Donnchadh, Earl of Carrick

Donnchadh (Latin: Duncanus; English: Duncan) was Hoveden, and the material preserved in the writings of
a Gall-Gaidhil prince and Scottish magnate in what is John of Fordun and Walter Bower.[4]
now south-western Scotland, whose career stretched from
Roger of Hoveden wrote two important works: the Gesta
the last quarter of the 12th century until his death in Henrici II (Deeds of Henry II, alternatively titled Gesta
1250. His father, Gille-Brighde of Galloway, and his
Henrici et Ricardi, Deeds of Henry and Richard) and
uncle, Uhtred of Galloway, were the two rival sons of the Chronica, the latter a re-worked and supplemented
Fergus, Prince or Lord of Galloway. As a result of Gille-
version of the former.[5] These works are the most im-
Brighdes conict with Uhtred and the Scottish monarch portant and valuable sources for Scottish history in the
William the Lion, Donnchadh became a hostage of King late 12th century.[6] The Gesta Henrici II covers the pe-
Henry II of England. He probably remained in England riod from 1169 to April 1192, and the Chronica cov-
for almost a decade before returning north on the death ers events until 1201.[7] Roger of Hoveden is particu-
of his father. Although denied succession to all the lands larly important in relation to what is now south-western
of Galloway he was granted lordship over Carrick in the Scotland, the land of the Gall-Gaidhil. He served as an
north. emissary in the region in 1174 on behalf of the English
Allied to John de Courcy, Donnchadh fought battles in monarch, and thus his account of, for example, the ap-
Ireland and acquired land there that he subsequently lost. proach of Donnchadhs father Gille-Brighde towards the
A patron of religious houses, particularly Melrose Abbey English king comes from a witness.[8] Historians rely on
and North Berwick priory nunnery, he attempted to es- Rogers writings for a number of important details about
tablish a monastery in his own territory, at Crossraguel. Donnchadhs life: that Gille-Brighde handed Donnchadh
He married the daughter of Alan tz Walter, a leading over as a hostage to Henry II under the care of Hugh de
member of the family later known as the House of Stew- Morwic, Sheri of Cumberland; that Donnchcadh mar-
artfuture monarchs of Scotland and England. Donn- ried the daughter of Alan tz Walter under protest from
chadh was the rst mormaer or earl of Carrick, a region the Scottish king; and that Donnchadh fought a battle
he ruled for more than six decades, making him one of in Ireland in 1197 assisting John de Courcy, Prince of
the longest serving magnates in medieval Scotland. His Ulster.[9]
descendants include the Bruce and Stewart Kings of Scot-
Another important chronicle source is the material pre-
land, and probably the Campbell Dukes of Argyll. served in John of Forduns Chronica gentis Scottorum
(Chronicle of the Scottish people) and Walter Bowers
Scotichronicon. John of Forduns work, which survives on
1 Sources its own, was incorporated in the following century into the
work of Bower. Forduns Chronica was written and com-
[10]
Donnchadhs career is not well documented in the sur- piled between 1384 and August 1387. Despite the ap-
viving sources. Charters provide a little information parently late date, Scottish textual historian Dauvit Broun
about some of his activities, but overall their usefulness has shown that Forduns work in fact consists of two ear-
is limited; this is because no charter-collections (called lier pieces, Gesta Annalia I and Gesta Annalia II, the for-
cartularies) from the Gaelic south-west have survived the mer written before April 1285 and covering the period
Middle Ages, and the only surviving charters relevant to from King Mel Coluim mac Donnchada [11]
(Malcolm III,
Donnchadhs career come from the heavily Normanised died 1093) to 2 February 1285. Gesta Annalia I ap-
[2]
English-speaking area to the east. Principally, the rel- pears to have been based on an even earlier text, about the
evant charters record his acts of patronage towards reli- descendants of Saint Margaret of Scotland, produced at
[12]
gious houses, but incidental details mentioned in the body Dunfermline Abbey. Thus material from these works
of these texts and the witness lists subscribed to them are concerning the late 12th and early 13th century Gall-
useful for other matters.[3] Gaidhil may represent, despite the apparent late date, re-
liable contemporary or near-contemporary accounts.[13]
Some English government records describe his activities
in relation to Ireland, and occasional chronicle entries
from England and the English-speaking regions of what
became south-eastern Scotland record other important
details. Aside from the Chronicle of Melrose, the most
signicant of these sources are the works of Roger of

