The Ethics of Social Exclusion

Horace Levy

The aim of this chapter is to explore t h e ethical dimension of the sod exclusion that is
seen in Jamaica on a daily basis, and to suggest whj it is wrong and where our choices
lie. It begins wi th a brief exploration the meaning of social exclusion and then
illustrates wi th examples t seriousness of the problem in Jamaica. Lastly, it discusses
t h e moral aspen and goes on brie fl y to suggest what can be done to move t h e count!
toward a more integrated future.

The Meaning of Social Exclusion

The Social Exclusion Unit (2001) of the British Government defines so exclusion as:

a shorthand term for what can happen wh e n people or areas suffer from a
combination of linked problems such as un e mp lo ym e n t, poor ski!!:
incomes, poor housing, high crime, bad health and f a m i l y breakdown^ |
These] problems are ... mutually reinforcing and can combine to creato
complex and fast-moving vicious cycle.

Going further, a European Commission co mm en ta ry ( social exclusion is not just a

set of problems and th e resulting "inequalities between the top and the bottom of the
social scale (up/down) but... the distance ... between those who are active members and
those
 who are forced towards the fringes ..." (Blackman 2001: 153). In addition, others emphasise that exclusion is
neither natural nor inevitable. It results from an active "process by which humans are ... dispossessed of the basic
rights that ... belong to every member of society ,,, [and] lockjed] into a situation from which escape is difficult, for
them and for their children" (Independent Commission on Population and Quality of Life 1996: 51).
Along with the involuntary exclusion of those locked into poverty and cut off by the broader society from the
mainstream of opportunities, let us note also with Giddens (1998) the voluntary exclusion of those at the top, the
'revolt of the elite'. They withdraw from participation in public institutions into an exclusive world of private health,
private education, iavish living and tight security affordable only by the wealthy.
The extremes and the painful reality to which this fracturing of society can reach are illustrated in Mike Davis'
depiction of sections of Los Angeles (1990: 223). Rich neighbourhoods there are surrounded by high walls which
are defended by armed guards and state-of-the-art electronic surveillance, while poor areas are sealed off, their
streets barricaded by the police as part of their 'war on drugs'. "The defence of luxury lifestyles
translated into a proliferation of new repressions in space and movement, undergirded by the ubiquitous 'armed
response' " (Hughes 1998: 139).

Social Exclusion in Jamaica

nowever, we do not have to travel to Los Angeles to see this pattern - the 'fortress city' model of crime prevention
has reached Jamaica (Hughes 1998:138). The residential enclaves of the middle and upper classes have moved
beyond even the omnipresent grill on windows and doors. Gated streets, private armed guards and 'armed
response' signs are now almost commonplace. On the other hand, some inner-city districts swarm with soldiers
and police manning intersections and setting up barbed-wire roadblocks. These 'risky' communities, mainly in
Western and South-central Kingston, are targeted and contained. The aim - for the sake largely of the wider society,
the 'outer city', which feels threatened - is to prevent murderous inter-community conflict and generally, to 'manage'
crime. The inter-community conflict is itself a major product and symptom of exclusion. It stems from the extremely
partisan politics led by the politicians in the interest of their own power and accepted by the wider society, Partisan
political practice converted some inner-city communities
into 'garrisons', armed enclaves, as a consequence of the party in government assigning public housing, in the
constituencies it controlled, exclusively to party supporters. Along with guns, this has bought complete intolerance
of rival party members, violent wars and 100 per cent (01 even more!) of the votes in national elections. Yet though
backing their candidates so wholeheartedly and used for their votes and for the supporters who can be trucked to
battlegrounds elsewhere, these areas have gained only protracted neglect - exclusion from the wider society that
has made them what they are.
Paradoxically, at first sight, some inner-city communities have set up their own gated streets. They remove the grills
of deep cross street drains, or block entry points with logs, boulders, abandoned car wrecks and other junk, in order
to protect the community from drive-by shootings by criminals. The police object, of course, claiming that their free
movement is impeded. In fact it is their neglect of the ghettos - even as they respond promptly to calls from the
better-off neighbourhoods - that has driven ghetto people, for their own survival, to pursue this path (along with
other forms of 'community justice').
Although there are signs that the police force, under pressure from (ironically) British consultants, is moving away
from its paramilitary tradition (introduced by a British colonial government in 1867 to control the "natives'') and toward
community policing, the record, especially of special squads patrolling the ghetto, has been one of very rough justice
This kind of police conduct totally undermines community policing efforts.
Since 1990, the police, usually with the claim of a shoot-out, have killed 140-50 persons a year, close to, if not the
highest rate in the world According to a human rights lawyer with many years' experience, a< many as two-thirds of
these killings are in fact extra-judicial executions The May 2003 slaughter of four, including two women, in a house in
the rural village of Kraal finally drew a public outcry, loud enough to lead to a proclaimed disbandment, perhaps only
relocation to a larger unit, oi the notorious special squad that was responsible. It is clear, however, thai this squad was
dispensing its vigilante justice with the full approval ol the political directorate and the police high command. Equally,
it is fai from certain that this approval has been decisively withdrawn.
This exclusion of inner-city and poor people generally from the rule oi
law and the exercise of official justice is regularly compounded by the
delays and miscarriage of justice in the courts. In one case, highly publicized by the protests of human rights groups,
a coroner's court failed to
even indict the soldiers and police who so savagely beat Michael Gayle, I mentally challenged youth, at a curfew
roadblock that he died as a result of his injuries a few days later.

