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Since the failed 1885 Resistance effort in Saskatchewan, Mtis people have been the perfect
Other for both Canadians and First Nations. The former view the Mtis as the antithesis of the
bounded nation-state, mobile mongrels who stood in the way of Canadian progress with their
zealot leader Louis Riel. While the latter envision the Mtis as the illegitimate bastard offspring
of over four centuries of lopsided business interactionsthe fur tradewith the white-man,
which left them landless and marginalized on Indian reserves. Likewise, Europes internal
Other, the Romani, have been vilified by Europeans for close to a thousand years for their
transient ways and their participation in the underground economy and, just like the Mtis,
they are seen as a serious impediment to modern nation-state building projects. It should be
known, the Romani and the Mtis are both very diverse peoples who, because of their mobility
and status as insider aliens, have been homogenized into legible, governable ethnicities by
majority populations hence the common assumption that they are analogous. Notwithstanding,
the Romani and Mtis collective groups are very similar to each other in terms of the ethnic
niche they occupy and can be seen as such in three ways. One, the Roma and Mtis both have a
long history of mobility that defines how they see themselves. Two, the Roma and Mtis employ
dance and music to construct identity and foster solidarity. Three, both have been have been
persecuted and marginalized by nation-states. Together these criteria help us understand that
Mtis and Romani people although continents apart are in fact quite similar to each other.
The first way we can see that the Roma and the Mtis collective groups occupy a similar
ethnic niche is by their histories of mobility which defines how they see themselves. To start,
shortly after the French landed in 1608 in North America and established the colony of New
France, Indigenous women and French fur traders began procreating in an effort to better exploit
1
the rich fur lands around the Great Lakes.1 Their Mtissage (Mtis) offspring would be known as
bois brule or chicot (which means burnt wood because of the colour of their skin) or Les Michif
(after 1780), and they would later speak an in-group language comprised of Cree verbs and
French nouns, also called Michif.2 Note, most early proto-Mtis at this time were polyglot
ethnogensis began farther north when the English King Charles II in 1670 issued a fur trading
monopoly to The Governor and Company of Adventurers of England Trading into Hudson's Bay
(HBC) which proclaimed all lands draining into Hudson Bay, Ruperts Land, open to the
companys exclusive enterprise.4 Ruperts Land was a huge swath of land one and a half million
square miles in area that covered most of north-western continental North America.5 The
were called Half-Breeds or Country Born Mtis who spoke Bungee, a pidgin language comprised
of English, Gaelic, and Algonquian languages.6 After 1670, fur-trade rivalry increasingly raged
across North America, peaking between the years 1788-1821, during which time it became
paysin the custom of the country, without church sanction.7 European miscegenation with
Indigenous women was spurred on primarily by the logic that the closer ones kin-ties were to
the Indigenous landscape and social networks the farther ones fur trade networks extended, and
1
Jennifer Brown, Strangers in Blood, (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1980): 6-9.
2
Peter Bakker, Ethnogenesis, Language, and Identity, in Contours of a People, eds. Brenda Macdougall, Nicole
St-Onge, and Carolyn Podruchny. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2012): 182.
3
Brown, 6-9.
4
Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: J.
Gordon Shillingford Publishing, 1980): 19-21.
5
Ibid.
6
Bakker, 182.
7
Van Kirk, 36.
2
the more secure ones profit margins.8 Also, traders who did not marry-in had little chance of
surviving the harsh interior of North America.9 As such, generations of Mtis offspring were
born, grew up, and died traversing the vast river networks and portage routes of North America
becoming the undisputed masters of river and canoe.10 Johan George Kohl, a German travel
writer in 1850, captures the words of a young courier de bois accustom to a life travel:
Where can I stay? I cannot tell you. I am a voyageurI am a chicot. My Grandfather was a voyageurhe
died during a trip. My father was a voyageurhe died during a trip. I will also die on a trip and another
chicot will take my place. Such is our course of life.
