todinnerinMichael'ssuburbanpalaceofStMamas.Michaelcanhardlyhave
takenthewarningofthethreatposedbyBasilveryseriously:nodoubt,too,hehad
perfectfaithinEudocia,whowasnowsevenmonthspregnant(bywhomishardly
relevantinthiscontext).TheboltofMichael'sbedroomdoorwastamperedwith
byBasilsothedoorcouldnotbelocked,andhewasencouragedbyEudociatoget
verydrunkasusual;Rentaciushisprotovestiarios(possiblyparakoimomenos),who
wouldnormallyhavesleptnearhim,wasoffhunting.[[57]]WhileMichaelwas
snoringinbed,sleepingoffhiswine,Basilandeightfriendsrushedintothe
bedroomandbutcheredhim,afterfirstcuttingoffhishands.[[58]]

Basilandhisconspiratorsthenrushedtothepalacetosecuretheirposition.The
commanderofthepalaceguards,Artavasdus,wasinformedbytheconspirators'in
hisowntongue'byoneofBasil's PersianassociatesthatMichaelwasdeadandthe
newemperorwantedentry.Withthepalaceopeneduptothem,theconspiracyhad
succeeded.[[59]]TheheavilypregnantEudociawasthenescortedfromStMamas
totheimperialpalace'withgreathonour':[[60]]theimplicationthatshehadbeen
involvedintheconspiracy,notleastbylullingthetipsyMichaelintoafalsesense
ofsecurity,isunavoidable.Michael'sbodywasquicklyandunceremoniously
buriedinthemonasteryofChrysopolis,ontheeasternsideoftheBosphorus,but
significantlyLeo VI laterhaditceremoniallyreburiedinthechurchoftheHoly
Apostles,thetraditionalsiteforimperialtombs.[[61]]Theother
Eudocia,Michael'swidow,the'ghost'empress,wasimmediatelyreturnedtoher
parents;[[62]]herentiretimeasempresshadbeenovershadowedbyherunofficial
rival.

Theodorabythispointhadbeenrestoredtolibertyinthepalaceforthelastthreeor
fouryearsandwouldhaveplayedaceremonialroleatcourt,ifnotanyactivepart
ingovernment;perhapshersonwaspleasedforhertocontestthestagewithhis
despisedwifeEudociaDecapolitissapriortotheelevationofEudociaIngerinaas
thirdempressinthehierarchy.Theodorawascertainlynowonspeakingterms
withMichael,foronthedayofhisdeathshesenthimadinnerinvitationforthe
followingday,andMichaeltoldRentaciustogoouthuntingwithothermembers
ofhisentourageforsomethingsuitabletosendhertoserveatdinner(which
explainsRentacius'sabsencefromMichael'schamberonthenightofthemurder).
WhenTheodoraheardthatBasilhadbeenacclaimedasemperor,sherushedtothe
palaceofStMamas,wherehersonlaydead.Ourlastglimpseofheriswhenshe
wasfoundbyPaulthecubicularius,whohadbeensenttoarrangeMichael'sburial,

weepingwithherdaughtersoverMichael's body,whichwaswrappedinthe
blanketbelongingtotherighthandhorse(theleadhorseofthechariotteam)that

hedrove:anicetouchMichael's deepaffectionforhishorsesinlifewas
replicatedathisdeath.Wehavetowonderifoneofhisentouragedeliberately
chosethisblanketasanappropriateshroudorifitwasjustcloseathandasifin
frequentuse.PerhapsEudociaIngerinainthepalaceofStMamas,anxiously

awaitingnewsofBasil's takeoveroftheGreatPalaceandtheentouragetoescort
hertherewiththefullpompandceremonyofanempress,wastheonewhofound
thecoveringforthedisembowelledbodyofherdeadlover.Maybeshe,too,sheda
fewtears.Onecanonlyhopethatshewasabletogetawaywithherescortbefore
thearrivalofMichael'sdesolatemotherandsisters.Eudocia'sceremonial
departurefromStMamasthrewintosharpreliefthewayinwhichMichael'sbody
washastilyshippedacrosstheBosphorustoChrysopolisandunceremoniously
buriedthere.[[63]]

TheodoradiedsometimeaftertheaccessionofBasil andwasburiedintheGastria
monastery,towhichsheprobablyretiredagainafterMichael'sdeath.The
knowledgethatherson'sassassinwasnowemperor,withhisaccompliceEudocia
Ingerinaasempressalongsidehim,musthavebeenparticularlygalling.[[64]]At
timesinhermonasticseclusion,withhersondeadandherdaughtersagingand
unmarried,shecanhardlyhavehelpedwonderingwhethershehadbeenaltogether
wise,twelveyearsearlier,inherattempttostabilisethedynasticsuccessionby

forciblyseparatingtheteenageMichael andhislovelyEudocia.

Eudocia Augusta
Theimperialmistressofoneemperorhadnowsucceededinreachingthethroneas
thecrownedwifeofhissuccessorandassassin.Eudocia'sownviewsonthe
situationareofcourseamatterofconjecture,but,whetherornotshe
preferredBasil 'the Macedonian'toMichael'theAmorian',shewasatleast
officiallytheempressandpossessedofallimperialdignityapositionwhichmust
havehaditsattractions.Afterall,whileEudociaDecapolitissalived,shecould
neverhavebecomeMichael'sempress,butremainedjustaparticipantinarather
shadymatrimonialintrigue,whichstillleftherinanequivocalpositionatcourt.
AnychildrensheopenlyhadbyMichaelcouldneverhavebeen'purpleborn'.
Whateverhermotives,outwardly,atleast,hermarriageto Basil wassuccessful:
shewastohavefourfurtherchildren:Alexander(bornc.870)andthreedaughters,
Anna,HelenaandMaria,thoughtheseweretobesenttoamonasterybytheir
father.[[65]]

InthesamewaythatTheodora,wifeofJustinian,wasabletoshakeoffher
disreputablepastonceempressandbecome'moreroyalthantheroyals',Eudocia
Ingerinatooenjoyedalltheperquisitesofimperialrank.Shewasseated
besideBasil,drawnbywhitehorses,inthetriumphalprocessionconductedforthe
baptismofhersonStephenonChristmasDay867.[[66]]Sheisalsoportrayed
standingbetweentwoofhersons,LeoandAlexander,intheParisGregoryMS
(ParisB.N.gr.510),anillustratedmanuscriptcontainingtheHomiliesofSt
GregoryofNazianzus,plussomeofhisletters,andGregorythepresbyter'slifeof
thesaint.ThemanuscriptwasproducedinConstantinoplearound880(perhapsasa
gifttotheemperorfromthepatriarchPhotius).[[67]]Eudocia'scrownismore
lavishthanthatofBasil's,whoisdepictedinaseparateminiature,andshecarriesa
sceptreinherrighthandandanorbinherleft.Theinscriptionaroundtheminiature
focusesonEudocia:'Basil,emperoroftheRomans,elevatedyou,awellbranched
vinebearingasthegrapesofsovereigntytheserenedespots[princes]withwhom
youshine,OlightbringingEudocia'.[[68]]Inaddition,likesomeotherAugustasof
theperiodsuchasMichael'smotherTheodora(butnotEudociaDecapolitissa),
Eudociaappearedonherhusband'scoinage:shehaddefinitelybeengrantedfull
imperialstatus.[[69]]Furthermore,sheclearlyhadherownimperialfunds,for
atBasil'saccessionshemadeliberaldonationstothepeople.[[70]]

In879,Basil'seldestsonConstantinediedunexpectedly,andLeobecametheheir
apparent.SomehaveseensignificanceinthefactthatBasilandLeohada
dysfunctionalrelationship,arguingthatitgivescredencetothepossibility
thatLeowasnotBasil'sson.HoweveritispossiblethatbothLeoandhiselder
brotherConstantineweresonsofBasil andEudocia,andthatthereareother

explanationsforthedifficultrelationshipbetweenBasilandLeo.[[71]]Thereare
signsthatEudocia'srelationshipwithBasil,too,waslessthanperfectalso,forat
aboutthistime,c.878,shebecameromanticallyinvolvedwithaNicetas
Xylinites.Basil punishedhimbyhavinghimtonsuredasamonk,thoughLeoon
hisaccessionin886promotedXylinitestothepositionofoikonomos,or
administratoroftheproperty,ofStSophia.[[72]]

ThelastwehearofEudociaiswhenin882shesupposedlyarrangedabrideshow
forLeoasheirtothethrone,atwhich'he'choseTheophano,oneofEudocia'sown
relatives,andamemberoftheMartinakioifamily,likeherself.Leowasvery
unhappyatthechoiceofhisbride,andEudociamayhavebeensidingwithher
husbandagainsthersonorwasmerelyfollowingthenormalpracticeof
aggrandisingherownfamily.[[73]]Leoalreadyhadamistress,Zoe,daughterof
StylianusZaoutzes,thecommanderoftheimperialguard,andtheLifeofthe
patriarchStEuthymiusquotesLeoassayingthat'allthemembersofthesenate
knowthatImarriedher[Theophano]againstmywillfromfearofmyfatherandin
utterdistress'.WhenTheophanoinformedherfatherinlawofthefactthatZoe

wasLeo'smistress,Basil beathimupwithhisfists(Basil'searliercareerasa
wrestlermusthavemadethisamemorableexperience)andhadZoeforcibly
marriedoff.ThisintriguebetweenLeoandZoemighthaveseemedmerelyaslight
peccadillo,but,inviewofthelongtermconsequencesarisingfromMichaelIII's
liaisonwithEudociaIngerina,Basilmaywellhaveseenthesituationasathreatto
hisregime;ineffect,itwastoproveso,ifoneacceptsthatZoe'sfatherZaoutzes
wasinvolvedinplotsagainstBasilintheinterestsofhisdaughter'simperiallover.
[[74]]

Eudociawasnottoseehersononthethrone:shediedinlate882orearly883.
Perhapsherdeathhadsomeeffectinworseningtherelationshipbetweenher
husbandandeldestson,forin883Leowasimprisonedforthreeyearsandhis
supporter,thegeneralAndrewtheScythian,wasdeposedasdomesticof
theScholae.Leosupposedlyhadbeenslanderedandunjustlyaccusedof
conspiracybytheclericSantabarenus,butperhapshehadbeeninvolvedinavery
realplotagainstBasil.Certainlyhewasonlyreleasedandreconciledtohisfather
justbeforeBasil'sdeath,afterasecondconspiracyinwhichhecouldhavehadno
part.[[75]]Leo'sreconciliationwithhisfatherwasstagemanagedon20July,the
feastofElijahthoughBasilapparentlysaidtothecrowdonthisoccasion,'Are
youpraisingGodonaccountofmyson?Youwillsuffermanymisfortunesand
painfuldayonhisaccount!'whichhardlysoundslikeavoteofconfidence.
[[76]]Later,asruler,Leo reinstatedAndrewtheScythianasdomesticof
theScholaeandpersonallyfloggedSantabarenusandhadhimexiledfirsttoAthens
andthenblindedandsenttotheEast.[[77]]

Eudocia's legacy
InAugust886Basil Idied,supposedlyfromwoundssustainedduringahunting
accident.Some,however,havesuggestedthathefinallyfellvictimtoaconspiracy,
orchestratedbyStylianusZaoutzes,thefatherofLeo'smistress.[[78]]Iftherewas
wasanactiveparticipant.Somehavealso
aplot,however,itisnotcertainthatLeo
seensignificanceinoneofLeo'sfirstactsasruler,thecollectionofMichael
III'sremainsandtheirburialwithhonourintheimperialburialplace,theChurchof
theHolyApostles,insistingthatthebodybeaccompaniedbybothhisyounger
brothers(StephenandAlexander).This,itcanbeargued,showslittlerespectfor
hisrecentlydeceased'father'Basilandsupportsthehypothesisthathe
wasMichael'sson.[[79]]However,itispossiblethatLeowassimplytryingto
atoneforthebloodycrimewhichputtheMacedoniandynastyinpower.[[80]]The
funeralorationhelaterdeliveredforBasilin888givesaconventionallyeulogistic
pictureofthefamilyandwasperhapsintendedtofurtherstabilisethepositionof
thedynasty.InthisfuneralorationforBasilin888,Leocallshismotherthe'finest
ofwomen',and'themostaristocraticandvirtuouswomanwhoeverlived';states
thatwhileMichaelcouldhavemarriedher,Providencereserveda'greater'destiny
forher;andassertsthatsheandBasilattainedthethroneunwillinglyandwithout
violence.Howeverunconvincingthisattempttowhitewashhismotherand
howeverlittlethisreflectedhisrealfeelingstowardshisparents,Macedonian
sourcesinvariablypresentherasthereveredmatriarchofthedynasty.[[81]]

HistoriansoftheMacedoniandynasty,GenesiusandtheContinuatorof
Theophanesinparticular,workhardatblackeningthecharacterofMichaelIIIin
ordertojustifyhismurderandBasil'susurpation,[[82]]buthislatersobriquet
Michael'theDrunkard'ishardlyjustified.[[83]]Hewasnottheonlyemperorto
turnasidefromthestuffyconventionsofcourtandenjoyhorseracing,associate
withjestersandbuffoons,andkeepanofficialmistressinhiscase,Eudocia
Ingerina.Butwhileemperorsweretocontinuetobemurderedbytheirbestfriends
ortheirwives,Michaelwasperhapstheonlyemperortobeassassinatedbya
combinationofhis(former)bestfriendandhisownpregnantmistress.

ThereportsofMichael'sgenerosity(givingchristeningpresentsofgoldtohis
charioteers'children),loveofhishorses(stablesfurnishedwithmarbleandrunning
water),andpracticaljokes(dressinguphisfavouritejester,Gryllus,toimpersonate
thepatriarch),[[84]]makehimparticularlyattractivetomoderneyes,asdoother
talesofhisidiosyncraticbehaviour.Mostnotableistheanecdoteofhisdining
withoutnoticewithanordinarywomaninthecityandlayingthetablehimself
whenshewasovercomewithsocialembarrassment.[[85]]Andhewasapopular
andsuccessfulemperor,bearinghisageinmindafterallhewasonlyinhislate
twentieswhenhedied.Hehadsomesuccessfulcampaignstohiscredit.Norwashe
withoutdiscernmenthiscommentonthePhotianIgnatianschism,ifitis
correctlyattributedtohim,showssomewit,andaproperappreciationofBardas's
motivesindeposingIgnatiusaspatriarch:'Theophilus[Gryllus'spropername]is
myPatriarch,PhotiusisthePatriarchoftheCaesar[Bardas],Ignatiusofthe
Christians.'[[86]]

ButtowhatextentwasEudociaIngerinaopenlyresponsiblebothforthe
licentiousnessatcourtandtheeventsrelatingtoMichael'sdeath?Clearly,however
muchTheodoraandTheoctistusdisapprovedofher,itwouldhavebeenfarbetter
forthedynastyandforMichaelhimselfhadEudociaandMichaelbeen
allowedtomarrybackin855.Theconsequenceofpreventingthishadbeenthe
creationofatortuousseriesofrelationshipssuitedtoMichael'splayboy
mentality.Ifayearisalongtimeinpolitics,tenyearsisaneternityforanextra
maritalaffairatcourt.Indeedthis'Scandinavianbeauty'musthave
sharedMichael'ssenseofhumourandloveofinebriatefungenerallyoverthe
decadetheyspenttogether.Perhapsinhermiddleagesheregrettedthelaissezfaire
atmosphereofMichael'scourtasopposedtothestrictnessofthatofBasil.Butno
doubtshewouldhavebeencomfortedtoknowthatthedynastyshehelpedtofound
wastobeinpowersometwocenturieslater,andthat,eveninitslastgeneration,
hergreatgreatgreatgranddaughterZoewouldcarryonthetraditionofjollity,love
affairs,andfestivityatcourt,whichMichael IIIandEudociaherselfhadsogreatly
enjoyedsometwohundredyearsearlier.

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1996.
 Zoe Porphyrogenita (wife of Romanus III, Constantine IX, and Michael IV)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia

The sisters Zoe and Theodora, as nieces of the childless Basil II and daughters of
his younger brother Constantine VIII and Helena Alypia, were the only heirs to
the Macedonian dynasty in the new generation. They were also its last
representatives. While Theodora was later to reign briefly in her own right, it was
Zoe who was initially given the chance to secure the future of the imperial family, a
chance which she embraced with enthusiasm. Like many a twenty-first century
starlet, she married three husbands, adopted a likely young lad as her son and heir,
and indulged in numerous affairs. As the embodiment of the dynasty, Zoe
legitimised the reign of each of her three husbands, who received the throne by
right of marriage to her, and like her grandmother Theophano was implicated in
the decease of one of these husbands, whose presence she considered to have
become superfluous to requirements. Immensely popular with the inhabitants of the
capital, she was protected by them when her position was threatened, despite the
fact that she was not only childless but frivolous and extravagant as well, with no
concern for the realities of government. But her status was assured by the fact that
she (and not her connections by marriage) was the 'Macedonian' and heir of Basil
II. Though she had no taste for administration or the details of government, Zoe
was not helpless: as well as her role in the death of her first and elderly
husband Romanus III Argyrus, she was reported to have plotted against her
second husband, Michael IV, when he restricted her activities, and against her
adopted son Michael V, when he too sidelined her from the centre of government,
as well as having attempted to have poisoned her husband's brother, John
the Orphanotrophus, one of the highest-ranking administrators of the empire.

The death of Constantine VIII

Constantine VIII succeeded his brother Basil II in 1025. Basil had never married,
and Constantine had only three daughters, yet neither brother seems to have made
any other provision for the succession. The eldest of the three daughters, Eudocia,
had suffered an attack of smallpox during her childhood which had disfigured her
appearance. She had always been unlike the rest of her family in her gentleness and
quiet disposition, and as a result of her illness had entered a convent.[[1]] The
remaining sisters were forced to reside in the women's quarters of the palace until
their father Constantine was close to death in 1028. While the exact date of Zoe's
birth is not known, she was clearly born c. AD 978, as Psellus states that she was
seventy-two years of age when she died in AD 1050, and so may already have been
in her fiftieth year at this point.[[2]] The lethargy of both Basil and, Constantine in
arranging matches for the younger generation is therefore unaccountable, for even
at Basil's death, when Zoe might have expected to be married off, she was in her
later forties, which is hardly the best age at which to start bearing children. As it
was, Zoe and her younger sister had remained unwed, while their relationship not
unnaturally developed into a state of mutual irritation and animosity which is
confirmed by all sources. Indeed, Zoe seems to have been intensely jealous of
Theodora.[[3]]

Hopeforthefuture

OnepositivelighthadshoneonZoe'syouth,foramarriagehadbeenarrangedfor
oneofthesisters,presumablyZoe,withOttoIII,thewesternemperor.Ottowas
himselfthesonoftheByzantineprincessTheophano,nieceofJohnITzimisces,
whohadmarriedOttoIIinStPeter'sinRomein972.][4]]Regrettablythehighly
eligibleyoungbridegroom(Ottohadbeenbornin980)haddiedbeforetheprincess
arrivedatBariinFebruary1002,andshehadhadtoturnroundandcomehome
again.[[5]]Suchanopportunitywouldnotreoccur.Inanycasethismarriagewould
nothavesolvedtheproblemofthesuccession,andBasil'sunwillingnesstofind
suitablematchesathomeforhisniecesmayhavebeenduetosomereluctanceof
histoallowothernoblefamiliesaccesstopower.Certainly,Psellustellsus,the

rebelBardasSclerushadadvisedBasil to'admitnowomantotheimperial
councils',whileBasil'sreluctancetotakeawifehimselfmayhavebeenduetoa
monasticvowhetookearlyinhisreigninthefaceofmilitarydefeat.[[6]]Thegirls
thereforespentalonelylifeinthepalaceforseveraldecades,untilConstantine
VIII,whoisportrayedasconcernedprimarilywiththepleasuresoflife, ][7]]was
atdeath'sdoor,whenclearlysomemeasurehadtobetakenwithexpedition.

Constantinehadalittletimeinwhichtosurveypossiblecandidates.Initially,his
firstchoicewasConstantineDalassenus,whohadbeengovernorofAntiochin
1025,buthethenchangedhismindanddecidedonRomanusArgyrus,theeparch
(prefectofthecity),whowaswidelytippedasthefavouritecandidate.[[8]]The
familyoftheArgyriwerebothnobleandwealthy,andRomanus'sisterMaria
ArgyropoulainahadbeenchosenbyBasilIIasasuitablebrideforthesonofPeter
IIOrseolo,thedogeofVenice,in1005.Maria'suseofrosewater,forks,and
incensewasseenasblasphemousandarrogantbylocalclerics,suchasPeter
Damian,andherdeathfromplaguein1006wasthoughttohavebeenarighteous
judgementuponher.[[9[[Allinall,Zoe,withherloveofluxuryandpleasure,
mightnothavereceivedaverywarmwelcomeintheWest.

