Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Canadian Politics
Word Count: 5,494
Table of Contents
Table of Contents 1
Introduction 2
Literature Review 5
Girls Just Wanna Not Run: The Gender Gap in Young Americans Political Ambition by Jennifer L.
Lawless and Richard L. Fox 5
Looks, Gender, and Ideas: Do these matter? by Bruce Anderson and David Coletto 6
Candidate Nomination in Canadas Political Parties by William Cross 8
Women in Politics: Still Searching for an Equal Voice by Ann Wicks and Raylene Lang-Dion 9
Research Method 10
Results 11
Question 1 12
Question 2 12
Question 3 12
Question 4 14
Question 5 14
Question 6 15
Questions 7 and 8 15
Question 9 16
Question 10 17
Discussion 18
Conclusion 20
Bibliography 21
Tables 24
Table 1 24
Table 2 24
Table 3 25
Table 4 25
Table 5 25
Table 6 26
Appendix 27
Appendix A 27
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 2
Introduction
The Canadian Parliament stands tall above Ottawa, a building representative of Canadian
federal political institutions: strong, established, and lacking womens bathrooms in Centre
Block until 1993 (Taber, 2012). The bathroom problem only arose when a female Members of
Parliament (MP) missed a vote while desperately searching around Centre Block for the facilities
(Taber, 2012); an event indicative of the huge divide in political representation between
Canadian women and men. Today, 26% of Canadian MPs are women (Inter-Parliamentary
Union, 2017). Although an improvement from the 18% in 1993 (Hantiuk, 2015), the number is
far from political gender parity and places Canada in 62nd place among national parliaments in
the world for female representation (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2017). What are the challenges
In terms of general gender equality, Canada placed 35th out of 144 countries in the World
Economic Forums (WEF) Global Gender Gap Report, holding a score of 0.731 with 1.00 being
total gender parity (2016). The Global Gender Gap Report is based on a plethora of factors,
including labour force participation, wage equality for similar work, education, life expectancy,
length of parental leave, and health (WEF, 2016). Although Canada is first place for gender
parity in both literacy rate and secondary education and has 1.36 more female than male
professionals and technical workers, it is 43rd place for gender parity of legislators, senior
officials, and managers with a female/male ratio of 0.55; 25th for labour force participation with
a female/male ratio of 0.91; and 68th for wage equality for similar work, with a female/male
ratio of 0.65 (WEF, 2016). According to Statistics Canada (2017), 61.3% of Canadian women
70.3% of Canadian men participate in the labour force. Moreover, 57.5% of Canadian women
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 3
and 64.9% of Canadian men are employed (see Table 1) (Statistics Canada, 2017). Thus, Canada
can be described as a country that has made progress towards socioeconomic gender parity;
political system is necessary to research the challenges women face when entering politics in
Canada. For this papers purposes, only women running for the federal level of Canadian
government for one of the House of Commons 338 seats will be studied (Elections Canada,
2015). MPs are those elected to the House of Commons from elections in an electoral district, or
with the highest number of votes wins a seat in the House of Commons and represents
The clear majority of the House of Commons consists of MPs who have a party affiliation, as
seen in Table 2. Each party has a nomination process to decide upon their candidate for each
riding, which is a process that William Cross, Political Science Professor at Carleton University,
Political parties are left on their own to decide how they nominate their candidates. They
can choose to elect a candidate through a vote of their local membership or not; they can
allow their leader to unilaterally select candidates or not; and, if they decide to permit
contests, they determine all of the procedures including the timing, venue and the
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 4
eligibility requirements both for voting and for standing as a candidate for nomination.
The nomination process is an extra process for candidates, and has always nominated majority
male candidates, as seen in Table 3 (Funke, 2015), which reduces the number of women on the
ballot during the election. Although there are political financing regulations on elections
enforced by Elections Canada, there are no such regulations in the nomination process (Elections
Canada, 2015).