1
2 3 ORIGINS AND FAMILY

2 Geographic and cultural back- of what is now Galloway.[23] Kingarth (Cenn Garadh)
and Eigg (Eic) were described as in Galloway (Gall-
ground gaidelaib) by the Martyrology of engus, in contrast
to Whithorn part of modern Gallowaywhich was
named as lying within another kingdom, The Rhinns
(Na Renna).[24] These areas had been part of the King-
dom of Northumbria until the 9th century, and afterward
were transformed by a process very poorly documented,
but probably carried out by numerous small bands of
culturally Scandinavian but linguistically Gaelic warrior-
settlers moving in from Ireland and southern Argyll.[25]
Galloway today only refers to the lands of Rhinns,
Farines, Glenken, Desnes Mr and Desnes Ioan (that is,
Wigtownshire and the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright), but
this is due to the territorial changes that took place in
and around Donnchadhs lifetime rather than being the
contemporary denition.[26] For instance, a 12th-century
piece of marginalia located the island of Ailsa Craig ly-
ing between Gallgaedelu [Galloway] and Cend Tiri [Kin-
tyre]", while a charter of Mel Coluim IV (Malcolm
IV) describes Strathgryfe, Cunningham, Kyle and Car-
rick as the four cadrez (probably from ceathramh, quar-
Linguistic regions and provinces of what is now southern ter"s) of Galloway; an Irish annal entry for the year 1154
Scotland[14] designated galleys from Arran, Kintyre, the Isle of Man
as Gallghaoidhel, Galwegian.[27]
Donnchadhs territory lay in what is now Scotland south
of the River Forth, a multi-ethnic region during the late By the middle of the 12th century the former territory of
12th century.[15] North of the Forth was the Gaelic king- the kingdom of the Rhinns was part of Galloway king-
dom of Scotland (Alba), which under its partially Nor- dom, but the area to the north was not. Strathgryfe, Kyle
manised kings exercised direct or indirect control over and Cunningham had come under the control of the Scot-
most of the region to the south as far as the borders tish king in the early 12th century, much of it given over
of Northumberland and Cumberland.[16] Lothian and the to soldiers of French or Anglo-French origin.[28] Strath-
Merse were the heartlands of the northern part of the gryfe and most of Kyle had been given to Walter tz
old English Earldom of Northumbria,[17] and in the late Alan under King David I, with Hugh de Morville taking
12th century the people of these regions, as well as the Cunningham.[29] Strathnith still had a Gaelic ruler (ances-
people of Lauderdale, Eskdale, Liddesdale, and most of tor of the famous Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray),
Teviotdale and Annandale, were English in language and but he was not part of the kingdom of Galloway.[30] The
regarded themselves as English by ethnicity, despite hav- rest of the regionthe Rhinns, Farines, Carrick, Desnes
ing been under the control of the king of the Scots for at Mr and Desnes Ioan, and the sparsely settled uplands
least a century.[18] of Glenkenwas probably under the control of the sons
of Fergus, King of Galloway, in the years before Donn-
Clydesdale (or Strathclyde) was the heartland of the old chadhs career in the region.[31]
Kingdom of Strathclyde; by Donnchadhs day the Scots
had settled many English and Continental Europeans
(principally Flemings) in the region, and administered it
through the sheridom of Lanark.[19] Gaelic too had pen- 3 Origins and family
etrated much of the old Northumbrian and Strathclyde
territory, coming from the west, south-west and the north, Donnchadh was the son of Gille-Brighde, son of Fergus,
a situation that led historian Alex Woolf to compare the king of the Gall-Gaidhil. Donnchadhs ancestry cannot
region to the Balkans.[20] The British language of the area, be traced further; no patronymic is known for Fergus
as a result of such developments, was probably either dead from contemporary sources, and when Fergus succes-
or almost dead, perhaps surviving only in the uplands of sors enumerate their ancestors in documents, they never
Clydesdale, Tweeddale and Annandale.[21] go earlier than he does.[32] The name Gille-Brighde, used
The rest of the region was settled by the people called by Donnchadhs father (Fergus son), was also the name
Gall-Gaidhil (modern Scottish Gaelic: Gall-Ghidheil) of the father of Somhairle, petty king of Argyll in the
in their own language, variations of Gallwedienses in third quarter of the 12th century.[33] As the original ter-
Latin, and normally Galwegians or Gallovidians in mod- ritory of the Gall-Gaidhil kingdom probably adjoined or
ern English.[22] References in the 11th century to the included Argyll, Alex Woolf has suggested that Fergus
kingdom of the Gall-Gaidhil centre it far to the north and Somhairle were brothers or cousins.[33]
 3

Donnchadh Fergus
It is unclear how many siblings Donnchadh had, but two
mormaer of Fife
(died 1154)
King of the Gall-Gaidhil
(died 1161) at least are known. The rst, Mel Coluim, led the forces
that besieged Gille-Brighdes brother Uhtred on Dee is-
land (probably Threave) in Galloway in 1174.[39] This
Donnchadh
mormaer of Fife
daughter ? Gille-Brighde
died 1185
Uhtred
died 1174
Mel Coluim captured Uhtred, who subsequently, in ad-
(died 1224)
dition to being blinded and castrated, had his tongue
cut out.[39] Nothing more is known of Mel Coluims
Mel Coluim Mel Coluim
mormaer of Fife died 1174
Gille-Chonaill
"Manntach"(. 1233)
Lochlann (Roland)
King of the Gall-Gaidhil
life; there is speculation by some modern historians that
(died 1228)
Donnchadh
(died 1200)
he was illegitimate.[40] Another brother appears in the
mormaer of Carrick
(died 1250) records of Paisley Abbey. In 1233, one Gille-Chonaill
Family of Donnchadh,
Ailean (Alan)
King of the Gall-Gaidhil
Tmas
mormaer of Atholl
Manntach, the Stammerer (recorded Gillokonel Man-
mormaer of Carrick (died 1231)
(died 1234)
thac), gave evidence regarding a land dispute in Strath-
clyde; the document described him as the brother of the
Earl of Carrick, who at that time was Donnchadh.[41]
Family of Donnchadh

There is a body of circumstantial evidence that sug-

gests Donnchadhs mother was a daughter or sister of
Donnchadh II, Earl of Fife.[34] This includes Donn-
chadhs association with the Cistercian nunnery of North
Berwick, founded by Donnchadh II of Fifes father,
Donnchadh I of Fife; close ties seem to have existed be-
tween the two families, while Donnchadhs own name is
further evidence.[35] The historian who suggested this in
2000, Richard Oram, came to regard this conjecture as
certain by 2004.[36]
The Island of Dee, now the location of the late medieval Threave Lochlann (Roland) invaded western Galloway, Roger of
Castle, viewed from the south-east; it was probably this island Hoveden described the action as contrary to [Henrys]
that Uhtred retreated to when he was besieged by Donnchadhs prohibition.
brother Mel Coluim
Roger of Hoveden described Uhtred of Galloway as a
consanguinus (cousin) of King Henry II of England, an
assertion that has given rise to the theory that, since Gille-
Brighde is never described as such, they must have been
from dierent mothers. Fergus must therefore, accord-
ing to the theory, have had two wives, one of whom was
a bastard daughter of Henry I; that is, Uhtred and his de-
scendants were related to the English royal family, while
Gille-Brighde and his descendants were not.[37] Accord-
ing to historian G.W.S. Barrow, the theory is disproved
by one English royal document, written in the name of
King John of England, which likewise asserts that Donn-
chadh was Johns cousin.[38]
4 Exile and return
In 1160, Mel Coluim mac Eanric (Malcolm IV), king
of the Scots, forced Fergus into retirement, and brought
Galloway under his overlordship.[42] It is likely that from
1161 until 1174, Fergus sons Gille-Brighde and Uhtred
shared the lordship of the Gall-Gaidhil under the Scot-
tish kings authority, with Gille-Brighde in the west and
Uhtred in the east.[43] When in 1174 the Scottish king
William the Lion was captured during an invasion of
England,[44] the brothers responded by rebelling against
the Scottish monarch.[39] Subsequently, they fought each
other, with Donnchadhs father ultimately prevailing.[39]
Having defeated his brother, Gille-Brighde unsuccess-
fully sought to become a direct vassal of Henry II, king
of England.[45] An agreement was obtained with Henry
in 1176, Gille-Brighde promising to pay him 1000 marks
of silver and handing over his son Donnchadh as a
hostage.[46] Donnchadh was taken into the care of Hugh
de Morwic, sheri of Cumberland.[47] The agreement
seems to have included recognising Donnchadhs right to
inherit Gille-Brighdes lands, for nine years later, in the
aftermath of Gille-Brighdes death, when Uhtreds son
[48]
The activities of Donnchadhs father Gille-Brighde af-
ter 1176 are unclear, but some time before 1184 King
William raised an army to punish Gille-Brighde and the
other Galwegians who had wasted his land and slain his
vassals";[49] he held o the endeavour, probably because
he was worried about the response of Gille-Brighdes pro-
tector Henry II.[50] There were raids on Williams terri-
tory until Gille-Brighdes death in 1185.[51] The death of
Gille-Brighde prompted Donnchadhs cousin Lochlann,
supported by the Scottish king, to attempt a takeover, thus
threatening Donnchadhs inheritance.[52] At that time
Donnchadh was still a hostage in the care of Hugh de
Morwic.[53]
The Gesta Annalia I claimed that Donnchadhs patrimony
4 5 RULER OF CARRICK