Area Stigma and the Experience of Social Exclusion

Just as revealing, however, as these manifestations of exclusion resulting from social and political divisions and
conflicts are those of concern in the economic dimension. Poverty and deprivation in sections of the inner city are
extreme. As indicated in the tables in Appendices 1 and 2, published by the state's Planning Institute of Jamaica
(PIOJ) in 2001, the poorest 10 per cent of the Jamaican population (concentrated largely in rural and inner-city
areas) spent one-twelfth as much on consumption as the wealthiest 10 per cent and on non-consumption spent less
than one-fiftieth.
In the Western Kingston area, 40 per cent of households share toilets. The walls of houses in one area (Federal
Gardens, the western section of Rema), built in 1955 after Hurricane Charlie, are literally buckling. Roads develop huge
craters, the kind associated with a war zone, and for years are left untouched. The over 40 per cent unemployed can
be seen penniless and idle in the yards and streets, rich human potential rotting in the shade. It will come as no
surprise that with a homicide rate of 40/100,000, Jamaica owes its ranking in the top three crime centres of the world
directly to Kingston's inner city where three-quarters of these deaths occur.
The combination of murder rate and visible impoverishment then inflicts an "area stigma" (Levy 2001: 24) or
"bad name" that is a major obstacle to inner-city residents getting work, credit and even a prompt police response
to reports of crime. The residents of certain communities regularly complain, for example, of having their applications
for work turned down because of the home address they give - something that many refuse to lie about. This has
been tested and proved over and over by the success of those who do give a false address.
In addition to the deprivation of work and livelihood, this rejection is an experience that people find extremely
hurtful, knowing as they do that the large majority of their fellow citizens are decent, law-abiding and deserving of
respect. Disrespect (or dissing) embodied in neglect and area stigma strikes deeply at the victims' own self-respect, a
consequence that is at once psychologically crippling and provocative of rebellious behaviour. Paradoxical as it may
sound, inner-city people live outside the main currents of the city's economic and social life.
Social exclusion is experienced by many inner-city people as a sense of abandonment by society. It is a most painful
emotion. A group of youth in Whitfield Town, a poor area, recounted to this writer how one day they saw a well-
known media personality drive up in her car at the stop light. Wanting to meet her personally, they moved eagerly
toward the vehicle. She saw them coming but read it differently. Fearing some attack, she hastily wound up the car
window. They related, as can be expected, feelings of deep disappointment and rejection.
Here was a clear instance of the classic observation that jailer and jailed share the same prison. The numbers
and sense of injustice of the jailed, the excluded, are now such that their threat, real or potential, has
turned the tables on their jailers, the wider and richer society, concerned for their own life and property. The latter must
now roll up their car windows at a stop light as a ragged youth approaches to wash a windscreen or
beg a coin. They must give wide berth to certain sectors of the city, or lock themselves in their guard-secured, high-
walled havens. But for how long can this continue? The poor today watch television and listen to the
radio and know they are treated differently and why. [
The government's National Poverty Eradication Programme (NPEP),adopted after and as a result of the UN-
sponsored World Summit for Social Development held in Copenhagen in 1995, appears impressive in
the decline of the incidence of poverty from 27.5 per cent in 1995 to!6.9 per cent in 2001 (PIOJ 2001: 25.5). However,
with over 440,000 people (out of a population of 2.6 million) still below the poverty line and with
other contradictions, the situation calls for more vigorous action. I

One of these contradictions is the level of the minimum wage for domestic helpers, many of whom are single
parents. In 2001, this was set j by the state at the equivalent of US$38 per week, when it was known that the income
required by a family of five to meet basic needs was US$68 per week. Such a wage is all the more insulting for
workers able to compare their tiny earnings with what their employers spend on themselves from incomes of US
$400-600 or much more per week. Social exclusion that is brought squarely into middle and upper class homes
 creates tensions not easily ignored. Yet many succeed in looking the other way.

The pillbox houses built for low-income families, cramming adults and children into a single small room - with
consequences that are often publicly deplored, for example, for too early induction of children into sexuality - are
another contradiction of the NPEP. While the National Housing Trust

The talk about "caring for the poor", mouthed regularly by those in public or ecclesial office, who, given their
lifestyles, care disproportionately more for themselves, comes across as mere sanctimonious
claptrap.

Exclusion and Social Justice

This brings up the issue of social justice, of the value system and the morality implicit in the exclusion that has
been depicted. Even if the discussion were confined to the socioeconomic, it would seem obvious to many that
the social exclusion, the degree of inequality, visible in sections of Jamaican society and in much of the world
at large is patently unfair, unjust, wrong - what many Jamaicans would term "pure wickedness". In this view, the
responsibility must be pinned to certain persons or to a system and these persons or the system must be
removed.
However, there is another point of view, free market neoliberalism. For Hayek (1988), an early and influential
neoliberal spokesman, the starting point is property - "Where there is no property there is no justice''. However,
because the results of the market (from the unimpeded interac-tions of property ownership) depend, he argues,
on a multitude of circumstances that nobody completely knows and therefore intends, the consequent
allocation of wealth is neither just nor unjust (1976). It is simply the free market's product. This, and no other
instrument, is to be the sole determining criterion of proper outcome (Franklin 1998: 37).
The application of this approach, even apart from the enormous human deprivation that has resulted, is not
without problems when it comes to determining, in specific situations, what a free market or a level playing field is.
In some instances, what for one player is a levelling of the field, for another player is interference in the freedom of
the market. To decide such an issue would seem to require another criterion of justice or fairness. None the less,
it is the neoliberal view that has ruled economic policy making worldwide for the past quarter century.
While this view obviously cannot be blamed for all the historical inequality in the world, it appears to be
contributing considerably to current levels. Between 1994 and 1998, the 200 richest individuals in the world
increased their net worth from $40 billion to $1 trillion. Their assets exceed the combined income of 41 per cent
of the world's people. In 1960, 20 per cent of the world's people in the richest countries had 30 times the income
of the poorest 20 per cent - in 1997, they had 74 times as much. The number of billionaires increased by 25 per
cent in the two years, 1996-97, and even in the countries that are part of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) inequality is rising. In the 1980s in the United Kingdom, for example, the
number of j families below the poverty line grew by 60 per cent (UNDP 1999: 36-38), With facts such as these, most
grassroots people and many philosophers hold to the view that favours some control or guidance of the market in
the interest of meeting the requirements of social justice. To go back to fundamentals, justice, to begin with, has to
do with the distribution of advantages and disadvantages, benefits and hardships, among a population or group.
Secondly, two principles are central to justice, according to philosopher John Rawls (1971: 14-15): (1) "equality in
the assignment of basic rights and duties'' and (2) "inequalities of wealth and authority'' being "just only if they result
in compensating benefits for everyone, and in particular the least advantaged members of society".
Thirdly, the pursuit of equality of benefits is itself based on a belief in the intrinsic and equal worth of every
human being. This equality of worth is the foundation stone of a free society (Franklin 1998: 37). As a right of
citizenship, it entitles every member of the society, to the respect of other members.
The difference between the two positions on justice comes down, then, fundamentally to this: firstly, to the
supremacy of property rights and thence to relying on the market as the sole instrument for setting rewards,
regardless of how these are distributed; and secondly, to the supreme worth of being human and therefore to
requiring a governance that ensures respect for every instance of humanity and of human community and that
seeks to respond fully to their essential needs and aspirations.