Why is it important for female representation in federal politics? Simply put, women
bring their own perspective to the table and know their situation best. Thus, they need to be
included in all levels of decision-making of which federal politics is not exempt. Goals such as
gender equality, democratic governance, and other gender concerns are unlikely to be addressed
when half the population is discouraged to join politics (Miranda, 2005). Furthermore, women in
politics can create role models and mentors for the next generation. In a Global Strategy Groups
study, 63% of American women in the workplace who had mentors said they had a female
mentor, while 72% of millennial women who had mentors stated they had a female mentor (The
Rockefeller Foundation, 2016). 82% of women aged 18 to 34 believed that it is highly important
for them to have a female role model in a leadership position when entering the workforce (The
All these topics will be further discussed within the literature review. Although there is
an existing library of research on women in politics globally, there is currently limited research
on the Canadian female political situation. Among this category of research, there are no
scholarly articles concerning the perspective of those who have already experienced Canadian
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 5
politics - MPs. Thus, my research method consists of interviews with female MPs to help
identify general challenges that they faced. These challenges can then be further explored in
future research and acted upon by governments and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)
to push for more women in the House of Commons. This paper will first explore the existing
literature with regards to the challenges that women face, followed by a description of the
research method and its results. Finally, the results will be discussed in relation to the existing
data in the discussion section and then the papers topic will be summarized in the conclusion.
Literature Review
Of the limited studies on women in politics in the Canada, much of the existing literature
addresses either public opinion and gender gap in political opinion or the larger scale perspective
from the point of view of policy makers and NGOs. Included in this literature review are reports
which address women in politics; however, not all are limited to the Canadian context. Although
having solely a Canadian lens is preferred, there is a considerable amount of American research
that have been referenced by Canadian studies. According to Ed Grabb, a professor in the
University of British Columbias Department of Sociology, Canadian and American politics and
society are not identical but very similar (Waugh, 2011). Thus, it is useful to consider
American studies when understanding the gender gaps in political representation and ambition.
Girls Just Wanna Not Run: The Gender Gap in Young Americans
Political Ambition by Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox
Based on the results of a new survey of more than 2,100 American college students
between the ages of 18 and 25 which assessed the likelihood of running for public office in the
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 6
United States of America and the gender gap in ambition, Jennifer L. Lawless, Associate
Science at Loyola Marymount University, discovered that men were twice as likely to report that
they definitely plan to run for office than women whereas women were 50% more likely to
indicate that they had absolutely no interest in a future candidacy, as seen in Table 4 (Lawless
& Fox, 2013, pg. 2). Afterwards, they assessed the factors which they hypothesized causes the
gender gap in political ambition. Lawless and Fox (2013) concluded with five reasons that
contribute to the gender gap: young men are more likely than young women to be socialized by
their parents to think about politics as a career path (pg. 6); young women tend to be exposed
to less political information and discussion than do young men (pg. 8); young men are more
likely than young women to have played organized sports and care about winning (pg. 10);
young women are less likely than young men to receive encouragement to run for office (pg.
12); and young women are less likely than young men to think they will be qualified to run for
office, even once they are established in their careers (pg. 13). Women were 11% less likely
than men to be encouraged by their parents to run for office, 5% more likely to report that their
parents wish that they pursue a non-political career, 12% less likely to visit news websites, and
are 20% more likely to say that they will not know enough to run for office in the future
published the results of an online poll of 1,438 Canadians which assessed the probability of
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 7
Canadians voting for a candidate based only on the gender and appearance (Anderson & Coletto,
2014a, pg. 1). By using two pictures of a man and women, labelled Perry and Jane
respectively, they asked respondents whether or not they would consider either candidate solely
based on physical appearance. 91% responded that they would consider Jane, while 88% would
consider Perry (Anderson & Coletto, 2014a). Among those 60 or older, 89% would consider