was defended by chieftains called Somhairle (Samuel), fathers land in the west of the kingdom of Gall-Gaidhil,
Gille-Patraic, and Eanric Mac Cennetig (Henry Mac namely the earldom of Carrick.[62]
Kennedy).[54] Lochlann and his army met these men in When Donnchadh adopted or was given the title of earl
battle on 4 July 1185 and, according to the Chronicle (Latin: comes), or in his own language mormaer, is a de-
of Melrose, killed Gille-Patraic and a substantial num- bated question. Historian Alan Orr Anderson argued that
ber of his warriors.[55] Another battle took place on 30 he began using the title of comes between 1214 and 1216,
September, and although Lochlanns forces were prob- based on Donnchadhs appearance as a witness to two
ably victorious, killing opponent leader Gille-Coluim, charters issued by Thomas de Colville; the rst, known
the encounter led to the death of Lochlanns unnamed
as Melrose 193 (this being its number in Cosmo Innes's
brother.[56] Lochlanns activities provoked a response printed version of the cartulary), was dated by Anderson
from King Henry who, according to historian Richard
to 1214.[63] In this charter, Donnchadh has no title.[63] By
Oram, was not prepared to accept a fait accompli that contrast Donnchadh was styled comes in a charter dated
disinherited the son of a useful vassal, ew in the face of
by Anderson to 1216, Melrose 192.[64]
the settlement which he had imposed ... and deprived him
of inuence over a vitally strategic zone on the north-west Oram pointed out that Donnchadh was styled comes in a
periphery of his realm.[54] grant to Melrose Abbey witnessed by Richard de Morville
(Melrose 32), who died in 1196.[65] If the wording in this
According to Hoveden, in May 1186 Henry ordered the charter is accurate, then Donnchadh was using the title
king and magnates of Scotland to subdue Lochlann; in before Richards death: that is, in or before 1196.[66] Fur-
response Lochlann collected numerous horse and foot thermore, while Anderson dated Melrose 192 with refer-
and obstructed the entrances to Galloway and its roads to ence to Abbot William III de Courcy (abbot of Melrose
what extent he could.[57] Richard Oram did not believe from 1215 to 1216), Oram identied Abbot William as
that the Scots really intended to do this, as Lochlann was Abbot William II (abbot from 1202 to 1206).[67] When-
their dependent and probably acted with their consent; ever Donnchadh adopted the title, he is the rst known
this, Oram argued, explains why Henry himself raised an earl of the region.[68]
army and marched north to Carlisle.[58] When Henry ar-
rived he instructed King William and his brother David,
Earl of Huntingdon, to come to Carlisle, and to bring
Lochlann with them.[59]
Lochlann ignored Henrys summons until an embassy
consisting of Hugh de Puiset, Bishop of Durham and Jus-
ticiar Ranulf de Glanville provided him with hostages as
a guarantee of his safety;[60] when he agreed to travel
to Carlisle with the kings ambassadors.[60] Hoveden
wrote that Lochlann was allowed to keep the land that
his father Uhtred had held on the day he was alive
and dead, but that the land of Gille-Brighde that was
claimed by Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, would be
settled in Henrys court, to which Lochlann would be
summoned.[60] Lochlann agreed to these terms.[60] King
William and Earl David swore an oath to enforce the
agreement, with Jocelin, Bishop of Glasgow, instructed
to excommunicate any party that should breach their
oath.[60]

5 Ruler of Carrick
There is no record of any subsequent court hearing, but
the Gesta Annalia I relates that Donnchadh was granted
Carrick on condition of peace with Lochlann, and em-
phasises the role of King William (as opposed to Henry)
in resolving the conict.[61] Richard Oram has pointed out
that Donnchadhs grant to Melrose Abbey between 1189
and 1198 was witnessed by his cousin Lochlann, evidence
perhaps that relations between the two had become more
cordial.[62] Although no details are given any contempo-
rary source, Donnchadh gained possession of some of his
Settlements and churches of Carrick in and around Donnchadhs
era
Carrick was located in the Firth of Clyde, in the Irish Sea
region far from the main centres of Scottish and Anglo-
Norman inuence lying to its east and south-east. Car-
rick was separated from Kyle in the north and north-
east by the river Doon, and from Galloway proper by
Glenapp and by the adjacent hills and forests.[69] There
were three main rivers, the Doon, the Girvan and the
Stinchar, though most of the province was hilly, mean-
ing that most wealth came from animal husbandry rather
 5