Ending Exclusion in Jamaica

We now turn to address the issue of how social exclusion in Jamaica may be effectively tackled. Given the real concern
of many citizens and organisations about this issue, as well as the existence of an agency specifically designated by the
state for poverty eradication, it can be expected that recommendations will not be lacking. The problem, though, in
many Third World countries, Jamaica included, is not a dearth of policy recommendations. It is the seeming paralysis,
whether from inability or from reluctance, to move to the implementation of the policies. Ten years ago the Report of the
National Task Force on Crime, known as the Wolfe Report proposed to solve the problem by recommending the
establishment of a National Implementation Commission with a membership drawn from acrossministries and
sectors. This solution, needless to say, was not
adopted.
Holding discussion of that problem for a moment, already two broad recommendations in respect of policy have
clearly emerged from the open debate of the past several years. The first is the need for a significant improvement in
the economy, and specifically in its productive component, taken to include and emphasise the glowing seiviee
seetoi. This is essential for reducing the considerable unemployment and underemployment that lie at the root of
much of the social exclusion that is manifest.
Secondly, however, for the economy to develop it will have to be controlled and guided by a specific governance.
Without giving protection to uncompetitive, shoddy and more costly products, this governance must initiate positive
action in the face of globalising forces which are systematically undercutting and destroying local agricultural and
manufacturing capability. Market forces alone, least of all as manipulated by the countries of the North, are incapable
of distributing economic benefits with the fairness required to prevent serious social exclusion. The negative impact of
the unrestrained competition of the big transnational corporations on the environment, which is the ultimate basis of
the global economy, should make this evident.
However, there is a third and more fundamental dimension of change which will have to be addressed. This is the
method with which every programme has to be approached. It is almost trite today to talk about a 'paradigm' shift. Yet
in this matter that is precisely what is required. The new paradigm is one that calls for a constant and ongoing
dialogue between those at the top, both the political and the technocratic top, and those at the bottom of the social,
economic and 'expertise' ladder, the communities of the poor. It means bringing these latter, the systemically
excluded bottom, into the decision-making loop.
For those at the bottom, however, social exclusion is exclusion not only or primarily of individuals but of entire
communities. The role and importance of community for the poor is clearly not appreciated by those whom Chambers
(1997) calls the 'uppers', much less the complementary point that communities have positive contributions to make in
putting an end to the problem. Many national programmes, following the directives of international donor agencies like
the World Bank, promote programmes addressing categories of individuals - the children, the aged, pregnant or
lactating mothers, even the families of these persons (as in the Jamaican Government's latest programme, PATH,
Programme for Advancement through Health and Education).

Thinking in categories is typical of academics and 'uppers'. They regularly overlook the fact that mothers, children, and
other groups of people live in communities, that the community relationship is of enormous importance to them,
and that it is the community deprivation and need that is basic - sanitation, for example, or housing, roads, schools,
clinics or security. This primary deprivation and need encompass and are the source of much of the deprivation and
need of individuals. These are the areas that should be given primacy before attention is focussed on sec-1 ondary
and personal needs or deprivation, such as a special education oi| health problem.
 The only way to fully understand and deal with the problems faced by the poor, by the excluded, is to heaj; what
they have to say. This means community participation at every stage, from need statement, analysis and
assessment to policy and plan formulation through to implementation and evaluation. This is the only rational,
comprehensive and trans formative route to resolve the matter of social exclusion, for it is the only way, if intentions
are serious, to mobilise communities and swing theii enormous potential behind the endeavour. It is the answer and
the only answer to the problem of inactivity at the state level.
Listening to communities in Jamaica, one will learn that measures to be undertaken must include concrete policies
to support and develop initiatives in sport and culture (music, dance, theatre and other art forms) as well as, at least
for the short and medium term, small business enter prises and projects. It is to these interests and needs that
community pea pie, by their own powers of intelligent analysis, call attention again and again. These have been the
findings over many years and in numerous participatory studies, mostly unpublished (for example, Levy 2000), car
ried out for agencies such as the Jamaica Social Investment Fund or the Citizen Security and Justice Programme.
Listening to these people, one will also learn their recognition of their need for help with parenting and other social
behaviour which decades of enforced migration, of inner-city decay and isolation have left severely damaged.
To conclude, there is hardly a state today that does not pay at least lip service to civil and political rights and the
Universal Declaration of Right of 1948. However, it is what states and societies choose as their priorities - education and
jobs over pretentious externals, better wages for a greate; number over higher incomes and lower taxes for a few -
that tum^^fe ^wioajaaLttY from formal to real.
These are ethical choices, choices demanded by integrity, which require consistency between what you say or
claim to hold and what you do. For many of us and for Don Robotham (Sunday Gleaner 2003), itii choices of this kind
that most urgently face Jamaica today. "The root o:

our malaise", he insists, "is not simply economic, social or even political. It is all these and much more. We face a
deep and broad dissolution of morality." The level of social exclusion in our society, I would add, is one clear
manifestation of this. It demands immediate, deliberate, moral
action.
 Appendix 1: Distribution of Annual Consumption Expenditure Expenditure by Decile, 2001

Decile Mean Per Capita Annual Consumption $

Poorest 18,721

2 29,522
3 36,679
4 45,035
5 53,627
6 63,774
7 76,401
8 95,239
9 122,010
10 235,949

Appendix 2: Distribution of Annual Consumption Expenditure Expenditure by Decile, 2001

Decile Non- Consumption Expenditure $

Poore
399
st
897
2
2,239
3
3,3716
20,203

Source: Jamaica Survey of Living Conditions 2001, Tables B-8 and 2.4
Business Ethics in Jamaica and the Problem of Extortion

by Counter-societies

Christopher A. D. Charles

Introduction

From time to time businesses face ethical dilemmas; as such ethical dilemmas in business are not in themselves
unique. However, Jamaican businesses operating in certain commercial areas in the country are faced with one
such dilemma which appears to derive from the unique characteristics of our social and economic space. These
businesses are now faced with the challenge of maintaining profitability and functioning as responsible corporate
citizens while coping with the extortion carried out by members of the informal militias of garrison communities
acting on behalf of the dons who run these communities.
Garrison communities were created, primarily during the 1960s and 1970s by politicians who were intent on
providing housing solutions for their supporters and consolidating support in particular geographical areas. These
communities, some comprised of complete housing units and others comprised of units to be completed by the
owners, were later militarized to thwart political competition and institutionalize a dominant support base.
However, while the population of garrison communities has increased, the state has retreated because structural
adjustment in the 1980s backed up by economic liberalisation and globalisation in the 1990s have considerably
reduced the scope for public expenditure. During this time the dons, who rule the garrisons, have become wealthy
through involvement in the international drug trade, extortion and other illegal activities. The dons have therefore been
able to replace the state as the main provider for and protector of the residents, some of whom transferred their
loyalty from the state to the dons. With the support of some residents, garrison communities have become strong
counter-sod eties with their own laws, justice and welfare systems, and their own security structure. These counter-
societies under the command of the dons are therefore able to seriously challenge the authority of the state The
inability of the state to put an end to the extortion of entrepreneurs is a case in point.
The problem of extortion has been particularly acute in the business districts of Red Hills Road in St Andrew and
downtown Kingston. In this exploratory study in-depth interviews were conducted with a policeman and three business
people from these two areas and the narratives and secondary sources are used to deconstruct a few of the ethical
issues involved as the entrepreneurs struggle to be profitable in these hostile business environments.