Perry while 91% would consider Jane, indicating no generational bias (Anderson & Coletto,
2014a). When asked which candidate they would vote given only their picture, 67% voted for
Jane whereas 33% voted for Perry (Anderson & Coletto, 2014a). Although hypothetically the
two candidates should be tied, Jane did best across all demographics, indicating that tendencies
for Canadian voters to favour candidates based on gender are no longer true and may be the
opposite (Anderson & Coletto, 2014a). Anderson and Coletto (2014a) used a second picture of
both Jane and Perry, which resulted in similar results within the margin of error. However, when
asked about how each candidate would fare in certain situations, gender stereotyping was evident
(Anderson & Coletto, 2014a). 80% saw Jane as more likely than Perry to help those in need and
76% saw her as someone who would help the environment more than Perry (Anderson &
Coletto, 2014a). Janes margin narrowed when asked which one would be better in a crisis and
have better ideas for the economy, with 54% and 52% of Canadians, respectively, considering
Jane to more likely have those traits than Perry (Anderson & Coletto, 2014a). Anderson and
Coletto (2014a) conclude that, although Canadians are probably no longer basing their political
choices on gender alone, there continues to be gender stereotyping, with women perceived as
shortcomings concerning accurate representation. Cross (2006) argues that the under regulation
of the nomination processes results in undemocratic behaviour in one of the most crucial stages
Research indicates that most often the identity and characteristics of the local candidates
play a minor, secondary role in vote choice. This means that the only opportunity voters
have to consider the type of person they would like to be their Member of Parliament,
and to influence this selection unencumbered with other considerations such as their
views of the parties leaders, is at the nomination stage. (Cross, 2006, pg. 4)
The nomination stage is also crucial because of the dominance of the major political parties;
thus, Cross (2006) states that women and visible minorities can only gain representation through
these processes. He proposes that a cause with the under representation of visible minorities and
women is their disproportionate nominations for party candidacy and their nomination in
constituencies in which they have little chance of electoral success, using data from the 2006
election as seen in Table 5 to support his point (Cross, 2006). While Liberals and Conservatives
fail to make substantial increases in female candidates, the New Democratic Party (NDP) have
adopted gender-parity within its party policy, aiming for a minimum of 60% of ridings where the
NDP has a reasonable chance of winning to have female candidates (Cross, 2006). Cross (2006)
also argues that one of the biggest factors working against an increase in the number of female
candidates in the Liberal and Conservatives parties is the guarantee of renomination for
incumbents (pg. 27), which results in the re-election of overwhelmingly male candidates. He
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 9
concludes that there must be government regulation of party nominations to ensure a more
of Equal Voice, study recent developments in Iceland and Sweden in terms of female political
representation vis--vis the prospects for more female MPs in the Canadian Parliament. Wicks
and Lang-Dion (2008) discuss the media's fixation on the appearance of female politicians
compared to the minimal attention paid to those of their men, citing multiple instances of
occurrence:
While at a conference, a female cabinet minister from Ontario was introduced by a male
cabinet colleague with the statement, Shes got better legs, what can I say? The Ottawa
Citizen recently reported that a female Member of Parliament looked stunning in a black
gown with a plunging neckline, while failing to mention the attire or appearance of other
Wicks and Lang-Dion (2008) suggest that Swedens political will for gender parity combined
with their proportional representation electoral system are the driving factors behind their 47.3%
female representation in the Swedish Riksdag. Swedish political parties have pushed for gender
parity since the 1970s, and generally adhere to the 60/40 principle: neither sex is to have more
than 60 percent nor less than 40 percent of representation within party ranks (Wicks and
Lang-Dion, 2008, pg. 36). The principle is not formally legislated; rather, it is expected from
political parties by the public and thus essential for a partys electoral success (Wicks and
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 10
Lang-Dion, 2008). In Iceland, the Althingi created a multi-party committee alongside womens
campaign in 1997 which Wicks and Lang-Dion (2008) describe as a well funded, five year
(Wicks and Lang-Dion, 2008, pg. 36). Within one year of the campaign, female representation
increased from 25% to 35% (Wicks and Lang-Dion, 2008). Wicks and Lang-Dion (2008)
suggest that Canadian political parties nominate more women so that Canada can reach the
30-35% female representation threshold recommended by the United Nations for womens
priorities to be reflected in legislatures and changes in management style, group dynamic and
organization culture take place (Wicks and Lang-Dion, 2008, pg. 37).