than arable farming.[69] The population of Carrick, like
that in neighbouring Galloway, consisted of kin groups
governed by a chief or captain (cenn, Latin capi-
taneus).[70] Above these captains was the Cenn Cineoil
("kenkynolle"), the kin-captain of Carrick, a position
held by the mormaer; it was not until after Donnchadhs
death that these two positions were separated.[71] The
best recorded groups are Donnchadhs own group (known
only as de Carrick, of Carrick) and the Mac Cenntig
(Kennedy) family, who seem to have provided the earl-
doms hereditary stewards.[72]
The population was governed under these leaders by a
customary law that remained distinct from the common
law of Scotland for the remainder of the Middle Ages.[73]
One documented aspect of Carrick and Galloway law was
the power of sergeants (an original Gaelic word Latinised
as Kethres),[74] ocials of the earl or of other captains,
to claim one night of free hospitality (a privilege called
sorryn et frithalos), and to accuse and arrest with little
restriction.[75] The personal demesne, or lands, of the earl
was probably extensive in Donnchadhs time; in 1260,
during the minority of Donnchadhs descendant Count-
ess Marjory of Carrick, an assessment made by the Scot-
tish king showed that the earls had estates throughout the
province, in upland locations like Straiton, Glengennet
and Bennan, as well as in the east in locations such as
Turnberry and Dalquharran.[76]
Earl of Strathearn, as well as probable members of Don-
nchadhs retinue, like Gille-Osald mac Gille-Anndrais,
Gille-nan-Nemh mac Cholmain, Gille-Chrst Bretnach
(the Briton), and Donnchadhs chamberlain tgar mac
Muireadhaich.[82] edh son of the mormaer of Lennox
also witnessed these grants, and sometime between 1208
and 1214 Donnchadh (as Lord Donnchadh) subscribed
(i.e. his name was written at the bottom, as a witness to)
a charter of Maol Domhnaich, Earl of Lennox, son and
heir of Mormaer Ailean II, to the bishopric of Glasgow
regarding the church of Campsie.[83]
There are records of patronage towards the nunnery of
North Berwick, a house founded by Donnchadhs proba-
ble maternal grandfather or great-grandfather Donnchadh
I of Fife.[84] He gave that house the rectorship of the
church of St Cuthbert of Maybole sometime between
1189 and 1250.[85] In addition to Maybole, he gave the
church of St Brigit at Kirkbride to the nuns, as well as a
grant of 3 marks from a place called Barrebeth.[86] Re-
lations with the bishop of Glasgow, within whose dio-
cese Carrick lay, are also attested. For instance, on 21
July 1225, at Ayr in Kyle, Donnchadh made a promise of
tithes to Walter, Bishop of Glasgow.[87]

6 Relations with the church

Records exist for Donnchadhs religious patronage, and
these records provide evidence for Donnchadhs asso-
ciates as well as the earl himself. Around 1200 Earl James A. Morris illustration of how the Cluniac Abbey of Crosss-
raguel roughly looked before its destruction in the early modern
Donnchadh allowed the monks of Melrose Abbey use of
era
saltpans from his land at Turnberry.[77] Between 1189 and
1198 he had granted the church of Maybothelbeg (Little Donnchadhs most important long-term patronage was a
Maybole") and the lands of Beath (Bethc) to this Cister- series of gifts to the Cluniac Abbey of Paisley that led
cian house.[78] The grant is mentioned by the Chronicle to the foundation of a monastery at Crossraguel (Crois
of Melrose, under the year 1193: Riaghail). At some date before 1227 he granted Cross-
raguel and a place called Suthblan to Paisley, a grant
Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, of Gal- conrmed by Pope Honorius III on 23 January 1227.[88]
loway, gave to God and St Mary and the monks A royal conrmation by King Alexander III of Scotland
of Melrose a certain part of their land in Car- dated to 25 August 1236 shows that Donnchadh granted
rick that is called Maybole, in perpetual alms, the monastery the churches of Kirkoswald (Turnberry),
for the salvation of his soul, and the souls of all Straiton and Dalquharran (Old Dailly).[89] He may also
his relatives; in presence of bishop Jocelin, and have given the churches of Girvan and Kirkcudbright-
many other witnesses.[79] Innertig (Ballantrae).[90]
It is clear from several sources that Donnchadh made
These estates were very rich, and became attached to these grants on the condition that the Abbey of Paisley es-
Melroses super-grange" at Mauchline in Kyle.[80] In tablished a Cluniac house in Carrick, but that the Abbey
1285 Melrose Abbey was able to persuade the earl of the did not full this condition, arguing that it was not obliged
time to force its tenants in Carrick to use the lex Angli-
to do so.[88] The Bishop of Glasgow intervened in 1244
cana (the English law).[81] and determined that a house of Cluniac monks from Pais-
Witness to both grants were some prominent churchman ley should indeed be founded there, that the house should
connected with Melrose: magnates like Earl Donnchadh be exempt from the jurisdiction of Paisley save recogni-
II of Fife, the latters son Mel Coluim, Gille Brigte, tion of the common Cluniac Order, but that the Abbot of
6 8 IRELAND

Paisley could visit the house annually. After the founda- 1190 he was constable of Dumfries, the royal castle which
tion Paisley was to hand over its Carrick properties to the had been planted in Strathnith by the Scottish king, prob-
newly established monastery.[91] ably overrun by the Gall-Gaidhil in the revolt of 1174 be-
[100]
A papal bull of 11 July 1265 reveals that Paisley Abbey fore being restored afterwards. Evidence that he pos-
built only a small oratory served by Paisley monks. [92] sessed land in the region under Donnchadhs overlordship
Twenty years after the bishops ruling Paisley complained comes from the opening years of the 13th century when
to the papacy, which led Pope Clement IV to issue two he made a grant of land around Dalmellington to the Cis-
[101]
bulls, dated 11 June 1265 and 6 February 1266, appoint- tercians of Vaudey Abbey. Historians G. W. S. Bar-
row and Hector MacQueen both thought that Thomas
ing mandatories to settle the dispute; the results of their
deliberations are unknown. [92]
Crossraguel was not - nickname the Scot (which then could mean a Gael
as well as someone from north of the Forth), is a reec-
nally founded until about two decades after Donnchadhs
death, probably by 1270; its rst abbot, Abbot Patrick, is tion of Thomas exposure to the culture of the south-west
[93] during his career there.[102]
attested between 1274 and 1292.
It is not known how these two men acquired the patron-
age of Donnchadh or his family. Writing in 1980 the
7 Anglo-French world historian of Anglo-Norman Scotland G. W. S. Barrow
could nd no cause for their presence in the area, and
declared that they were for the present impossible to ac-
In secular aairs one of the few important facts recorded count for.[103] As Richard Oram pointed out, in one of
about Donnchadh was his marriage to Avelina, daugh- his charters Roger de Skelbrooke called Donnchadhs fa-
ter of Alan tz Walter, lord of Strathgryfe and [north- ther Gille-Brighde my lord, indicating that Donnchadh
ern] Kyle, and High Steward of Scotland. The mar- probably inherited them in his territory.[104] Neither of
riage is known from Roger of Hovedens Chronica, which them left traceable ospring in the region, and even if
recorded that in 1200 Donnchadh: they did represent for Carrick what could have been the
embryonic stages of the kind of Normanisation that was
Carried o (rapuit) Avelina, daughter of taking place further east, the process was halted during
Alan tz Walter, lord of Renfrew, before Donnchadhs period as ruler.[105] Vaudey Abbey trans-
William king of Scotland returned from Eng- ferred the land granted to it by Donnchadh to Melrose
land to his own land. And hence that king was Abbey in 1223, because it was useless and dangerous
exceeding wroth; and he took from Alan tz to them, both on account of the absence of law and or-
Walter twenty-four pledges that he would pre- der, and by reason of the insidious attacks of a barbarous
serve the peace with his and with his land, and people.[106]
[94]
take the law about his law.