Business Ethics and Corporate Social Responsibility

Ethics refers to "the guidelines or rules of conduct by which we aim to live" (Cadbury 1987: 70). Business ethics is
guided by capitalism since the profit motive is the essence of business. There is something of a moral incongruity
between the need to maximise profits and the obligation no! to treat others as means to an end since profit
maximisation rather than people's welfare is regarded by many as the social responsibility of busi-ness (Cadbury 1987;
Collins 1994; Klonoski 1991; Wolfe 1993). However, being an ethical person and an effective manager (a profit maximiser)
arc not necessarily incompatible because effective management does not ignore ethics (Espeut 2001; Collins
1994). Values are important in com merce because they inform entrepreneurs why they should be good and highlight
the importance of cultivating a good character (Starling 1997! The business environment is an interdependent one
because the accumu lation of profit cannot be achieved without the support of people (Collins 1994).
The two dominant theories of ethics are utilitarianism and deontology The former tells managers that the end result
of their actions should be the greatest good for the greatest number of people and this objective can be achieved "by
any means necessary". Therefore any managerial action is justified if it achieves positive consequences for the
majority. The latter informs the manager that respect for people means recognising and upholding their rights and
ensuring that they are treated justly. Managers, in other words, should treat people as ends and not means; and
they should for example, pursue just and good ends regardless of the consequences (Collins 1994; Starling 1997).
Utilitarianism sees the creation of value as the goal of management. Value is created when entrepreneurs satisfy
the customers' requirements. However, customers are not only those \vho purchase goods and services but all who are
impacted by entrepreneurial decisions. Value created within this broad definition will result in the greatest good and
reach the greatest number of people (Collins 1994).
Deontology posits that the building of trust is a key business strategy. To create trust managers should respect the
people with whom they interact by giving help when it is required and respecting personal autonomy. Respect is further
engendered when subordinates are given latitude over their work, useful information, education and training
(Cadbury 1987; Collins 1994).
Ethics is judged by action. In deciding on a particular course of action businesses should examine the parties that
have a stake in the outcomes and decide how to balance the various interests. Ethical business deci sions can stand up
to scrutiny. Ethical decisions are also prompt; the least ethical course of action is to postpone difficult decisions. In
business there should be equality of opportunity and accountability (Cadbury 1987; Vasciannie 2002).
An important application of ethics in business lies in the area of corporate social responsibility. Corporate social
responsibility involves considerations of balancing the quest for profits against the larger societal good. \s a principle, it
is founded on the notion that institutions are social in nature. Adherents to the doctrine of corporate social
responsibility reject the fundamentalist approaches, which argue that businesses are not creations of society but
private autonomous entities devoid of social and moral obligations. The moral personhood/moral agency approach
argues that corporations have the capacity to take actions comparable to individuals. Therefore, corporations like
individuals can be morally culpable. Similarly, the social institution approach argues that businesses are social in nature
and they occur in a social or interpersonal context and therefore should be seen as social entities with social
responsibilities. The virtue-based approach among other things promotes spirituality and values. This approach
argues, for example, that businesses which create a good internal community and respects the external
community will enhance the moral development of the society, in general, and their employees, in particular
(Dalton and Daily 1991; Espeut 2001; Freeman and Liedtka 1991; Klonoski 1991).
Business corporations have several constituencies (shareholders and non-shareholders) but limited resources.
However, creative strategies by these corporations can lead to benefits for all the stakeholders since their interests
are separate but not separable (Dalton and Dally 1991; Starling 1997). Globally, many major enterprises are
companies becoming corporate citizens. They are seeking to achieve a competitive edge by integrating faith and
work, promoting family life, arguing forattempting to provide just wages and aligning their self-interests with the
greater societal good by forming partnerships with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and becoming part of
the movement for social change (Espeut

responsibility should be abandoned, because, among other factors, it is conservative and promotes
incompetence by pushing managers into areas for which they have no expertise, such as fixing societal problems,
In addition, corporate citizens only engage in social ills in order to maximise profits, which, being the social
responsibility of business, is sacrosanct (Freeman and Liedtka 1991).

Counter-societies

Counter-societies are lesser institutions or social units of authority within a larger society whose activities compete
with the higher authority of the state. These lesser authorities may be local government, a trade union, a religious
group, a community, a criminal gang or terrorists among others, Peace and societal stability obtain when there is
mutual acknowledgement and recognition for the respective areas of influence. Violence and social instability occur
when there is a disagreement over such boundaries or where one authority challenges the domain of another.
Stable counter-societies replicate within the domains of their authority some of the functions of the formal state
government. They create their own subcultures, laws, judicial and penal systems, economic structures, welfare
systems and security structures (Berger 1963; Charles 2002; Eckstein 1998; Strange 1988, 1996).
I have identified four categories of counter-societies based on their primary objective(s):

1. Religious types like the Jamaat al Muslimeen in Trinidad and Tobago, the Bobo Shanti and Nyabinghi
Rastafarian groups in Jamaica and millenarian sects and cults like the Branch Davidians (Bauer 2000a, 2000b;
Berger 1963; Daily Gleaner 20021, Schmidt 2000).

2. Criminal types like the Mafia, the Chinese secret societies, the drug cartels in Colombia, the extermination or
hit squads in Venezuela and the drug gangs that control the Brazilian favelas or shanty towns (Charles 2002; Daily
Gleaner 2002a, 2002b; Strange 1988). The community-based types like the kibbutzim in Israel and the garrison and
maroon communities in Jamaica (Charles 2002; Strange 1988).

3. The political types like the nation forming movements, for example, the Basque separatists and the
Irish Republican Army (IRA) (Strmiska 2001); the right wing paramilitary squads and leftist rebels in Colombia,
the right wing militias in the United States and terrorist organisations, for example, Hamas and al-Qaida
(Ambrus 2002; Daily Gleaner 2002c, 2002d, 2002e, 2002f, 2002g; Haggerty 1996; Jamaica Observer 2002a,
2003a; Kenworthy 1997; Kovaleski 1996).

4. The categories above are analytical distinctions that should not be seen as mutually exclusive. For
example, drug gangs operate in the Jamaican garrison communities (community links) and have as their
primary objective material accumulation by criminal means, so they are placed in the criminal category.
However, they also have a secondary (political) objective of assisting the political party of their choice to
attain power. The Bobo Shanti and Nyabinghi Rastafarian groups, the maroon communities and the Kibbutzim
are not engaged in illegal activities and the boundary of their authority is recognised by the state.