Research Method
Members of Parliament are those who have gone through the election process and have
experienced the inner workings of Parliament firsthand. The goal of this research paper is not to
give definite statistics and solutions on the challenges women face; rather, it is to identify the
challenges and provide potential areas of research for future studies. Therefore, the qualitative
interview approach by interviewing female MPs is a logical approach, since overarching themes
can be determined among the personal challenges expressed. Female MPs were interviewed in a
structured interview format in either Canadian official language (Official Languages Act, 1985);
however, there were occasionally off-script questions if the interviewer wished for the
interviewee to elaborate on a point (see Appendix A for full interview guide). Participants signed
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 11
consent forms and engaged in either a 15-20 minutes phone or in-person interview. Although
they were aware of the topic, they did not know the questions beforehand. Due to the research
time frame, ten MPs were interviewed from mostly Liberal and NDP parties as seen in Table 6.
Results
Before discussing the results, there are limitations to this study that must be
acknowledged. In addition to being a small sample size, the MPs interviewed do not accurately
represent the Canadian regional and political diversity: five MPs are Liberal, four are NDP and
only one is Conservative, and five MPs are from Ontario, two from British Columbia, one from
Quebec, one from New Brunswick, and one from Alberta. Their region and political affiliation
could influence their individual experience with Canadian politics; however, their experiences
should be relatively similar due to Elections Canada national regulations and their similar
workplace when on Parliament Hill. Due to the qualitative nature of an interview, there is
potential for subjectivity on the part of the interviewer when interpreting the points conveyed by
quality during phone interviews as well as the interviewers French language fluency may have
Canadian women in Canadian politics face major challenges due to their gender, and their
problems are clearly reflected in the results of the interviews. See Appendix A for each specific
question asked.
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 12
Question 1
When asked to name general challenges that they faced in either their nomination or
campaign in Question 1, the most common response was the nomination process itself, with five
MPs recalling it as one of their election hurdles. Four MPs responded with finances, whether it
be difficulty fundraising or having to taking leave without pay. There were two responses
indicating for each of the following challenges: organizing a campaign for the first time; personal
skin; the energy required; and the doubt from friends, family, and mentors towards the prospect
of a political career. Finally, MP Carol Hughes also mentioned the physical size of her riding as
a major challenge, while MP Rachel Blaney stated the problem of adapting to her role as a public
figure.
Question 2
In response to the Question 2, six MPs responded with an affirmative response while four
MPs said that their parents did not talk to them often about politics. Of those four MPs, two said
that they were still regularly involved in the community when growing up and were exposed to
Question 3
When answering Question 3, every MP affirmed that there continue to be gender
stereotypes and sexist attitudes in Canadian society. Each could name examples of such
stereotypes or sexism; however, five MPs considered the sexism to be more overt whereas the
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 13
other five thought that it was more systematic. Examples of the former would be Kamal Khera
recalling the initial reaction of friends when she announced her intention to enter politics:
When I decided to run, and went out and talked to people about why I wanted to do this,
and a lot of responses I got were: You are young, and I was a registered nurse, so you
are a young registered nurse with a good job, you should get married and have kids. Like,
Another example would be Carol Hughes remembering one of her election opponents
comments: One of the candidates I was running against said that there was no way I could drive
in the riding, and surely I would be too scared to drive during wintertime. Contrarily, the other
five MPs considered more subtle forms of sexism. Rachel Blaney spoke of the frequent remarks
about her clothing during the campaign as well as the disproportionate concern for her family as
she would be, as a MP, away from home for long periods of time. She described people asking,
how can you leave your children?, and how some individuals felt that she was abandoning her
family as a mother. Meanwhile, Anita Vandenbeld described the wording used to describe her in
I remember, during the campaign, I was running against John Baird, who was less than
two years older than me, and he was always referred to as Senior Cabinet Minister and I
was referred to as young woman politician or young woman candidate. I know that
one of the first things that started happening to me, that surprised me, was the focus on
my appearance, how many people, including women, would be critical and, oh, heres a
coupon to my hair salon, let me do something to your hair, it needs to be longer, it needs
to be shorter, everything down to the fact that I couldnt wear open-toed shoes unless I
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 14
had a pedicure. I was like, I really dont think any male opponent of mine has been told
Although MPs considered this form of sexism as unintentional, they still saw it a great challenge
to overcome.