Indeed, as generations of Mtis voyageurs pressed inland hunting grounds subsequently became
depleted pushing the fur trade ever northwest into the El Dorado of Furthe Athabasca
making long-distance commerce and provisioning increasingly difficult.11 Canoe and portage
routes at their greatest extent stretched from Montreal, Quebec, in the east to the mouth of the
McKenzie River in the far north of the Canadian arctic: a distance of some 4339 kilometers!12
The solution to feeding the Athabasca canoe brigades, impossible to reach in one canoe season
from Montreal, was through a transfer station at Fort Frances, Lake Superior, where hivernants
(wintering partners who lived in the Athabasca) would unload furs headed to European markets
Around 1800-16 many Mtis began mobile bison hunting on the prairie, a natural and
profitable extension to their already transient economic history.14 During the 19th century
seasonal caravans of Red River Carts driven by Mtis freighters departed from Winnipeg onto
8
Van Kirk, 37.
9
Ibid.
10
Olive Patricia Dickason, and William Newbigging, A Concise History of Canadas First Nations: Second Edition.
(Toronto: Oxford Press, 2010): 177.
11
Arthur Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Roles as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest
of Hudsons Bay, 1660-1870, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1941): 56-59.
12
Bill Nelson, Contours of a People, xxxii.
13
Victor P. Lytwyn, In the Shadows of the Honorable Company: Nicolas Chatelain and the Mtis of Fort Frances,
in Contours of a People: 195-97.
14
Dickason, 177-78.
3
the Great Plains following the wide seasonal oscillations and retractions of the bison herdsthe
bisons range before the 1880s covered the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and
parts of British Columbia; and the American states of Montana, Minnesota, North/South Dakota,
Utah, Wyoming, Nebraska, Illinois, and Missouri, a vast territory that covered one third of North
America.15 Mtis pemmican freighting reached its height between the years 1830-1869the
golden years of Mtis society.16 St-Onge, Podruchny, and Macdougall note that because of the
Similarly, Romani have also had a long history of mobility that defines who they are thus
revealing that they occupy a similar ethnic niche as the Mtis of North America. The Balkan and
Macedonian Romani, along with almost all other Roma according to Carol Silverman, view
that stretches across countries.18 Often Romani will travel thousands of kilometers per year to
work, visit family, or see friends.19 Romani long-distance travelling from Macedonia and the
Balkans to various parts of Western and Eastern Europe and Africa and back is not uncommon
for the Indian-descended Roma whose mobile history covers close to a thousand years.20
Scholars Kabachnik and Ryder also note a similar mobile heritage exists among the Romanichal
English, and the Welsh and Scottish Gypsies who are thought to have migrated to the British
15
Nelson, xxxii, in Contours of a People.
16
Nicole St-Onge and Carolyn Podruchny, Scuttling Along a Spiders Web, in Contours of a People: 60-62
17
Ibid.
18
Carol Silverman, Romani Routes, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012): 41.
19
Carol Silverman, Romani Routes, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012): 41.
20
Silverman, 39.
4
Isles as part of the original Indian diaspora, arriving in Scotland in 1505 and England in 1514.21
Labeled nomads by the Anglo Saxon majority for over four centuries, ethnic Romani within
Great Britain have been subject to ever-restrictive laws that try to hamper their mobile lifestyle
through legal classification.22 Kabachnik and Ryder state that British zoning officials legally
classify Roma by the distance they travel, their ethnic background or point of origin, their
movements of Britains long-time transient Others.23 Furthermore, Jan Grill shows that apart
from the traditional island bound Romanichal English, and the Welsh and Scottish Gypsies,
Britain also receives migrant population of Romani from the Czech Republic and Slovakia who
come in search of worka phenomenon known among Czech and Slovak Romani as dzan
opregoing up.24 Going up is in reference to the upward social mobility Eastern European
Likewise, Martin Olivera confirms a highly mobile culture among the Gabori Romani of
the Maros and Szekler regions in Transylvania, who have been moving between Romanian
districts for centuries along an interconnected web of caravan routes and node gathering stops in
search of work.26 Olivera details the fluid and ancient movement of Gabori life in Transylvania
Only God knows for how many years our neam has lived in Szekler territory. All together with our families,
going through the villages looking for workBut at one time, families increased and we could not find work.