Romanus had been born c. 968 (Psellus records that he was more than ten years
older than Zoe), and certainly, at sixty or more, he was no spring chicken -- but
then neither was Zoe.[[10]] A greater obstacle was the fact that he was already
married. Constantine VIII had a reputation for brutality and a short temper, and he
was not going to let this stop him. Romanus' wife Helena was informed that she
had to retire immediately to a convent and take the veil as a nun (thus releasing
Romanus from his marriage);[[11]] if she refused to do so, her husband would be
blinded. This loving wife put her husband's interests first and prudently withdrew to
a monastic institution, under the new name of Maria. Romanus and Zoe were
married forthwith and crowned in November 1028, three days before Constantine's
death on 12 November 1028. Interestingly, Romanus clearly valued his wife's self-
sacrifice: he gave Helena-Maria the title of sebaste (an honorific title, which
originally was a translation of Augusta into Greek). He also made huge charitable
donations on her death.[[12]] Zoe does not seem to have made (or felt) any
objections to the match. Scylitzes and Zonaras, however, record that in contrast
Theodora had originally been given the choice of marrying Romanus, but had
enough scruples to decline it, either because of the degree of kinship between them
(they were cousins in the seventh degree), or because Romanus' wife was still alive
and she had not freely chosen the divorce.[[13]]

Thefirstmarriage

Afterfiftyyearsinthewomen'squarters,brokenonlybythebriefseatriptoBari,
Zoehadalotofwastedtimetomakeupfor.Oneofherfirstactionswastoensure
thatTheodoraretiredfromcourttotheconventofPetrion:therewasonlyroomat
courtforoneempress,andthatwasZoeherself.Romanus,however,ensured
thatTheodorawasgrantedcertainimperialfavours,despiteherpossible
involvementontwooccasionsintheconspiratorialactivitiesofConstantine
DiogeneswhileRomanuswasawayoncampaign,incidentsthatZoedealtwithin
herhusband'sabsence.[[14]]

Zoe was every inch an empress, and very much like her father -- arrogantly regal,
short-tempered and quite prepared to have people blinded at the slightest
provocation.[[15]] She was also extraordinarily extravagant, a characteristic she
shared with Romanus who desired to show himself a great builder, general, and
administrator. Basil II had left 200,000 talents in the treasury, and they showed a
spirited determination to spend the lot.[[16]] Quite naturally, they also shared a
common desire to continue the dynasty. They consulted medical experts, and Zoe
took to the use of magic amulets and other non-mainstream practices. When no
children eventuated, Romanus made the mistake of considering Zoe rather an
embarrassment: he ignored her, stopped sleeping with her, and publicly took a
mistress.[[17]] To make matters even worse, he forbade her access to the treasury
and made her keep to a fixed allowance.[[18]] This was the ultimate insult -- after
allRomanus was only emperor by right of his marriage to Zoe, who was the true
Macedonian. As the marriage careered towards breakdown, Zoe, in an imperial
audience one day, caught sight of a handsome young man in his twenties. This
lucky youth was Michael, the brother of one of the court's high-ranking eunuchs,
John the Orphanotrophus ('director of an orphanage'), who was actually in charge
of the administration of the empire and had brought his brother to court to further
his interests. Zoe was no shrinking violet: dazzled by Michael'sattractions, she
immediately invited him to visit her in her quarters and propositioned him.
Scylitzes calls her infatuation a 'demonic and mad love', but psychologically Zoe
was understandably ready for a passionate affair with a 'toy
boy'. Michael's reaction is not so clear, though Psellus sees him as unwillingly
suffering the empress' attentions while bearing in mind the power and influence he
would gain through this relationship. [[19]] Michael's family too saw the empress'
affection as a road to power, and his brother John (whose experience in
relationships at court had led him to anticipate this outcome) instructed him on how
best to please the empress. The court was hardly a private place, especially for the
imperial family: Zoe and Michael were found together in a number of
compromising situations (including in bed). Zoe indeed was not concerned to
conceal her feelings, and one unfortunate eunuch was shocked to find her
embracing Michael, who was not only on the throne at the time but fully equipped
with the imperial sceptre, at which Zoe boasted that she could make him emperor --
indeed, she had already made him so.[[20]]

Romanus was blind to the danger. His redoubtable sister Pulcheria and her friends
warned him of the possible consequences, but he took no notice. Zoe was better
kept occupied, and the affair with Michael consumed her time and stopped her
sleeping around more widely -- the names of Constantine Catepanus
and Constantine Monomachus, at least, were linked with hers at this time in this
context.[[21]] With Zoe not concerned with concealment, the situation was publicly
canvassed at court and in the capital, yet Romanus took no steps against either
party, and was satisfied with Michael's assurance that he was not sleeping with the
empress.[[22]] This was not a shrewd move. Zoe considered that she had wasted
enough of her youth and, after possibly trying to have Romanus poisoned, grew
impatient for his termination and on Good Friday (11 April) 1034 had him drowned
in his bath by Michael's attendants. She came in, took one look to make sure that
he was actually dying, and swept out to marry Michael and set him on the throne
that same night.[[23]]

Thesecondmarriage

Zoequitecorrectlysawherselfastheembodimentoflegitimisation.
WithRomanusdead,whomevershenextchoseasherhusbandwould
automaticallybecomeemperor.Entirelyignoringtheprudentadviceofherofficials
andretainers,shehadMichaelproclaimedemperorthatevening.Thepatriarch
AlexiustheStuditewassummonedtoanaudiencewith'theemperor',andwas
thunderstrucktofindnotRomanusbutMichaelonthethronenexttoZoe.The
paymentoffiftylbsofgoldtohimandanotherfiftytohisclergyensuredhis
acquiescenceintheirmarriage,[[24]]andthecitizenshappily
acclaimed Michael emperor on the following day.[[25]]

AsMichaelIVPaphlagon('thePaphlagonian')thenewemperorbeganbyfalling
inwithZoe'swishesandarrangingvariousamusementsforher.[[26]]Therewas,
however,asnag:Michaelsufferedfromepilepsy,andoursourcessuggestthatthis
wasintensifiedbyhisfeelingsofguiltoverRomanus'murderandoverhisperjury
toRomanus.PsellusalsosuggeststhatMichael mayhavedeliberatelydistanced
himselffromZoebecausehedidnotwanthertoseehimsufferinganepilepticfit.
[[27]]OnthepretextthatZoewasplottingagainsthimhehadherconfinedtothe
women'squarters.Hervisitorswererestricted,hereunuchsandfaithfulmaid
servantsdismissed,andshewasconfinedtoherrooms,while Michael stopped
seeing her. According to Psellus, the emperor's family seems to have felt some
genuine apprehension of Zoe, viewing her in the role of a potentially ferocious
lioness.[[28]]

ThereisnoevidencethatZoehadbeeninvolvedinaplotagainstMichael,butshe
mayhaveseenMichael'sbrotherJohnashermainenemyandScylitzesreports
thatin1037shehadoneofhereunuchs(Sgouritzes)bribeJohn'sdoctortopoison
himinsteadofgivinghimapurgative.Theplotwasuncoveredwhenoneofthe
doctor'sservantsinformedJohn,andthedoctorwasexiled,aswasthecourtier
(aprotospatharius)whoprovidedthepoison,whileZoefromthenonwasmore
closelysupervised.[[29]]

AsMichael'slifeexpectancywasshortduetohisepilepsy,hisfamilywas
concernedtolineupasuccessor.Perhapsin1035John(whowasnowinchargeof
government)suggestedtoZoethatsheadoptoneoftheirnephews,
anotherMichael,asherheir.ThisMichael,knownderisivelyasCalaphates('the
Caulker')fromhisfather'strade,wasproclaimedCaesar,thussecuringthefamily's
fortunes.[[30]]The new heir felt no gratitude: rather he determined to plot against
both his uncle John and the empress.[[31]] In the face of approaching
death,Michael IV rebuilt the grand church and monastery of Sts Cosmas and
Damian, which he entered as a monk before his death on 10 December 1041.
[[32]] Zoe clearly had more freedom of movement at this point, for at the news that
he was dying she was so overcome by emotion that she forgot all his ill-treatment
of her and crossed the city without her retinue and on foot (Psellus is greatly
shocked at this), to see him for one last time: however, sadly, he refused to let her
be admitted.[[33]]

Theadoptedson

Between 10 and 13 December 1041 power reverted to Zoe, though after

consideration she agreed to the young Michael assuming the throne. John and his
family flattered her and swore that Michael would be emperor only in name and
that he would follow all her orders, treating her 'as sovereign lady, mistress, and
mother'.[[34]] Once again power was vested in her to select the new emperor and
first, in council with her father's eunuchs, she took the opportunity to banish three
of Michael's uncles, including John, who was sent to a monastery.Michael did not
reign long enough to issue his own coinage, but, significantly, two patterns for
gold coins during Michael's reign seem to depict not Michael, but Christ
Antiphonetes (Zoe's favourite icon) and Zoe and her father Constantine VIII.
[[35]] After Michael V'saccession, for the first few days she was proclaimed
before him, and he behaved like a junior colleague, though this was not to last.
WhenMichael became jealous of her status and popularity, he refused her access
both to the council chamber and (worse) to the treasury, while she and her servants
were kept under supervision; he also recalled his favourite uncle, Constantine
the nobilissimus. According to Scylitzes, Constantine advised Michael not to trust
Zoe but to watch her in case she plotted against him as she had against Romanus
III and Michael IV, and John (from exile) did the same by letter.[[36]] Five
months after becoming emperor, Michael determined to exile her and, after
consultation with his councillors and astrologers, had her tonsured (made a nun)
and dispatched her to a monastery on the island of Principo (one of the Princes'
islands) on the night of 18/19 April 1042. His excuse was that she was trying to
poison him.[[37]] Psellus has Zoe, while on board ship, tearfully declaiming a
speech in which she apostrophises her uncle Basil and highlights her own status as
his heir:

'It was you, my uncle and emperor, you who wrapped me in my swaddling clothes
as soon as I was born, you who loved me, and honoured me too, more than my
sisters, because, as I have often heard them say who saw you, I was like yourself. It
was you who said, as you kissed me and held me in your arms, "Good luck, my
darling, and may you live many years, to be the glory of our family and the most
marvellous gift to our Empire!" It was you, also, who so carefully brought me up
and trained me, you who saw in my hands a great future for this same Empire. But
your hopes have been brought to nothing, for I have been dishonoured... I beg you,
watch over me from Heaven and protect your niece.'[[38]]

The senate was convinced by Michael's accusation (which Psellus dismisses as a

fabrication), but the city as a whole was restive, and the imperial guard were
particularly unhappy. Nevertheless, it was the people who first took action out of
concern both for Zoe's safety and her imperial status,[[39]] the catalyst
being Michael's proclamation on 19 April, read by the eparch (city prefect)
Anastasius in the forum of Constantine, stating that Zoe had been banished for
treason and the patriarch Alexius deposed.[[40]]

Riotanddeposition

Aspontaneousrioterupted,withthecry'wedon'twantthecrosstrampling
Calaphatesasouremperor,butourancestressandheirtoempire,ourmotherZoe.'
Duringthethreedaysofanarchythatfollowed,whichsawsome3,000dead,even
womenandchildrenjoinedintheriotingindefenceoftheempress:

'Where can she be,' they cried, 'she who alone is noble of heart and alone is
beautiful? Where can she be, she who alone of all women is free, the mistress of all
the imperial family, the rightful heir to the empire, whose father was emperor,
whose grandfather was monarch before him - yes, and great-grandfather too? How
was it this low-born fellow dared to raise a hand against a woman of such
lineage?'[[41]]

The mob attacked the houses of the emperor's family as well as the palace,
[[42]] and Michael decided to have Zoe recalled to defuse the situation, though she
agreed to stay a nun.[[43]] However when he displayed Zoe to the crowd in the
hippodrome, tonsured and dressed not in her imperial robes but in nun's dress, this
made the situation still more unstable, and some refused to recognise their
resplendent empress in this black-robed figure.[[44]] At this point some
of Michael's opponents seem to have feared that Zoe would again knuckle under
and allow him to retain power. As they could not get to her in the Great Palace, the
populace, in conjunction with the senators and palace eunuchs, instead massed at
the convent of Petrion and made Theodora their figure-head. She was at first
reluctant to be involved, but once dressed in suitably magnificent robes allowed
herself to be taken on horseback to St Sophia where both elite and people paid her
homage. Early in the morning of 21 April the two sisters were jointly proclaimed
empress.[[45]]

The decisiveness which Theodora was later to show as sole empress is apparent at
this point. Having accepted that it was her fate to become empress, she appointed
her officials while in St Sophia and ensured that Michael was deposed.
[[46]] Afraid that Zoe would pardon Michael, and that in her jealousy of Theodora
she would do anything to keep her sister from power, Theodora's supporters
seizedMichael and his uncle Constantine, both of whom had taken shelter in the
Studium monastery, and had them blinded, to great popular acclaim.[[47]]

Thetwosisters

The situation was unprecedented. The empire now had two empresses, one of
whom was in the Great Palace and the other in St Sophia. The senate was unable to
decide which was superior to the other -- Zoe as the elder, or Theodora as the
agent of liberation from 'tyranny'. Psellus has Zoe making the first move and
offering to share the empire with her younger sister:

The question of the government was thus resolved by agreement between them.
Next, Zoe brought Theodora to live with herself, escorted by a procession of great
magnificence, and made her joint-ruler of the Empire. As for Theodora, she lost
none of her respect for her sister, nor did she encroach on her prerogatives. On the
contrary she allowed Zoe to take precedence and, although both were
empresses,Theodora held rank inferior to the older woman.[[48]]

In Scylitzes' account Zoe was forced by the populace into co-rule with Theodora,
and she did so unwillingly, while Zonaras has the senate persuading her.[[49]] They
were acclaimed as autocratores ('emperors'),[[50]] and in the seven weeks that
followed (21 April to 12 June) they issued coinage and ruled jointly,[[51]] though
as the junior empress, Theodora sat slightly behind Zoe during their court
audiences.[[52]] Psellus is critical of their approach to government, stating that
'they tended to confuse the trifles of the women's quarters with pressing matters of
state', which implies (in view of Theodora's practical grasp of administration in
1055-1056) that Zoe at this point took the lead. Their measures included the
removal of Michael V's relations from office, abolishing the sale of offices,
creating new senators, and making generous donations to the
citizens. Michael's uncle Constantine was brought back from exile to confess that
he had 5,300 lbs of gold hidden in a cistern in his house, and was then returned to
exile (Theodora was as noted for her parsimony as Zoe was for her extravagance),
while the workings of government continued as usual.[[53]] The sisters issued their
own coinage, on the reverse of which was depicted the crowned busts of the
empresses, wearing jewelled robes with deep collars and the traditional crowns
with triangular plaques, holding between them a labarum (standard).[[54]]

Psellusnotesthat,intheempresses'performanceofduties,theirofficialswere
primarilyresponsiblefordecisions,thoughwhennecessarytheygaveorders'ina
softvoice',andusedtheirownjudgementortheirofficials'adviceinrespondingto
queries.However,heseesbothastemperamentallyunfittogovern.Thecourt
suddenlytookonadramaticquality,withrealitybecomingimageandofficials
actingasifonstage,whileunderZoe'sguidancethetreasurylavishlydispensed
money,and'anytrifleshiddenawaythereweredistributedbyherwithgenerous
abandon'.Itmaybeinthisthathiscriticismoftheiradministrationlies,forZoewas
thesortofwoman,hetellsus,whocouldexhaustaseateemingwithgolddustina
singleday,whilearmypayandexpenditurewasdivertedtothosewhopleasedand
flatteredtheempress.[[55]]

The key-note of this regime seems to have been set by Zoe, and during these seven
weeks she clearly became tired of sharing power withTheodora. Each of the
empresses had her own supporters who disagreed as to precedence. Moreover, the
minutiae of government may not have been to Zoe's taste and she took steps to
redefine the position.[[56]] At approximately sixty-four she decided to remarry and
give the empire an emperor, being careful to choose someone she knew well from
her own court circle. Various possibilities were canvassed. [[57]]Constantine
Dalassenus (who had earlier been considered a possibility for Zoe's first husband
by Constantine VIII) again appeared to be a suitable candidate, but when
summoned to the palace to see Zoe he blew his chances by his abrupt comments
and decided views on government, and for the second time failed to marry Zoe and
become emperor. Another possibility, the handsome Constantine Catepanus, whom
Zoe might have currently been having an affair with (she had certainly been
rumoured to have been close to him earlier in Romanus'lifetime) died suddenly --
some said poisoned by his jealous wife who refused to lose him to the empress. As
the possible candidates decreased, Zoe finally lighted on the twice-
married Constantine Monomachus as the person to be honoured with her hand
and empire.[[58]]

Thethirdmarriage

ZoeandConstantineMonomachuskneweachotherwell.Theyhadindulgedin
clandestinemeetingsinthelifetimeofherfirsthusband,andbeforetheadoption
ofMichaelVhehadbeenconsideredapossiblesuccessortoMichaelIVbecause
ofhisintimacywithZoe.[[59]]Zoespoketoherbodyguardandretinue,andthen,
withtheirconcurrence,informedthesenate.Constantine,whowascurrentlyin
exileonMytilene,havingbeensentthereonsuspicionofconspiracybyJohn
theOrphanotrophus, was recalled to the capital -- a summons which initially gave
him some unease.[[60]]

Constantine, whom several people (including Michael IV) had seen as a potential
emperor, had been accompanied, during his seven years in exile on Mytilene, by his
devoted mistress, Maria Scleraina, his second wife's cousin,[[61]] who was to be
prominent at court over the next few years.[[62]] The couple had not married
because of the restraints of canon law which prohibited both third marriages and
marriage within their degree of relationship. She was the great-grand-daughter of
Bardas Sclerus, who in the reign of Basil II had three times proclaimed himself
emperor, and she had long had political ambitions for Constantine. In fact she was
hoping to see Constantine on the throne, 'no less than himself (says Psellus) she
was sustained by hopes of power; nothing else mattered if only in the future she
might share the throne with her husband. I say husband because at that time she
was convinced that their marriage would be legally sanctioned, and all her desires
fulfilled when Constantine, as emperor, overruled the laws [banning third
marriages].'[[63]] Zoe's choice of Constantine upset Scleraina's plans; not only
would he be marrying Zoe, not herself, but she feared Zoe's jealousy when she
should discover the relationship. However, no reprisals eventuated. As it was the
third marriage for both Constantine and Zoe, the patriarch did not perform the
marriage ceremony himself, delegating this to a priest called Stypes. The marriage
was not technically illegal for, though Zoe was in her 60s and thus well over the
canonical age for third marriages, she was childless, which was an extenuating
factor, and Alexius was prepared to allow the marriage and crown Constantine as
Constantine IX Monomachus. [[64]]

WhateverScleraina'sconcerns,Constantinewasafaithfullover.Athisveryfirst
meetingwithZoeinthecapital,hewaspreparedtodisclosehisrelationshipwith
Scleraina,describinghermoreashiswifeandfellowsuffererthanashismistress
andrequestingthatsheberecalledfromexileandgivensuitablestatusatcourt.Zoe
attheageofsixtyfourphilosophicallyconsented.SclerainaonMytilenewas
surprisedtoreceivetwoletters,undertheescortofanimperialbodyguard,one
fromConstantine,writtenthedayafterhismarriage(thedayonwhichhewas
crowned,12June,andhencehisfirstofficialcommunication)summoningherto
thecity,andonefromZoe,promisingherafriendlyreception.[[65]]

Dangerousliaisons

While Zoe was clearly prepared to be complaisant towards her husband's

mistress, Constantine initially had Scleraina move with an 'undistinguished'
bodyguard into a relatively ordinary house at Kynegion. Nearby, he began the
construction of the magnificent complex of St George of Mangana, so that he could
visit Scleraina on the pretext of overseeing the building works. On such visits, he
would entertain Zoe's supporters among his retinue with a magnificent feast, for
which they themselves were allowed to select the menu. As a result, he quite did
away with any indignation they might have felt on behalf of the empress, and
ensured that they were as willing for the visits to take place as himself. Soon the
affair was no longer a secret: Constantine lived openly with Scleraina.[[66]] St
George at Mangana became a great foundation, with a palace, gardens, a monastery
and church of St George, a home for the elderly, a home for the poor, a residence
for foreigners, and a hospital, as well as the school of law, with extensive real estate
in the capital and provinces -- the surplus income from which was granted to
Scleraina.[[67]] On her arrival Constantine had also sent her enormous sums of
money as gifts, and, according to Psellus, he 'wasted the imperial treasures in
satisfying her every whim'.[[68]]

Inevitably Constantine wanted Scleraina to move into the palace, and Zoe agreed
not only to her living there, but to her being publicly granted all the honours of an
empress and member of the imperial family. To protect her interests, an official
document was drawn up, witnessed by the senators, in which Zoe promised to treat
Scleraina as an equal:

"Atreatyoffriendshipwassetoutinadocumentandanimperialpavilionbuiltfor
theceremonyofratification.InfrontsatZoe,Constantine,andScleraina,whilethe
Senatefiledintowitnessthisextraordinarycontract,blushingandforthemostpart
talkinginundertones.Despitetheirembarrassment,thesenatorsstillpraisedthe
agreementasifitwereadocumentsentdownfromheaven.Theycalledita
'lovingcup'andlavishedonitalltheotherflatteringepithetsthatdeceiveand
cajolefrivolousandemptyheadedpersons.Thecontractbeingsignedandtheoaths
administered,shewhohadhithertobeenonlyalover,wasnowintroducedtothe
privateapartmentsofthepalace,nolongercalled'mistress',but'MyLady'and
'Empress'officially."[[69]]

The sisters granted Scleraina the title of sebaste (the Greek translation of 'Augusta')
and she took rank after Zoe and Theodora, being calleddespoina, mistress or
empress, like them and taking her place behind them in official processions and
ceremonies.[[70]] Psellus, however, admits that while Constantine discussed
affairs of state with both Zoe and Scleraina he was influenced more by the views of
'the junior empress'. In any case, Zoe had little interest in imperial concerns, and
preferred to leave government in Constantine's hands,[[71]] so the fact
that Constantine tended to rely more on Scleraina's advice would not have caused
friction.[[72]] As far as their living quarters were concerned,
Zoe's, Theodora's and Scleraina's apartments all adjoined Constantine's, but
Scleraina's were the more private, and Zoe never visited the emperor without first
sending to find out if he were alone.[[73]] Prior to his accession Scleraina appears
to have borne toConstantine a daughter, who would also have been received at
court and been acknowledged as his illegitimate daughter; this princess apparently
married Vsevolod of Kiev after 1046 and gave birth to Vladimir II Monomachus in
1053.[[74]]

The civilised arrangement at court was suspect in the eyes of the citizenry. On 9
March 1044, when Constantine prepared to mount at the Chalke gate of the palace
for his ceremonial ride to the shrine of the Holy Martyrs, a cry went up: 'we don't
want Scleraina as empress, nor for our mothers, the purple-born Zoe and Theodora,
to be killed for her sake'. Constantine would have been lynched, or deposed, but for
the prompt action of Zoe and Theodora who gestured their affection for him from
the palace balcony.([75]] Outside in the city, Zoe andTheodora were seen as the
legitimate 'rulers' and shared the imperial dignity with Constantine.
When Constantinecelebrated his triumph over the rebel general George Maniaces
in 1043, Zoe and Theodora sat on either side of him, though it was not usual for
empresses to be present at triumphal ceremonies: their presence highlighted the fact
that they were the source of Constantine's imperial authority.[[76]] Both
empresses appear with Constantine in a highly ornate manuscript of St John
Chrysostom (Codex Sinait. gr. 364), where they stand on either side of the emperor.
The trio is titled 'the shining trinity of earthly sovereigns'. Zoe is dressed in red
and Theodora in blue, and Zoe has dark hair in two plaits. Theodora's face is
badly damaged, but her regalia match Zoe's, and both are described as Augustae
and porphyrogennetae, with Zoe also given the epithet 'most pious'. Rays descend
to the heads of Zoe and Theodora from the hands of the Christ above the trio,
while rays from his feet reach Constantine.[[77]] The threesome also appear on the
'Crown of Monomachus', which, on the front, depicts the Pantokrator flanked by
Modesty and Truth with Constantine Monomachus and Zoe
and Theodoraunderneath; on the back King David is shown between Sophia
(Wisdom) and Propheteia (Prophecy); underneath them three dancing girls are
depicted, suggesting that the crown celebrated a festivity such as a wedding. [[78]]

Just as Scleraina had had political ambitions for Constantine, she used her
influence with him to promote the career of her brother, Romanus Sclerus, and gain
him high rank.[[79]] Constantine had made her extremely wealthy, and she was
able to flatter Zoe andTheodora and other courtiers with expensive presents, so
that her position was not resented.[[80]] Indeed, she seems to have been well-liked
at court (everyone flatters the emperor's favourite), and Psellus stresses that she had
a lovely voice, though she was not attractive, and that she had a lively intelligence
and had frequent conversations with him about Greek mythology.[[81]] Scleraina's
position was obviously a subject of great discussion and her future was seen as
Constantine's main concern: 'it is possible that the emperor intended to fund an
empire for her in the future - at least there was much talk of it. How it was to be
done I do not know, but he certainly cherished ambitions in that direction'.
[[82]] Obviously the court expected that Zoe would predecease Scleraina, and that
in some way Scleraina would become empress-consort (in fact if not in name), but
it was the younger partner who was to die c. 1045 from asthma and severe chest
pains. She was buried in the church of St George of Mangana,
and Constantine showed his devotion by choosing at his death to be buried beside
her, not by Zoe.[[83]] Constantine was overwhelmed with grief,[[84]] and part
of the estate at Bessai which belonged to St George of Mangana was donated
by Constantine to St Lazarus Galesiotes, in return for prayers for the deceased
Scleraina and himself.[[85]] Psellus wrote a lengthy composition in verse (446
lines) on Scleraina's demise to console Constantine, and advised him to take
comfort in his grief in the empresses Zoe and Theodora.[[86]]

Zoe'sinterests

While Constantine IX was occupied with Scleraina, Zoe had her own occupations
and amusements which Psellus describes at some length. She liked exercising
imperial power, in that she was both outstandingly generous and given to inflicting
blinding on those who committed even the slightest error. Indeed Constantine had
on several occasions to countermand her orders, or courtiers would have been
blinded for no reason.[[87]] She also possessed a rather robust sense of humour and
Psellus describes how she and Theodora were entertained in the women's quarter
of the palace with buffoonery and crude jokes.[[88]] An especial key to her favour
was praise of her family, particularly the achievements of her uncle Basil II. The
treasury emptied faster than revenues could come in. The right to empty the
treasury was in Zoe's view an integral part of the perquisites of the heir to the
empire and courtiers took advantage of this. Those who wished to flatter her - and
Psellus states that many did - would throw themselves on the floor at her approach,
as if struck by lightning at her appearance, and she would reward them
magnificently with 'chains of gold'; on the other hand over-effusive thanks (if
obviously insincere) would see the recipient in chains of iron instead. But in
general she lacked interest both in the details of matters of state, and in the
conventional womanly occupations of spinning and weaving, and occupied herself
with more mundane pursuits. Her rooms in the palace were filled with boiling pots
and pans, for the manufacture of ointments and perfumes:

"Her own private bedroom was no more impressive than the workshops in the
market where the artisans and the blacksmiths toil, for all round the room were
burning braziers, a host of them. Each of her servants had a particular task to
perform: one was allotted the duty of bottling the perfumes, another of mixing
them, while a third had some other task of the same kind. In winter, of course, these
operations were demonstrably of some benefit, as the great heat from the fires
served to warm the cold air, but in the summer-time the others found the
temperature near the braziers almost unbearable. Zoe herself, however, surrounded
by a whole bodyguard of these fires, was apparently unaffected by the scorching
heat. In fact, both she and her sister seemed naturally perverse. They despised fresh
air, fine houses, meadows, gardens; the charm of all such things meant nothing to
them."[[89]]

At least in old age, Zoe disdained cloth-of-gold, necklaces, diadems and the ornate
heavy robes which were normal for her rank, preferring instead thin dresses, but
she still enjoyed flattery of her appearance.[[90]] In her youth she had been
extremely beautiful - plump, though not very tall, with a perfect figure, large eyes
and imposing eyebrows, golden hair and a beautifully white complexion. Even as
an old woman she made a commanding figure, with her smooth skin, though her
hands were unsteady and her back bent.[[91]] The famous portrait of Zoe on the
panel in the south gallery of St Sophia, in which she offers a legal document to
Christ, while Constantine IX offers a donation of money (she was originally
depicted with Romanus III), is evidence for her appearance, and for her perception
of it, in old age.[[92]] It also acts as a statement of Zoe's imperial status, as empress
and legitimate heir of the empire.