Question 4
In response to Question 4, all MPs also had consensus on the perception of Parliament
and politics being an old boys club and its deterrence of female engagement with politics.
Five mentioned specifically the stereotype of a politician being an older, white, male lawyer. MP
Sheila Malcolmson said, If people see an actual reflection of society in politics, theyll feel
Question 5
Question 5 resulted in a split in opinion, with four MPs considering their gender a barrier
when deciding to enter politics while the other six did not think of their gender as a barrier before
entering politics. Those who did reply Yes indicated that they were asked repeatedly to run by
somebody else or had to gain more experience before building up the confidence to run. MP
Rachael Harder stated that in her youth she believed that politics was a world controlled by
men, and I didnt see room for me there, and Sheila Malcolmson remembered that she had to be
asked over twenty times before running, citing her age and the possible strain on her marriage
as reasons for doubt. On the contrary, the other six MPs did not consider their gender before
entering. MP Alaina Lockhart, the first female MP for the riding of Fundy Royal, simply said the
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 15
fact isnt something that plays high on my radar, and Anita Vandenbeld recalled that she
Question 6
When asked whether their gender and gender stereotypes affected the way they
campaigned, seven MPs responded yes while three responded no. While MPs Kate Young,
Rachael Harder and Sonia Sidhu did not believe that gender affected the way they campaigned,
citing a proper support network and the gruelling efforts needed in a campaign for all genders,
the other seven believed that being a woman requires more effort, and especially to prove their
credibility. Rachel Blaney described their situation as: women need to work twice as hard to be
half as recognized. Furthermore, MPs Anne Minh-Thu Quach and Kamal Khera described the
intersectionality of their issues as young women of colour and how they needed to work even
harder to prove themselves to their constituents. Anne Minh-Thu Quach, who represents the rural
[Translated from French] As I am Vietnamese, a lot of people believed that I could not
speak French and that I wasnt from around here so I had to double my efforts to make
people realize that I could speak French and that I was from the region. [...] Then, there
were some people who thought I was very young, and wondered if I had the experience
Questions 7 and 8
These two questions, addressing potential sexist behaviour on Parliament Hill, had six
MPs answer that they personally experienced a difference in treatment towards men and women
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 16
on the Hill, whereas Rachael Harder, Sheila Malcolmson, Kate Young, and Sonia Sidhu
responded that they had not personally experienced sexism. However, Sheila Malcolmson,
Rachael Harder and Kate Young recognized that there was either direct or potential for sexism
towards other MPs, with Kate Young specifically citing her older age as a reason why she
experienced less sexism than her younger colleagues. There were a variety of experiences that
other MPs deemed sexist: the fixation on appearance, which Anne Minh-Thu Quach describes as
we never tell guys oh, youre dressed well today instead of starting with work, but we always
tell women that; gender-specific aggressive behaviour, which Kamal Khera defined as
actions such as heckling; the crediting of an idea going towards a male MP instead of a female
MP who also brought it forward, which Anita Vandenbeld recalled occurring occasionally during
committee; and overt comments related to gender, such as Carol Hughes memory of a question
period where a Conservative MP remarked to the Green MP I dont know where this MP is
coming from with her soap box. Rachael Harder mentioned later in her response to Question 8
that she has probably experienced potentially sexist remarks, such as when someone said oh,
put beauty at the front during a photo; however, she said that the words of others only have
weight if I give them weight. Rachael Harder and Sonia Sidhu explicitly stated that they have
been met with respect from all colleagues, both male and female.
Question 9
This open-ended question resulted in a few general themes proposed by multiple MPs
with regards to the underrepresentation of women: family obligations, and especially the social
pressure for women to stay at home and take care of children or the elderly, which was
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 17
mentioned by seven MPs; the lack of existing female role models and mentors, which was also
mentioned by seven MPs; the party nomination process, which was mentioned by two MPs; and,
finally, various social expectations for women, which were mentioned by all MPs with examples
of such including women not being asked enough to run and, in general, according to Kate
Young, Rachael Harder, Sheila Malcolmson, and Anita Vandenbeld, not having as much
confidence.