Garrison Communities

Garrison communities were established by the People's National Party (PNP) and the Jamaica Labour Party
(JLP) in their fierce competition for political power. Hardcore supporters were rewarded for their loyalty with
houses in specially constructed communitiesdeveloped housing schemes, which, in turn, provided a dominant
support base for the party in power. Democratic political challenges during elections were subsequently
thwarted with the militarisation of these communities thereby institutionalizing a partisan power base. The
area leaders or dons, who are backed by the shooters ('shottas') who have dual membership in the

criminal gangs and the informal party militias, control these political fortresses. The close relationship between
some members of parliament (MPs) and the dons provides the former with continued partisan community support
and the latter with prestige, police protection and government contracts for the continued supply of scarce
benefits to the community (Barnett 2002; Chaplin 2002; Charles 2002; Daily Gleaner 1992; Figueroa and Sives 1994;
Jamaica Observer 2001; Personal Interview, February 14, 2003; Ryan 1999; Stone 1980, 1992).
Garrison communities have their own governance structures. The dons settle disputes in social relationships,
financial arrangements and sometimes even intimate interpersonal relationships according to the norms and rules
of the community. They have to approve all important decisions or major events in the community before they can
become a reality. The dons also approve all punishments for breaking the rules of the community. This punishment,
in turn, is meted out by the 'shottas' who are the line staff in the security structure. Stealing in the community,
disobeying the don or raping a female resident more often than not attracts the death penalty. The security structure of
the garrison is a replication of the state protective function and has the capacity not only to defend the community
from rival political or criminal gangs and secure political advantage during elections, but to 'protect' the community
from the police (Charles 2002; Figueroa and Sives 1994; Stone 1980, 1992).
Apart from government contracts, the dons get revenue from extortion, illegal gambling and the international drug
trade. In addition, some dons are in the construction business, the entertainment business, real estate, haulage
contracting and the food and beverage industry. The revenue is used for personal material accumulation,
reinvestments, the purchase of illegal firearms, providing for the hand-to-mouth survival needs of some residents and
the school needs of the children of the community, i This welfare system in a situation of intense material deprivation
has made many residents fiercely loyal to the dons (Barnett 2002; Chaplin 2002; Charles 2002; Figueroa and
Sives 1994; Personal Interview, f February, 11, 13 & 19, 2003; Stone 1980, 1984, 1992; Williams 2001).
The structural adjustment policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the 1980s and the guidelines of the World
Bank, the liberalisation of the economy in the 1990s and globalisation have significantly reduced public expenditure.
The contraction of the state occurred at a j time when the dons were able to substantially increase revenues from f
both their criminal and legitimate activities. As a result they have been able, The dons to a large extent, have to filled
the resulting void by effectively replicating the state function as provider and distributor of scarce resources. Some
residents are therefore more loyal to the dons and their community than they are to the state. Therefore, when there is
a clash of authority and these residents violently protest in support of the dons, they are safeguarding their
economic survival (Barnett 2002; Charles 2002; Eddie 1991).

Some residents in these balkanized communities do not pay their utility bills and mortgages. In sections of
Western Kingston, South St Andrew and Central St Catherine for example, the residents owe the National
Housing Trust (NHT) $50 million because collecting payment is a major security risk (Virtue 2002a). The Jamaica
Public Service Company (JPSCo) loses $300 million annually because of illegal power connections, the majority
of which are in garrison communities (Simpson 2000). Utility workers escorted by police to disconnect service for
the non-payment of bills are sometimes confronted by some members of the community and attacked with
stones, bottles and guns (Kelly 2003).

Extortion

Extortion is a major problem in many sections of the society especially in certain parts of the Kingston
Metropolitan Area (KMA) and Spanish Town. The dons of the inner-city communities dispatch their 'shottas'
to collect 'taxes' in cash or kind from the entrepreneurs for protection within the dons' domains of power.
Business people, who refuse to pay, may be killed or they may be robbed or have their businesses vandalised,
firebombed or burglarised (Charles 2002; Daily Gleaner 1999; Mills 2000a; Personal Interview, February, 13,
2003; Williams 2001). Extortion is reportedly pushing some businesses in the KMA towards bankruptcy
(Daily Gleaner 2000a).
Red Hills Road

The problem of extortion has been driving businesses and their customers away from the Red Hill Roads
business strip. Thugs from the nearby inner-city communities of Ackee Walk, One Hundred Lane and Park
Lane demand payments from the men who jerk chicken along the road, from some business people and
their employees as well as from those undertaking residential and commercial building constructions
(Espeut 2002; Personal Interview February 11, 2003; Turriff 2002). The Roman Catholic Church had to remove
one of its priests from the area after criminals repeatedly threatened to kill him if he did not pay them
$40,000-$50,000 per month (Daily Gleaner 2002}; Jamaica Observer 2002c; Personal Interview, February 11,
2003).
When the police attempted to address the problem residents and business people were initially reluctant to
cooperate. It took several meeting between the police and the entrepreneurs to build a relationship based on
confidence and trust. An anti-extortion unit staffed by detectives was established at the Constant Spring police
station and the business people were urged to stay (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003; Turriff 2002
Williams 2001). However, the economic burden of extortion, coupled with the One Hundred Lane and Park Lane
massacres (both of which involved the murders of several people), drove more customers away and
hence more businesses fled the area. A police post has been established in One Hundred Lane, which has reduced the
harassment of the entrepreneurs, but the problem has still not been completely eliminated (Jamaica <
!
Observer 2002d; Personal Interview, February 11, 2003).

Western Kingston

The extortion in Western Kingston is more organised and coordinated compared to that in the Red Hills Road area
and has the support of some businessmen. The area leaders of the PNP and JLP sections of Western! Kingston tightly
control the extortion racket downtown. The dons assign* their men to collect from the various stores and market vendors
in thei: zone. It is the responsibility of these 'shottas' to protect the stores anc vendors from being robbed and to kill
those who rob the stores and ven dors who are paying 'taxes'. Therefore, outsiders are not allowed to col lect extortion
money. Since war makes the collection of 'taxes' extremely difficult, the dons associated with the two major political
parties havefoi many years transcended the tribalist political divide with an ongoin; truce (Charles 2002; Daily Gleaner
1999; Personal Interview, February 11 2003; Williams 2001).
 Extortionists compete with the established municipal authoritv Kingston and St Andrew Corporation (KSAC), by selling
parking spaces t fearful motorists and illegally collecting $1 million a week from mark vendors (Alien 2002; Anderson
2003). Each vendor is charged $500 week and businesses pay $5,000 a week. Estimates of the yearly income from
extortion that goes to the Western Kingston dons range from W million-$400 million (Charles 2002; Mills 2000a;
Personal Interview February 13, 2003). During 2001, tThe dons received $3.1 million frr the KSAC to refurbish the
market district in downtown (Daily Gleiik 200 Ib). The dons and their lieutenants through their companies also provide
security for the markets in the KMA and receive just over half a million dollars biweekly from the KSAC (Sunday Herald
2002a).
Some of the businessmen have proposed a business plan to the government for the redevelopment of downtown,
which calls for breaking the extortion racket among other issues (Jamaica Observer 2002e; Paulin 2002a). The
plan calls for the cooperation of a range of stakeholders who operate both in the formal and informal sectors of
downtown Kingston. In particular, it requires the formalisation of illegal vending through the commitment of vendors
to settle in a single designated location. These vendors refuse to be sedentary, however, because a fixed spot
makes them more vulnerable to the extortionists (Cunningham 2002).