Buthermainconcerninthismanufactureofcosmeticsmaynothavebeenvanity
butpiety.Inoldage,shewasparticularlydevotedtoaniconofChristwhichshe
hadcommissioned.ThiswasacopyofthemiracleworkingiconofChrist
'Antiphonetes'whichrespondedtoquestionsputtoitbychangingcolourandwhich
foretoldcomingevents,[[93]]andhermanufactureofointmentswasprimarilyin
ordertomakeofferingsforthisicon.Thispresumablyreflectedmarginalmagical
andastrologicalpractices.[[94]]PsellusreportsthatheoftensawZoeclaspingthe
iconandtalkingtoit,orlyingonthegroundinfrontofitbeatingherbreasts:'ifshe
sawtheimageturnpale,shewouldgoawaycrestfallen,butifittookonafieryred
colour,itshalolustrouswithabeautifulradiantlight,shewouldlosenotimein
tellingtheemperorandprophesyingwhatthefuturewastobringforth.'[[95]]It
appearsthenthattheseperfumesandointmentswereofferings.Indeed,Pselluslater
repeatsthatZoewasnotinterestedinnormalfemalepursuits,butinonething
alone:'theofferingofsacrificestoGod.Iamnotreferringsomuchtothesacrifice
ofpraise,orofthanksgiving,orofpenitence,buttotheofferingofspicesandsweet
herbs,theproductsofIndiaandEgypt.'[[96]]Soitseemsthatthemanufacturing
processinherapartmentswasforthepurposesofofferingstotheAntiphonetes
iconandforinvokingits'magical'divinatoryproperties.

Zoe'sdeath
Zoe died from a fever in 1050, aged approximately seventy-two. Prior to her death
she remitted debts and granted an amnesty to condemned criminals. For the last
time she squandered gold from the treasury 'like a river'.[[97]] She was buried in
the church that she founded in honour of Christ Antiphonetes.
[[98]] Constantine (though he chose to be buried next to Scleraina) shed tears at
her tomb, and insisted that the growth of a mushroom on her grave was a miracle
showing that her soul was numbered amongst the angels. Psellus is derisive of this
but Constantine's belief was supported by many more sycophantic courtiers.[[99]]

Zoe had legitimated four emperors by marriage or adoption. Modern judgements on

her are somewhat harsh: 'Empress Zoe, though historically significant was
politically a pathetic figure, more concerned with unguents, ointments and the
marriage bed than with the affairs of state.'[[100]] Yet, she certainly played a part in
commissioning the death of her first husband and may well have conspired to
poison John the Orphanotrophus and plotted against Michael IV and Michael V,
though she took little interest in the details of administration and government. She
took after her acerbic father, Constantine VIII, in more ways than one (choosing
pleasure before politics), yet throughout everything remained the darling of the
populace, who saw her as their beloved mother and mistress:

' she who alone is noble of heart and alone is beautiful, she who alone of all
women is free, the mistress of all the imperial family, the rightful heir to the
empire'[[101]]

Bibliography

Primary Literature:

Anna Comnena (Anna Komnene). Anne Comnne, Alexiade, ed. & tr. B. Leib, 3
vols, Paris: Bud, 1937-45, repr. 1967; English translation by E. R. A. Sewter, The
Alexiad of Anna Comnena. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979.

Attaliates, Michael. Michaelis Attaliotae Historia, ed. E. Bekker, Bonn: CSHB,

1853.

Cedrenus, George. Compendium Historiarum, ed. I. Bekker, 2 vols, Bonn: CSHB,

1838--9.

Choniates, Nicetas. Historia, ed. J.-A. van Dieten. Berlin/New York: CFHB,1975;
English translation by H. J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas
Choniates. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1984.

Psellus, Michael. Chronographia, ed. & tr. E. Renauld, 2 vols. Paris: Bud, 1926-8;
English translation by E. R. A. Sewter, Michael Psellus. Fourteen Byzantine Rulers.
Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966.
Psellus, Michael. Michaelis Pselli Scripta Minora, 2 vols, ed. E. Kurtz & F. Drexl.
Milan: Societ editrice 'Vita e pensiere', 1936-41.

Sathas, K. N. Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, vol. 7. Venice & Paris, 1894.

Scylitzes, John. Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis Historiarum, ed. I. Thurn.

Berlin/NY: CFHB, 1973.

Zonaras, John. Epitome Historiarum, ed. T. Bttner-Wobst, vol. 3. Bonn: CSHB,

1897.

Secondary Literature:

Angold M. 1997. The Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204: a political history, 2nd ed.,
London and New York: Longman.

Crostini, B. 1996 'The emperor Basil II's cultural life,' Byzantion 66: 76-79.

Dlger, F. 1925. Regesten der Kaiserkunden des ostrmischen Reiches, vol. 2:

Regesten von 1025-1204, Munich & Berlin: Olderbourg.

Garland, L. 1988. 'The Life and Ideology of Byzantine Women: A Further Note on
Conventions of Behaviour and Social Reality as Reflected in Eleventh and Twelfth
Century Historical Sources,' Byzantion 58: 361-93.

Garland, L. 1994. 'The Eye of the Beholder: Byzantine Imperial Women and their
Public Image from Zoe Porphyrogenita to Euphrosyne Kamaterissa Doukaina
(1028-1203),' Byzantion 64: 19-39, 261-313.

Garland, L. (1995/96) '"How Different, How Very Different from the Home Life of
Our Own Dear Queen": Sexual Morality at the Late Byzantine Court, with Especial
Reference to the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,' Byzantine Studies/tudes
Byzantines n.s. 1/2: 1--62

Garland, L. 1999. Byzantine Empresses. Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527-

1204, London, Routledge.

Grierson, P. 1973. Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks

Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. 3.2. Washington DC: Dumbarton
Oaks.

Grumel, V. 1989. Les regestes des actes du patriarchat de Constantinople, vol. 1

(fasc. 2 & 3), revised ed., Paris: Institut franais d'tudes byzantines.
Hill, B., L. James & D. Smythe (1994) 'Zoe: the Rhythm Method of Imperial
Renewal', in P. Magdalino (ed), New Constantines. The Rhythm of Imperial
Renewal in Byzantium, 4th-13th Centuries, Aldershot: Variorum, 215-29.

Kalavrezou, I. 1994. 'Irregular Marriages in the Eleventh Century and the Zoe and
Constantine Mosaic in Hagia Sophia,' in A. E. Laiou & D. Simon (eds), Law and
Society in Byzantium, Ninth to Twelfth Centuries. Washington DC: 241-59.

Kazhdan, A. P. and Epstein, A. W. 1985. Change in Byzantine Culture in the

Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Berkeley, Los Angeles, & London: University of
California Press.

Laiou, A. E. 1992. 'Imperial Marriages and their Critics in the Eleventh Century;
the Case of Skylitzes,' Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 46: 165-76.

Spadaro, M.D. 1975. 'Note su Sclerena,' Siculorum Gymnasium 28: 351--72.

AnnaDalassena,MotherofAlexiusIComnenus(10811118)

Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia

Anna Dalassena (Anna Dalassene), 'Mother of the Comneni', was to play an

important role in orchestrating the rise to power of her family in the second half of
the eleventh century. Indeed, as regent, she openly administered the empire in the
early years of her son Alexius I's reign. She had been born c. 1025-1030, daughter
of Alexius Charon and a Dalassena (the daughter of Adrian Dalassenus). Her father
had gained his name of 'Charon' because of the efficiency with which he killed
every enemy he encountered, and the fact that he adopted this new surname implies
that he had not been a member of a prominent family.[[1]] The more aristocratic
Dalassenus family on Anna's mother's side originally came from Dalasa-Tarash on
the river Euphrates, though Adontz speculated that the family may have had
Armenian origins. Dalasseni served as governors of Antioch in the late tenth and
eleventh centuries, and were prominent in the military in the Balkans in the 1060s
and 1070s, being stationed as commanders at Thessalonica, Serres and Skopje.
Such was the family's standing that Constantine Dalassenus (governor of Antioch in
1025) on two separate occasions in 1028 and in 1041 nearly acquired the throne
after twice being short-listed as a candidate for marrying the much-married
empress Zoe.[[2]]
AnnaDalassena,whothroughoutherliferetainedthesurnameofhermother's
familyasmoreillustriousthanthatofherfather(orindeedthatofherhusband),
[[3]]wasmarriedtoJohn Comnenus,brotherofthefutureemperorIsaac I
Comnenus,probablyin1044:theireldestchildManuelwasbornin1045.
[[4]]Annawastobecomeanexemplumofthenewpowerfulmatriarch,likeher
predecessortheempressEudociaMacrembolitissa,whoruledasregentforher
sonMichael VII Ducas(10711078),longafterhewasofage.Notcontentwith
familyconcerns,includingthebearingsomeeightchildrenManuel,Maria,Isaac,
Eudocia,Theodora,Alexius,AdrianandNicephorusAnnawastodominateher
familyafterthedeathofherhusbandin1067andactivelyencouragedandindeed
organisedhersons'revoltagainstNicephorus III Botaniatesin1081.From1067
shewastocastalongshadowoverByzantinepoliticsuntilherretirementanddeath
on1November1100or1102.[[5]]

Annaandherfamilypriorto1067

In1057Anna'sbrotherinlawIsaacwaschosenbyafactionofrebelgeneralsto
succeedtheelderlyandineptMichael VI Stratioticus.Asaresultherhusband
cametopoliticalprominence,beinggrantedbyhisbrother,nowIsaacIComnenus,
thetitlescuropalatesanddomesticoftheScholae,orcommanderofthewestern
armies.[[6]]Anna'sequivalentofthesetitlesappearsonsealsdescribingher
ascuropalatissaanddomesticissaandshewouldhavebeenoneofthemosthigh
rankingimperialwomen,withimportantrolestoplayintheceremoniesofthe
empress'court,secondonlytotheempressAikaterinaandherdaughterMaria;
thecuropalatissaevenrankedabovethezostepatricia(apositioncreatedbythe
emperorTheophilusfortheempress'mother).[[7]]UnfortunatelyforAnna,after
spiritedoppositionbythepatriarchsMichaelICerulariusandConstantineIII
Lichudes,andinthefaceofillhealth,Isaacallowedhimselfinlate1059tobe
persuadedbyPsellus,thehistorianandoneofIsaac'sclosestadvisers,toabdicate.
Isaac'swifeandhisdaughter(hisonlysurvivingchild)becamenuns.Tomake
mattersworsefromAnna'spointofview,Isaacwantedtopassthethronetohis
brotherbutJohnwouldnotacceptit,anditeventuallywenttoConstantine X
Ducas(10591067).Annatriedhardtopersuadeherhusbandtobecomeemperor,
and,accordingtoBryenniusthefamilyhistorian,shedideverythingshecould,
evento'tearsandgroans'tomakeJohnchangehismind.Hewasunconvincedby
theadvantageswhichwouldaccruetotheirchildrenandbyherfearsforthe
family'sfuture,andAnnawasforcedunwillinglytogiveway.[[8]]Interestinglyher
granddaughterAnnaComnenawastohaveasimilarlackofsuccessinpersuading
herhusband,thissamehistorianNicephorus Bryennius,tomakeanattemptonthe
throneattheaccessionofherbrotherJohnIIin1118.[[9]]

Anna'sintriguesundertheDucasregime
Followingthisfailuretoachieveimperialpower,AnnaDalassenamaintained
constanthostilitytotheDucasfamily,[[10]]and'livedforintrigueuntilshehad
succeededinplacinghersononthethrone.'[[11]]Forthefourteenyearsafterher
husband'sdeathon12July1067,[[12]]sheprotectedthefamilyfortunesas
uncontestedmatriarchandmanoeuvredhersonsintoapositionfromwhichthey
mightseizepower,untilAlexius'successfulcoupd'tatin1081whenonlyinhis
midtwenties.AfterseeingConstantine X Ducasonthethronebetween1059and
1067inplaceofthehusbandshewouldhavelovedtoseethere,aspartofher
masterplanshethensupportedConstantine'swidow,EudociaMacrembolitissa,and
Eudocia'ssecondhusbandRomanus IV Diogenes(10681071)againsttherestof
theDucasfamilywhodisapprovedofthismarriage.AnnaDalassenawastobeone
ofRomanus'strongestsupportersandsawhersonsservinginhiscampaigns.
Anna'seldestsonManuel,despitehisyouth,wassoon
appointedcuropalatesandstrategosautocrator(commanderinchief)intheEast,
and,thoughcapturedbytheTurks,successfullymanagedtoconvincetheTurkish
sultan'srival,Chrysokoulos,toallyhimselfwiththeByzantinesagainsthisold
master.However,Manueldiedtherefollowinganearinfectioninthespringof
1071.AnnarushedfromthecapitaltoBithyniatoherson'sdeathbedina
monastery,andperformedhisfuneralrites;shethensentAlexius herthirdson(who
wasonlyfourteenyearsofage)toRomanustoserveinManuel'sstead,but
becauseAnna'ssecondsonIsaacwasalreadywiththearmy,Romanusdecidednot
tosendAlexius oncampaignoutofconsiderationforhismother.[[13]]

TheDucasfamilyreturnedtopowerafterRomanus IV'sdefeatbytheSeljuk
TurksatthebattleofMantzikertin1071.Anna,however,retainedherloyalties
to Romanus IV Diogenesandwastargetedbythenewgovernment(essentially
nowunderthemanagementofheroldenemytheCaesarJohnDucas,uncle
ofMichael VII)forherloyaltiestotheoverthrownregime.Shewasputontrial,
afterletterswhichshehadsenttoRomanuswereintercepted.TheComneni
maintainedthatthecorrespondencehadbeenforgedtoincriminate
her.Bryenniusrelatesthat,duringhertrialatthepalaceonchargesoftreason,she
producedaniconofChristfromunderherrobe,proclaimingherinnocenceandthat
Christ,'theSupremeJudgewhoknowsthesecretsoftheheart',wasthejudge
betweenthemandherself.[[14]]Herjudgeswereoverawedbyherdignityand
severity,butwereforcedtoconvictherasarebel,andshewasbanishedtoa
monasteryontheislandofPrincipo,afavouriteretreatforexiledimperialwomen,
alongwithhersons,atthebeginningof1072.Whateverherprotestationsof
innocence,ifwebearinmindthatshehadrecentlymarriedherdaughterTheodora
toRomanus IV'ssonConstantine,itishighlylikelythatshewasinfactstill
intriguingtorestoreRomanus tothethrone,andherexilemightnothavebeen
undeserved.Someofhersealspriorto1081bearthetitlesmonache(nun)aswell
ascuropalatissa,soAnnaeithertooktheveilonthedeathofherhusbandorduring
thisperiodofexileinherPrincipomonastery.[[15]]Shewashowevershortly
afterwardsrecalledtothecapitalwhentheCaesarJohnDucaslosthisinfluence
overthenewandindecisiveemperorMichaelVII.[[16]]

Familynetworking

AnimportantpartofAnna'sstrategyhadbeentheformingofanintricatenetwork
ofmarriageconnectionswithanumberofprominentfamilies,whichwasto
facilitateherfamily'srisetopower.[[17]]Ofhertwoeldestgirls,Maria,atthetime
ofherfather'sdeathin1067,wasalreadymarriedtoMichaelTaronites,and
EudociatoNicephorusMelissenus,bothmembersofprominentmilitaryfamilies.
Anna'seldestsonManuelandheryoungestdaughterTheodoraformedalliances
withtheDiogenesfamily:AnnaherselforganisedthemarriageofTheodora
toRomanus IV'ssonConstantineafterherhusband'sdeath,clearlytoconsolidate
hersupportofRomanus'regime,butthismarriagewasnottobesuccessfuldespite
AnnaComnena'sportrayalofTheodora'sgriefafterhisdeath.[[18]]

FollowingAnnaDalassena'sbanishmentandreturntocourtunderMichael VII
Ducas,shecontinuedtopursueherstrategyofambitiousmatchmaking.Byno
stretchoftheimaginationcouldMichaelhavebeencalledanefficientruler(his
motherhadkepthimoutofpowerforseveralyears,thoughhewaslegallyofage),
andtheremightwellhavebeenanexpectationthathisregimewouldnotbelong
lasting.Anna'sfirstmove,however,wasanalliancewiththeemperor'sown
family.Michaelseemstohavebeenanxioustokeepher'onside'andallowedher
eldestsurvivingsonIsaactomarrytheGeorgianprincessIrene,thecousinofhis
ownwifeMaria of Alania.[[19]]Thefirstoftheirchildren,John,wasborninlate
1073.

ItispossiblethatthiscousinIrenewasthe'Alanprincess',ahostageatcourtwho
hadbeenmistressofZoe'sthirdhusbandConstantine IX Monomachus.[[20]]In
thiscaseshewouldhavebeeninConstantinoplesincec.1054.However,Isaac
Comnenus'wifewasstillproducingchildrenin1096anditisthereforeunlikely
thatshehadbeenConstantine'smistressmorethan40yearsearlier.Itwouldalso
seemunlikelythatAnnaDalassenawouldhavesanctionedherson'smarriagetoan
eximperialmistress,thoughintheinterestofthefamilyshemighthavebeen
preparedtooverlookanearlierpalaceliaison.

Thiswasashrewdmove:analliancewithMichaelhimselfmightnothavebeen
worthmorethanprestige,butmarriagetotheempress'scousinwastobeacatalyst
forrevolution.ThoughthemarriagedidnotextendComnenianconnectionsamong
Byzantinearistocraticfamilies,itwasMaria of Alania in1081whowastoplaya
criticalpartinoustinghersecondhusband,NicephorusIIIBotaniates,from
powerandensuringtheaccessionoftheComneni.Annaevenatthispointmay
wellhavebeenawareofthepotentialinfluenceoftheempressconsortespecially
thisparticularempressattimesoftransition.Itisdifficulttoassesshowclosely
AnnaandMaria mighthaveknowneachotheratthispoint,butMariahadbeen
empresssince1071andAnnahadbeenanemperor'ssisterinlawandpresumably
retainedherhighrankatcourtascuropalatissa,oneofthehighestfemale
dignitariesintheempress'court.[[21]]Herstatusthereandassociationwiththe
empressinthe'courtofthewomen'musthavegivenAnnaacloseknowledgeofthe
characterandprioritiesofMaria of Alania.[[22]]

Annahadalsotomakearrangementsforanallianceforhersecondsurvivingson.
AlexiushadbeenbrieflymarriedorengagedtoanArgyropoulaena(theArgyri
wereaverywealthymilitaryfamilyandRomanus III Argyrushad
beenZoe'sfirsthusband).[[23]]Followingthegirl'sdeath,theCaesarJohnDucas
(uncleofMichael VII),intheSeptemberof1077,persuadedAnnato
allowAlexiustomarryhisgranddaughterIreneDucaena,oneofthethree
daughtersofhissonAndronicus,whohadledtheretreatatMantzikertwhich
causedRomanus IV'sdefeatanddownfall.Themarriageprobablytookplaceearly
inthenextyearwhenIrenewastwelve;Alexius hadbeenbornc.1056/1057,forhe
wasfourteenatthetimeof Romanus IV'sexpeditionagainsttheTurksin1070.
[[24]]AnnaDalassena'shostilitytowardstheDucasfamilywasstillimplacable:
accordingtoAnna Comnena,'thefamilyDucashadlongrecognisedthe
undisguisedhatredtheMotheroftheComneniborethem.Theylivedinconstant
dreadandsuspicionofherasIhaverepeatedlyheardthemtell.'[[25]]However,
theywerearguablyofgreaterprominencethantheComneniatthispoint,andIrene
wastherulingemperor'scousinonceremoved:thealliancewasanexpedientone
andwastobefollowedbyevencloserlinks.In1081orshortlyafterwards,Anna
Dalassena'ssonAdrianmarriedZoe,daughterofEudociaMacrembolitissaand
ConstantineXDucas,thusunitingthefamiliesoftwogreatmarriagebrokerseven
moreclosely.[[26]]ThedateofEudocia'sdeathisnotknown,butsheseemsnotto
havebeenaliveatthispointashersonNicephorusDiogenesissaidtohave
arrangedthematch:hisbrotherConstantiusDucashadwantedin1077toseehis
sisterZoemarriedtoAlexius,butIreneDucaenawasthepreferredcandidate.
[[27]]InsteadZoewasinitiallybetrothedtoNicephorusSynadenus,whowas
perhapstheSynadenuswhowasBotaniates'heirelect,[[28]]andthenmarriedto
Adrian,Alexius' youngerbrother.