Question 10
In response to Question 10, no MP openly supported a political quota for either female
candidates or MPs. Many provided other alternatives to improve female representation, such as
having Elections Canada regulate the party nomination process, making Parliament more family
friendly, changing societal norms, or providing financial incentives to political parties. The NDP
MPs all mentioned their support of the NDPs gender parity party policy and the defeated Private
Members Bill C-237 proposed by NDP MP Kennedy Stewart, which would have reduced the
reimbursement parties receive for their election expenses if there was more than a 10% gender
gap on the partys list of candidates for a general election (An Act to amend the Canada
Elections Act (gender equity), 2016). Alaina Lockhart and Rachael Harder explicitly mentioned
that they wished instead for an organic change to occur for women to earn their seats at the table
rather than a policy such as a gender quota or Bill C-237. Liberal MPs all strongly supported
Discussion
The responses MPs gave can be related to the challenges that women face when entering
politics in two key themes: the party nomination process and the socialization of women.
The responses mentioning the nomination process closely correlates to the previous
The thing is the actual candidates, looking at who do I trust, whose values do I
support, whos qualified, and were not putting that gender bias, but we think that
other people do, so when we ask the question, do you think that women are as likely to
get elected?, about 80% or 85% of Canadians say no. So, what happens is the
nomination. [...] If youre a party member choosing who you want to represent your
party, youre looking at who you think will win. If you already have a bias that says that
you think that other people wont go for women, or you have a bias towards whos won
before, whos winnable, well the only people whove won before are middle-aged men,
and youre going to be looking for that, youre going to be looking for those qualities.
And so instead of asking the question who do I trust?, youre asking the question who
do I think other people will vote for?. And thats where the biases and stereotypes come
in.
MPs who did mention the nomination process also mentioned the challenge of running against
male candidates. Rachael Harder faced three older men in her nomination campaign, and she
recalled being nicknamed little girl by an opponent. As William Cross (2006) mentioned, the
federal Liberal and Conservative Parties have experienced a lack of female candidates, while the
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 19
NDPs gender parity nomination policy has made substantial increases in female nominations.
Furthermore, financial stability and resources were also a main challenge that female MPs
mentioned, and the current economic disparity between men and women according to StatsCan
(2016) and WEF (2016) likely contributes to the smaller pool of female candidates.
All MPs mentioned the socialization of women in some form, including but not limited to
the willingness to consider politics as a career and the social pressure towards ones family. In
Anderson and Colettos (2014b) paper Politics Anyone? they found that there was a 13% gender
gap in political ambition between Canadian men and women. Many female MPs mentioned their
uncertainty towards entering politics, and some said that they had to be asked multiple times by
someone else to finally decide to make a bid for the nomination. Moreover, most MPs had
spoken to parents about politics and received encouragement growing up, which correlates with
Lawless and Foxs (2013) research that found that 50% of college students whose mothers
regularly suggested they run for office and 46% of students whose fathers suggested they run for
office reported that they would definitely run for office in the future. However, women in the
study were 10% less likely to be encouraged to run by their parents than men, with only 23% of
female college students who reported that they were encouraged (Lawless and Fox, 2013). This
matches the MPs responses with regards to the lack of encouragement women face and their
increased likelihood to dismiss politics as a career. Additionally, MPs also had consensus that
women are socially expected to care for families and therefore have more doubt towards an
occupation such as a MP, which demands unpredictable hours and long periods away from
Among working women with children under age 18, fully half (51%) say being a
working parent has made it harder for them to advance in their job or career. By
comparison, only 16% of men with children under age 18 say being a working parent has
made it harder for them to advance at work (Pew Research Centre, 2013, pars. 6)
These results that women continue to bear the brunt of raising a family, and thus are deterred