The marriage bound Donnchadh closer to the Anglo- 8 Ireland

French circles of the northern part of the region south
of the Forth, while from Alans point of view it was part
of a series of moves to expand his territory further into
former Gall-Gaidhil lands, moves that had included an
alliance a few years earlier with another Firth of Clyde
Gaelic prince, Raghnall mac Somhairle (Rgnvaldr, son
of Sumarlii or Somerled).[95]
Charter evidence reveals two Anglo-Normans present
in Donnchadhs territory. Some of Donnchadhs char-
ters to Melrose were subscribed by an Anglo-Norman
knight named Roger de Skelbrooke, who appears to
have been Lord of Greenan.[96] De Skelbrooke himself
made grants to Melrose regarding the land of Drume-
ceisuiene (i.e. Drumshang), grants conrmed by his
lord Donnchadh.[97] This knight gave Melrose shing
rights in the river Doon, rights conrmed by Donnchadh
too and later by Rogers son-in-law and successor Ru-
aidhri mac Gille-Escoib (Raderic mac Gillescop).[98]
The other known Anglo-French knight was Thomas
de Colville. Thomas (nicknamed the Scot) was the
younger son of the lord of Castle Bytham, a signi-
cant landowner in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire[99] Around
The Anglo-Norman John de Courcy, whose early life was
probably spent just across the Irish Sea in Cumbria, in-
vaded the over-kingdom of Ulaid in north-eastern Ire-
land in 1177 with the aim of conquest.[107] After de-
feating the regions king Ruaidhr Mac Duinn Shlibhe,
de Courcy was able to take control of a large amount
of territory, though not without encountering further re-
sistance among the native Irish .[107] Cumbria was only
a short distance too from the lands of the Gall-Gaidhil,
and around 1180 John de Courcy married Donnchadhs
cousin Arica, whose father Gurr (Gofraidh), King
of the Isles, was son of Donnchadhs aunt.[108] Gurr,
who was thus Donnchadhs cousin, had in turn married a
daughter of the Meic Lochlainn ruler of Tir Eoghain, an-
other Irish kingdom.[107] Marriage thus connected Donn-
chadh and the other Gall-Gaidhil princes to several play-
ers in Ulster aairs.
The earliest information on Donnchadhs and indeed
Gall-Gaidhil involvement in Ulster comes from Roger of
Hovedens entry about the death of Jordan de Courcy,
Johns brother.[109] It related that in 1197, after Jordans
 7

death, John sought vengeance and Alaxandair (Alexander), as a reward for his help; sim-
ilarly, John had given Donnchadhs cousins Ailean and
Fought a battle with the petty-kings of Ire- Tmas, sons of Lochlann, a huge lordship equivalent to
land, of whom he put some to ight, slew oth- 140 knights fees that included most of northern County
ers, and subjugated their territories; of which Antrim and County Londonderry, the reward for use of
he gave no small part to Donnchadh, son of their soldiers and galleys.[116]
Gille-Brighde, the son of Fergus, who, at the By 1219 Donnchadh and his nephew appear to have lost
time that the said John was about to engage all or most of his Irish land; a document of that year re-
with the Irish, came to assist him with no small lated that the Justiciar of Ireland, Georey de Marisco,
body of troops.[110] had dispossessed ("disseised") them believing they had
conspired against the king in the rebellion of 12156.[117]
No more light is shed upon Donnchadhs involvement at The king, Johns successor Henry III, found that this was
this point. not true and ordered the Justiciar to restore Donnchadh
Donnchadhs interests in the area were damaged when de and his nephew to their lands.[117] By 1224, Donnchadh
had still not regained these lands and de Lacys adher-
Courcy lost his territory in eastern Ulster to his rival Hugh
de Lacy in 1203.[107] John de Courcy, with help from ents were gaining more ground in the region. King Henry
his wifes brother King Rgnvaldr Gurarson (Ragh- III repeated his earlier but ineective instructions: he or-
nall mac Gofraidh) and perhaps from Donnchadh, tried to dered Henry de Loundres, Archbishop of Dublin and new
Justiciar of Ireland, to restore to Donnchadh the remain-
regain his principality, but was initially unsuccessful.[107]
De Courcys fortunes were boosted when Hugh de Lacy ing part of the land given to him by King John in Ireland,
(then Earl of Ulster) and his associate William III de unless anyone held it by his fathers own precept.[118]
Briouze, themselves fell foul of John; the king cam- Later in the same year Donnchadh wrote to King Henry.
paigned in Ireland against them in 1210, a campaign that His letter was as follows:
forced de Briouze to return to Wales and de Lacy to ee
to St Andrews in Scotland.[111]
[Donnchadh] Thanks him for the mandate
English records attest to Donnchadhs continued involve- which he directed by him to the Justiciar of Ire-
ment in Ireland. One document, after describing how land, to restore his land there, of which he had
William de Briouze became the kings enemy in England been disseized on account of the English war;
and Ireland, records that after John arrived in Ireland in but as the land has not yet been restored, he
July 1210 : asks the King to give by him a more eectual
command to the Justiciar.[119]
[William de Briouzes] wife [Matilda] ed
to Scotland with William and Reinald her sons, Henrys response was a writ to his Justiciar:
and her private retinue, in the company of
Hugh de Lacy, and when the king was at Car-
rickfergus castle, a certain friend and cousin of King John granted to Donnchadh of Car-
his of Galloway, namely Donnchadh of Car- rick, land in Ulster called Balgeithelauche
rick, reported to the king that he had taken [probably Ballygalley, county Antrim]. He
her and her daughter the wife of Roger de says Hugh de Lacy disseized him and gave it to
Mortimer, and William junior, with his wife another. The King commands the Earl to in-
and two sons, but Hugh de Lacy and Reinald quire who has it, and its tenure; and if his right
escaped. [112] is insucient, to give Donnchadh the land dur-
ing the kings pleasure. At Bedford.[120]
The Histoire des Ducs de Normandie recorded that
William and Matilda had voyaged to the Isle of Man, It is unlikely that Donnchadh ever regained his territory;
en route from Ireland to Galloway, where they were after Hugh was formally restored to the Earldom of Ulster
captured.[113] Matilda was imprisoned by the king, and in 1227, Donnchadhs land was probably controlled by
died of starvation.[114] the Bisset family. Historian San Duy argues that the
Bissets (later known as the Bissets of the Glens") helped
Another document, this one preserved in an Irish
Hugh de Lacy, and probably ended up with Donnchadhs
memoranda roll dating to the reign of King Henry VI
territory as a reward.[121]
(reigned 14221461), records that after Johns Irish ex-
pedition of 1210, Donnchadh controlled extensive terri-
tory in County Antrim, namely the settlements of Larne
and Glenarm with 50 carucates of land in between, a ter- 9 Death and legacy
ritory similar to the later barony of Glenarm Upper.[115]
King John had given or recognised Donnchadhs posses- Donnchadh was said by the Martyrology of Glasgow to
sion of this territory, and that of Donnchadhs nephew have died on 13 June 1250.[122] He was succeeded in the
8 10 NOTES