TheselinkswithMichael VII DucasandhisfamilywerenobartoAnna's

ambitionandintrigueagainstthem.AninitialComneniancoupwasforestalledby
thatofBotaniatesin1078,whowasthentoproceedtomarryhispredecessor'sex
wife,Maria of Alania.AlexiushadcertainlyattemptedtopersuadeConstantius
Ducas,Eudocia'ssonandMichaelVII'sbrotherwhohadalreadybeencrowned
coemperorwithMichael,totakethethrone,[[29]]andthisstepmusthave
representedAnna'sviewstooandpresumablyEudocia's.Hadthisbeensuccessful
shewouldhavereapedgreatrewardsfromhernetworkingwiththeDucasfamily.
Nevertheless,withBotaniatesinpower,Annaimmediatelytookstepstoforman
alliancewiththenewregime,betrothinghergranddaughterAnna,theonly
daughterofManuel,hereldestson(nowdeceased),toBotaniates'grandson,
thoughAnna Comnena implieshewasnotBotaniates'heirapparent.[[30]]As
wasnormalinByzantinearistocraticfamily,thisboywasbroughtupwithhis
fianceunderthecareofAnnaDalassena,justasAnna Comnenawastobe
broughtupbyherfianc'smother,Maria of Alania.[[31]]Anna Comnenagivesa
lovelyvignetteofthefoilingoftheyoungboyandhistutor,whowereasleepinthe
familyhouseinanapartmentseparatedbydoubledoors,whentherestofthe
familyescapedwithouttheirnoticing:thehousegateswereclosedbyIsaac
andAlexiusandtheComnenianwomenfolkfledtoStSophiaforprotectionatthe
onsetofthecoup.[[32]]

The revolt of the Comneni

Intheirrebellionin1081theComneniweretobegreatlyaidedbythecurrent
empress,MariaofAlania.ThewifeofbothMichael VII Ducasandthen
ofNicephorusIIIBotaniates,Maria'sinterestscentredonthefutureofherson
byMichaelDucas,thepurplebornConstantine.Nicephorus'decision,toleave
thethronenottothisboybuttooneofhisownrelatives,resulted
inMaria'sthrowinginherlotwiththeComneniandbetrayingherhusband.The
movingforcebehindthisunofficialallianceappearstohavebeenAnnaDalassena,
whoencouragedhersonstoliaisewithMariaandwhosawthepotentialvalueof
havingtheempressasanallyandaninsideinformantaboutintriguesatcourt.
[[33]]MariawasalreadycloselylinkedwiththeComnenithroughhercousin
Irene'smarriagetoIsaacComnenus,andthisrelationshipallowedthetwoyoung
mentovisittheempressprivately,onAnnaDalassena'ssuggestion.Tofacilitate
thisconspiracyandallowtheComneniunrestrictedaccesstoher
quarters,MariahadevenadoptedAlexiusasherson,thoughhewasnotsomuch
youngerthanherself(shewasbornc.1052andthuswasonlysomefiveyearshis
senior)sohecouldvisitherfrequentlyandinprivate.[[34]]Mariawassupposedly
persuadedtotheadoptionbyofficialsofthewomen'squarters,presumablyherown
'Alans'andhereunuchofficials,whohadbeeninstigatedtothisbyIsaac
Comnenus.ObviouslyAnnaDalassenawasconsultedonthismoveandwas
probablytheplan'soriginator:Alexiusalreadyhadamotheritwouldonlyhave
beencourteoustoinformherthatshewasgettingacolleague(andonemuch
youngerandmorebeautiful):afteralltwomothersmightbeconsideredbysometo
beonetoomany.[[35]]KnowingAnnaDalassena'stightholdoverherfamily,it
musthavebeenwithheragreementthatshenowsharedAlexiuswithanother
motherfigure.Asaresultofthisadoption,AlexiusandMaria'ssonConstantine
werenowadoptivebrothers,andIsaacandAlexiustookanoaththattheywould
preserveConstantine'srightsasemperor.[[36]]Bypassingoninsideinformationto
thebrothers,Mariawasaninvaluableallyintheplotagainsthersecondhusband.
[[37]]WedonotknowwhatdirectcontacttherewasbetweenMariaandAnna,but
thelatterwasclearlythemastermindoftheconspiracy.

Soonceagain,thisbetrothalofhergranddaughtertooneofNicephorusIII
Botaniates'closestrelativeshadnotstoppedAnnaintriguingagainstthenew
regimeintheinterestsofherfamily.WhenhersonsIsaacandAlexiusleft
Constantinopleon14February1081toformanarmytotakethefield
againstNicephorusIII,AnnamobilisedtherestofherfamilyandtookrefugeinSt
Sophia,fromtherenegotiatingwiththeemperorforthesafetyoffamilymembers
inConstantinople,aswellasprotestinghersons'allegianceto Nicephorus III and
(disingenuously)theirinnocenceoftreacheryagainsttheregime.

Gatheringthewholehouseholdonthepretenceofmakinganeveningvisitforthe
purposesofworshipatthecity'schurches,butdeliberatelyavoidingtheinclusion

ofNicephorusIII 's
grandsonandhistutor,thewomen'shorseswereappropriately
preparedwiththeirsaddlecloths,whileIsaacandAlexiuslockedthehousegates
andceremoniouslyhandedAnna,asheadofthehousehold,thekeys.Evenbefore
thefirstcockcrowthewomenofthefamilymother,sisters,wivesandchildren
proceededonfoottotheForumofConstantine.Fromherethemendepartedon
thefirststageoftheirrebellion,andthewomenhurriedtoStSophia.Whenthe
boy'stutormissedthemandarrivedinsearchofthem,Annapretendedthatthevisit
tothechurcheswastobefollowedbyonetothepalaceanddeceivedhiminto
precedingthemtoannouncetheirimminentarrival.

TogainentryfromthevergeratthesanctuaryofBishopNicholasneartheGreat
Church,thewomenpretendedtobevisitorsfromAsiaMinorwhohadspentall
theirmoneyandwantedtoworshipbeforebeginningtheirreturnjourney.
WhenNicephorus IIIsenthiseunuchStraboromanusandotherenvoystosummon
themtothepalace,Annaprotestedthathersonswereentirelyloyaltohisregime
andhadfledtoescapeaplotforgedbyjealousenemieswhowantedthemblinded.
[[38]]Sherefusedtogowiththeenvoys,firstangrilydemandingthattheyallow
hertoenterStSophiatopraytotheTheotokos(theMotherofGod).Whenthis
requestwasgrantedherhistrionicabilitiescameintofullplay:

Shewasallowedtoenter[StSophia].Asifshewereweigheddownwitholdage
andwornoutbygrief,shewalkedslowly(inrealityshewaspretendingtobe
weary)andwhensheapproachedtheactualentrancetothesanctuarymadetwo
genuflections;onthethirdshesanktothefloorandtakingfirmholdofthesacred
doors,criedinaloudvoice:'Unlessmyhandsarecutoff,Iwillnotleavethisholy
place,exceptononecondition:thatIreceivetheemperor'scrossasguaranteeof
safety.[[39]]

ShethusforcedNicephorus III Botaniatesintoapublicstatementthathewould

protectthefamily.Hisenvoystriedtoaccedetoherrequest.However,inherview,
thecrosshandedherbyheremperor'smessengerStraboromanuswasnot
sufficientlyvisible:ithadtobeacrossofreasonablesizesothatallbystanders
couldwitnesstheoath.Alsothecrosshadtobesentbytheemperorpersonallyasa
clearguaranteeofhisgoodfaith.Nicephorus III obliged,sendinghernotonlythe
crossbutacompletereassuranceofhercontinuedsafety.ThewomenAnnaand
herdaughtersanddaughtersinlawincludingIreneofGeorgia(Isaac'swife
andMaria of Alania's cousin)whohadjoinedtheminStSophiathenfortheir
ownprotectionleftfortheconventofPetrionattheemperor'sorders,wherethey
werefollowedattheemperor'scommandbyIreneDucaena'smother,Mariaof
Bulgaria.Theywererefugeesratherthanprisoners:'theircellars,granariesandall
theirstorehousesweretobekeptfreeofallinterference'(whichshowsthe
importanceoftheireconomiccontributiontothehousehold)andtheywereallowed
tohavetheirownfoodbroughtin.Theywerealsoclearlyongoodtermswiththe
guardswhomMariaofBulgariabribedwiththebestoftheirfoodinexchangefor
newsofcurrentevents.[[40]]AnnaDalassenahadthusdistractedtheemperorand
givenhersonstimetoarmthemselves,acquirehorsesfromtheimperialstables,
andescape,whilealsolullingBotaniatesintoafalsesenseofsecurityonthe
groundsthattherewasnorealthreatagainsthim.

Ultimatesuccess

Onhersons'victoriousentryintothecityon1April1081,Annamayhavetried
againtopreventthehatedDucasfamilyfromsharingtheimperialhonours:shehad
neverlikedthemarriageofAlexiustoIreneDucaena,[[41]]andthesituationwas
nowworseinthattheteenageIrenewouldbeAugusta.Afterall,whichofthetwo
brothersIsaacorAlexiuswastotakethethronehadnotbeennotasettled
affairuntiltheinterventionoftheCaesarJohnDucasinfavourofAlexiusduring
thecourseoftherevolt,andtherealisationthatAlexius'troopswerecloserathand
thanIsaac's.[[42]]TherehadbeentworivalfactionsinfavourofIsaac
andAlexius respectively,and,thoughAnnaComnenamakesAlexius'accession
seemafaitaccompli,hewassomesixyearsthejunior.Thismaynothavebeen
whatAnnaDalassenahadplanned;shemayhaveexpectedIsaacandhisGeorgian
wifetotakethethrone,andAlexius'accessionwouldhavemadehermoreanxious
thanevertodissolveherson'sconnectionwiththeDucasfamily.Therewas
certainlysuspicionatthetimethatAlexius wasplanningtodivorceIreneand
marryMaria of Alania,thusmakingherempressforthethirdtime.Undoubtedly
thisplanwouldhavebeenmastermindedbyAnna.AfterallMaria'sson
byMichael VII Ducas wasborninthepurple,a'porphyrogenitus',andalready
crownedemperor,andMariawouldhardlyhavesupportedAlexiushadshe
anticipatedthathersonwouldbedemoted:shedoubtlesshadbeenassuredthatthe
twoadoptive'brothers'wouldruletogether.ThefactthatAlexius movedintothe
palacewithMariaandhisbloodrelatives,andwascrownedaloneon4April,
whilethefourteenyearoldIreneremainedforseveraldayswithherownfamily,
andwasnotcrownedtillaweeklater,washighlysuspicious.Indeeditispossible
thatAnnaDalassena,whoserelationshipwithMariamusthavebeenclosefor
nearlyadecade,hadallalongplannedtherejectionofIreneinthecontingencythat
itwashersonAlexiuswhowouldrisetothepurple.Afteralltheywere'both'his
mothersandunitedbythisbondofadoptionwhyshouldnotMariaandAnna
sharethethroneasAlexius' mothersandwife?Maria,alreadyanempressmother
twiceoverthroughherownsonConstantineandheradoptedsonAlexius,wasfar
moreregalandexperiencedthanthelittleIrene,whoasyethadnochildren(their
eldestchild,AnnaComnena,wasnottobebornuntilDecember1083),andwho,to
makethingsworse,wasaDucaena.

Inherdisingenuousaccountofthisepisode,Anna Comnenastatesthatthe
ComnenirefusedtodriveMaryfromthepalace,becauseofthemanykindnesses
theyhadreceivedfromherasempressandbecauseoftheircloserelationship,
whileMariaherselfwasreluctanttoleavebecauseofherlonelyposition:'shewas
inaforeigncountry,withoutrelatives,withoutfriends,withnobodywhateverof
herownfolk.'[[43]]Thatthereisacoveruphereisobvious.

ItistruethatMaria'smarriagetoAlexiuswouldhavebeencanonicallyillegal
becausehisbrotherIsaacwasmarriedtohercousin.[[44]]Inaddition,herfirsttwo
husbands,MichaelVIIDucasandNicephorusIIIBotaniates,werestillalive.
Butrulesweremadetobebrokenthepracticeof'economy'('economia')bythe
Byzantinechurchsawtothat.[[45]]Intheend,however,Irene'srightswere
vehementlysupportedbyhergrandfathertheCaesarJohnDucas,herbrotherin
lawGeorgePalaeologus(theadmiralinchargeofthefleet),andthePatriarch
Cosmas.GeorgePalaeologuswasparticularlyundertheinfluenceofhismotherin
law,Irene'smotherMariaofBulgaria,whohadinsistedonhisjoiningthe
Comnenianrebellion,[[46]]andundersuchcircumstanceshewouldcertainlyhave
supportedhissisterinlaw.Intheend,therefore,acompromisewasreached.The
Comneniwantedtoappointanewpatriarch,themonkandeunuchEustratius
Garidas,whowasapersonalfriendandprotgofAnnaDalassena'sandwhohad
supposedlyalreadyprophesied Alexius' risetothethronetothe'Motherofthe
Comneni':[[47]]theimplicationisthat,asalongtermsupporterofand
propagandistforthefamily,hewasmorepliablethanCosmasandmoreintune
withtheirplansforthechurchandestablishment.Cosmas,however,refusedto
resignthepatriarchateunlesshepersonallycrownedIrene.Thiswasreportedto'the
empress',AnnaDalassena,byhersonsandthedecisionwasfinallymade.SoIrene
wascrownedsevendaysafterAlexius,andanydealwhichAnnaorAlexiusmay
havedonewithMariaofAlaniawasaborted;Cosmasresignedandwasreplaced
withEustratius,AnnaDalassena'snominee.Atleastshehadgainedthepatriarchof
herchoicetooffsettherankofherhateddaughterinlaw.[[48]]

Empressanduncontestedmatriarch

Helovedherexceedinglyanddependedonherforadvice(suchwashisaffection
forher).Hisrighthandhedevotedtoherservice;hisearslistenedforherbidding.
Inallthingshewasentirelysubservient,infact,toherwishes.Icansumupthe
wholesituationthus:hewasintheorytheemperor,butshehadrealpower.[[49]]

SoAnna Comnena describestherelationshipbetweenherfatherandgrandmother

duringtheearlyyearsofhisreign.TruethatAnna waswritingmorethanforty
yearsafterhergrandmother'sdeath,[[50]]andadmitsthatsheonlyknewher
grandmotherforashorttime,asDalassenadiedwhilehergranddaughterwasinher
lateteens.[[51]]AndafterallAnnaComnenaspentmuchofheryouthbeing
broughtupbyMaria of Alania.[[52]]Butsheinsiststhatallshesaysisthetruth
indeed,DalassenaisalsopraisedbythefamilyhistorianBryennius,Anna
Comnena's husband.Nodoubttherehadbeentensionintheimperialfamilyasa
resultofAnnaDalassena'smaternalinfluenceoverAlexius,forherposition
markedlyovershadowedthatofAlexius'consortIrene,towhomherdaughterwas
alsodevoted,andwho,withAlexius,isthesubjectoftheAlexiad'spanegyric.Yet
BryenniushimselfhadbeencommissionedtowriteupthedeedsofAlexiusby
IreneDucaena,[[53]]andmusthaveconsideredhiseulogistictreatmentof
Dalassenaappropriateforhispatronandaudience,thoughIrenediedin1123,
beforetheworkwasfinished.

TherewasnothingunmanlyorinappropriateinByzantiumaboutreveringyour
mother.BryenniussaysthatAlexiuswas,'ifanymanwas',awarloveranda
motherlover.[[54]]Thetwoareseenascomplementary,whichtellsusagreatdeal
aboutAnnaDalassena.BothAlexiusandhiselderbrotherIsaacaredepictedas
relyingtotallyontheirmother'sjudgement.Indeedattheconclusionoftheircoup,
intheirvictoriousmarchintothecapitalon1April1081,theystoppedatthesquare
ofthemartyrGeorgeSykeotestowonderwhethertheyshouldfirstgotopaytheir
respectsto'theirmothers'(presumablynotonlyAnnaDalassenabutMariaof
Alaniaaswell)'accordingtocustom',beforeproceedingtosecurethepalace
CaesarJohnDucasrepresentedthisasunnecessarydawdlingunderthe
circumstancesandmadethempostponethefamilyreunionuntillater.[[55]]From
hisveryfirstdayasemperorAlexiusreliedonhismother'sadviceandhesharedall
hisplanswithher,whileshewaskeptminutelyinformedofanythingof
importance.[[56]]WhenIsaac'ssonJohnwasclearedc.1094atPhilippopolisof
chargesofplottingagainsttheemperor,Alexius' firstreactionwastoinstructIsaac
toreturntoConstantinopleandtelltheirmother.[[57]]

Anna'sinfluenceonherchildrencommencedfromtheirearliestinfancy.Alexius,
whowastenyearsathisfather'sdeath(Isaacwassomesixyearsolder),'had
enjoyedagoodeducationfromhisearliestyearsand,obedienttothepreceptsofhis
mother,hadthefearoftheLorddeeplyimplantedinhissoul'.[[58]]John
Comnenus'roleasfatherhaddoubtlessbeenmoreintheexamplehesetin
warfare,thoughhehardlyhadthechancetobeprominentduringtheDucasregime.
Standardeducationatthetimeincludedtraininginphilosophy,grammarand
rhetoric,theBible,andclassicalliterature,whilenobleboyswerealsoexpectedto
takepartinphysicalexercise,suchasballgames,hunting,andarcherytodevelop
militaryskills.Anna'sfivesonswereexpectedtohavemilitarycareers:theeldest,
Manuel,servedinthearmyduringhisfather'slifetimeandwassuccessfulenough
tobeappointedprotostratorby Romanus IV.HewascommanderofalltheEastern
troopswhenhediedin1071attheageoftwentysix.Isaacwasalreadyinthe
militaryatthepointandservedasthedomesticoftheEast,where,likeManuel,he
wascapturedbytheTurks,andransomedc.1073.Hewasthensentc.1074to
Antiochasgovernorwhereheremaineduntil1078.Thesamewasthecaseforthe
youngersons.AtManuel'sdeath,Alexiuswas14yearsofageandwassenttotake
hisbrother'splaceinthearmedforces,butthiswasblockedbyRomanus IV outof
considerationforhismotherimplyingthattheageitselfwasnotaproblem.[[59]]

Theyoungestboys,AdrianandNicephorus hadalsoreceivedappropriatetraining
tobecome,underAlexius,GrandDomesticandCommanderofthefleet
respectively.[[60]]Theirupbringingwasentirelyduetotheirmother:fromthetime
ofherhusband'sdeath,AnnaDalassenamadesurethesetwoyoungestsonshad
'tutorsinstructedtogivethemwellroundedinstruction'.[[61]]Thechildren'sother
skillswerenotneglected:asemperorAlexius enjoyedhuntingandpolo,and
frequentlyplayedchesswithhisrelativesafterhisafternoonsiesta.[[62]]

Anna'smaininfluenceonhersons,however,asdepictedbyhergranddaughter,was
intheareaofpietyandreligiousconformity.Topleasehismother'whomheso
dearlyloved'andbywhose'admonitionshedirectedhisconduct',Alexiuswhenon
campaignalwayshadamonkinhistenttillhemarried.Thesemonkswere
consideredimportantenoughforAnna Comnena,Bryennius andKataspekenos,
authorofthelifeofStCyrilthePhileote,torecordtheseparatenamesofseveralof
thesemonksacertain'LittleJohn',Symeon,andIgnatius.[[63]]Notonlydidthese
actashisspiritualadvisors,therewasnopossibilityforhimtogetintomischief
whenawayfromhismother'seye;afterall,ifByzantinearmieswereanythinglike
thoseofthecrusaders,prostituteswerearegularpartofthebaggagetrain.
AnnaportraysherfatheraftertheconquestofConstantinoplebyhistroopsasfilled
withterrorofthewrathofGod.Heconsultedhismotherseriouslyonhowto
relievehisconscienceforthepillagingofthecapitalanditschurchesandtookher
advicetolaythecasebeforeseniorchurchmen:ontheinstructionofthepatriarch
Cosmasandotherchurchleaders,theimperialfamilytooktofastingandsleeping
onthefloorwithstonepillows,whileAlexiusinadditionworesackclothforforty
daysandnights.[[64]]Duringhisreignhealsoengagedseriouslyinmattersof
theology:inhisinvestigationoftheBogomils,Annaportrayshimashaving
studiedtheHolyWritingsmorethananyoneelseinordertosharpenhistonguefor
combatingheretics,[[65]]aninterestnodoubtinspiredbyhismother's
preoccupations.

'Motheroftheemperor'

Anna'spositionasmotheroftheemperorwasnowassured,andthetermappearson
hersealsofthisperiodasanofficialtitle.Onecommontypeofsealreads:'Lord,
protectAnnaDalassena,nun,motheroftheemperor,'anditdepictsthe
TransfigurationofChristandthe'dormitio'(Assumption)ofthe
Theotokos.[[66]]Alexius gaveAnnaaplaceinthecourthierarchyandawardedher
thetitledespoina(empressormistress),thoughshewasnotcrowned:perhapsit
wasnotconsideredappropriatethatthetitleAugustabegiventosomeonealready
wearingthemonastichabit,asshedidevenonthedayofherson'scoronation.
[[67]]But,moreimportantly,itwasAnnawhowieldedpoliticalpower.Intheearly
yearsofAlexius' reign,especiallyintheyears10811095,whenheandtheother
adultmalesofthefamilywerefrequentlyoncampaignagainstNormans,
PechenegsandSeljukTurks,sheactedasregentandwasgivenawidesphereof
authority,withalmosttotalcontrolovertheentirecivil
government.ComnenaspeaksofAlexiusinthisperiodasdoingnothingwithout
AnnaDalassena'sadvice;takingherashisconfidanteandcopartnerin
government;involvingherincreasinglyinstateaffairs;anddeclaringopenlythat
withoutherintellectandjudgementtheempirewouldnotsurvive.[[68]]

WhileAnnaherselfisshownasdesiringthemonasticlifeinsteadofthispolitical
prominence,her'quiteexceptional'loveforhersonissaidtohaveoverriddenher
owndesiresandshewaspersuadedtogovernwithhim.Indeedsheattimes'alone
drovethechariotofpowerandwithoutaccidentorerror'.[[69]]Her'fineintellect'
and'reallyfirstclassaptitudeforgovernment'hadnodoubtbeenhonedasthe
matriarchandcontrollerofahugepropertiedhouseholdandextensivefamily
networkandwerefullyrecognisedbyherson.ThisisbornoutbyAnna
Comnena'sfrequenttermforhergrandmotherasthe'MotheroftheComneni'
herpoliticalrolespringsnaturallyfromhermaternalfunction.[[70]]
Alexius'relianceonAnnaculminatedinthechrysobullofAugust1081,inwhich
shewasnominatedasregentfollowingRobertGuiscard'sinvasionofEpirus,andin
whichhedeclaredherdecisionstobeaboveallpresentandfuturecriticismthey
weretostandwhetherjustifiedorunjustified,asweretheactionsofherministers
andofficials.Shewastoberesponsibletonoone.