Then our leader gave the order to put children and luggage in carts and to go around the world!All this is
21
Peter Kabachnik and Andrew Ryder, Nomadism and the 2003 Anti-Social Behaviour Act: Constraining Gypsy
and Traveller Mobilities in Britain, in Romani Studies, Vol. 23, 1 (June 2013): 87.
22
Kabachnik and Ryder, 88.
23
Ibid.
24
Jan Grill, Going up to England: Exploring Mobilities among Roma from Eastern Slovakia, in Journal of
Ethnic and Migration Studies 38, 8 (September, 2012): 1270.
25
Ibid.
26
Martin Olivera, The Gypsies as indigenous groups: The Gabori Roma case in Romania, in Romani Studies, Vol.
22, 1 (June 2012): 30.
5
what my grandmother told me, but she said she had heard it from her own grandmother as something that
happened when her great-grandmother was a girl.27
So long have Gabori been mobile in Transylvania that sedentary agrarian Romaniansthe
majority populationhave forgotten who lived in Romania first. Olivera illustrates the
Romanian cultural amnesia: [The Gabor Romani] arebetter anchored [to this] territory
[Transylvania] and its history than the people around them [Romanian] but do not have control
nor are they recognized as indigenes of the Maros and Szekler regions because they are
constantly on the move.28 Lastly, Tony Gatlifs 1993 film Latcho Drom (Romani for Safe
Journey) chronicles the storied history of the Roma diaspora from its origins with the
Rajasthan Gypsies of India, through to the Ghawazi of Egypt, up through Eastern and Western
Romani populations in Europe, and ending with the Gitanos of Spainan epic journey that
covers some 5200 miles.29 The Balkan and Macedonian Romani; the Romanichal English, and
the Welsh and Scottish Gypsies; the Gabori Romani; the Czech and Slovakian Romani; the
Rajasthan Gypsies, Ghawazi, and the Spanish Gitanos all have a common history of mobility
that has come to define how they see themselves writ large.30 Silverman breaks down how
constant migration over centuries has forged the Romanis self-perception as a transnational
diaspora: Migration has become a way of life for the RomaAs migration grew in prevalence
within [their] communities it change[d] values and cultural perceptions in ways that increase[d]
the [Romas] probability of future migration. Migration [became] deeply ingrained into the
repertoire of [Roma] behavior, and values associated with migration [became] part of the [Roma]
communities values.31 Ergo, although living continents apart, it is through a common but
27
Zriynyi, Iren Rromii Gabori, in Alexandrescu, G. ed. traditii ale rromilor din spaiul romnesc. Organizaia
Salvai Copii. (Bucharest: 2004) 4054. in Martin Olivera, 30.
28
Martin Olivera, 20.
29
Tony Gatlif, Latcho Drom, (Paris, 1993).
30
Silverman, 40.
31
Silverman, 40.
6
separate history of mobility and a self-identification as people on the move that both the Mtis
and the Romani can be seen to occupy a similar ethnic niche. It is little wonder when one seeks a
visual symbol to best represent both peoples one finds that caravan wagonsthe material
embodiment of mobilityare the prime image: the Vardo Wagon for the Romani and the Red
The second way we can see that Romani and Mtis collective groups occupy a similar
ethnic niche although continents away is how both employ dance and music to construct identity
and foster group solidarity. The Mtis Fiddle and the Red River Jig represent to many Mtis the
that bring together networks of extended Mtis kin for a night of music, dance, and songhave
been a part of Mtis life for centuries.34 Musicologist Lynn Whidden defines the central role
music has had in the historical construction of Mtis identity with her short but sweet analysis:
The Mtis [have always] used music as their primary form of expression.35 Adding more depth
to the pivotal roles music and dance play in the construction of Mtis identity, Whidden, Hourie,
and Barkwell note: Dancing is a favorite form of entertainment for the Mtis. Their
communities are close-knit, and dances are one means by which people come together to
maintain solidarity and kin and friendship ties. Dancing and music are inextricably intertwined in
Mtis culture.36 The historical roots of Mtis fiddling and jigging, according to orthodox
32
Vardo image taken from cover of T. A. Acton, Romani Culture and Gypsy Identity, ed. Thomas Acton and Gary
Mundy. (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire, 1997) & Red River Cart image taken from NDSU Archives, Fargo,
North Dakota: Its History and Images, Regional Studies at North Dakota State University. Web. (Date accessed:
April 3, 2014): http://library.ndsu.edu/fargo-history/.