earldom by Niall. The traditional view, going back to pass into the hands of another family.[132] By 1372 the of-
the 19th century, is that Niall was Donnchadhs son.[123] ce had passedprobably by marriageto the Kennedy
This view has been undermined with more recent re- family of Dunure.[133]
search by genealogist Andrew MacEwen, who has argued The 17th-century genealogical compilation known as Ane
that Niall was not the son of Donnchadh, but rather his Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells by Robert
grandson, a view embraced by leading Scottish medieval- Duncanson, minister of Campbeltown, claimed that Ef-
ist Professor G. W. S. Barrow.[124] According to this ar-feric (i.e. Araic or Afraig), wife of Gilleasbaig of
gument, Donnchadhs son and intended heir was Cailean Menstrie (. 12636) and mother of Campbell progeni-
mac Donnchaidh (alias Nicholaus), who as his son and
tor Cailean Mr, was the daughter of one Cailean (angli-
heir, issued a charter in Donnchadhs lifetime, but seem-cised Colin), Lord of Carrick.[134] Partly because Ane
ingly predeceased him.[124] It was further suggested that
Accompt is a credible witness to much earlier material,
Caileans wife, Earl Nialls mother, was a daughter of the
the claim is thought probable.[135] Thus Donnchadh was
Tir Eoghain king Niall Ruadh Neill, tying in with Don-
likely the great-grandfather of Cailean Mr, a lineage that
nchadhs Irish activities, accounting for the use of the explains the popularity of the names Donnchadh (Dun-
name Niall, and explaining the strong alliance with the
can) and Cailean (Colin) among later Campbells, as well
Neill held by Nialls grandsons.[124] as their close alliance to King Robert I during the Scottish
Another of Donnchadhs sons, Ein (John), owned the Wars of Independence.[136]
land of Straiton. He was involved in the Galwegian re-
volt of Gille Ruadh in 1235, during which he attacked
some churches in the diocese of Glasgow.[125] He re- 10 Notes
ceived a pardon by granting patronage of the church of
Straiton and the land of Hachinclohyn to William de [1] Laing, Descriptive Catalogue, p. 33
Bondington, Bishop of Glasgow, which was conrmed by
Alexander II in 1244.[125] Two other sons, Ailean (Alan) [2] Duncan, Scotland, p. 643
and Alaxandair (Alexander), are attested subscribing to
Donnchadh and Caileans charters to North Berwick.[126] [3] A discussion of charters, in relation to the Scottish king
William the Lion, can be found in Barrow (ed.), Acts of
A Melrose charter mentions that Ailean was parson of
[127] William I, pp. 6894
Kirchemanen. Cailean, and presumably Donnchadhs
other legitimate sons, died before their father.[124] [4] Duncan, Roger of Howden, pp. 13559 and Gilling-
ham, Travels, pp. 6981, for Hovedens importance;
Donnchadhs probable grandson, Niall, was earl for only
Ross, Moray, Ulster, and the MacWilliams, pp. 2444
six years and died leaving no son but four daughters, one
for discussion of these two sources in reference to more
of whom is known by name.[128] The last, presumably the northerly events of the same era
eldest, was his successor Marjorie, who married in turn
Adam of Kilconquhar (died 1271), a member of the Mac [5] Corner, Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Duncan, Roger
Duibh family of Fife, and Robert de Brus, 6th Lord of of Howden, p. 135; Gillingham, Travels, pp. 7071;
Annandale.[129] Marjories son Robert the Bruce, through Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 22236
military success and ancestral kinship with the Dunkeld
[6] Duncan, Roger of Howden, p. 135; Gillingham, Trav-
dynasty, became King of Scots. King Roberts brother, els, p. 70
Edward Bruce, became for a short time High King of Ire-
land. [7] Duncan, Roger of Howden, p. 135
Under the Bruces and their successors to the Scottish [8] Corner, Howden [Hoveden], Roger of"; Oram, Lordship,
throne the title Earl of Carrick became a prestigious hon- pp. 9597
oric title usually given to a son of the king or intended
heir;[130] at some time between 1250 and 1256 Earl Niall, [9] Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 268, 325; Lawrie, Annals,
p. 326; Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii,
anticipating that the earldom would be taken over by a
p. 404
man from another family, issued a charter to Lochlann
(Roland) of Carrick, a son or grandson of one of Don- [10] Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 215
nchadhs brothers. The charter granted Lochlann the ti-
tle Cenn Cineoil, head of the kindred, a position which [11] Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 25758; Broun, New
brought the right to lead the men of Carrick in war. The Look at Gesta Annalia, p. 17
charter also conferred possession of the oce of baillie of [12] With perhaps another chronicle closely related to the
Carrick under whoever was earl.[131] Precedent had been Chronicle of Melrose and the Chronicle of Holyrood; see
established here by other native families of Scotland, Broun, Scottish Independence, p. 217; Duncan, Sources
something similar having already taken place in Fife; it and Uses, p. 169
was a way of ensuring that the kin-group retained strong
locally based male leadership even when the newly im- [13] Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 21530
posed common law of Scotland forced the comital title to [14] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 51