Thisfamousofficialdocument,whichAnnaComnenapurportstoquoteverbatim
(omittingonlythescribe'sprofessionalembellishments),beginswiththe
remarkablewords:

"Whendangerisforeseenorsomeotherdreadfuloccurrenceisexpected,thereis
nosafeguardstrongerthanamotherwhoisunderstandingandlovesherson,for,if
shegivescounsel,heradvicewillbereliable;ifsheoffersprayers,theywillconfer
strengthandcertainprotection.Suchatanyratehasbeentheexperienceofmyself,
youremperor,inthecaseofmyownreveredmother,whohastaughtandguided
andsustainedmethroughout,frommyearliestyears.Shehadaplaceinaristocratic
society,butherfirstconcernwasforhersonandhisfaithinherwaspreserved
intact.Itwaswellknownthatonesoulanimatedus,physicallyseparatedthoughwe
were,andbythegraceofChristthathappystatehaspersistedtothisday.Never
werethosecoldwords,'mine'and'yours',utteredbetweenus,and,whatwaseven
moreimportant,theprayersshepouredoutduringallthattimereachedtheearsof
theLordandhaveraisedmenowtotheimperialthrone."[[71]]

Thissentiment,publiclystatingAlexius'faithinhismotherandtheirmutual
respectanddevotion,wasbeautifullyreworkedbytheAlexandrianpoet
ConstantineCavafyin1927,inhispoemAnnaDalassene,inwhichthelastlineof
thepoemdirectlyincorporatesAnnaComnena'sownphraseology:

InthegoldenbullthatAlexiusComnenusissued
Especiallytohonourhismother,
TheverysagaciousAnnaDalassene
Whowasrenownedinbothherdeedsandhabitsoflife
Therearemanywordsofpraise.
Here,ofthemall,Ipresentjustonephrase,
Onethatisbeautifulandsublime:
'That,betweenus,thosecoldwords"mine"and"yours"wereneverspoken.'[[72]]

Alexius' appointmentofthis'impregnablebulwarkforgoodgovernment',his
'reveredmother,ofallwomenmosthonoured',ascontrolleroftheentire
administration,explicitlygiveshersupremeadministrativepowerintheemperor's
absence.Sheispraisedinthispublicdocumentforhervastexperienceofsecular
affairs(despitethelowvalueshepersonallysetonthem),asaresultofwhichany
decreeofhersinwriting,whetherreferredtoherbythelogotheteorhissubordinate
officersoranyotheradministratorconcernedwiththeremissionofpublicdebts,is
tohavepermanentvalidity.Anydecisionororder,writtenorunwritten,which
bearshersealistoberatifiedandhereAlexiusspecificallydescribesherofficial
sealwithitsdepictionoftheTransfigurationandtheAssumption.Sheistohave
fullpoweroverpromotions,successionstothetribunalsandfiscs(i.e.,the
hierarchyofjudgesandfinanceofficials),andoverthegrantingofhonours,offices
anddonationsofimmoveableproperty.Sheisalsotohaveunquestionedcontrol
overmatterssuchasincreasesofsalary,additionalgifts,reductionsoftax,
economiesanddiminutionofpayments.Alleconomicaffairs,greatandsmall,are
inherdomain.'Inbrief,'thechrysobullcontinues,'Nothingshallbereckoned
invalidwhichshecommandseitherinwritingorbywordofmouth,forherwords
andherdecisionsshallbereckonedasmyownandnoneofthemshallbeannulled.
Inyearstocometheyshallhavetheforceoflawpermanently'.Inotherwords,she
andallherofficialsarefreeofthethreatofanyfutureinvestigationorexamination,
whethertheiractionsappearreasonableorridiculous:herdecisionsaretobe
unquestioned.Anna ComnenainsummingupthisdecreecommentsthatAlexius
yieldedhismotherprecedenceineverything,'relinquishingthereinsof
government,asitwere,andrunningalongsideasshedrovetheimperial
chariot.'[[73]]

Ofcourse,thispicturehastobemodified.Inherson'sabsenceonhisfirstNorman
campaign,Dalassenaisheregivenaneffectivecarteblanche,especiallyin
questionsoffinancialandjudicialmatters.Sheisnotgiventotalcontroloverthe
entireadministration,andindeedweknowthatinlate1081Isaacwasleftin
Constantinopletokeeporderandsubvertenemypropaganda.Hisrolewasalsoto
guardthepalaceandcity,and'atthesametimetocomfortthewomen[whowere]
inclinedtobetearful.Asfarashismotherwasconcerned,helpwas,Isuppose,
uncalledforshewasherselfatowerofstrengthandinanycaseahighlyskilled
administrator',commentshergranddaughter.[[74]]

Dalassenaisshownhereasfreeofallnormalfeminineweakness,butstill,asfaras
militaryaffairsareconcerned,itishersonIsaacwhoisdelegatedtoorganisethe
defenceofthecity.Butwhatisimportantinthechrysobullisthedetailinwhich
herprioritiesandabilitiesarecharacterisedandseenashavinganimportantbearing
ongovernment.Theemphasisonhervastexperienceofsecularmattershighlights
theexperiencesofthepropertiedByzantinematerfamilias,whois,almostby
definition,fullyequippedtodealwiththefinancialproblemsoftheempire,a
similarinstitution,justonalargerscale.[[75]]Herpietyisalsoseenashavinga
directrelevancetogoodgovernment.Significantly,heradministrationwas
individualenoughtobedislikedandcriticised.ThehistorianandlawyerZonaras
highlightsherunpopularity,depictingherashatedanddespotic,andthiswas
doubtlessthegeneralreactiontoherroleofbalancingthebudgetandmanagingthe
treasuryinordertofinanceAlexius'campaigns.Zonarasstatesthatshewasblamed
forthefinancialdemandsontheempire,[[76]]butshewasnotaloneinhavingto
makesavings:Alexiushimselfhadtocutsalariesandconfiscateproperty.Earlyin
hisreignAlexius hadtodebasethecoinage:thistookplaceinthefirstdecadeof
hisreignbeforehismonetaryreformof1092,andthemainfacilitatorofthis
debasementwouldhavebeenAnnaDalassena.[[77]]

CertainlytheempireatAlexius'accessionwasfacingadesperateeconomiccrisis.
UnderpressureofthecampaignagainsttheNormansinthewinterof1081/1082,
AnnaDalassenaandIsaacwereforcedtoappropriatechurchpossessionstofinance
thewar.Comnenatellsusthatthetreasuryhadbeentotallyemptied
byNicephorus III Botaniates:itwassobarethattherewasnopointinlockingthe
doors.Aftermobilisingallpossibleassetsfromwithinthefamily(IreneDucaena
wasanespeciallyenthusiasticcontributor),AnnaDalassenaandIsaacwereableto
sendsomefundstotheemperortopurchasetheassistanceofmercenaries,butthis
wasstillinsufficient.Afterlengthypublicandprivatediscussions,theyexamined
the'ancientlawsandcanonsonthealienationofsacredobjects',discoveringthatit
waspermissibletousesacredobjectsfortheransomingofprisonersofwar.Witha
littleingenuitythiscouldbeinterpretedtoincludeanyChristianswhowereliving
inAsiaunderTurkishrule,whobydefinitionneededtobeliberated.Andso,topay
thearmyandmercenaries,AnnaDalassenaandIsaacdecidedtoliquidatesacred
objectswhichwere'idleand[hadbeen]setasideasservingnopurpose'.Itwas
Isaac,however,whoconvenedandspokeatthesynodinStSophiatopresenttheir
case.Despitecertainveryvocalopposition,theirproposalwasaccepted,butAnna
Comnena admitsthattherewasconsiderablelongtermresentmentoverthis
radicaldecisionandthattheemperorhadlatertopromisereparation.[[78]]

WhileAlexius mayalsohaveinitiallycreatedthepositionoflogotheteton
sekretonasanofficialtoassisthismother,asa'technicalcoordinatorofservices',
notasasupervisorofherdecisions,[[79]]anditappearsthatAnnasharedregency
powerswithIsaacandthatherpowerwaslimitedtofinancialandlegalmatters,
thishardlydiminishestheuniquenessofherposition,andindeeddemonstratesan
unequivocalconfidenceinherskillsinstabilisingtheeconomy.

Anna'spoliticalskills

AnnaDalassenawasremarkableforhereloquence,diligenceand
politicalnous.Comnenatellsusthatasaspeakershewasquickwitted,lucidand
effective:'trulyamostpersuasiveorator;shewasneithergarrulousandonewho
lengthilyprotractedherspeeches,nordidtheinspirationofherdiscoursequickly
deserther.'[[80]]Diligenttoo,bythemorning'ssecondcockcrow,[[81]]withher
secretaryGenesius,shewouldbeapplyingherselftostatebusinessanddeciding
matterssuchastheelectionofmagistratesandrepliestopetitioners.
[[82]]Alexiushimselfissaidtohaveadmittedthat'shehadattainedperfectionin
allthings,andfarsurpassedeveryonelivingatthetimeinprudenceandpolitical
wisdom.'[[83]]

Annawascertainlypossessedofremarkableadministrativeskills,gainedthrough
herexperienceasheadofalargepropertiedfamily.AnnaComnenapraisesher
grandmotherforher'intellect'evenasquiteayoungwoman,[[84]]andrecordsthat:

Mygrandmotherhadanexceptionalgraspofpublicaffairs,withageniusfor_
organisationandgovernment;shewascapable,infact,ofmanagingnotonlythe
RomanEmpire,buteveryotherempireunderthesunaswell.Shehadvast
experienceandawideunderstandingofthemotives,ultimateconsequences,
_interrelationsgoodandbadofvariouscoursesofaction,_penetratingquicklyto
therightsolution,adroitlyandquicklycarryingitoutImustaddthis:notonly
wassheaverygreatcredittoherownsex,buttomenaswell[myitalics];indeed
shecontributedtothegloryofthewholehumanrace.[[85]]

AccordingtoComnena,theemperorinhisearlyyearsdidhismother'sbidding
likeaslave:shewaslegislator,coordinatorandgovernor.[[86]]Wemightassume
anelementofuncriticaladulationhere,thoughAnnatotallydeniesthatsheis
writingapanegyric.[[87]]But,Theophylact,laterarchbishopofOchrid,inan
orationdeliveredperhapsearlyin1088,whichprimarilydwells
onAlexius' militaryexploits,devotessometimetoaeulogyofAnnaDalassena,
andherreorganisationofthemoralsandgoodorderofthepalace.Hedescribes
AnnawithAlexiusasthe'twogreatsunsinthefirmamentofempire',
confirmingAnna Comnena'saccountofthewayinwhichherfatherwanteditto
beseenthathesharedthegovernmentwithhismotherasasingleentity.Indeed,
justasinthe1081chrysobull,Theophylactpraisestheprayersandtearswithwhich
AnnaDalassenahadensuredAlexius'victories.[[88]]Theorationisalsoevidence
forthefactthat,eveninthelate1080s,theempressIrenewastotallyeclipsedinthe
palacebythepubliceminenceofhermotherinlaw,despitethefactthatshehad
alreadybornthreechildren,includingason,John,whowasjustababy.

Annawasstillgoverningforhersonduringhisabsenceoncampaignin1095:it
wasshewhogavetheordertoCyminianus,thedroungariusofthefleet,toarrest
andblindtherebelpretendingtobeLeo(orConstantine)Diogenes,Romanus
IV'sson,andbringhimbacktoConstantinople.[[89]]Andifweneedexternal
evidenceofthewayherpoliticalimportancewasperceivedoutsideof
Constantinople,PopeVictorII(10551057)hadearlieraddressedherinaletteras
his'deardaughter',prayedforherandherfamily,andremindedhertoremember
Romeasher'firstmother'.[[90]]Moreover,GuibertofNogent,oneofthemore
obsessivelyantiByzantinehistoriansoftheFirstCrusade,whoseaccount,written
c.1108,drawsbothonoralandwrittensourcessuchastheGestaFrancorum,gives
ustheintriguingdetailthat'theemperor'smother'wasasorceress(orfortuneteller)
whoforetoldthatConstantinoplewouldbeattackedandtakenbyoneofthe
Frankishleaders(Guibertsuggeststhatthisleaderwasmostprobablymeanttobe
Bohemond).ThisparticularreferencetoAnnaDalassenasurelystemsfromaneye
witnessentertainedattheByzantinecourtduringthetimeofherpreeminenceor
shortlyafterwards,andshowsthatshewasconsideredimportantenoughtobecome
partoftheantiByzantineoraltradition.[[91]]

ThePiousEmpress

Apartfromtheassetsshecontrolledastheheadofalargewealthyandpropertied
household,Alexiusensuredthathismotherhadfinancialresourcesappropriateto
herrankandstatus.Shewasgiventhesekretonor'income'oftheMyrelaion
monasteryinthecapital,thefinancialprerogativesofwhichshekeptforherself,in
thesamewayasMaria Sclerena,mistressofConstantine IX,hadbenefitedfrom
thesekretonofStGeorgeatMangana.Appropriately,theMyrelaionmonastery,
nowtheBodrumCamiiinConstantinople,hadhousedthewifeanddaughter
of Isaac I Comnenus afterhisabdication,andseveralmembersoftheimperial
familyhadbeenburiedthere.AnnaDalassenawasespeciallynotedforhergifts
andgenerositytomonasticinstitutions,andhermostnotedfoundationwasthe
churchandmonasteryoftheSaviourPantepoptes('Whoseesall')in
Constantinople,wheresheretired,andwaspresumablyburied.Althoughitwasa
maleestablishmentAnnahadhadprivateapartmentsbuiltthereforherself
especiallyforherretirement.InJune1087sheapprovedadocument(pittakion)
concerningthepropertyassignedtothisfoundation.[[92]]ThePantepoptes
monasteryisgenerallyidentifiedwithIstanbul'sEskiImaretCamiiwhichhasa
beautifulsiteoverlookingtheGoldenHorn.[[93]]Herpatronageofother
institutionsgenerallytooktheformofgovernmentgrantsoflandandexemptions
fromtax;therearedocumentsmakinggrantstothemonksofthemonasteryof
DocheianouonMountAthos,[[94]]andexemptionsfromtaxestoStChristodoulos'
monasteryonPatmos;acopyofthispittakionforChristodoulosofPatmos
survives,datedtoMay1088,andwasrecordedbyacertainMichaelMachetarios.
[[95]]

AnnaDalassenaisdescribedbyhergranddaughterashavingbeenamost
formidablelady:'heroutwardserenity,truereflectionofcharacter,wasrespected
byangelsbutterrorisedeventhedemons,andpleasurelovingfools,victimsof
theirownpassions,foundasingleglancefromhermorethantheycouldbear
Sheknewexactlyhowtotemperreserveanddignity.'[[96]]Sheadvisedhersonon
mattersofconscienceaswellaspolitics,foritwasshewhomhewenttoforadvice
onhowtohandletheguilthefeltforthelootingandcrimescommittedduringhis
takeoverofthecity.[[97]]AndAnnapractisedwhatshepreached:herpietywasa
matterofpublicknowledge,andevenreferredtoinAlexius'chrysobullof1081
herprayers,herfaith,herdisdainformattersofthisworld.Furthermore,she
completelyrestructuredthewholeethosofthepalaceandthetimetableofitsdaily
routine.Inmovesreminiscentofanearlierempress,Pulcheria,sisterandregent
ofTheodosius II,thewholeimperialpalacenowdevelopedamonasticethos:love

intrigues(likethoseinthetimeofZoeandConstantineIXMonomachus )were
banned,andthereweresettimesforhymns,regularhoursforbreakfast,anda
specialperiodfordutiessuchaschoosingmagistrates.[[98]]

Anna Comnenamakesmuchofhergrandmother'scharitabledonations,and
especiallyherhospitalitytomonksandclerics.Monkscouldalwaysbefoundather
dinnertableandshehonouredmonksandpriestsaboveallotherpersons,ensuring
thatreveredholymenwerepartoftheComneniannetworkandintegraltotheir
powerbase.[[99]]Inthelatereleventhcenturysaintsandholymenhadan
unparalleledroleintheformationofpoliticalpolicyandwereimportant
propagandistsforthecurrentregime.Significantly,AnnaDalassena's'clients'
withinthechurchincludedEustratiusGaridas(whowastobecomepatriarchather
insistenceandwhohad'prophesied'Alexius'risetothethrone),StChristodoulosof
Patmos,andSt.CyrilPhileotes.JohntheOxite,amonkbeforehebecamepatriarch
ofAntiochc.10891100,alsowroteashorteulogyofher.[[100]]

Cyril,inparticular,wasAnnaDalassena'sspiritualfather,andthelifeofthissaint
recordsthat,earlyinthereignofMichaelVII,helikeEustratiusGaridashad
foretoldAlexius'accession.OnthisoccasionhewasonavisittoConstantinopleto
anobleComnenianlady'whowasnotyetempress'andwhowasnotedforherlove
ofmonks;wemustnaturallyassumethatthiswasAnnaDalassena.Cyril,who
originatedatPhileanorthofthecapital,wasnotedforhisrigorousasceticismand
thebreadthofhistravels,frequentlyjourneyingtoConstantinopleandgoingasfar
asChonaeandRome.Duringhisvisit,heprovidedAnnaatherrequestwith
spiritualadvicesuitedtoherabilities,citingaseriesofshortquotationsfromthe
churchfathers(suchasBasilofCaesarea,JohnClimacusandthedesertfather
Barsanuphius),andadvisedherofthenecessityoffranknesstoone'sspiritual
advisor.Shegavehimrichgifts,whichhedistributedtothepoor.[[101]]Thiswas
nottheendoftheirassociationandCyrilwasalsovisitedforadvicebyanumberof
notablesduringAlexius'reign,includingAlexius'generalEumathiusPhilocales
andIreneDucaena'sbrotherandbrotherinlaw,Michaeltheprotostratorand
GeorgePalaeologus.[[102]]Alexius,Ireneandalltheirfamilyalsocametoconsult
thesaintinalengthyvisitinorafter1091,andtreatedhimwithgreatreverence.
[[103]]UnderAlexius ICyril'smonasteryatPhileaanditspossessionswere
confirmedasfreefromalltreasuryobligationsandCyrilwastodieataripeoldage
in1110.

Aswellasmonksandpriests,pennilessrelativesandstrangersfoundawelcomein
AnnaDalassena'shouse,andinherpersonaldevotionssheworeherselfoutwith
continualprayersandvigils,spendingalargepartofthenightinchantinghymns.
[[104]]HerregularplaceofworshipwasthechurchofStThecla,whichhadbeen
foundedbyherbrotherinlawIsaac I Comnenus (aninterestingchoice
consideringherattitudeathisabdication).[[105]]Therewasnoescapingthe
unmistakablefactofhermonasticcommitment:evenontheday
ofAlexius'coronation,Annaappearedinherblackmonastichabitwithnoimperial
insignia.[[106]]Howevermuchsheactuallyenjoyedrunningtheempire,itwas
publiclymadeclearthatherrealwishwastospendherremainingyearsin
contemplationandprayer,anditwasonlyherloveforhersonandhisneedforher
assistanceinrulingtheempirethatdissuadedherfromretiringfromtheworldafter
hisaccession.[[107]]Inotherwords,howevergoodshewasatorganisingthe
empire'seconomy,itwasappropriatethatsheshouldnotappeartowantto
overshadowherson,theemperor.Afterall,itwasonlyathisinsistencethatshe
wasgivinghimahelpinghand.

Retirementanddeath

ItisquiteremarkablethatAnnaDalassenawieldedsuchinfluenceoverhersonfor
somanyyears.Althoughheneededareliableregent,andhadessentiallyowedthe
thronetohismotherandherintrigues(nottomentionherprayers),[[108]]forherto
haveremainedpowerfulforsomefifteenormoreyearsafterhisaccession,untilhe
wasnearlyfortyyearsofage,almostdefiesbelief.But,withmiddleage,thetime
hadcomeforhimtorulehisownempire.Inthe1090sAlexiuswasabletospend
moretimeinthecapitalandperhapsbecametiredofhismother'sholdonthe
administration,howeverefficientthishadprovedtobe.Thisissuggestedby
Zonaras,whoshowsAnnaashavingremainedinpowerforsolong
thatAlexius becamefrustratedbythefactthathewasemperorinnamealone.
[[109]]AsaresultAnna,whorealisedhisdissatisfactionwiththesituation,decided
togobeforeshewaspushed,andsoretiredasanuntotheapartmentsattachedto
hermonasticfoundationoftheSaviourPantepoptes.Thegerms
ofAlexius'unhappinessmayevenbeseenasearlyas1089inthedocumentforthe
monasteryofDocheiariou,inwhichAlexiusappearstodisapproveofher
generositytotheinstitution.[[110]]

WeareunsurebothabouttheyearofAnna'sretirement,andthatofher
death.Anna Comnenaisremarkablysilentabouthergrandmother'sdisappearance
fromthepalaceandithasbeensuggestedthatthissilenceisduetothefactthather
grandmotherwasinvolvedinsomethingquestionable[[111]]perhapsaheretical
sect,suchasthatoftheBogomils.TheArmeniansourceMatthewofEdessa
recordsundertheyear1089thataLatinmonk(accompaniedbyadogtowhomhe
offeredhisprayers)corruptedlargenumbers,includingtheemperor'smother,but
thisdatingcannotbecorrect:weknowthatshewasstillwieldingpowerin1095,
evenifsheretiredshortlyafterwards.[[112]]Thecrusadetradition,recordedby
GuibertdeNogent,thatAnnaDalassenawasa'sorceress',impliesthatshemaystill
havebeeninthepalacewhentheleadersoftheFirstCrusadepassedthroughthe
cityinlate1096andearly1097,perhapsretiringnotlongaftertheirdeparture.
[[113]]Whateverthedateofandreasonforherretirement,Zonarasrecordsthatshe
resided'imperiallyandwithhonour'atherinstitutionforseveralyears,dyingin
'extremeoldage'justoverayearbeforehersonIsaac,whopassedawaybetween
1102and1104.Thedateofherdeathwas1November(sheiscommemoratedon
thisdateinthetypikonoftheTheotokosKecharitomenemonastery,foundedby
IreneDucaena)atsomedatebetween1100and1102.Ironicallyherdeathtook
placeontheday(wrongly)forecastbyanAthenianastrologerforthedeath
of Alexius himself:atleasttheprophecywascorrectinsofarasagreatrulerdid
passawayonthatday.[[114]]

Anna'sretirementhasalsotobeseeninthecontextoftheburgeoningComnenian
dynasty.Themalesofthefamilyhadbeenspendingconsiderabletimeoncampaign
uptotheearlyandmid1090s,whiletheyoungerwomenoftheimperialfamily
wereheavilypreoccupiedwithpregnancyandchildbearing:AnnaDalassena
herselfhadhadeightchildren;IreneDucaenawastohavenine;IreneofGeorgia
eight;Piroshka-Irene,wifeofJohnIIComnenus,anothereightthepalaceduring
thesedecadeswasfilledwithmothersandyoungchildren.[[115]]

IreneDucaena'sninechildrenwerebornoverlittlelessthanfifteen
years:Anna(1083),[[116]]Maria(1085),[[117]]John II(1087),[[118]]Eudocia
(1089or1094),[[119]]Andronicus(1091),[[120]]Isaac(1093),[[121]]Theodora
(1096),[[122]]Michael(1097),[[123]]andZoe(1098):bothMichaelandZoesadly
seemtohavediedshortlyafterbirth.[[124]]Notsurprisingly,bearinginmindthe
troublesofpregnancyandearlychildhood,AnnaDalassenawasinchargeuntilat
leastthemid1090s.Butwiththeendofchildbearingandtheadolescenceoftheir
olderchildrentheyoungerfemalemembersoftheimperialfamilywereatlibertyto
turntheirattentiontoothermatters.IreneofGeorgia'slastchildwasbornin1096,
andIrene'sDucaena'sin1098.From1105,whenheryoungestsurvivingchildwas
nine,the'young'empressconsortregularlyaccompaniedherhusbandAlexius on
campaign.[[125]]Withtheirincreasingfamily,too,particularlythebirth
ofAlexius'firstsonandheirJohnin1187,Irene'sinfluenceoverAlexius must
havebeengrowing,thoughtheAnemasconspiracyof1102isthefirsttimewehear
ofherhavingadirectinfluenceonpoliticalevents.[[126]]

UndertheComneni,notonlydidimperialwomenretaintheirroleaslegitimatorsof
newrulersanddynastiesbymarriageandadoption,buttheyfoundedmonastic
institutions,patronisedchurchmenandtheologians,andtookpartinpoliticsmore
activelythaneverbefore:preeminentinsuchroleswereAnnaDalassena
andMaria of Alania,bothofwhom,incidentally,werenuns.[[127]]
Thereisnoinherentparadoxinanautocratappearingintheguiseofalittleoldlady
inablackdress.[[128]]QueenVictoria(EmpressofIndia)andMariaTheresa
(EmpressoftheHolyRomanEmpire)whobothremainedinpermanent
mourningfortheirhusbandsareevidenceenoughofthetruthofthisobservation.
Itcouldevenbearguedthat,aswithAnnaDalassena,theovertpietyand
conservativismofthesetwomatriarchscontributedingreatmeasuretotheabsolute
powertheywielded,andfuelledthestabilityandpopularityoftheirdynasties.
Furthermoretheirperceptionsoftheirownimportancewithintheirfamiliesand
householdsconstructedthewaytheyweretoviewtheirempires.Overboththey
insistedontotalcontrolandpossessedabsoluteattentiontodetailwhetherin
microcosmormacrocosm.[[129]]AnnaDalassenawasmadeinthesamemould.
Shewasnotborntoathrone,buthadnodoubtsthatoneshouldbelongtoher
familybyright.Havingacquiredone,aftermorethanadecadeofpoliticalintrigue,
itwascleartobothherselfandherfamilythatthemoretrickydetailsof
governmentwerebestleftinherhands.Perhapsitisthistheaweandveneration
inwhichshewaspubliclyheldbyheradultsonsratherthanjustherpoliticaland
administrativeskills,thatmakesheruniqueamongByzantineempresses.