33
Lynn Whidden, Mtis Music, In Mtis Legacy, ed. Lawrence J. Barkwell, Leah Dorion and Darren R.
Prefontaine (Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications Inc., 2001), 169.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid., 175.
36
Lawrence Barkwell, Audreen Hourie, and Lynn Widden, Mtis Music and Dance, in Mtis Legacy Volume II:
Michif Culture, Heritage, and Folkways. (Saskatoon: Gabriel Dumont Institute and Pemmican Publications, 2006),
167.
7
scholars, are found in the fur trade and are believed to have been imported to North America
through male French Canadian and Orkney Scot traders, although both contain hints of Irish
influence.37 Moreover, American Hillbilly and Deep South Bluegrass are also counted as lesser
influences to Mtis fiddle music and dance being incorporated, so musicologists believe, during
the height of the fur trade1788-1840.38 Extended melodic Aboriginal song verse is also a
major influence on Mtis fiddling and jigging as detailed by Widden: Clearly, [Mtis] fiddle
Native and European music elements.39 The rigorous off-beat double-step string rhythm of
Mtis fiddling combined with the repetitive use of lengthy Indigenous style song phrase create a
natural bounce, or jig, that is completely unique to Mtis music and dance.40 Verne Dunsenberry
believes, however, and contrary to popular scholarly debate, that Mtis dancejiggingis more
Indigenous than French or English/Scotch/Irish, he notes: The Mtis had inherited the Indians
love of the dance. But, instead of using the dance [jigging] as a medium of religious expression,
the Mtis danced for sheer pleasure.41 Supporting Dunsenberrys suspicions of the mainly
Indigenous roots of Mtis jigging is the Smoke Dance or Earth Dance (Ohwejagehke
dance, wherein participants rapidly jig their feet as low to the ground as possible out of respect
for mother earth whom they symbolically honour through close rhythmic connection to the
37
Ibid.
38
Widden, Mtis Music, In Mtis Legacy, 169
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid.
41
Verne Dusenbury, The Dispossessed Mtis of Montana, in The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Mtis in
North America, ed. Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown (Winnipeg: The University of Manitoba Press,
1985), 121.
8
earth.42 Whitefield-Madrano offers an alternative origin to the Smoke Dance, and by
consequence jigging, citing that the former may actually have its origins in the structure of the
longhouse itself, serving the utilitarian purpose of creating an up-draft with quick footwork to
drive fire smoke up through vents in the structures roof.43 Quantifying the steps of Mtis jigging
however a futile endeavour as jigging merged, just like the Mtis themselves, into one syncretic
phenomenon long ago.44 Mtis jigs like La Danse du Crochet or Hook Dance, Li Danse de
ahpinkawin (the Native moonwalk which existed centuries before Michael Jackson), La
Quadrille or Quadrille, Li Danse Dilev or the Rabbit Dance, Strasthspey, and The Red River Jig
are all a unified mixture of Euro-Indigenous dance styles wholly complete to themselves and all
are common within Mtis communities.45 Mtis dances do, however, vary regionally; a footstep
different here, and a back-jig different there, a two-step hop to the right here, and a foot and a
roundabout jig there, identify to Mtis what territory you come from, what racial mixture of
Mtis you are, anda long time agowho your family was; sometimes even revealing what
town or village you come from.46 Mtis song and dance, then, is a regional marker of identity
that helps Michif differentiate each other, which also allows them to celebrate or compete
communally.47 Contemporary Mtis fiddler Robert St-Georges illustrates how music and dance
42
Autumn Whitefield-Madrano, The Origins of the Smoke Dance, in Indian Country, New York: Today Media
Network.com. Web. (Date Accessed: April 4, 2014)
http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2011/08/12/origins-smoke-dance-45759
43
Whitefield-Madrano.