Other areas

The problem of extortion is widespread. In Spanish Town, ten businessmen have been killed between 1993 and
2003 because they refused to accede to the demands of extortionists (Sunday Herald 2003). Noris Taliban; Brown
targeted buses commuting through the Lawrence Tavern exurb before the police killed him (Daily Gleaner 2002h;
Jamaica Observer 2002b). Telephone service providers have come under pressure from the extortionists who at
least in one reported case vandalised the equipment of a service provider who refused to pay (Virtue 2002b).
Shooting of films locally has also been negatively affected because the daily interference of the extortionists increases
the production cost (Batson 2003).
Extortionists also regularly demand money from contractors on construction sites in the KMA (James-King 2002). A
building contractor was shot and injured at the Mona Campus of the University of the West Indies because he
refused to pay the extortionists (Ramanand 2001). Contractors getting government contracts are sometimes
pressured to hire subcontractors, who are affiliated to the ruling political party, and this has exacerbated the problem
(Daily Gleaner 200la). This problem has prompted the Contractor General to investigate the protection racket in the
construction industry (Mills 2000b). Also, extortionists have threatened the foreign company constructing Highway
2000 (Alien 2003). Operators of taxis and mini-buses all over the KMA are under pressure to pay money to secure
safe passage (Sunday Herald 2002c, 2002d; Williams 2001). Extortion also extends to the behaviour of some
members of the island's police force. Some police officers have been accused of trying to extort money from the
promoters of dancehall sessions (Jamaica Observer 2003b; Sinclair 2003a). In addition, The Bureau of Professional
Responsibility has arrested four policemen and an ex-policeman for allegedly attempting to extort US$ 2.5 million
from a businessman (Jamaica Observer 2003c; Sinclair 2003b).
In response to the problem of extortion the police established an anti-extortion unit of twelve police officers within
the Crime Management: Unit so that business people can report the problem (Anderson 2001 Daily Gleaner
2000a). The police has had limited success in dealing witt the problem because some business people especially in
downtown Kingston refuse to cooperate with them since the money they pay much less than the cost to hire a
security guard (Anderson 2001; Persona
Interview, February 13, 2003).
*

The Narratives on Business Ethics

The greater societal good versus personal gain Some business people support the payment of extortion because,
fo: them, the ends justify the means. The businessman from downtown said [The businessmen] don't mind paying
[because] it works for them. They gdr a totally crime free area, no break-ins and no hold-ups ... Nobody in this; area
can sell coke, if they do, they will become missing - the cokehead and,
seller. [Extortion] is less than what the security company charge ... a billot$20,000 a week.... Down here [extortion
cost] $5,000 a week ... what is asked for is not unreasonable. Most [business] people who come into the area fall in
place ... [but] if the government control crime, then they wont support [the extortion] (Personal Interview, February
13, 2003). !

According to the businessman on Red Hills Road: 'They suggest thai they can provide security and nobody can
touch you ... I won't say oneoi two doesn't pay. It is not like downtown where it is accepted as a reality of [business]
life" (Personal Interview, February, 19, 2003). According to the police officer interviewed, the businesspeople on Red
Hills Road who supported it "were the ones who fled because paying became burdensome and they had to flee ...
there is a small percentage that buys stolen goods and they can't stop paying [the extortionists for these goods]"
(Personal Interview, February 11, 2003). Moreover ... "after Zeeks [the donoi Mathews Lane in downtown
Kingston] left prison, they had i [welcome/celebratory] dance for him and there were some big [down town]
merchants drinking with him. You would be surprise of the names" (Personal Interview, February 13, 2003).
Business persons who support the payment of extortion see profit maximization as the sole responsibility of
business. They are not concerned with the consequences of their actions on the larger society since they are only
responsible and accountable to themselves as ardent capitalists. It is cheaper to pay extortion than to pay a private
security company because this guarantees a greater return on their investments. Moreover, customers can shop
safely without fear of harassment or of being robbed.
The actions of the business people are highly unethical because they are supporting an illegal activity and placing
their business colleagues who refuse to pay under greater pressure and in greater danger. In the interest of profit
they are making the job of the police more difficult and bolstering the welfare system of these counter-societies,
thereby entrenching them and compromising the security of the state (Hadeed 1999). Some of the revenues from
extortion go towards the purchase of high-powered weapons for the security structure of the garrisons. These weapons
are used to attack the police and the army when there is a clash of authority. They are also used to unleash violence on
rival political supporters during general election campaigns and to protect drug turf and the drugs which pass through
Jamaica en route to Europe and North America. Moreover, the majority of murders committed in Jamaica are done
with the use of firearms. Therefore, any business person who acts in this way is not paying sufficient attention to the
consequences of his or her action on the wider society.
The arrest of the Mathews Lane area leader Donald 'Zeeks' Phipps triggered a riot that was a formidable challenge to
the authority of the state. The incident closed the business district for a week (Charles 2002; Daily Gleaner 1998).
Representatives of the merchants downtown spoke publicly about the millions of dollars they lost and the need for greater
security and upholding of the rule of law. Yet, some of their colleagues were a part of the welcoming party for the man
whose supporters had unleashed the mayhem. These business people have accepted the security of the lesser
authority of the garrisons over the army and the police for private gains.
Some merchants downtown who readily pay the extortionists are also the part of the group of business people who
owe the state $100 million in taxes and other fees (Charles 1995; Simpson 1996; Sunday Herald 2002b). According
to the police, "[some business people on Red Hills Road] pay the extortionists but refuse to pay property taxes and
GCT (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003)". These business people renege on their financial obligations to the state
while they are supporting institutions that are attacking the state. These entrepreneurs have lost the moral authority
to criticise the government for not effectively tackling