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Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia

Andrew Stone
University of Western Australia

Backgroundtothemarriage

FromthetimeoftheNormanconquestin1071ofBari,thelastByzantine
possessioninItaly,andRobertGuiscard'sinvasionsofGreeceinthe1080s,the
NormanshadbeenaconstantthreattotheByzantineempire.Asaresult,the
foreignpolicyofbothJohn II (11181143)andManuel I Comnenus(11431180)
wasmotivatedbythedesiretoallythemselveswithGermanyinordertoneutralise
thethreatoftheNormans,analliancewhichwaspursueduntiltheByzantinedefeat
atBrindisiin1156,[[1]]whenitwasterminatedbyFrederickIBarbarossafor
havingoutliveditsusefulness.Inthecircumstances,John II(11181143)
consideredthatamarriagealliancewithGermanywouldbeprudent,andhefixed
onhisyoungestsonManuelasthemostsuitablecandidateforsuchanalliance,
perhapsbecauseofhisLatinsympathies:[[2]]earlierJohnhadconsidered
marryingManueltoConstance,theonlydaughteroftheprinceofAntioch.She
was,however,quicklymarriedtoRaymondofPoitiersin1136toavoidAntioch
comingunderByzantinecontrol.

MarriagenegotiationsbetweenByzantiumandGermanywerebegunin1140
whenJohn II ComnenusapproachedConradIIIofGermany(11381152)foran
allianceagainstRogerIIofSicily(11011154)andsuggestedthatasuitable
princessbefoundforhisyoungestson.[[3]] Johnhadnoparticularbrideinmind,
andBerthaisfirstspecificallymentionedinaletterofConrad'stoJohn,dated12
February1142,inwhichConradoffersamarriagetoasisterofhisownwife,
Gertrude.[[4]]ConradwasclearlynotsotakenwiththeideaofanallianceasJohn,
andtakestheopportunitytostresshisownimportanceandrank,describinghimself
as'Dei gratia Romanorum imperator augustus'whileJohn issimplyaddressedas
'theemperorofConstantinople'.John'sreplyofAprilofthesameyearmakesclear
thatitishewhoisinfact'Iohannes in Christo Deo fidelis rex porphirogenitus,
sublimis, fortis, augustus, Cominos et imperator Romanorum'.[[5]]Thematchwas
agreeduponandBerthawasdispatchedtoConstantinoplelaterin1142,arrivingon
2AugusttomarryManuel,whowasstillatthispointsevastocratorandthe
youngestoffourbrothers;Bertha'sdowrywastobeApuliaandCalabria.
[[6]] JohnseemstohaveplannedtocreateanappanageforManuel andBertha
IreneoutofCoeleSyria,CiliciaandCyprus,beforethedeathofhistwoeldestsons
necessitatedachangeofplan.

SuchamarriagebetweenEastandWestwasnotunknown:theGermanemperor
OttoIIhadbeengrantedTheophano,nieceofJohnITzimisces(969976),ashis
bride,andRomanusII,sonandheirofConstantineVIIPorphyrogenitus,hadbeen
marriedwhenyoungtoBertha(Eudocia),theillegitimatedaughterofHugoof
Provence,kingofItaly(927947).[[7]]Afterherdeathin949anotheralliancewas
negotiatedwithHedwigofBavaria,nieceofOttotheGreat,thoughthisdidnotin
facttakeplaceandHedwig,despitehavinglearntGreek,marriedBurchardIIof
Swabiain954.Itwas,however,unusualforaforeignalliancetobesoughtbythe
EastitwastheWestwhichhighlyprizedByzantineprincessesandLiudprand
recordsthegreatdispleasurefeltinGermanywhenamarriagealliancewasrefused
byNicephorusIIPhocas(963969).[[8]]MariaofAlania(wifeofMichaelVII
DucasandNicephorusIIIBotaniates)hadbeenthefirstforeignbornempressfor
severalcenturies,butthesituationchangedwiththeComneni,andJohn IItookas
hiswifePiroshkaofHungaryandsetthefashionforforeignmarriageswithhisfour
sons,importing,itappears,anumberofprincessesasimperialbrides.[[9]]

Thesituationchangedwiththedeathof John's twoeldestsons,Alexiusand

Andronicuslatein1142,whileJohn wastodiehimselfinahuntingaccidentin
Ciliciaon5April1143.Beforehisdeath,hepassedovertheelderofhistwo
survivingsons,Isaac,infavourofManuel,theyounger,andensured
thatManuel wasacclaimedemperorbythearmy.Themarriagealliancewith
Berthamaynotnowhaveseemedgrandenoughforarulingemperor,anddidnotin
facttakeplaceuntilJanuary1146,thoughitsimportancewascorrespondingly
increasedintheWest.ManuelnegotiatedwithConradforanimproveddowry,and
inacommunicationin1145toManuel,nowaddressedas'porphirogenitoComiano
illustrietgloriosoregiGraecorum',ConradurgesonManuel,now'hismost
belovedoffriends',totakeashiswifeBertha,titledConrad'smostbeloved
daughter('dilectissimamfiliamnostram'),thesisterofhismostnoblewife.To
demonstratehisenthusiasmforthemarriage,Conradofferedtofurnishnotjust500
soldiersbutsome2,000or3,000ifneeded.[[10]]Finallylatein1145anembassy
underthedirectionoftheeloquentEmbrico,BishopofWrzburg,sealedthematch
and,aftertheinterveningSecondCrusade,itwasfinallyagreedattheTreatyof
Thessalonicaof1148thattheempress'dowryshouldconsistofsouthernItaly.
[[11]]Tostrengthentheallianceitwasalsoagreedin1148thatManuel'sniece
Theodora,daughterofhislatebrotherAndronicus,bemarriedtoConrad'shalf
brother,HeinrichJasomirgott,laterDukeofAustria.[[12]]

Conradwasnot,atthetimeofthemarriagenegotiations,consideringpersonal
involvementintheSecondCrusade:itwasnotuntilDecember1145thatPope
Eugeniusissuedhispapalbull'Quantumpraedecessores'addressedtoLouisVII,
andnotuntilChristmas1146thatConradhimself,attheurgingofStBernardof
Clairvaux,tookthecrossatSpeyer.NeverthelessnewsofthefallofEdessato
ZengisenttothepopebyMelisendeofJerusalemmayhavefannedinterestinthe
Eastandbeenafactorinmakingthemarriageappearevenmorerelevant.

Bertha'sfamily

ItisnotclearwhatBertha'sagewasatthetimeofherengagementandmarriage.
ShewasoneofthesixchildrenandfivedaughtersofBerengerIIofSulzbach,who
wasmarriedfirsttoAdelheidofLechsgemnd(d.1112)andthentoAdelheidof
Diessen(d.1126).Gertrude,bornc.1110,appearstohavebeentheeldestofthe
familyandshemarriedConradIIIin1135,whileBerenger'sonlysonGebhardwas
bornc.1114.BerthawasapparentlyBerenger'ssecondchild,whichwouldputher
birthbetween1111and1113:ofheryoungersistersAdelheid,Liudgardand
Mathilde,Liudgardwasmarriedin1139.Itwouldnotbesurprisingthereforeif
BerthawasseveralyearsolderthanManuel,whowasbornon28November1118,
andmorethan30yearsofageatthetimeoftheirmarriagein1146,unusuallyold
foranimperialbride,fortheyweregenerallymarriedattheageofthirteenor
fourteenyears.IreneDucaenawasapparentlytwelveyearsofagewhenshe
marriedAlexius (I) Comnenus,anditwascustomaryforforeignbridestobe
broughttoConstantinopleataveryyoungagetoenablethemtobeeducatedin
Greekandtheintricaciesofcourtceremonial.Thismayhavebeenafactorinthe
delayinthemarriage,asBertha'slackofacquaintancewithByzantineprotocoland
inabilitytocommunicateinGreekwouldhavebeenamatterofgraveconcernat
court.

Thewedding

TheweddingonlytookplaceinJanuary1146(nearlythreeyears
afterManuel'saccessioninApril1143),followingthearrivalinConstantinopleof
theembassyledbyEmbrico,bishopofWrzburg.[[13]]ThepatriarchMichaelII
CurcuraspresidedoverBertha'smarriageandcoronationandatherbaptismand
marriageintheOrthodoxchurchBerthatookthenameIrene,nodoubtinhonourof
herpredecessorsIreneDucaena(wifeofAlexius I Comnenus),andPiroshkaIrene
ofHungary,hernewhusband'smother,whohadmarriedJohn II Comnenusin
1104.Thealliancewascelebratedintheceremonialverseofthecourtpoet
Prodromus,who,inastereotypicalpoemtocelebrateBertha'sarrival,commanded
NewRomenowtorejoiceatitsheadshipoverOldRomethroughthisunionof
BerthaandManuel;hementionsherfamilyandwesternorigins,specifically
including'thedistinguishedConrad',anddescribesBerthaasthebestofwomenand
ofoutstandingbeauty,congratulatingheronhergoodfortuneinbeingbroughtlike
avinebytheemperortobetransplantedintosuchagloriousandluxurioussetting
intheimperialgardens.Prodromus'verses,notsurprisingly,dwellfarmoreupon
therankandnobilityofManuelthanonBerthaandherlineage.Elsewhere,ina
poembyananonymousauthorcelebratingadedicationofagoldentabletbythe
empress,Bertha'smarriagetoManuelissimilarlydescribedastheunionofOld
andNewRome,andherbirth,includingherdescentfrom'JuliusCaesar',issuitably
lauded.[[14]]KazhdannotesthatbythetwelfthcenturytheByzantinesconsidered
theLatinWestasaunifiedentity,andChoniatesconsidersBertha,thoughhe
knowshertobeaGerman,asaLatinbyrace.[[15]]Cinnamus,aeulogistinallto
dowithManuel andhisreign,simplydescribesherdescentbythephrase'agirl
relatedtokings'.[[16]]

BerthaIrene'scharacter

WhenBerthaarrivedinConstantinoplein1142,shewasgreeted,aswas
customary,bytheladiesoftheimperialfamily.AmongthemwastheRussian
bornsevastocratorissawhowasthewifeofAlexius,John'seldestson,cladindark
purplewithgoldembroidery.IntheabsenceofJohn'swifePiroshkawhohaddied,
probablyin1134,thisprincessnodoubtheadedtheformalwelcomingcommittee.
Owingtothesombrecolourofherdress,Berthainquiredwhothenunintheparty
waswhowasspeakingmagnificently,anenquirywhichtheByzantinesinterpreted
asbodingillforthemarriage,especiallyasAlexiuswastodiewithintheyear.
[[17]]ThattheremarkisrecordedmaybeevidenceofaperceptionthatBertha's
normalapproachtothesophisticationandintricaciesofByzantinecourtlifecould
bebluntandeventactless.

ChoniatesandCinnamusbothavoidgivingadetailedphysicaldescriptionof
Bertha,emphasisingthatshewasprimarilyconcernedwithherinnerbeautyandthe
conditionofhersoul,andcommentingonhermoresolidvirtuespropriety,piety,
prudenceandphilanthropy.[[18]]BasilofOchrid,whocomposedBertha'sfuneral
eulogy,alsocommentsonherhumility,modesty,philanthropyandpietyand
suppliesuswithanimageoftheempressabasingherselfbeforethedeaconsonthe
occasionoftheEucharist.[[19]]AccordingtoChoniatesitisclearthatherneglect
ofherappearanceandherrefusaltousemakeupsetherasidefromother
empressesandimperialwomen.Shescornedtheuseof'facepowder,eyeliner,and
eyeshadowunderneaththeeye,androugeinsteadofnature'sflush,and,ascribing
suchaidstosillywomen,shewasadornedbythevirtuestowhichshewas
devoted.'[[20]]ThisissupportedbyBasilofOchrid,whostatesthatwomenin
generalwerethoughttohavetoogreatapredilectionforbedeckingthemselvesin
unsuitablefinerytoenhancetheircharms,andconfirmsthehistorians'accountof
Bertha'sdisinterestinadornmentsandofherinnervirtuewhichfaroutweighedher
externalmagnificence.[[21]]Choniatescontinuesbyaddingthat'shehadthe
natural[ie,racial]traitofbeingunbendingandopinionated.Consequently,the
emperorwasnotveryattentivetoher....'.[[22]]Westernerswereunpopularin
Byzantium,especiallyduringthereignsofManuelandAndronicus I Comnenus,
[[23]]andobviouslyherracialbackgroundasaGermanentitledhertothecriticism
ofinflexibilityandarrogance.Significantly,inhisfuneralorationforher,Basilof
OchridspecificallystatesthatBerthadidnotpossessthearroganceand
superciliousnesstypicalofwesterners,especiallyGermansapointertoageneral
distrustofwesternempressesanddislikeofwesternersingeneral:obviouslyeven
asempressBerthastillappearedGermanandwasthoughtbyChoniatestoretain
typically'German'pride,whichBasilisatpainstodenyorremove.[[24]]

ThepicturejointlypresentedbyJohnCinnamus,NicetasChoniatesandBasilof
Ochridsuggeststhattheempresswasnotparticularlybeautiful,wasverypious,and
spurnedcosmeticsandothersignsofimperialmagnificence.
ConsequentlyManuel soonbegantobeopenlyunfaithfultoher.Berthaofcourse
retainedallthehonoursofcourtlife,butfoundherselfsetasideinfavourof
numerousmistresses.Inaddition,itseemsprobablethatshewasnotconsideredto
beproperlyfulfillingherroleasempress,whowasexpectedtoactalongsidethe
emperorasthefocalpointofimperialceremonial,andwasavitalpivotfor
ceremoniesinvolvingthewomenofthecourt.[[25]]

BerthaandManuel

Notunnaturallythefuneraloration,writtenbyBasilofOchrid,presentsthe
marriageinthemostflatteringandeulogisticofterms,anddescribestheimperial
coupleasunitedinmutualaffectionandcommitment,withManuel,andindeedthe
entireempire,beingtotallyinconsolableatthelossofsuchalady.[[26]]Moreover,
afterManuel's recoveryfromanillness,Berthamadeadedicationofagoldendove
totheTheotokos(MotherofGod),whileintheaccompanyingpoemthepoet
Prodromuslaudsheras'QueenofallNewRome'andportraysherasaskingforthe
holymartyrsasManuel'sfellowwarriors.[[27]]Despitesuchconventional
depictionsofaroyalmarriage,however,physicalbeautywasconsideredan
essentialqualityinempresses,[[28]]andBertha'slackofinterestinherappearance
and,possibly,hermatureage,inrealityledtoherbeingneglectedbyhernew
husband:'Consequently,theemperorwasnotveryattentivetoher,butsheshared
inthehonors,bodyguard,andremainingimperialsplendours;inmattersofthebed,
however,shewaswronged'.[[29]]Sheseemstohavewithdrawnfromtheglareof
thecourtanddevotedherselftogoodworksandtheupbringingofherdaughter
Maria,theheirtothethrone,whowasprobablyborninMarch1152.[[30]]

Manuel hadanumberofmistresses,evenattheendofhislife,[[31]]andtomake
thesituationevenmoredifficultforthenewempressManuel'schiefmistresswas
thehaughtyandextravagantTheodora,Manuel'sownniece,whowassoarrogant
inherpositionthatshewasaccusedbyChoniatesofdisdainfulconceit,ofinsisting
thatthepalacebesweptcleanbeforeshewouldevenenterit,andofhavingher
owncourt(arivalonetothatoftheempress)andaretinueasresplendentasthatof
Bertha.[[32]]Theodoraisreportedactuallytohavetriedtostabarivalofwhomshe
wasjealous,andherillegitimateson,Alexius,wasappointedCaesar
andsevastocrator.Thisson,and'theotherswhofollowed',accountedforincredibly
largesumsofmoney.[[33]]AccordingtoChoniates,therewasagreatresemblance
betweenAlexiusandhisfatherinbothphysiqueandcharacter,whichimpliesthat
hisparentagewaswidelyknown.[[34]]Inviewofthefactthatpassionscould
obviouslyridehighatcourt,itisperhapssignificantthatananonymouspoet
invokedthehelpoftheprophetDanielagainstenemiesoftheempress,forBertha
musthavehadherdetractorsandcritics,evenwithintheimperialfamily,andher
positionwasnotsecure.[[35]]

Manuelenjoyedjoustingonthewesternmodel,[[36]]andissaidbyCinnamusto
haveengagedinashowofgratuitousheroicsin1146inacampaignagainst
Iconium,shortlyafterhiswedding,toimpresshisnewbride.[[37]]Berthamay
havebeenpleasedtosupporthisheroicimageasanew'DigenisAcrites',thehero
ofByzantineepicromance,asManuelistitledbyatleastonecourtpoet,[[38]]for
Cinnamusdescribesheraspubliclysupportingherhusband'sheroicandchivalrous
image'infullsenate':[[39]]

'Therefore,theladyfromamongtheGermanswhohadmarriedhim,oncesaidin
fullsenatethatshedrewherdescentfromagreatandwarlikeracebutoutofallof
themshehadneverheardofanywhoboastedsomanyfeatsinasingleyear.'

WhilethecircumstancesofBertha'saddresstothesenatearenotentirelyclear,the
episodeimpliesthatshewaspresentandpubliclysupportedtheemperoronofficial
occasions,includingpresumablythereceptionofforeignenvoys,anddidnot
merelypresideovertheempress'alternativecourt.Furthermore,sheappearsto
haveplayedaprominentroleingovernmentinManuel'sfrequentabsences.Itwas
toherthatAndronicus Comnenus'conspiracytoassassinateManuelwasreported
in1154,whileshewastheoneinauthoritytoldofthesupposedescapefromprison
ofAndronicusin1158,andthemeasurestodefendthecityandimperialdecrees
callingforanalloutsearchmayhavebeendirectedbyher.[[40]]Accordingtothe
continuationofOtto'sGestaFridericibyRahewin,Berthawasalsotheperson
informedabouttheconspiracyofthecanicleius(emperor'sprivatesecretary)
TheodoreStyppiotesagainstManuelin1159;sheswiftlyreportedthis
toManuelinCiliciawhohadStyppiotesblindedandhistonguepierced.[[41]]Her
commandofwealthsuitedtoherrankisshownnotmerelybythephilanthropy
withwhichsheiscreditedbyallsources,butalsobyhermagnificentgiftsto
membersofherfamily,suchasConrad'sson,FrederickdukeofSwabia,herown
nephew,in1157.[[42]]

ShewasanimportantmediatorbetweenManuelandConradduringConrad'svisits
toConstantinopleduringthecourseoftheSecondCrusade(114648),forrelations
betweenGermansandByzantineswerenotalwaysfriendly,especiallypriortothe
Germans'arrival,andConradcertainlycorrespondedwithher:thelettersare
recordedbyWibaldofStavelot,regentduringtheSecondCrusadeandFrederickI's
ambassadortoManuel.[[43]]OdoofDeuildwellsindepthonthearroganceof
bothManuelandConradandcontraststheirhaughtydemeanour,intheirstubborn
refusaltolosefaceandmeettheotheronhisownground,withthemajestic
humilityoftheFrenchkingLouis,hispatron.[[44]]Butamicablerelationsbetween
ConradandManuelweremaintained:Manuel,andofcourseBertha,helped
ConradtorecuperateafterhisreturntoConstantinoplefollowingthedisastrous
defeatatDorylaeum,andhewasentertainedinthewinterof1147/48withallkinds
ofamusements,includingreceptions,horseraces,andotherspectacles.
[[45]]ConradreturnedtoPalestinefurnishedwithByzantinefundsandtransport,
andConradandManuelweretomeetagainatThessalonicalatein1148,
[[46]]whenafinalagreementwasmadeoverBertha'sdowryandthetwoleaders
sealedatreatyagainstRogerIIofSicily,whohadtakenadvantageofByzantium's
preoccupationwiththecrusadetoannexCorcyraandattackCorinth.[[47]]

BerthaalsoplayedanimportantpartinthereceptionoftheleaderoftheFrench
crusadecontingent,LouisVIIofFrance,whowasaccompaniedbyhisqueen
EleanorofAquitaine.EleanorseemstohavebeendeliberatelycutoutofOdoof
Deuil'snarrativeasaresultofherdivorcefromLouisVIIandremarriagetoHenry
IIPlantagenet,andbecauseofthescandalousbehaviourinwhichshesupposedly
indulgedwithheruncle,RaymondofPoitiers,duringherstayinAntioch;William
ofTyretooiscriticalofherbehaviouras'oneofthosesillywomen'.Nevertheless
fromonereferenceinOdo'saccountwhichhasnotbeenerased,wehearofEleanor
receivingfrequentlettersfromtheEmpressBertha,whichimpliesthatshetooka
veryactiveroleincommunicatingwithandentertainingthewesternmonarchs.
[[48]]
 BerthaIrene'schildren

Manuel feltsuspiciousofhisbrotherIsaac'sassociationwiththepatriarchCosmas
in1147.Thismanhaddetractors,despitehispietyandhumility,andintheendhis
enemiessecuredhisexpulsionfromthepatriarchalthrone.Cosmas,uponthis,was
saidtohavecursedtheempressBerthaIrene'swomb.Itwasbelievedthatthiswas
whyBerthawastobearonlytwodaughters,MariaPorphyrogenita,whowasborn
in1152,[[49]]andAnnawhodiedattheageoffouryears,apparentlybefore
Bertha'sowndecease.[[50]]Needlesstosay,sincetherewasnomaleheirfrom
Bertha,thequestionofMaria'smarriagewasofgreatimportancetoManuel,and
wasnotdecideduponuntilwellafterBertha'sdeath.

Bertha'sintellectualpursuits

Anintellectual,oratleastonewhowishedtobeconsideredso,Berthawas
interestedinGreekcultureandlikedtoappearanenthusiasticpatronofdemotic
literature.ShecommissionedworkssuchasJohnTzetzes'Allegoriesofthe
Iliad(hehadalsodedicatedhisChiliadestoher),asummaryoftheIliadinsimple
GreekversetoenablehertobecomeacquaintedwiththeworkofHomer.Sheeven
seemstohavesuggestedtheverseformtothepoet,thoughwithoutgivingprecise
instructionsforthecontent.Tzetzesaddressedtheworktoheras'themost
powerfuland"Homeric"ladyIreneofGermany'anddescribesherasthemoon,
wishingtoillumineHomer.[[51]]Theworkwasincompleteonherdeathbecause
ofdisagreementsoverTzetzes'ratesofpay.Shehadpromisedhimfourgoldcoins
afolio,butTzetzesfelthewasnotsuitablyrecompensedbytheempress'steward
Megalonasforhishardworkashehadfilledthefolioswithespeciallysmallhand
writing;afteraviolentdisputeTzetzeswasrefusedpaymentandhestoppedwork.
[[52]]

Inthispatronageofliterature,Berthamaywellhavebeenfollowingtheexampleof
hersisterinlaw,Irenethesevastocratorissa,widowofManuel'sbrother
Andronicus,whowaspatronofnumerouscourtpoets.[[53]]Itisalsopossiblethat
shemighthavebeeninspiredbyhercontactwithEleanorofAquitainewhowas
herselfanotedpatronofromancesandchroniclesinverse,althoughitmayhave
beenEleanorwhowaspossiblyinspiredbyhercontactwithConstantinopleandthe
EasttointroducegreaterrefinementintothecourtsofWesternEuropeinimitation
ofByzantineculturalsophistication.