[15] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 3235; Barrow, King-
dom of the Scots, pp. 3840
[16] Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 11229
[17] Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 23240
[18] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 4850; Broun, Becom-
ing Scottish, p. 19
[19] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 3050, illustrative maps
at pp. 5160
[20] Woolf, Pictland to Alba, pp. 29496
[21] Broun, Welsh Identity, pp. 12025; Edmonds, Per-
sonal Names, pp. 4950
[22] Clancy, Galloway and the Gall-Ghidheil, pp. 3233, et
passim
[23] Clancy, Gall-Ghidheil, pp. 2939
[24] Byrne, Na Renna, p. 267; Clancy, Gall-Ghidheil,
pp. 2932; Stokes (ed.), Martyrology, pp. 11617, 184
85, 2123
[25] Clancy, Gall-Ghidheil, p. 44; Woolf, Pictland to Alba,
pp. 29398
[26] Clancy, Gall-Ghidheil, passim
[27] Clancy, Gall-Ghidheil, pp. 3334
[28] Oram, David, pp. 9396.
[29] Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots, p. 251; Stringer, Early
Lords of Lauderdale, pp. 4647
[30] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. vi, pp. 28691; Barrow,
Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 13940
[31] Oram, Lordship, p. 103; Woolf, Age of Sea-Kings, p.
103
[32] For Alan of Galloway, see Stringer, Acts of Lordship, p.
224; for Donnchadh, see Innes (ed.), Liber Sancte Marie,
vol. i, no. 32, at p. 25, where sometime before 1196 he
is described as Donnchadh, son of Gille-Brighde, son of
Fergus, earl of Carrick
[33] Woolf, Age of Sea-Kings, p. 103
[34] Oram, Lordship, p. 89
[35] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 147
48; Oram, Lordship, p. 89
[36] Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 23132
[37] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 257; Oram, Lordship, p.
61; Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. iv, p. 422
[38] Barrow, Robert Bruce, pp. 43031, n. 28
[39] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 257; Oram, Lordship, p.
61; Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422
[40] Oram, Lordship, p. 110, n. 39; Paul, Scots Peerage, vol.
ii, p. 421
9
[41] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, p. 422; Innes (ed.), Registrum
Monasterii de Passelet, pp. 16668
[42] Barrow, Acts of Malcolm IV, pp. 1213
[43] Oram, Lordship, pp. 8792
[44] Barrow, Acts of William I, p. 7; Oram, Lordship, p. 93
[45] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 258; Oram, Lordship, p. 96
[46] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 268; Oram, Lordship, p. 97
[47] Corner, Scott, Scott and Watt (eds.), Scotichronicon, vol.
4, p. 546, n. 18; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 218, 254; Oram,
Lordship, p. 97
[48] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289; Oram, Lordship, p.
100
[49] Anderson, Early Sources, p. 286
[50] Oram, Lordship, p. 99
[51] Oram, Lordship, pp. 99100
[52] Oram, Lordship, pp. 100101
[53] Lawrie, Annals, p. 218
[54] Oram, Lordship, p. 100
[55] Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 30910
[56] Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 310; Oram, Lordship,
p. 100
[57] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 289
[58] Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 28990; Corner, et al.,
Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 36667; Oram, Lordship, p.
101
[59] Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 28990; Oram, Lordship,
p. 101
[60] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 290; Oram, Lordship, p.
101
[61] Corner (et al.), Scotichronicon, vol. iv, pp. 36669
[62] Oram, Lordship, pp. 103104
[63] Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 33031, n. 2; Innes
(ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 193, p. 173
[64] Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 33031, n. 2; Innes
(ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp.
17273
[65] Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 32, pp. 25
26; Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
[66] Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80
[67] Oram, Lordship, p. 111, n. 80; Watt and Shead, Heads of
Religious Houses, pp. 14950
[68] E.g. Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. iv, p. 422
[69] MacQueen, Survival and Success, p. 74, n. 31
10 10 NOTES

[70] MacQueen, Laws of Galloway, p. 132
[71] MacQueen, Kin of Kennedy, pp. 27880
[72] MacQueen, Survival and Success, pp. 7576
[73] MacQueen, Laws of Galloway, pp. 13839
[74] MacQueen, Laws of Galloway, p. 134
[75] MacQueen, Kin of Kennedy, p. 280; MacQueen, Laws
of Galloway, p. 134
[76] Oram, Lordship, pp. 21213
[77] Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.),
Liber de Sancte Marie, no. 37, p. 29; Reid and Barrow,
Sheris of Scotland, p. 3
[78] Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 29 and 30,
pp. 2024; Oram, Lordship, p. 104
[95] Oram, Lordship, p. 132; Alan, who died four years later,
fell into disgrace with King William and disappeared from
royal circles, but his son Walter (nicknamed g, the lit-
tle or younger in several Melrose charters) recovered
the familys position, and by the late 1210s held, along
with the Galloway family, a dominant position in the coun-
cils of Williams successor Alexander II; see Boardman,
Gaelic World, p. 92; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie,
vol. ii, nos. 45255, pp. 42023 ; Oram, Lordship, pp.
13233
[96] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 46, 115
[97] Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earl-
dom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie,
vol. i, nos. 3135, pp. 2428
[98] Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 243; Innes (ed.),
Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 3436, pp. 2729
[99] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 31, 177

[79] Anderson, Early Sources, p. 330 [100] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; Duncan, Scotland, pp.
18283
[80] Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 22840, for de-
tails, and p. 228 for the term super-grange [101] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 3132; Innes (ed.), Liber
de Sancte Marie, vol. i, nos. 192 and 193, pp. 17273
[81] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 119; Innes (ed.), Liber de
[102] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 31; MacQueen, ""Sur-
Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 316, p. 27778
vival and Success, p. 77
[82] Carrick and Maidment, Some Account of the Ancient Earl-
[103] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 4647
dom of Carric, p. 28; Innes (ed.), Liber de Sancte Marie,
vol. i, nos. 29, 30, pp. 2024 [104] Oram, Lordship, pp. 9091

[83] Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. [105] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, pp. 3132; Oram, Lordship,
102, pp. 8788 Neville, Native Lordship, p. 55 p.