44
Lawrence Barkwell, Audreen Hourie, and Lynn Widden, 167.
45
Ibid., 170.
46
Ibid., 167.
47
Whidden, 170-72.
9
With the Mtisthey took the folk airs from France [Ireland/Scotland/US] of the time and the Native airs
and they amalgamated their rhythm and they made Mtis music out of it. Thats what it made. And through
this music they were capable, or it permitted them to keep solid community links. Music and culture,
particularly for the Mtis, they really understood that its an anchor, an anchoring place of their culture. And
for the Mtis much more than for the whites, well for the French or the English, or even for the Indians. The
music they have preserved, Mtis music keeps them together.48
Perhaps no other song better embodies Mtis identity and solidarity better than Pierriche
Falcons song about the 1816 Battle of Seven Oaks wherein Mtis NorWesters led by Cuthbert
Grant defeated Lord Semple and the HBC, thus securing the Red River settlement as the free
homeland of the Michif until 1869.49 Even today when the song is played at half-breed balls or at
outdoor gatherings such as Back to Batoche or National Aboriginal Day, Mtis will join together
Likewise, song and dance holds a special place in Romani identity construction and
group solidarity, again showing that the Roma occupy a similar ethnic niche as the Mtis. Kai
berg details that the Romany Kale of Finland use music and dance for social interaction,
internal elevation of status, and group solidarity.51 berg describes how Kale always play
traditional folk songs amongst themselves in Romani, whilst they universally sing to outsiders in
Finnisha clear indication of an us and them corporate identity among the Kale.52 As such, it
is almost unheard of for an outsider Finn to hear a Kale song in Romani.53 Moreover, as
professional singers who can potentially earn large amounts of money, Kale musiciansif they
are goodcan support their kin and elevate their social status to good providers within the
48
Annette Chrtien, Fresh Tracks in Dead Air: Mediating Contemporary Mtis Identities through Music and
Storytelling, Dissertation for the Degree of Philosophy, Department of Music. York University. Web. (December,
2005): 198. http://www.ontarioMtis.ca/Annette%20Diss%20-
%20FRESH%20TRACKS%20IN%20DEAD%20AIR.pdf
49
Lawrence Barkwell, Audreen Hourie, and Lynn Widden, 175.
50
Paul L. A. H. Chartrand, Our Mtis National Anthem: The Michif Version, (Saskatchewan: Gabriel Dumont
Institute, 2008), 5.
51
Kai berg, The Traditional Songs of the Finnish Romany: Silent Tradition, in Romani Studies 5, vol. 18, no. 1
(2008), 71.
52
berg, 72.
53
Ibid.
10
Roma community.54 What is more, since Romany Kale is a highly coded dialect that excludes
outsiders, the better versed a Kale singer is in traditional Roma songs the higher ones position
within the community, as only the most respected performers are allowed to know the full
gambit of Kale songs.55 Just like their Nordic Kale cousins, the Parakalamos Yifti and the Vlachi
Romani, who live along the Greek-Albanian border in the northwest Greek province of Ioannina,
are known as natural musicians and dancers to majority outsiders.56 Theodosiou notes through
an informants words the outsider perception of Romani as natural musicians: The Gypsies
[Yifti and the Vlachi] were like the rest of the people of the village, except they had a different
language, as many others in the area anywayand they all tended to be musicians; music was
in their blood after all.57 Outsider Greek and Turkish perceptions of the Yifti and Vlachi as
born musicians has over two centuries taken Roma away from their traditional vocations of
blacksmithing and tin metallurgythe money, it seems, is much better in singing and dancing.58
It should be known that music has always been a pillar of the Yifti and Vlachi historic identity;
however, it was in compliment to blacksmithing and tin work, never the main marker of identity
as it has become.59 As such, Theodosiou notes that in 2001 Yifti and Vlachi group and individual
identity focused primarily on well-tended housescleanliness and good food, easy life and
prominent musicianship.60
Perhaps the most recognizable of the Romani minstrels and dancers are the Gitanos of the
Iberian Peninsula who cannot be envisioned by outsiders without Spanish guitars, castanets,
54
berg, 72.
55
Ibid., 84.