from participating in a demanding job such as politics unless, as many MPs mentioned,
Conclusion
Canadian women continue to progress slowly towards equal representation. According to
Equal Voice researcher Grace Lore, At the current rate of change, its going to be another 90
[years] before we see an equal number of men and women (Aiello, 2017). Researching the
perspective of female Members of Parliament has correlated existing research and confirmed
clear challenges facing Canadian women trying to enter politics today, including, but not limited
to, social expectations and the current nomination system. These mark areas for deeper research
and where initiatives from both governments and NGOs can be targeted to help improve female
Iceland (Wicks and Lang-Dion, 2008) to encourage more female participation or providing
support for mothers in politics, the research results strongly support programs targeting the
challenges identified. As Alaina Lockhart said, we need to show women theres a place for
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Tables
Table 1
National labour force, employment and unemployment rates in 2016
Participation Rate Unemployment Rate Employment Rate
Table 2
Current MPs in the 42nd Parliament by Political Affiliation and Sex
Political Affiliation Total: Both Sexes # of Male # of Female
Conservative 97 80 17
NDP 44 26 18
Bloc Quebcois 10 8 2
Green Party 1 0 1
Note. Adapted from Current Members of Parliament, by Parliament of Canada, retrieved from
http://www.parl.gc.ca/Parliamentarians/en/members?view=List¤tOnly=true&caucusId=4
Table 3
42nd General Election Candidates by Sex and Political Affiliation among Major Political
Parties
Political Affiliation Total: Both Sexes # of Male # of Female
Table 4
Responses to: Have You Ever Thought That, When Youre Older, You Might Want To Run For
Political Office?
Response Male Female
Table 5
Nominated and Successful Female Candidates in the 2004 and 2006 Elections by Party (as a
percentage of all candidates in party)
Political 2004 Nominated 2004 2006 Nominated 2006
Affiliation Elected Elected
Table 6
MPs Interviewed by Name and Party
Name (Riding) Party Affiliation
Appendix
Appendix A
Standardized Interview Questions
Q1: What were general challenges for you, as an MP, in terms of campaigning and
running for office?
Quels ont t les dfis gnrals, comme dput, pendant votre campagne et quand
vous vous prsentez aux lections?
Q2: Would you say you were brought up in a political environment? For example, did you
parents encourage you to keep up with politics and current affairs? Did they talk to you about
politics?
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 28
Direz-vous que vous avez agrandi dans une environnement politique? Par exemple,
est-ce que vos parents vous avez encourag dapprendre propos la politique et les
nouvelles? Est-ce quils vous ont parl propos les politiques?
Q3: Do you think that some people have different perceptions of the roles different
genders should have in society, e.g. do gender stereotypes still exist? If yes, what do you
consider to be examples of these perceptions? If not, why?
Pensez-vous que des gens ont des perceptions diffrents des rles que des sexes
diffrents devraient avoir dans la socit, i.e. -til des strotypes des sexes? Si oui, que
considrez-vous des exemples de ces perceptions? Si non, pourquoi?
Q4: How do you think gender role perceptions/stereotypes affect the perception of politics?
Comment pensez-vous que les perceptions des rles ou strotypes des sexes
affectent la perception de la politique?
Q6: Do you think gender and gender role perceptions/stereotypes affect the way
candidates campaign?
Pensez-vous que la sexe et la perception des rles/strotypes des sexes affect la
faon que les candidats campagne?
Q7: In your political experience, would you say there is a difference in the way different
genders are treated in politics? If so, what would be an example of this difference? If not,
what would be an example of similar treatment?
Pendant votre exprience dans les politiques, direz-vous que la manire quon utilise
envers les different sexes soit diffrent? Si oui, que serait un exemple de cette diffrence? Si
non, que serait un exemple de la traitement similaire?
Q8: Do you think there were times where you were treated differently, whether when
campaigning or on the Hill, because of your gender?
Pensez-vous quil y avait des temps o vous avez t trait diffremment, soit
pendant votre campagne soit dans la parliament, cause de votre sexe?
Q9: What would you say accounts for the fact that only 26% of MPs are women?
CHALLENGES FACING WOMEN ENTERING CANADIAN POLITICS 29
Que pensez-vous est la cause de la fait que seulement 26% des dputs sont des
femmes?
Q10: Do you think a gender quota would help fight gender role perceptions?
Pensez-vous quun quota de sexe pourra aider combattre les perceptions des rles
des genres?