BerthaIrene'sdeath
BerthadiedsuddenlyofafeveratLoggoioutsideConstantinoplein1158,andwas
buriedinthechurchofthePantocrator,builtbyJohn II,whereManueltoowasto
beburiedathisdeathin1180.[[54]]Despitehisunfaithfulnessduringthe
marriage, Manuellamentedbitterlyatherdeath,'lookinguponherdemiseasifa
limbhadbeentornfromhisbody,andhislamentationwasliketheroarofalion';
BasilofOchridreportsthateventheTurkspaidhomagetothedeceasedempress.
[[55]]Manuelwasofcourseconcernedtoremarryassoonaspossible,ifforno
otherreasonthantheimmediatenecessityofhavingasonandheir.Anembassy
wassenttothecrusaderstatestoenquireaboutanewbride,andafternegotiations
foranalliancewithMelisendeofTripolihadfailed,ManuelmarriedMary of
Antioch,oneofthedaughtersofRaymondofPoitiersandConstanceofAntioch,in
StSophiaonChristmasDay1161.In1165/66hefixedthesuccessiononhis
daughterMariaandherfianceBlaofHungaryindefaultofalegitimatemale
heir.[[56]]

DespitehertwelveyearsasempressofByzantium,Berthaleavesverylittle
impressioninthesources,compared,forexample,withhersuccessorMary of
Antioch.WhileBerthaattemptedinherovertdisplayofOrthodoxpietyand
patronageofcourtpoetstoliveuptothestereotypeexpectedofempress,clearly
shewasunabletomaintainthetraditional'glitteringimage'ofresplendent
magnificence:assuchshewasadisappointmentatcourt.However,herlifewasnot
withoutinfluence.Sheplayedasignificantroleinimprovingrelationsbetween
ConradandManuelandthusfacilitatingthecriticallyimportantalliancebetween
ByzantiumandGermany,aswellasinencouragingfurtheralliancesbetweenthe
GermanroyalhouseandByzantineprincesses;[[57]]furthermore,itishardto
believethatshedidnotplaysomepartintheupbringingandattitudesofher
daughterMariaPorphyrogenita,whoalsofailedtoadaptcompletelytotherole
consideredsuitableforimperialwomen,andendedupinvolvingherselfinacivil
waragainstherstepmotherMaryandMary'sgovernment.WhatBerthawas,
however,unabletodowastoimprovetheperceptionofwesternersinByzantium,
andthiswastoleadeventuallytoamassacreunderAndronicus I Comnenusand
therapiddeteriorationofEastWestrelations.

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Byzantinonerevnon,1984).
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65.

Mary of Antioch

Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia

Andrew Stone
University of Western Australia

Introduction

At the death of his first wife, Bertha of Sulzbach in 1158, Manuel I

Comnenus was left with one surviving daughter, Maria 'Porphyrogenita' who
was as yet unmarried. The need for a male heir to the throne was of paramount
importance and Manuel decided to use this as an opportunity to cement his alliance
with the Frankish kingdom of Jerusalem and its dependent principalities. Whereas
the emperor Manuel I Comnenus' grandfather Alexius I and his father John
II had attempted to solve the question of Latin Crusader Principalities in Syria and
Palestine through absorption, whether by treaty or by conquest, Manuel's policy
differed from theirs in his acceptance of the independence of the principalities as a
fait accompli.[[1]] So come Eastertide (12 April) 1159 Manuel made a triumphal
procession through Antioch, waited on by the prince of Antioch and followed by
the king of Jerusalem, who were doubtless pleased to have a powerful Christian
suzerain in the region. At Antioch, Choniates tells us, Manuel took part in a
tournament with blunted lances, in which the men of Reynald of Chatillon, prince
of Antioch, were outmatched and Manuel excelled himself by unhorsing two
knights with one blow.[[2]] About this time, Manuel conceived his idea of a
marriage alliance with one of the principalities. Marguerite-Constance of Antioch,
the daughter of Raymond of Poitiers and Constance of Antioch (who had married
Reynald of Chatillon after Raymond's death), was one of the two main contenders
for the position of Manuel's new bride, the other being Melisende, sister of
Raymond III of Tripoli. After negotiations for an alliance with Tripoli had fallen
through (Antioch being the better alliance), Manuel had Marguerite-Constance
escorted to Constantinople by an entourage led by Alexius Comnenus, the
Grand Dux (son of Anna Comnena), a certain Nicephorus Bryennius, and the
eparch Andronicus Camaterus. The marriage took place in St Sophia on Christmas
Day 1161 (we unfortunately have no rhetorical texts commemorating the event).
[[3]] The princess had been born in the 1140s and so was probably in her mid-
teens;[[4]] she now took the name Maria.
 Maria's appearance

The alliance with Antioch clearly was more attractive to the

Byzantines than that with Tripoli, and William of Tyre describes
with some disgust Manuel's 'jilting' of Melisende and the ill
feelings it aroused. He portrays Melisende as a maiden of fine
character and ability, and itemises the trousseau that had been
prepared for her as the future empress of Byzantium by her family
and friends. This injustice to Melisende led to vengeful attacks by
Raymond on the Byzantine empire in retaliation for his sister's
rejection.[[5]] Indeed, one of the main deciding factors may have
been Marguerite-Constance's exceptionalbeauty. Choniates describes
her as of outstanding appearance, like the 'laughter-loving'
Aphrodite or one of the other goddesses of ancient times,
[[6]] while he comments on'theradianceofherappearance,herpearly
countenance,andherevendisposition,candour,andcharmofspeech'.
[[7]]Cinnamus in fact implies that she was chosen specifically for
her beauty, after relating an unlikely story that an extended illness
prevented Melisende from embarking for Constantinople, and
during this period it was luckily discovered that she was of
illegitimate birth, and thus unsuitable to marry the emperor. The
envoy Camaterus was then sent to Antioch, and he picked out the
younger, Marguerite, as the more beautiful of the two sisters and
the future imperial bride, as her beauty was so dazzling that her
escort were astounded, no Byzantines ever before having seen so
handsome a girl. Constantine Manasses, too, one of the original
embassy to Palestine in 1160 and later metropolitan of Naupactus,
described her radiant beauty as so dazzling that the onlooker
could only imagine a thunderbolt or the full moon fallen to earth:
her skin was white as snow or marble, she was blonde, of good
complexion, symmetrical of figure and upright in stature; her hair
was thick and of a deep gold, her eyebrows well rounded, her
eyelids well-shaped, her glance gentle and gleaming, her lips red,
her mouth well-drawn, (if she smiled just a little her beauty was
quite overpowering), her nose well-turned, her movement and gait
easy and measured, and her manner sedate and most
appropriate.[[8]]However stereotyped this description, it is clear that Maria was
considered an asset in the public role of the empress (perhaps especially in contrast
to the more prosaic Bertha of Sulzbach).

MariaisdepictedinaVaticanmanuscriptnexttoherhusband,withherpalerose
complexioncontrastingwithhismanlysuntan.Sheisshownwithblondehairand
asstrikinglyattractive.Herimperialregaliaincludesanornatecrownandablue
patternedreddresswithwidesleevesandahighcollardecoratedwithpearls,while
herrobeisstuddedwithblueandredpreciousstones.Shealsowearsthered
imperialshoesandcarriesajewelledsceptre.[[9]]Shewas,clearly,exceptionally
attractive:afterherassassinationbyherhusband'scousinAndronicus,allpublic
portraitsofherwererepaintedintheformofawrinkledoldwomantopreventthe
passersbyfromcommiseratingherfate.[[10]]

Choniates even recalls Maria's attractions as outstanding in his

speech to celebrate the wedding of Isaac II Angelus and
Margaret-Maria of Hungary c. 1186, perhaps because the
Byzantines saw Margaret as Maria's western 'relative'. Maria's
descent was viewed with pride by the Byzantines. Manasses
considers her as descended from 'Caesars' and rulers of the West,
while court poets address her as 'Italian-born' and 'daughter of
princes' in poems in which she is described as dedicating offerings
to the Church, praying for Manuel's success, making gifts to the
emperor, and asking for the safe delivery of a child. She also
appears in one poem which describes a work of art, executed
before 1169, in which Maria, being blessed by Christ, is portrayed
alongside the emperor Manuel.[[11]] However, apart from this
commissioning of occasional pieces from court poets, she appears
to have had no interest in acting as a patron of literature or
commissioning more extensive works, perhaps surprisingly in view
of the fact that Maria's father, Raymond of Poitiers, was also uncle
of Eleanor of Aquitaine.

Maria and Manuel I

TheonlyinvolvementinpoliticsbyMariaofAntiochduringManuel's reignwhich
hasbeenrecordediswhenin1167theinterpreterAaronIsaakios,whohadlearnt
'theLatintongue'whencarriedofftoSicilybytheNormansattheirsackofCorinth
in1147,advisedwesternenvoysduringanaudiencenottoaccedetooquicklyto
theemperor'sdemands.Maria,whounderstoodwhathewassaying,laterrevealed
histreacherytoManuelwhohadhimblinded:

"WhiletranslatingmessagescarriedbyenvoysfromtheWesternnationsbeforethe
emperor,heperceivedthattheydidnotruncountertotheemperor'swishes,and
admonishedtheenvoysthattheyweretooquicktoaccedetothedemandfor
payments,advisingthemnottoconcedesofacilely,sincetheemperorwouldregard
themwithgreateraffectionandtheywouldbemorehighlyesteemedbythosewho
spoketheirownlanguage.Theaudiencewasconcluded,leavingtheemperor
ignorantofAaron'sadmonitions,theseactsofinsubordinationconcealedthanksto
theuseofaforeigntongue.Theempress,aLatinbyracewhounderstoodexactly
whatwassaid,ponderedovertheissuesastheyweresetforthanddisclosed
everythingtotheemperor.Vexedbywhatheheard,hepunishedAaroncruellyby
extinguishingthelightofhiseyesandconfiscatingallhispossessions."[[12]]

ClearlyMariawasinvolvedinthereceptionofforeignenvoysandmusthavebeen
ausefulassociateforManuelinhisdiplomaticrelationswiththecrusaderstates
andwesternnations.However,forseveralyearsshewaschildless.Thethronewas
stilltheinheritanceofherstepdaughterMariaandwhateverhusband
whomManuelmightchooseforher(in1165/66shewasengagedtoBlaAlexius
ofHungaryandthecouplenamedashissuccessors).Inaddition,Alexius,oneof
Manuel'sillegitimatechildrenbyhisnieceTheodora,whogreatlyresembledhis
father,wasprominentatcourtwiththetitlessebastocratorandCaesar,
thoughManueldidnotenvisagehissuccessiontothethrone.[[13]]Whenthe
empresssufferedamiscarriageofamalechildin1166itwasconsidereda
tragedy;ManuelatthetimewasinvestigatingthedoctrinalviewsofDemetriusof
LampewhichweredebatedatthelocalcouncilofConstantinoplein11661167.
Whenoneoftheimperialhouseholdquietlyreportedtohimthattheempresshad
sufferedamiscarriage,Manuel threwhimselfontheflooratthepriests'feetwith
thewords;'Justnow,holyfathers,worlhascomefromthewomen'squarters,
sayingthatamalechild,mygreatesthope,hasbeenbornuntimely',andasking
themtosupplicateforthebirthofanheirtothethrone,shouldhehavetakenthe
correctsideinthecontroversy.[[14]]Theseriousaccusationswhichledtothe
downfallin1167ofthecommanderAlexiusAxouch,husbandofManuel'sniece
Maria,includeddabblinginsorceryandconsortingwithaLatin'wizard'who
provideddrugstopreventtheemperorhavinganheir.[[15]]Finally,morethan
sevenyearsaftertheirmarriage,on14September1169Mariabecamethemother
ofalonghopedforheir,Alexius II,Manuel'sonlylegitimateson.[[16]]

Thebirthofalegitimatesonwasthereforeatimeoftriumph:

"Theimperialbirthchamber,thePorphyra,wasadornedinreadiness;theroofwas
coveredwiththickpurpletextiles'wovenindensehemispheres'bythepalace
weavers,whiletheoutsidewallswerehungwithsilks.Insidewasagildedfour
postermaternitybeddrapedwithgoldembroideredcurtainsandpearlstudded
covers.Besidethisstoodasmallcouch,alsorichlycovered,forreceivingthenew
bornbaby..."[[17]]

ChoniatesdescribesthepreparationofthePurpleChamberandhowthepresenceof
theemperoreasedhiswife'slabourpains.Manuelkeptfrequentlyglancingatthe
astrologerinattendancewhopredictedagreatandsuccessfulfutureforthebaby.
[[18]]

Manuel wasconcernedtoensureAlexius'successionshoudhediewhileAlexius
wasstillaminor,andon24March1171,eighteenmonths
afterAlexius'birth,Manuelhadhisofficials,noblesandthepatriarchandsynod
takeanoathoffidelitytohimselfandhisson.ShouldManueldie
beforeAlexiuscameofage,theysworetoacceptAlexiusasemperor.Mariawould
beregent,aslongasshebecameanunandwascanonicallytonsured,andprotected
theinterestsoftheempireandherson.[[19]]Mariaactuallyheadedaregency
counciloftwelve,whichincludedthepatriarchTheodosiusBoradiotes.[[20]]In
insistingonMaria'sbecominganunandthushinderingher
remarriage,Manuelwastryingtopreventthepossibilityofhermarryingagainand
thusendangeringAlexius'rightstothethrone.Theoathincludedaclausethat
stated,'AndshouldIseeorperceiveorhearanythingbringingdishonourtoyouor
inflictinginjurytoyourcrown,Ishallrelaythisinformationtoyouandthwartany
suchattemptasfarasIamable.'Andronicuslatermadegooduseofthisclausein
hisoverthrowoftheempress.[[21]]

Whateverherownwishes,afterManuel'sdeathon24September1180,Mariatook
theveilunderthename'Xene'('foreigner'),themonasticnamealsotakenbyAnna
DalassenaandPiroska (wifeofJohn II Comnenus)andheadedtheregencyfor
herelevenyearoldsonAlexius II:ofcourse,asthemotheroftheheirshetook
precedenceoverthepatriarch.[[22]]Thenameperhapssignifiedherfeelingof
isolationinByzantium.Unfortunately,Manuel'sproLatinpolicieshadledto
intensivecriticism,[[23]]andMariawastobetargetedasthemostobvious'Latin'
inthecapitalandasaregentwithclearproLatinsympathies.Shedidnot,of
course,retiretoaconvent,butmerelychangedherimperialrobesforthemonastic
habit.Thefactthatshewaspersonallynotcommittedtobecominganuncanbe
seenbythefactthatonlyafewmonthsafterManuel'sdeathshewasrumouredto
beinvolvedinaloveaffairwithAlexiustheprotosebastosandprotovestiarios,the
mostseniorofthesebastoi,towhomsheentrustedtheaffairsofstate.Alexius
wasManuel'snephew,sonofhiselderbrotherAndronicus,andhad
beenprotovestiarios(titularheadoftheimperialhousehold)since1176.[[24]] He
could thus be seen to have a justifiable claim on the throne, especially in view of
the fact that his elder brother the protosebastos John had died in 1176.

The new regent

MariaandAlexiustheprotosebastossurroundedthemselveswithLatins,asituation
whichtheConstantinopolitansviewedwithmisgivings.Westernershadbecome
increasinglyunpopularduringManuel's reign,andthepopulacewerewellaware
ofMaria'sorigins,andsawthepoliciesofherregimeasproLatin.[[25]]Thiswas
tobeexploitedbybothMaria PorphyrogenitaandbyAndronicus Iinhisbidfor
power.AsecondfactormakingMariaandherloverunpopularwastheir
channellingofstaterevenuesintotheirownpurses.[[26]]Withrankandrevenue
beingdivertedtotheprotosebastos,Mariabecamegenerallycriticisedatcourt,
whereshewassurroundedbyambitiousComnenianrelations,allofwhomhad
designsongovernmentandtherevenue.Moreover,whileherson,Alexius II,was
therightfulemperor,hehadnotactuallybeencrowned.Perhapsunconsciously,in
thisdangeroussituation,sheusedhercharmstowinthesupportofherofficialsand
courtiers.Eustathius,forexample,seesherasdeliberatelyemployingher
attractions,whilepretendingtohidethembehindhermonastichabit:'shewasa
womanwellripenedinloveaffairs,althoughsheprofessedtohidethem,veiling
thesunshineofhercharmsinaspiritualmannerwithacloudofdarkgarments'.
[[27]]Naturally,thecourtwasfullofrelationswhofeltthattheywouldhavebeen
equallyappropriatesuitorsandadvisorstosuchanempress.Her'lover'
theprotosebastosAlexiuswasawidowerofaboutfortyfiveyearsofage,and
henceanotineligiblematchfortheempress:Choniatesrecordsthatitwas
rumouredthathewasplanningtodeposetheyoungmonarchandtomarryMaria
andseizethethrone.[[28]]Howeverunfoundedtheaccusation,itcouldonly
damagetheempressandherregime.Inordertomarrytheprotosebastosshewould
havehadtobreakheroathtoManuel:moreovershewas,bychoice,anun(a
decisionwhichcouldnotberevoked),whilemarryinghernephewbymarriage
wouldhavebeenincestuousandstrictlyagainstcanonlaw.Itis,however,
conceivablethatthepublicreactiontoMaria'ssupposedrelationshipwiththe
protosebastosmighthavebeenaffectedbyknowledgebothofhersisterPhilippa's
affairsomeyearsearlierwithAndronicus(I)Komnenosandofherbrother
BohemondIII'sdivorcefromoneofManuel's greatniecestomarrya'witch'called
Sibylla,[[29]]asaresultofwhichBohemondhadbeenexcommunicatedby
PatriarchAimeryofAntioch.[[30]]Whilea'Byzantine'wouldofcoursenever
considersuchoutrageousconduct,whocouldtellhowa'westerner'wouldbehaveif
tempted?

TheprotosebastoswasnotMaria'sonlysuitor,ofcourse:Choniatesscathingly
describeshowsomeofficialsandcourtiersstartedcurlingtheirhair,wearingfancy
necklaces,andsplashingonperfumetodemonstratetheireligibility.Othersfocused
theireffortsonmakinginroadsintothetreasuryandclimbinginexorablyupthe
publicladder.[[31]]Theonepersonwhowasleftoutoftheequationwastheyoung
emperor.Ineveryone'seyes,Alexiusseemedaninexperiencedpreteen,whospent
histimeinsuchjuvenilepursuitsashunting,chariotracesandgamesofchance,
whilethosewhoshouldhavebeenhisinstructorsneglectedhiseducation.[[32]]

GossipaboutaffairsatcourtspreadlikewildfireandAndronicus
Komnenos,Manuel's exiledcousin,wasgiventheperfectpretextforarguingfor
thenecessityforhisreturntothecapital:notonlywas
theprotosebastosthreateningthepositionoftherightfulyoungemperor,butthe
uglygossipabouttheemperor'smotherwas'beingproclaimedfromthewalltops
andlyinginwaitatthegatesofprincesandbeingechoedthroughouttheuniverse'.
[[33]]MariawasnotadheringtotheoathsworntoManuelandAlexius.Thestate
clearlyneededastrongguidinghand.Publicmoralityneededtobesupervised.
Indeed,theregimewasclearlynotasuccess.Choniatesspeaksofgreat
extravagance:itwasgenerallyconsideredthatrevenuescollectedbyearlier
emperors(whohadstrippedeventhepovertystricken)werenowbeingchannelled
intothepocketsoftheprotosebastosandempress.Inhisdiscussionofthe
diversionofpublicmonies,ChoniatesevenusestheGreeksatiricalpoet
Archilochos'phrase'intothebellyofthewhore',averydamningindictment,ashis
previousnarrativehadbeencarefultoonlymentiontheliaisonbetweenMariaand
theprotosebastosasa'report'whichwasincirculation.[[34]]Unfortunately,
theprotosebastos,accordingtoWilliamofTyre,wasavariciousand'asniggardly
withtheimperialtreasureasthoughhehadearnedithimself'.Thiswouldhardly
endearedhimtootherfamilymembersatcourt,andhisunpopularitywas
exacerbatedbyhisarroganceandfailuretoconsulttheopinionsofotherofficials
(whowereafterallmostlyhisrelations).[[35]]Thecourtsawitasparticularly
infuriatingthatanyonewhocapturedthefancyoftheempress
andprotosebastoscoulddirectgovernmentpolicyandrevenue.[[36]])Stillworse
wastheregime'snotunnaturalproLatinpolicies:accordingtoWilliamofTyre
theprotosebastos(doubtlessunderMaria'sinfluence)'availedhimselfoftheadvice
andassistanceoftheLatins,andasfaraspossiblemadethemhisfriends'.
[[37]]TheyoungAlexius IImighthavehadnointerestinaffairsofstate,butitwas
stillquiteunacceptablethathehadbeenpersuadedtoratifyadecreethateverystate
documenthesignedhadtobevalidatedbytheprotosebastoshimselfin'froggreen'
ink(greeninkbeinganemblemoftherankofprotovestiarios).[[38]]Tomake
mattersworse,theprotosebastoswasnotparticularlyefficientasruler:Choniates
laughsathimforspendingmostofthedaysleepingandshuttingoutthedaylight
withcarpetsandpurple('imperial')curtains.[[39]]WilliamofTyrespeaksofhimas
notonlyhatedbyLatinsandGreeksalike,buteffeminateandgivenovertothe
lustfulsinsoftheflesh.[[40]]

The 'holy war'

Maria in fact had two main enemies opposed to her as regent. The first, and closest
at hand, was her stepdaughter, Maria Porphyrogenitawho, together with her
fianc Bla-Alexius of Hungary, had been Manuel's heir before the birth of her
brother Alexius II, after which her engagement had been terminated.[[41]] The
other was Andronicus, Manuel's cousin, currently in exile, who was to achieve
power by manipulating anti-Latin sentiment. Both enemies utilised the citizens'
belief in the love-affair between Maria and the protosebastos, and the consequent
danger to the rightful emperor.

On or before 2 March 1180 Maria (Porphyrogenita) had married Renier of

Montferrat, when Renier was about seventeen years of age; this was on the same
occasion as the celebration of the marriage of Alexius and Agnes-Anna of Savoy.
Maria was almost elderly for a Byzantine bride at nearly thirty years of age (she
was born in March 1152).[[42]] The empress faced especially vigorous opposition
from this step-daughter, who had remained unmarried in the palace with her step-
mother, who was after all not much older than herself, for more than a decade after
the birth of her brother and for nineteen years after the marriage of Maria and her
father. It must have been inevitable that a state of mutual hostility existed between
the two Marias before the regency even commenced. A Byzantine princess would
normally have expected to have been bespoken by a suitable imperial suitor in her
early teens: she may well have felt her interests neglected, and certainly the poem
written in 1180 by an admirer of the empress to celebrate the arrival of Agnes-
Anna of Savoy, the young bride of Alexius II, had emphasised the superiority of
the new Latin princess over her relatively elderly sister-in-law.[[43]] Maria of
Antioch is herself spendidly represented in the manuscript at fol. 7r as one of the
central figures.[[44]]

As early as February 1181, a number of family members, headed by Maria

Porphyrogenita and her husband and Manuel's illegitimate son Alexius
the sebastocrator, conspired to assassinate the protosebastos. The plot miscarried
and later one of the conspirators betrayed it. Maria herself, with Alexius II,
presided over the trial at which they were condemned. The four leaders of the
conspiracy were imprisoned in the Great Palace, while others were set free, went
into exile or were secretly executed. The empress' involvement in the trial is noted
by Eustathius as quite inappropriate, while both Eustathius and Choniates record
that it was a 'show' trial and unfairly conducted. Maria Porphyrogenita and Renier
evaded arrest for their part in the plot by fleeing to St Sophia and launching a full-
scale rebellion.[[45]]

Maria Porphyrogenita, in this insurrection against the regime of her step-mother

and the protosebastos, had the support of the patriarch Theodosius, the clergy, and
the populace. When she fled for sanctuary to St Sophia with her husband and
supporters, they were welcomed by the patriarch. This encouraged them to refuse
the offer of an amnesty and to demand the release of their fellow conspirators and
the deposition of the protosebastos. The empress naturally refused to comply with
these demands and Maria Porphyrogenita and Renier turned St Sophia into a
fortress and employed foreign mercenaries in its defence, though the patriarch was
not entirely happy with this development.[[46]] The populace enthusiastically
supported 'the Caesars', and in their demonstrations in the hippodrome indulged
themselves in violent abuse of the protosebastos and the empress, both of whom
were publicly anathematised by priests.