56
Aspasia Theodosiou, Be-longing in a doubly occupied place: The Parakalamos Gypsy musician, in Romani
Studies 5, vol. 14, no. 2 (2003), 28.
57
Theodosiou, 32
58
Ibid., 28.
59
Ibid.
60
Ibid., 31.
11
clapping hands, and flamenco dancers with impassioned faces and stomping heels.61 Although
appropriated by Spain and sold as their national dance during the Franco era, flamenco music
and dance originally represented the cry of pain of persecuted Andalusian Casero Gitanos.62
The Gitanos first arrived in Spain via France during the 15th century and immediately faced
Inquisitional intolerance, popular resentment and violence, as well as brutal repression from
Christians and Muslims who viewed them as alien beggars and criminals.63 Excluded from all
aspects of mainstream Spanish commerce, and society, Casero Gitanos in the provinces of
Seville and Cadiz turned to black-market activitiesbegging, thieving, street singing, and
dancingto survive, and by the early 1700s flamenco had emerged as their national heritage.64
The song El Pjaro Negro from Gatlifs film Latcho Drom captures the Gitanos long
61
Peter Manuel, Andalusian, Gypsy, and Class Identity in the Contemporary Flamenco Complex, in
Ethnomusicology, vol. 33, no. 1 (Winter, 1989), 48.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid.
64
Ibid.
12
That my skin is dark
And my hair gypsy black? (2X)65
The flamenco among Gitanos, then, is an insider ode to centuries of pain and resiliency against
Spanish crueltyit is definitely not the sterilized national dance of Spain as Franco would have
us believe.66 The force of the guitar strum, the expression on a flamenco dancers face, the
mournful cry of the singer, and the short powerful bursts of the dancers footwork all reveal to
insider Romani who is one of them and who is not, who has really suffered and who is just
pretending.67 Thus, it is through music and dance that Casero Gitanos reaffirm their historic
identity and build contemporary solidarity among kin.68 The Romany Kale of Finland, the Yifti
and Vlachi along the Greek-Albanian border, and the Casero Gitanos of Andalusia, Spain, all
use dance and music as a way to understand themselves and to forge group solidarity and in
The last way Romani and Mtis share a similar ethnic niche is how both have been
of the Desjarlais family highlights a fiercely independent spirit among the Mtis underscored by
their high esteem for liberty.69 In fact the title of her book, The People Who Own Themselves or
Throughout the fur trade Mtis engages (labourers) had the option of renewing their
HBC/Northwest Fur Company (NWCo) work contracts after their service term ended, or they
could go free.71 Those les hommes libres (free men) who left service usually set up
65
Gatlif, El Pjaro Negro. Final scene.
66
Manuel, 48
67
Ibid.
68
Ibid.
69
Heather Devine, The People Who Own Themselves: Aboriginal Ethnogenesis in a Canadian Family, 1660-1900,
(Calgary: Calgary University Press, 2004), xvii.
70
Ibid., 53-57.
71
Devine., 53-57.
13
independent fur trading posts or hunted buffalo with their indigenous kinmany chose to
leave.72 As generations passed, freeman offspring began intermarrying and procreating, thus true
Mtis ethnogenisis occurred and a new multicultural society was born, one predicated on
freedom and commerce.73 The main Mtis settlement was located at the forks of the Assiniboine
and Red Rivers where present-day Winnipeg is, known then as the Red River Settlement (RRS
lasted from 1816 until 1869).74 In 1869, after two centuries of fur trading, the HBC sold Ruperts
Land to the Dominion of Canada without any consultation from the Mtis.75 Resenting the fact
that their treasured freedom had been taken away without their approval, the Mtis rose up
against Canada and won the 1869 Red River Rebellion under the leadership of Louis Riel.76 After
a series of negotiations the Mtis agreed to enter Confederation with Canada, but through a
succession of broken government promises eventually lost their Red River homeland to
Canadian settlers and were forced west into Saskatchewan.77 At Batoche, Saskatchewan, in 1885,
the Mtis would again take up arms to defend their freedom against the ever-expanding nation-
state of Canada; however, they were not successful and suffered a crushing defeat.78 Afterwards,
Canada actively scattered Mtis communities and kin groups so they could never again band
together to challenge the Canadian nation-state project.79 The years 1885-1980 are known
amongst Mtis people as the Dark Period, it was a time when Canada systematically
persecuted the Mtis, barring them from property ownership, excluding them from work (save
72
Devine., 92.