the problem of crime when the government argues that it lacks the finan cial resources to fight crime effectively.
Business people that resist the extortionists are few. However, the [ entrepreneur from Red Hills Road stood up to
the extortionists in accept- j ing the challenge and the associated costs. This entrepreneur when he ! was first
approached on Red Hills Road by the extortionist and was told j that several businessmen had been killed said, "I am
not afraid ... If you touch me, over there [in your community] will [become] a cemetery" (Personal Interview, February
19, 2003). In response to not paying extortion he said, ''If you don't start it, you don't have to pay it but you can't be
careless [or they will kill you]" (Persopal Interview, February 19, 2003), This businessman it seems believes that values
and a good character are important in business so he should stand up for his principles even with the knowledge
that he could be killed by the extortionists. Even though the decision not to pay was taken at the individual level the
direction of the impact was social because it was part of the collective entrepreneurial decisions on Red Hills Road that
supported the rule of law thereby benefiting the greater societal good. It is principled positions like these and the
willingness to cooperate with the police rather than with the dons and their 'shottas' that made it possible for the
police to have greater success in tackling the problem on Red Hills Road than they did downtown,
 Unlike Red Hills Road "the business people [downtown] are more relaxed even though they are paying ...
These people don't organise. I spoke to eight businessmen to talk to the media and they said yes, However,
when the journalist came they became afraid and said no" (Personal Interview, February 13, 2003). Initially it was
not easy for the Constant Spring police. Residents and members of the business community felt that if they gave
information to the police it would be leaked to the extortionists (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003; Turriff
2002), The police had to "call several public meetings ... to build trust [with the people and] an extortion unit staffed
by two detectives was set up" (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003; Turriff 2002). Once trust was established
these business people were more than willing to work with the police. The harassment of the business people has
been reduced because of the principled cooperation of some of the entrepreneurs and the establishment of a
police post in One Hundred Lane (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003).
The police referring to the business people who decided to stay on Red Hills Road said, "They were defiant and
decided to stay. They allowed the unit to succeed by encouraging others to come forward" (Personal Interview,
February 11, 2003). These business people it seems are cog-

nisant not only of the importance of economic self-preservation, but also of the consequences of their actions on the
society as a whole. As the entrepreneur from Red Hills Road noted, "there is no safe areas anymore. Even in Manor
Park I hear it is going on" (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003). So for this entrepreneur it was important to stay
and fight rather than take the approach of those who relocated.
Fear is another reason why some business people acquiesce to the dons (Mills Zoos; Turriff 2002; Williams 2001).
However, overcoming this fear is of critical importance because businesses will not do well where there is lawlessness and
chaos. Shoppers and workers will stay away when there is periodic violence because there is a clash of authority (Paulin
2002c). Two international investors, Bouygues Travaux Publics which is constructing Highway 2000 and Digicel Jamaica
Limited have been negatively affected by extortion (Alien 2003; Virtue 2002b). In the context of the extremely high
murder rate, intimidation and threats by extortionists make Jamaica an unsuitable country in which to invest.
Addressing the problem of extortion is a development imperative so it is ethical and profitable in the long term for
entrepreneurs to organise and work with state institutions against the counter-societies that are committing the
extortion.

Corporate social responsibility

Some of the residents in the inner city support the extortionists because the revenue is of critical importance to their
daily survival. The police officer said the extortionists ''have the support of their communities. The spoils go to feed the
old people and send the children to school" (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003). The businessman from Red Hills
Road said the community supports them "because they go back and share the spoils. A lot of these guys that is how
they survive'' (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003). The businessman from downtown said, the extortion "is coming
from the [don] and the community supports the [don]... When they locked him up [the people] were not told to come
out ... it wasn't organised - once they heard they came out [to protest his arrest]" (Charles 2002; Daily Gleaner 1998;
Personal Interview, February 13, 2003). While the majority of the poor refuse to engage in criminal activities, situations
of intense material deprivation are breeding grounds for crime. Businesses which behave like good corporate citizens
when faced with situations of poverty are better able to cope with the harsh business environment than those who do
not.
According to the police "those who helped the community [on Red Hills Road] still had to pay. They had to come up
with a separate budget.

The [extortionists] are interested in themselves and not their community" (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003).
However, the businessman from the area disagreed, "it doesn't make people extort you. If they don't perceive you
as selfish, they will treat you differently. If they know that there is a vacancy and they are qualified and you will
employ them they will treat you differently" (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003). The downtown merchant also
disagreed, "not in the upfront way of a weekly thing. They ask you to donate to treats, donate when there is a fire -
like the fire the other day you are asked to donate a bed" (Personal Interview, February 13, 2003).
The police argue that both good and bad corporate citizens have to pay but the businessmen disagree. It is
possible that the police officer views all contributions the businessmen make to the community as extortion. What
makes the distinction difficult is the fact that some entrepreneurs who are paying extortion deny doing so but admit
that they contribute to various projects in the community (Mills 2000a). However, at least these two businessmen
who assist the community are not affected by the extortion to the same extent as those who make no contribution.
Bad corporate citizens ignore the poverty around them. It is not surprising that some representatives of the private
sector on their walk in Western Kingston after the July 7, 2001 weekend shooting in Tivoli Gardens were appalled at
the high levels of poverty in the area (Chaplin 2002; Daily Gleaner 200 Ic). Some businessmen are not interested in
partnering with government to address the material deprivation and high unemployment in the inner cities, which are
the main reasons for the extortion. It took four months for the public defender to receive the support of some of the
major businesses for his $2 billion redevelopment plan of the inner city (Daily Gleaner 2000b).
The business people who ignore the societal problems see their businesses as their own creation, and these
private entities are autonomous without obligations to the wider society. They see their customers as only those who
purchase from their stores rather than all those people whom their business decisions will affect. In ignoring the larger
social problems of poverty surrounding their businesses, they are seen by some residents as selfish and worthy of
attack. Corporate social responsibility not only assists in the alleviation of poverty, it also builds social capital and
social solidarity in the community. This gives the entrepreneur a competitive edge in the marketplace since
customers are more inclined to do business with the stores they believe are a part of the community and contributing to
its development.

The businessmen and the police all cited the provision of jobs by their government for the youth in povertystricken
communities as one of the major strategies to combat the extortion racket (Personal Interview, February 11, 13 &
19, 2003). The downtown merchant pointedly depicts the problem many inner-city youths encounter when they are
job
hunting.

I know a hard-working guy who got laid off and he couldn't find another job. If you tell people that you come from
certain areas [ghettoes] they don't want to hire you. They have to give wrong addresses [to prospective
employers] so they turn to hustling and the gun. They don't do it inside the area. They go to the country and other
areas (Personal Interview, February
13; 2003). ,