The protosebastos and empress seem to have been reluctant to mobilise the army
against the rebels, but did so when the populace started plundering the city;
unfortunately for the empress's popularity the Latin inhabitants of the city joined in
on the side of her regime.[[47]] The conflict won the name of the 'holy war'
because of the regime's threat to the patriarch Theodosius. According to Eustathius
the patriarch was seized during a visit to the palace to exchange the Easter kiss of
peace with the emperor. The protosebastos had him confined in the monastery of
Christ Pantepoptes and attempted to have him deposed. The empress did not
approve of this action, and the patriarch was released as there were no convincing
charges with which to convict him. However, this aggression against the patriarch
gave Maria Porphyrogenita the opportunity of promoting her cause as a 'holy war'
against the pro-Latin forces of evil. [[48]] Heavy casualties were to be the result.

The 'Caesars', as they were known, were finally driven back into St. Sophia by the
imperial troops at the beginning of May. Warfare within St Sophia itself was
inconceivable, and an amnesty was arranged after negotiations between the
patriarch and the empress. Maria and Renier were allowed to return to the Great
Palace.[[49]] But the end result was that the empress had become even more
unpopular, though she deliberately took no measures against the rebels. Shortly
afterwards the patriarch was reinstated with triumphal acclamation (and Eustathius
seems to suggest that until this point numerous rebels were still harboured in St.
Sophia).[[50]] However genuine the empress' clemency, this revolt by her step-
daughter had done nothing but increase the hatred felt towards her regime and
westerners in the capital.

An unpopular regime

Despite the amnesty orchestrated by the patriarch, Eustathius records that the
downfall of the empress was now generally seen as a desirable contingency. From
this point Andronicus Comnenus, Manuel's cousin, became a focus of the
opposition to her regime. Two of Andronicus' sons had been involved in the attempt
to assassinate the protosebastos, and Andronicus had been invited back from exile
both by officials in the city and by Maria Porphyrogenita to take over the
guardianship of the young emperor, on the grounds that his mother had conducted
herself improperly as regent. In May 1181, Andronicus was joined by his daughter
Maria, who could update him on current events.[[51]]Andronicus had also written
to the patriarch declaring his loyalty to Alexius. Indeed Andronicus cleverly argued
that he was needed in the capital not merely because of the threat to the young
emperor posed by the protosebastos, but because of the fact that most inappropriate
gossip about the emperor's mother was circulating throughout the city at all
levels. [[52]]

With the empress' overthrow openly desired in the city,[[53]])Andronicus

encamped across the straits at Chalcedon, and incited the people against the
empress-regent by accusing her of actual conspiracy against her son. He criticised
the empress and the protosebastos for 'corrupting the purity of the crown' and for
insulting the young emperor with their conduct.[[54]] He demanded that
the protosebastos be deposed and Maria retire to a convent, basing his demands on
the grounds that Manuel had appointed him as one of the regents responsible
for Alexius. The commander of the fleet, Andronicus Contostephanus, defected to
Andronicus, and the protosebastos was seized in a palace coup and taken across the
straits to Andronicus and blinded.[[55]] Choniates comments that had he not been
such a lethargic weakling, he could have stopped Andronicus entering the city, but
that he lost his nerve. Maria's regime may also have had some financial problems:
she did not get around to establishing a convent she had planned. This 'house of
Ioannitzes' was later founded by Isaac Angelus.[[56]]

TheriseofAndronicusI

InApril1182Andronicusorganisedamassacreofthe'Latins'inthecity,onthe
groundsthattheempressandtheprotosebastoshadboughttheirsupportby
promisingthemthechanceofplunderingthecity.Some60,000Latinsaresaidby
Eustathiustohavediedinthemassacre,thoughthefiguremustbeexaggerated.
[[57]]Alexius theboyemperorreceivedAndronicus inAprilafterhehadcrossed
fromDamalistoConstantinopleintheimperialbuildingsoftheManganainthe
suburbofPhilopatium.AndronicusmadeprofoundobeisancetoAlexius,butonly
acknowledgedhismothertheempressdowagerinaperfunctoryway,this
demonstratinghishostilitytoher.ThepatriarchTheodosiusagreed
toAndronicus'takeoverofthecity,whileensuringthattheyoungAlexiuswould
becrowned.Theceremonytookplaceon16May1182,afewdays
afterAndronicus'arrival,andAndronicuscarriedAlexiusintoStSophiaonhis
shouldersandactedonthisoccasionasifhewashisdevotedsupporter.[[58]]

In the article on Alexius II, we see how Andronicus rose to become the new regent
in Maria-Xene's stead. From Andronicus' arrival, all the
young Alexius' movements were closely guarded, and no one was allowed to
discuss any matter of state with him. The only obstacle toAndronicus' seizure of
power was now the empress and the decree that stated that she was to be the head
of government until Alexiusturned sixteen. Andronicus forced the
Constantinopolitans to choose between Maria and himself. He threatened to leave
the city because (he declared) the empress was opposed to the good of the state and
conspiring against the emperor. To clear his way towards the throne, he then
had Maria Porphyrogenita and Renier poisoned by their attendants. The main
obstacle to the empress' removal was now the patriarch,
and Andronicus threatened to turn the populace against him unless he cooperated.
Theodosius was compelled to agree in writing to Maria's expulsion from the palace,
and Choniates stresses that had the patriarch not done so he would have been
lynched by the populace at Andronicus' instigation. [[59]] Theodosius later
resigned in August 1183 over the issue of the marriage of Andronicus' daughter
toManuel's illegitimate son, and was replaced by Basil Camaterus and forced to
retire to the island of Terebinthos. Andronicus by now had totally gained the
support of the populace, which Theodosius had until recently enjoyed.[[60]]

Maria-Xene's treason and death

After the murder of Maria Porphyrogenita and Renier, Andronicus then turned
on the empress and demanded that three judges of the velum (Demetrius Tornikes,
Leon Monasteriotes and Constantine Patrenus) prosecute her for treason. When
they first tried to make sure that her son had approved this
measure, Andronicus labelled them supporters of the protosebastos and they were
nearly lynched by the populace. This shows that Maria, or at least the system of law
and order, was still not without supporters. Furthermore, a conspiracy
againstAndronicus included the very Andronicus Contostephanus who had earlier
defected to his side, as well as Basil Camaterus the logothete of the drome, and this
movement attracted many supporters.[[61]] The populace, however, was
vehemently opposed to Maria.

Maria unwisely attempted to enlist the help of Bla III of Hungary, who was now
her brother-in-law, by writing letters to him suggesting he ravage the lands around
Branichevo and Belgrade to distract Andronicus' attention from events in the city.
This gave Andronicus the perfect pretext to accuse her of treason and in a show
trial she was was found guilty of treasonable conduct before a court composed of
hostile judges. She was imprisoned in a narrow dungeon near the monastery of St
Diomedes, where she was subjected to ill-treatment and mockery from her guards.
Her son Alexius, who was probably not yet thirteen years of age, was persuaded to
sign the document condemning her to death. Andronicus ordered his son Manuel
and a brother-in-law, George, to supervise her execution. Neither however could
countenance this, and the sinister Constantine Tripsychus, along with the eunuch
Pterygeonites who had earlier poisoned Maria Porphyrogenita, was authorised to
supervise the deed. As a consequence, Maria-Xene, perhaps towards the end of
1182, was strangled and buried on the sea-shore (Eustathius says her body was
thrown into the sea). This left the young emperor vulnerable to attack:
afterAndronicus' coronation as co-emperor, Alexius II was himself strangled with
a bowstring, and Choniates tells us that his corpse was brought to Andronicus,
who kicked it and taunted the emperor's parents, Manuel as a liar and Maria as a
well-known prostitute. The headless body of the emperor was finally thrown into
the sea encased in a lead coffin.[[62]]

Reactions to Maria's death

Maria's execution was generally condemned even by her critics: she was after all
empress and head of the regime until her son came of age. Though she had not been
popular, Andronicus was obviously afraid of a resurgence of public sympathy for
the empress for he felt it necessary to have all public portraits of her in the capital
repainted to show Maria as a wrinkled old woman to stop passers-by feeling sorry
for her.[[63]])It is interesting that the historians who criticised Maria's conduct
considered her murder unacceptable. Eustathius states that those who committed
the crime were later justly punished for their actions, when Andronicus deprived
them of their reward.[[64]] Choniates goes further: his brief epitaph for Maria
describes her as 'mankind's sweet light', and he laments both her burial on the
seashore and Andronicus' bloodthirsty exultation at her fate:

"And she, who was the sweet light and a vision of beauty unto men, was buried in
obscurity in the sand of the nearby shore (O Sun, who didst look down on this
defilement, and Thou, O Word of God, who art without beginning, how inscrutable
is thy forbearance!). The bloodthirsty soul of Andronicus exulted at this, for with
the extermination of Manuel's family, with the imperial garden laid waste, he would
reign as sole monarch over the Roman empire and hold sway with impunity."[[65]]

Maria was unfortunate at being an attractive young women in the centre of a

predatory crowd of relatives. It was hardly her fault that her hands were tied in the
matter of a second marriage and that her manifold attractions and position of
dynastic power ensured that 'these lovers of hers, as they themselves would know,
set alight and kindled an evil which affected the whole world'.[[66]] Her birth made
her vulnerable to anti-Latin elements in the city and her reliance on Alexius
the protosebastos alienated the rest of the Comnenian family network, all of whom
felt they had as much right to power as he did. She may have felt that it was in the
best interests of the regency to hand over government to the most senior of her
husband's nephews: but, if so, she miscalculated the strength of the rivalry within
the Comnenian family. While ideally suited to the ceremonial role of the Byzantine
empress, she was without the training or ability to handle the realities of court
politics and accordingly was directly responsible for the downfall of her regime as
well as playing a significant part in the rise to power ofAndronicus I.

Bibliography

Primary sources

Nicetas Choniates, Historia, ed. J.-L. Van Dieten, 2 vols., Corpus Fontium
Historiae Byzantinae 11, Berlin and New York, 1975; trans. asO City of Byzantium,
Annals of Niketas Choniates, by H.J. Magoulias, Detroit: Wayne State University
Press, 1984.

Nicetas Choniates, Orationes et Epistulae, ed. J.-A. van Dieten, Berlin & New
York: Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 1972.
John Cinnamus, Ioannis Cinnami Epitome Rerum ab Ioanne et Manuele Comnenis
Gestarum, ed. A. Meineke, Bonn: CSHB, 1836; trans. as Deeds of John and
Manuel Comnenus by John Kinnamos, by C. M. Brand, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1976.

Codex Marcianus 524, ' Ho Markianos Kodex 524,' ed. Sp. Lampros, Neos
Ellenomnemon, 8 (1911), 3-59, 113-92.

Eustathius of Thessalonica, The Capture of Thessaloniki, ed. and trans. J. R.

Melville-Jones, Canberra: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1988.

Eustathius of Thessalonica, Eustathii Thessalonicensis opera minora, ed. P. Wirth,

Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 32, Berlin and New York, 2000.

Eustathius of Thessalonica, Eustathii metropolitae thessalonicensis opuscula, ed.

T.L.F. Tafel, 1832; repr. Amsterdam, 1964.

Constantine Manasses, 'Das Hodoiporikon des Konstantin Manasses,' ed. K.

Horna, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 13 (1904), 325-33.

William, Archbishop of Tyre, Guillaume de Tyr: Chronique, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, 2

vols, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio mediaevalis, 63, 63a, Turnhout, 1986; also
in Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, I (1 & 2), Paris,
1844; trans. as A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, by E. A. Babcock & A. C.
Krey, 2 vols, New York: Columbia University Press, 1943.

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M. Angold, The Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204: a political history, 2nd ed., London
and New York: Longman, 1997.

M. Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-

1261, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995.

M. C. Brand, Byzantium Confronts the West 1180-1204, Cambridge Mass., 1968.

F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnne (1118-1143) et Manuel I Comnne (1143-

1180), Paris: Picard, 1912; repr. New York: Burt Franklin, 1971.

C. Cupane, 'La 'Guerra Civile' della primavera 1181 nel racconto di Niceta Coniate
e Eustazio di Tessalonica: narratologica historiae ancilla?' Jahrbuch der
sterreichischen Byzantinistik, 47 (1997), 179-194.

A. Christophilopoulou, "He antibasileia eis to Byzantion,' Symmeikta, 2 (1970), 1-

144
F. Cognasso, 'Partiti politici e lotte dinastiche in Bisanzio alla morte di Manuele
Comneno,' in Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino memorie classe II, 62
(1912), 213-317.

P. W. Edbury & J. G. Rowe, William of Tyre. Historian of the Latin East,

Cambridge 1988.

L. Garland, 'Morality versus Politics at the Byzantine Court: the Charges against
Marie of Antioch and Euphrosyne,' Byzantinische Forschungen, 24 (1997), 259-95.

L. Garland, Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-

1204. London and New York: Routledge, 1999.

V. Grumel, Les regestes des actes du patriarchat de Constantinople, vol. 1 (fasc. 2

& 3), revised ed., Paris: Institut franais d'tudes byzantines, 1989.

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May 1978, ed. E. Jeffreys, M. Jeffreys & A. Moffatt, Canberra: Australian
Association for Byzantine Studies, 1981, 101-15.

A. E.
Laiou, Mariage, Amour et Parent Byzance aux XIe-XIIIe sicles, Paris: de
Boccard, 1992.

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Ridings, Oxford, 1993.

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Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Century,' Byzantinische Forschungen, 8 (1982), 123-83.

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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

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Athlone Press, 1968.

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(1956), 65-7.
 AgnesAnnaofFrance,wifeofAlexiusIIandAndronicusIoftheComneni
Dynasty

Lynda Garland
University of New England, Australia

Andrew Stone
University of Western Australia

The child empress Agnes of France was the spouse of two emperors of Byzantium,
the boy emperor Alexius II Comnenus, and subsequently Andronicus I
Comnenus, the latter's first cousin once removed. Agnes was born to King Louis
VII of France's third wife, Adle (or Alix) of Blois-Champagne, the daughter of
Count Theobald II of Blois, in 1172. This made her the younger sister of the future
French king Philip II Augustus. The house of Blois-Champagne was the second
most powerful magnate house in France (after the house of Plantagenet). The
emperor Manuel I Comnenus was looking for allies in the west, since the Peace of
Venice in 1177 had effectively allied the Pope (Alexander III), the Holy Roman
Empire, Venice, the other Italian communes and Sicily against him. After
discussion with the count of Flanders, Philip of Alsace, who visited Constantinople
in early 1178 on his way back from the Holy Land, Manuel sent an embassy,
including Philip, to the French court over the winter of 1178-1179 to secure a
match between his son Alexius (born in 1169) and the princess Agnes.[[1]] This
match may have been opposed by the members of the house of Blois-Champagne,
who were pro-German.[[2]]

According to William of Tyre, Agnes was only eight on her arrival at

Constantinople, while Alexius was thirteen; in fact Alexius was born on 14
September 1169.[[3]] Child brides, whether Byzantines or foreign princesses, were
the norm rather than the exception, especially from the late twelfth century. Irene
Ducaena, wife of Alexius I Comnenus, was twelve at her marriage, and empress
before she was fifteen; the Byzantine princess Theodora, Manuel's niece, was in
her thirteenth year when she married Baldwin III of Jerusalem; and Margaret-Maria
of Hungary married Isaac II Angelus at the age of nine. Agnes's age, then, was not
unusual, especially as it was customary for young engaged couples in
Constantinople to be brought up together in the house of the socially superior
partner.[[4]]

Agnes boarded a ship in Genoa under the captaincy of Baldavino Guercio, and on
arrival in Constantinople in the Easter of 1179 was greeted with an oration from the
ex-Master of the Rhetors, Eustathius, Archbishop of Thessalonica.[[5]] Robert of
Clari describes the rich entourage which accompanied Agnes to Constantinople:
Then the king arrayed his sister [sic] very richly and sent her with the messengers
to Constantinople, and many of his people with her... When they were come, the
emperor did very great honor to the damsel and made great rejoicing over her and
her people'.[[6]]

Agnes was received with great festivities, including a fleet of boats colourfully
festooned, and her arrival was heralded in a lengthy production of welcoming
verses by an anonymous author, in which the description of her attractions reaches
an unusual degree of hyperbole with her 'lively form' being compared to air and
crystal. The verses record how more than seventy ladies of the imperial house came
out to greet her, with one sent ahead to attire her appropriately as an Augusta
(empress) for the occasion, while Maria Porphyrogenita is shown as paying
homage to her new sister-in-law in a tent outside the walls: the arrival of Agnes in
the capital and this adoption of Byzantine court costume is illustrated in the
manuscript.[[7]] Agnes is described as outshining even her new sister-in-law, who,
with her fianc Bla of Hungary had beenManuel's heir before the birth of her
brother Alexius II, and who had since been offered as a bride to William II of
Sicily, John Lackland, the youngest son of Henry II of England, and Henry, the son
of Frederick Barbarossa.[[8]] The fact that Maria, who was to be one of the
champions of the anti-Latin faction in the city, is shown as doing obeisance to the
western-born empress emphasised the superiority of the new Latin princess over
her sister-in-law and publicly demonstrated the success of Manuel's pro-western
policy.[[9]]

Manuel's two surviving children were to celebrate a double wedding. Maria was to
marry Renier, the son of William the Old of Montferrat (in north-western Italy),
who was considerably younger than herself, and Renier was granted the title Caesar
and assumed the name John.[[10]] At the same time, the young prince Alexius was
to marry Agnes, though a further wedding ceremony at a later date may have been
envisaged, as Agnes is invariably called Alexius' bride, not his wife, in the sources.
The ceremonies took place in the palace on 2 March 1180, and were conducted by
the patriarch Theodosius. Agnes now took the official name of Anna. The wedding
banquet was spectacularly conducted in the Hippodrome, and once again,
Eustathius produced a speech to celebrate the occasion,[[11]] describing the way in
which the starting stalls were converted to kitchens and the poor were able to help
themselves to the leftovers.

The lavishness of the entertainment was obviously intended not only to win the
approval of the inhabitants of the city, but also to dazzle westerners with Byzantine
magnificence and sophistication:

'any attempt to describe in detail all the wonders of those days would be utterly
futile ... the games of the circus which the inhabitants of Constantinople call
hippodromes, and the glorious spectacles of varied nature shown to the people with
great pomp during the days of the celebration; the imperial magnificence of the
vestments and the royal robes adorned with a profusion of precious stones and
pearls of great weight; the vast amount of massive gold and silver furniture in the
palace, of untold value ... the valuable draperies adorning the royal abode ... the
numerous servants and members of the court, the magnificence of the nuptial
splendour, and the generous gifts which the emperor lavished on both his own
people and on strangers.'[[12]]

We hear little of Agnes during Alexius' reign (24 September 1180 to prior to 24
September 1183). It is highly unlikely that the match was consummated, as it was
customary to import imperial brides from overseas at a young age to enable them to
become acquainted with Greek and with their future ceremonial duties; certainly it
was unusual under normal circumstances for Byzantine girls to marry before the
age of twelve. However, shortly before Alexius completed three years as
emperor, Manuel's first cousin Andronicus made himself co-emperor and then
usurped Alexius's position altogether, putting him out of the way by having him
throttled. Nicetas Choniates then, with morbid relish, claims that Andronicus (who
was born c. 1118 and was thus about 65 years of age) sexually exploited the eleven-
year old princess.[[13]] Despite the fact that his marriage to Anna, some fifty years
his junior, may well have been made for political reasons -- andAndronicus had
portraits of Mary of Antioch in the capital replaced with ones of himself either
alone or accompanied by his child-bride[[14]]-- Choniates makes the most of the
opportunity to ridicule Andronicus, his age and the incongruity of the alliance ('the
overripe suitor embracing the unripe maiden, the dotard the damsel with pointed
breasts, the shriveled and languid old man the rosy-fingered girl dripping with the
dew of love').[[15]] According to Eustathius of Thessalonica as well, the match was
repugnant to her, as she regrettedAlexius' death and loathed Andronicus:[[16]]
She was the young daughter of the king of France, and as everybody knew hated
the union because she was full of intelligence; and after having experienced a
different kind of gentle loving, she loathed the roughness of Andronicus.
Sometimes, they say, she would imagine in her dreams that she saw the young
Alexius, and would cry out his name, and she alone knew what she suffered.

Andronicus had previously indulged in many amorous and romantic adventures

(with Manuel's niece, Eudocia, daughter of Manuel'sbrother Andronicus; with
another niece, Theodora, daughter of Manuel's brother Isaac and widow of Baldwin
III of Jerusalem; and with Philippa of Antioch, Manuel's sister-in-law). As
emperor, despite his young bride, he openly consorted with prostitutes and
concubines, both in and out of doors, and Choniates informs us
that Andronicus sought to attain both 'the sexual prowess of the cuttlefish', and that
of Heracles with the fifty-one daughters of Thyestes, resorting to ointments and
other aphrodisiac aids, such as regularly eating an (extremely repugnant) animal
similar to the crocodile, for this purpose.[[17]]
Nevertheless, Agnes' attitude towards Andronicus may have changed over the
following two years. When he was in turn ousted by Isaac II Angelus (12
September 1185), and fled for his life in a boat towards the direction of Russia, he
took both Agnes, and the prostitute Maraptike of whom he was rapturously
enamoured, with him, along with a few attendants.[[18]] However, contrary winds
thwarted his plans to escape, and he was brought back with Agnes and Maraptike to
Constantinople. In an attempt to persuade his captors on board ship to release him,
he sang a pathetic lament about his past life and present calamity, in which the
women joined, cleverly responding in song to his lamentations.[[19]] However, his
efforts were in vain and he suffered a particularly horrible death in the
Hippodrome.

We hear nothing of Agnes' life subsequent to the death of Andronicus in Byzantine

sources. However, nearly twenty years later, in 1203, Robert of Clari states that the
leaders of the Fourth Crusade found her living in a palace married to a 'high man of
the city', Theodore Branas, who is first heard of in 1189 as commander of the Alans
(Georgian mercenaries) against Frederick Barbarossa's Germans.[[20]] The Branas
family was related to the Comneni and Angeli, and had produced prominent
military commanders from the eleventh century. Theodore's mother was one of the
daughters of Manuel's sister Eudocia and Theodore Vatatzes, and thus a cousin
of Alexius II. Theodore's father, Alexius Branas, who had prevented the Normans
from moving against Constantinople in 1185, had revolted against Isaac II
Angelusshortly afterwards, perhaps in 1187. Alexius' head was cut off and brought
to Isaac in triumph, and Choniates praises the restraint of the widow when shown
the severed head and remarks that Manuel had praised her as the 'flower of his
family'. Theodore thereupon inherited his father's opposition to Isaac II and was to
support Alexius III Angelus' successful rebellion against his brother Isaac in 1195.
[[21]]Theodore was then to be employed by Alexius III against the Turks and in
1199 was governor of Kouperion.[[22]]

It is unclear when Agnes married Branas, but a dowager empress was a valuable
prize and presumably the match took place at the instigation of Isaac II to attempt
to ensure the loyalty of the Branas family to the current regime. Agnes received the
barons of the Fourth Crusade as befitted a Byzantine empress -- with bad grace,
according to Robert, and would talk only through an interpreter, pretending that she
knew no French.[[23]] She was now over thirty years of age and had, after all,
spent most of her life in the Byzantine capital and at the Byzantine court. During
the sack of the city she was to shelter in the palace of Boucoleon along with the ex-
empress Margaret-Maria of Hungary and several other imperial women.
[[24]] According to Geoffrey of Villehardouin, however, Agnes' husband was the
'only' Greek who sided with the crusaders, and he was well repaid by them for his
support. As a vassal of the Latin Empire, he was made lord of Didymoteichon and
Adrianople in Thrace, where Agnes apparently accompanied him.[[25]] According
to Aubry de Trois-Fontaines (s.v. AD 1205), she had a daughter who married
Narjand de Toucy, cousin of Guy de Dampierre. Agnes thereupon disappears from
history but the Branas family, including several notable Theodores, continued to
accumulate vast estates and intermarry with other noble families, including the
Palaeologue dynasty.

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