73
Ibid.,12.
74
Nelson, xxxii.
75
Neil McLeod, Cree Narrative Memory: From Treaties to Contemporary Times, (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing
Limited, 2007), 35.
76
Olive Patricia Dickason, and William Newbigging, A Concise History of Canadas First Nations: Second Edition.
(Toronto: Oxford Press, 2010), 177-78.
77
Ibid., 218.
78
Lawrence J. Barkwell, Veterans and Families of the Northwest Resistance, (Saskatoon: Gabriel Dumont Institute,
2011): 1.
79
Dickason, and Newbigging, 218.
14
the lowest labour positions), restricted them from borrowing money, had their Indian Treaty
rights revoked, and forced them to live on the side of the road/railroads in ditches (settlements
known as Road Allowances).80 Note, Road Allowances were/are ribbons of public land ten feet
on either side of highways where Mtis were made to live by law and circumstanceRoad
Allowances Mtis were forced to move from place to place where work or persecution took
them.81 Canadian officials even went so far as to round Mtis people up during the 1940s, under
government, and put them on experimental farms (forced labour camps).82 Canadian
scholarship has yet to write about CCF labour camps but oral accounts from Mtis Elders do
exist; at present it is an emerging historiographical field. South of the 49th-parallel Mtis faced a
American territorial claims because of their high mobility and cross border tendencies, scholar
Michel Hogue best articulates this phenomenon, were cast out from both Euro-settler and
Indian society, being forced to relocate numerous times between the years 1860-1910.84 On
many occasions during this epoch their homes were set ablaze, torn down, or violently invaded
by US/immigrant settlers; moreover, the whole category of Mtis has been systematically
obliterated from American popular and legal consciousnessa mute testament to the USs
persecution of the Mtis.85 Because of the concurrent US and Canadian nation-building projects
during the late 19th to mid-20th centuries, Mtis north and south of the border were forced
underground, becoming known as serial drifters, vagabonds, criminals, and garbage people
80
Maria Campbell, Halfbreed, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1973), 7-12.
81
Ibid.
82
Personal communications, Nicholas Vrooman, outside the remains of a forced labour camp near Lebret,
Saskatchewan, June 19, 2013; and Maria Campbell, St. Louis, Saskatchewan, June 25, 2013.
83
Nicholas C. P. Vrooman, The Whole Country wasOne Robe: The Little Shell Tribes America, (Helena:
Little Shell Indians of Montana and Drumlummon Institute, 2012), 163.
84
Ibid.
85
Ibid.
15
who were often found rummaging through refuse dumps or living on the outskirts of cities and
towns.86 Mtis Historian Brenda Macdougall compares the Mtis plight at this time to the
Romani: The Romani (Gypsies) have likewise had history of mobility and sociocultural
Macdougalls comparison and see that Roma are a persecuted and marginalized people just like
Mtis. To begin, the Rom Gypsies of Hungary are semi-sedentary farmers who are persecuted by
Gazo Mygarsthe latter deny landownership to the former because of the formers mobility.88
Mygars also justify excluding Rom Gypsies from land ownership citing that Roma are not
aboriginal to the soil, thus they have no right to Hungary.89 Exacerbating exclusion,
landlessness is seen by agrarian Gazo peasants as immoral which bars Rom Gypsies from
Mygar life based on the assumption that Rom are lazy, unproductive, and deviant.90 Lumped
together with Jewish people, the Gazo believe all Rom Gypsies are serial gamblers, horse
thieves, crooks, and sorcerers who steal, lie, and bewitch cattle to sour milk.91 Consequently,
Rom Gypsies are not considered real citizens of the nation-state of Hungary, nor do they have
equal access to village or state services and resourcesthey remain marginalized foreigners
despite the fact that they have lived in Hungary for over five centuries.92 In the summer of 1993
a Czech politician echoed the Hungarian Mygar distain for dirty Gypsies on Czech national
television: Gypsies are a problem, because most of them are criminals who are getting rich
86
Personal communications, Nicholas Vrooman, in the Qu'appelle Valley, Sask. June 17, 2013.