Some members of the private sector discriminate against young job applicants from the inner city (Jamaica
Observer 2002f). They violate the rights of these youths by treating them unfairly. Ignoring these young people is the
perceived means to an end. By not hiring them, these entrepreneurs believe that their businesses will be safer. However,
businesses are unsafe when there are a lot of unemployed youths who are frustrated by the social system and
alienated from it. The unjust treatment of these youths is a major ethical breach.
However, the businessman from Red Hills Road has highlighted the fact that it is a good and profitable thing not
to discriminate against young people from the ghettoes. When the extortionists first approached him he told them "I
only pay those who work for me and you can have job application forms ... a sound principle is to treat the workers
and the people in the community fairly" (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003). This businessman was not only brave
enough to stand up to the extortionists he was also kind enough to offer the appropriate solution to the material
deprivation they were experiencing. This businessman has hired employees from the community and has refused to pay
the extortionists. By treating them fairly and standing up for principles it has redounded to his advantage. Some of his
best workers are from the surrounding communities (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003). He has invested in people
from the community and they have, in turn, invested in his business by working effectively and efficiently. He has
successfully built social capital in the community.
This entrepreneur has developed grievance mechanisms where employees can air their grouses. Employees are
only fired after they ignore several warnings and reprimands after committing dismissible offences. After they are
dismissed, the entrepreneur ensures that they receive the payments to which they are legally entitled (Personal
Interview, February 19, 2003). He noted that if you owe an ex-employee j he or she might "tell someone out there 'him
no pay mi mi back money' and the extortionists will say 'mi a go get it fi you ; " (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003).
Therefore, if you treat people fairly, they will be less hostile to you. This businessman is a good corporate citizen who
has assisted the various communities in several ways. He emphatically stated that, "Anyone in the community can
come and speak with me... . One cannot operate in a community and not give [something] back" (Personal Interview,
February 19, 2003). It is possible to be ethical by refusing to pay the extortionist and be a good corporate citizen by
hiring youths from the community and assist in community development and still remain profitable. The
entrepreneur in question has been on Red Hills Road for many years and has no plans to leave. "The big thing is
don't be afraid of them. You can't allow them to railroad you" (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003).

Dichotomy in the authority of the state

Some MPs are very close to the dons and their 'shottas' since they are key members in the partisan mobilisation
efforts. When these hardcore supporters are collaborating with some politicians to secure an election victory, they are
substantially above the law. However, when they extend their criminal activities outside of this domain the police are
expected to go after them. This weakens the state's approach to crime since it is divided it its response (Chaplin
2002; Charles 2002; Personal Interview, February 14, 2003; Williams 2001).
According to the police "the extortionists are political activists" (Personal Interview, February 11, 2003). However,
the problem is even more acute when the extortionists work in partnership with official agencies of the government.
According to the businessman from downtown commenting on the partnership between the KSAC and informal
militias in the most recent attempt to remove vendors from the streets, "by using [the 'shottas ; or extortionists] they
[the government] got the vendors off the streets. These men mash up the stalls and the people can't say any thing. If
the police did it, you wouldn't hear the end of it" (Personal f Interview, February 13, 2003).

The businessman from Red Hills Road stated:

One Hundred Lane, it is more PNP and Park Lane is very JLP. They all are henchmen who protect turf for the
politicians... . Part of [the problem] is that it is the very same people [the extortionists] who are given the authority
[by the politician] to protect the citizens like the police (Personal Interview, February 19, 2003).

The business people are well aware of the dichotomy in the authority of the state. They ignore it because they
benefit from it. The police, the merchants and the KSAC had a difficult time getting the vendors off the streets and they
got the job done by allegedly utilising the effective 'shot-tas'. Whenever the entrepreneurs from downtown and
elsewhere are dealing with the government about the problems that affect them extortion is always placed within the
domain of crime. However, they refuse to publicly confront the politicians about their strategic allies, the extortionists,
who are members of the informal party militias. Some businessmen who refuse to invest in the inner city make very
generous campaign contributions to their political party, thereby contributing to maintenance of this clientelist
structure. They are therefore contributing to the split in the authority structure of the state. Businessmen should refuse
to make contributions to the PNP and the JLP until they sanitise their political mobilisation strategies and provide
effective support to the police. It is unethical to continue funding the political parties when some of their known
hardcore supporters are creating a hostile business environment.
An entrepreneur in one of the areas in the study said the business was not affected by extortion because the co-
owner was well known having "represented [a political party in an] ... election in the past" (Personal Interview,
February 14, 2003). This politician and entrepreneur have political supporters who are extorting their competitors.
These business persons have failed to cooperate with the police in order to maintain the standing of the political party
in the community. The arrest and conviction of the extortionists mean the party will be at a disadvantage in the
community because their absence means that the 'shottas' from the rival party militia can invade and capture political
turf. Such dichotomies in the authority structures of the state weaken its response to crime, in general, and extortion, in
particular.

Conclusion

In this exploratory study it has been found that the extortion of entrepreneurs by some residents of garrison
communities has created a hostile business environment, which is a threat to economic development. Some
entrepreneurs unethically renege on their tax payments to the state and argue that it is in their best interest to pay
the extortionists (especially in downtown Kingston) because it is cheaper and they get a crime-free area.
 These selfish and irresponsible entrepreneurs place the profit motive over the larger societal good because a part of
the revenue from extortion goes towards supporting the criminal counter-societies, which threaten national
security. However, other entrepreneurs have refused to pay and have organised themselves to work closely with
the police thereby plac ing the greater societal good over short-term personal gain.
Entrepreneurs who are working with residents to alleviate poverty, are likely in the long run to fare much better
than selfish entrepreneurs because with the accumulated social capital the former are perceived as being a part
of the community. Some entrepreneurs refuse to hire youths from the inner-city communities citing,security
concerns, but it is the intense material deprivation and the lack of job opportunities that are the major causes
of the extortion. However, the evidence suggests that one can refuse to pay the extortionists, cooperate with
the police, hire residents from the community, support poverty alleviation and still remain profitable.
The entrepreneurs postpone the difficult decision to publicly confront the politicians about their known
hardcore grass-roots supporters who are committing extortion. Some business people continue to provide the
much-needed financial resources to the major political parties whose mobilisation strategies support the
dichotomy in the authority of the state. This dichotomy weakens the state's response to crime.

Policy Recommendations

Government should create legislation outlawing the discrimination in the private sector against job seekers
from the inner city and enforce the law.

Government should provide financial incentives for firms to start up or locate some of their plants in the inner
city and employ resident from the communities and provide the relevant training thereby increasing social
capital and profit.

Government and the private sector should co-opt successful profes sionals who grew up in the inner city to
provide the training where it cannot be provided on the job. These professionals will be seen as insiders and
models of success. Moreover they understand the inner city subculture so they should have easy access to these
communities

Government should have dialogue with the private sector about ere ating new governance structures for
their firms so that legitimate community interests are not ignored. These governance structures

should encourage regular dialogue with the members of the community and create business/community
partnerships that address problems that affect the various stakeholders in the community. These governance
structures should also encourage residents to become minor shareholders for the publicly listed companies as well
as invite competent and influential leaders from the bona fide community based organisations to serve on the board.

The police should strive to increase its stock of social capital in the inner city and among entrepreneurs by
becoming involved in all areas of community life so that they will receive the necessary cooperation as partners when
they respond to the problem of extortion.

The government should co-opt the opposition and civil society to work with the police to scrutinise the rank and file
party activists structures to ensure that they are not infiltrated by criminals thereby reducing the dichotomy in the
authority structure of the state.
\