[84] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 147; [106] Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, p. 32; Innes (ed.), Liber de
Fawcett and Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 23132 Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 195, pp. 17475

[85] Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 1314, [107] Duy, Courcy [Courci], John de
pp. 1314; Watt and Murray, Fasti Ecclesiae, p. 238
[108] Duy, Courcy [Courci], John de"; Oram, Lordship, p.
[86] Cowan, Parishes, p. 118; Innes (ed.), Carte Monialium de 105
Northberwic, nos. 1, 28, pp. 3, 3031 [109] Greeves, Galloway lands in Ulster, p. 115
[87] Innes (ed.), Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. [110] Riley (ed.), Annals of Roger de Hoveden, vol. ii, p. 404
139, pp. 11718; Shead and Cunningham, Glasgow
[111] Smith, Lacy, Hugh de, earl of Ulster
[88] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 6364
[112] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 480, p. 82;
[89] Cowan, Parishes, pp. 123, 18990 spellings modernised

[90] Cowan, Parishes, pp. 73, 120; another early possession [113] Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 387; McDonald,
of Crossraguel was the church of Inchmarnock, for which Manx Kingship, p. 132
see Cowan, Parishes, pp. 3536
[114] Lawrie, Annals, p. 327
[91] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64; [115] Duy, Lords of Galloway, p. 37
Cowan, Parishes, p. 123
[116] Duy, Lords of Galloway, p. 38
[92] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, p. 64
[117] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 737, p.
[93] Cowan and Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, pp. 63 130; Duy, Lords of Galloway, pp. 4344
64; Watt and Shead, Heads of Religious Houses, p. 47
[118] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 874, p.
[94] Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 325; Lawrie, Annals, pp. 155; Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 422, n. 7;
32627 Smith, Lacy, Hugh de
 11.1 Primary sources
[119] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 878, p. 156
[120] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents, vol. i, no. 879, p. 156
[121] These were Anglo-Norman nobles who were settling in
northern Scotland at this time in the lordship of the Aird
(An ird) in the aftermath of the destruction of the Meic
Uilleim and would quickly become Gaelicised; Duy,
Lords of Galloway, pp. 3942, 50; see also, Stringer,
Periphery and Core, pp. 9295
[122] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; Innes (ed.),
Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. ii, p. 616
[123] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 423; MacQueen,
Survival and Success, p. 72
[124] Barrow, Robert Bruce, pp. 3435;, 430, n. 26
[125] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.),
Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. i, no. 187, pp.
15152
[126] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.),
Carte Monialium de Northberwic, nos. 1314, pp. 1315;
MacQueen, Kin of Kennedy, p. 284, illus; MacQueen,
Survival and Success, p. 72, illus; there is a possibility
that he had two sons named Alaxandair [Alexander], as
appears in MacQueens illustrations
[127] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, vol. ii, p. 243; Innes (ed.),
Liber de Sancte Marie, vol. i, no. 189, pp. 17071
[128] Balfour Paul, Scots Peerage, p. 426; MacQueen, Survival
and Success, p. 78
[129] MacQueen, Survival and Success, p. 78
[130] Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, pp. 22, 57, 19899, 279,
282, 29495
[131] MacQueen, Kin of Kennedy, pp. 27880; MacQueen,
Survival and Success, pp. 76, 7880
[132] Bannerman, Macdu of Fife, pp. 2028, for discussion
in relation to Fife; MacQueen, Common Law, p. 174
[133] MacQueen, Kin of Kennedy, pp. 278, 28687
[134] Boardman, Campbells, p. 18; Campbell of Airds, History,
p. 41; Sellar, Earliest Campbells, p. 115
[135] Sellar, Earliest Campbells, pp. 11516
[136] Campbell of Airds, History, pp. 4142; Sellar, Earliest
Campbells, p. 116
11 References
11.1 Primary sources
Anderson, Alan Orr, ed. (1922), Early Sources of
Scottish History A.D. 500 to 1286 (2 vols), Edin-
burgh: Oliver and Boyd
11
Anderson, Alan Orr, ed. (1908), Scottish Annals
from English Chroniclers A.D. 500 to 1286 (1991
revised & corrected ed.), Stamford: Paul Watkins,
ISBN 1-871615-45-3
Bain, Joseph, ed. (1831), Calendar of Documents
Relating to Scotland Preserved in Her Majestys Pub-
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Corner, David J.; Scott, A.B.; Scott, William W.;
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Bower, in Latin and English, Scotichronicon by Wal-
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Innes, Cosmo, ed. (1843), Registrum Episcopa-
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Glasguensis a Sede Restaurata Seculo Incunte Xii ad
Reformatam Religionem (2 vols.), Edinburgh: The
Bannatyne Club
Innes, Cosmo, ed. (1847), Carte Monialium de
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Northberwic Munimenta Vetusta que Supersunt, Ed-
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Melros, Munimenta Vetustiora Monasterii de Melros
(2 vols.), Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club
Innes, Cosmo, ed. (1832), Registrum Monasterii
de Passelet : Cartas Privilegia Conventiones Ali-
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MCLXIII usque ad A.D. MDXXIX, Edinburgh: Mait-
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Lawrie, Archibald Campbell, ed. (1910), Annals of
the Reigns of Malcolm and William, Kings of Scot-
land, A.D.11531214 / collected, with notes and an
index, Glasgow: MacLehose
Riley, Henry T. (1853), The Annals of Roger de
Hoveden: Comprising the History of England and of
Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D.
1201 / Translated from the Latin with Notes and Il-
lustrations (2 vols), London: H. G. Bohn
Stokes, Whitley, ed. (1905), Flire engusso Cl
D: The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, Crit-
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12 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

12.1 Text
Donnchadh, Earl of Carrick Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donnchadh%2C_Earl_of_Carrick?oldid=776180746 Contributors:
Charles Matthews, Dimadick, Auric, Everyking, Canterbury Tail, Rich Farmbrough, Zaslav, Deacon of Pndapetzim, Woohookitty,
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laidh, RjwilmsiBot, EmausBot, John of Reading, Brocach, Helpful Pixie Bot, Marcocapelle, Khazar2, TFA Protector Bot, Zacwill, Kethrus,
KasparBot, Feminist, Wikinardo, Jeanjung212, Rukon ahmed and Anonymous: 4

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jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: The topographical map is from a sub-region of File:Uk topo en.jpg, with the copyright no-
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