87
Brenda Macdougall, Introduction, in Contours of a People, eds. Brenda Macdougall, Nicole St-Onge, and
Carolyn Podruchny. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2012): 13.
88
Michael Stewart, The Time of the Gypsies, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), 119.
89
Ibid.
90
Ibid.
91
Ibid.
92
Ibid.
16
through thievery and prostitution.93 These words, captured right after the fall of Czech
communism, showcase Bohemian and Slovakian racism towards Romani that has only grown
since the collapse of the U.S.S.R.94 Historian David Crowe grimly confirms these rising racist
sentiments: These feelings were also expressed in several public opinion surveys conducted
before and after the breakup of Czechoslovakia [and] showed an almost universal hatred towards
Gypsies, particularly among young Czechs and Slovaks.95 The mayor of the Slovak town of
Medzev, in his violent solution to the Romsk problem, confirms and elevates the Romani
hatred Crowe speaks of: Shoot them allIm not racistBut some Gypsies you would have to
shoot.96 Unfortunately, the consensus across Eastern and Western Europe is that Romani are
not moral, productive, or natural citizens which effectively excludes them from most aspects of
economic and civic life across the EU.97 Although it may be true that many Romani partake in
the underground economy and engage in criminal behaviour in Europe, Crowe asserts it is only
because they face such extreme discrimination and bleak employment opportunities; the
Possibly the most horrific example of Romani prejudice and persecution by the nation-
state was perpetrated by Nazi Germany where between the years 1941-45, 500 000 Roma were
exterminated in an effort to cleanse the Fatherland and its Protectorates of racial vermin.99
Sadly, Romani maltreatment by the nation-state did not end after WWII; rather, it took on a less
violent but equally destructive face as the U.S.S.R and its satellites decided to showcase their
communist social engineering powers, reforming Romani society through a directed policy of
93
David Crowe, A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe, (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), 66.
94
Crowe., 64.
95
Ibid.
96
Ibid.
97
Ibid.
98
Ibid.
99
Stewart, 5.
17
social and cultural assimilation.100 The U.S.S.Rs end goal was, deplorably, the same as Hitlers
Germanyto eradicate the Gypsiesand unfortunately, in parts of Russia and the Ukraine,
they achieved their goal.101 Silverman compares Romani and Indigenous North American (First
Nations/Inuit/Metis) persecution by the nation-state and shows how it created a similar ethnic
niche in both people: The project of Native American identity making was forged in the
crucible of genocide and displacement, similarly the project of Romani identity making was
forged during the centuries of discrimination and diaspora.102 We can thus see that the Romani
In conclusion, despite the fact that the Romani and the Mtis are very diverse people and
traditionally live continents apart, they do still occupy a similar ethnic niche which is observable
through a three-part comparative analysis. One, the Roma and Mtis have been mobile
throughout their history and it is how they define themselves. Two, dance and music is employed
by Roma and Mtis to construct identity and create in-group solidarity. Three, both have been
historically persecuted and marginalized by nation-states. Lastly, for the purposes of this paper I
found the most obvious common characteristics among the Romani and Mtis collectives and
emphasized them and, as one might expect, there were many differences that clearly separated
the two peoples. Surprisingly, though, I did find more cultural resemblance between the two
ethnicities than I did divisions, with many historical references to the Mtis as prairie gypsies.
However, I found no similar comparison of Romani as Mtis. When I questioned Mtis Elders
about the commonality between Romani and Mtis I found that most believed that the Romani
were kindred cousins of Les Michif and they acted like it was common knowledge hardly worth
investigating. Notwithstanding, I am sure that as time passes and more Roma and Michif enter
100
Stewart, 5.
101
Ibid.
102
Silverman, 56.
18
university our parallel paths will cross and we will confirm what the elders already know: that
the Roma are also Otipemisiwak at hearta people who own themselvesjust like the Mtis.
19
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