.

PREFACE

For .. long, tI.. minority peoples of"'" Philippines h.V<! suffered the
agony of being treated as such. How these indigenous peoples who once had
superficial control over territories which, put together, wouh:t easily consti
tute nearly one half of the entire national territory of lhe Republic of the
Philippines, were transformed ,into minorities in their own lands has
remained a puzzle.
For so long, too, we have wanted to put together a modest volume that
would show exactly this historical process, one that would serve as an easy
reference for all sorts of people: for those who have been minoritized; for
those who have been directly responsible in bringing about and carrying on
the process; for those Who have been unwitting contributors to the process,
and for those of the present generation who wish to correct the errors of the
past.
The opportunity presented itself when Prof. Ed Garcia came to see us one
day in 1991 to discuss.the plan of Minority Rights Group (MRG) iFT London
fO get some Filipino writers to contribute to the volume on the Philippines
minority situation coinciding with the United Nation's Year of the Indigenous
Peoples. We agreed to do the Mindanao-Sulu Archipelago portion.
The product exceeded the 32-page limit of a regular MRG publication.
Some 6,000 words had to be painfully excised. Upon our request later, MRG
graciously consented to have the original version published locally, this one,
qualified only with the following riote:

An abridged version of this report is available as Th" Luinad

and Mom of Mindanao, A Minority Rigbts Group Intemational
Rsport, August 1993, ISBN 1-897693-05-2, from Minority Rights
G~oup International, 379 Brinon Road,' London SW9 7DE. UK.

So much has happened since the computer script of this work was
completed on 29 January 1993. We have kept the text intact but we have
added a brief epilogue to update the reader on the latest developments.


r
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I
Sincere words of thanks must go to the following institutions and
persons for their participation in the completion of the project:
To the Minority Rights Group International itself whose unselfish
concern for the welfare of the Indigenous Peoples we share deeply.
To the Kinaiyahan Foundation and staff in Davao City who
provided us with timely updates on the Mt. Apo Geothermal Project.
To Ed. Garcia through whose kind facilitation, our participation in
the project became possible. He also exhibited exceptional patience
and discretion in prodding us to finish our work within the agreed
timetable.
To Rene Agbayani of Central Mindanao University in Bukidnon, a
friend who shares keen interest in indigenous concerns, who took
time from his busy schedule to personally accompany Ms. Patricia
Sellick, Minority Rights Group's incharge for projects in Asia and the
Middle East.
To Ms. Patricia Sellick herself whose incisive questions and
constructive comments, as we went through the manuscript section
by section, made it easier for me to see what refinements in the
document were necessary for an international audience.
Io the nearly twenty readers designated by MRG from all over the
world, though they will forever be unknown to us, who sent back very
helpful and constructive criticisms.
To the ever-supportive AFRIM-ARC the publisher of this work,
specifically Melot and staff.
Finally to Bebot and Ponpon, the two people who created more
than enough room and peace of mind for me to write this work.
Needless to say, I take sol. responsibility for whatever errors in
fact and judgement and other weaknesses this study may have.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

THB INDIGBlfOUS PEOPLES

/ Dr'l'Hll PJlDDPD1'BS: All OVBBVDlW

Introduction 11

Who are the Indigenous Cultural C.ommunities? 11

Current Linguistic Situation 13

Social Situation at Spanish Contact 16

The Barangay Communities 16

The Islamized Communities 17

The Wamor Societies, 19

The Petty Plutocracies 20

The Classless Communities 20

The Spanish Contribution 21

The American Share in the Process 22

RegaIian Doctrine vs. Ancestral Domain 28

Discriminatory Provisions of Public. Land

Laws and Other Laws Affecting Land 29

Resettlement Program 31

2 THE ICC SlTUATIOlf

Dr MINDAlIAO-SULU

Introduction 33

Traditional Indigenous Temtory 34

Basis of Indigenous Claim to Temtury 35

First Foreign Intrusion: The Spanish Challangtl 35

Resettlement Programs of the Government 37

Population Shifts Resulting Fl'Om Resattlements 39

The Case of Cotabato 40

Role of Big Business in the Displacement Process 41

Contradiction Between GoveriUnent Development

Projects and Indigenous Interests 43

Consequences upon the Lumad and the Mora

of the State System of Landownership and Land Use 43

Present Status and Gains of the Lumnd Struggle 46

3 THE JOUBlfBY TOWAJ.U)S

MOBO SELF-])B'.l'E1lltU1fATIOlf

Introductilln 49
Triumph ofWestem Colonialism 49
Mora Resistance 49
Datu Participation in Colonial Govemine~t 51
Education, A Tool of Pacification 51
Exposure To'\lt's 53
EarlY Moves Towards Recovery of Self-Determination 54
Freedom Through Congress? 54
Movement for Muslim Independence 55
"Christian" Countermoves 55 ..
MNLF Launches War ofBangsa Mora National Liberation 66
The OIC Mediates RP-MNLF Negotiation 58
1987 Constitution Provides for Regional
. Autonomy in Muslim Mindanao 58
Prospects of the Bangsa Mora S~ggle 59
 II AMOlfG THB LU'M.AD: THB CASB OP
"T MT. APO A.'ND DATU mOHG AWE

Introduction 61

Apo San,dawa 61

In the Long Line of Fighting Leaders 61

Geothermal Potential ofMt. Apo 63

Early Attempts to Explore Mountain 63

Stemming Tide of Tribal Opposition 63

More Opposition 64

Other Related Issues 64

Dyandi: Defend Mt. Apo to the Last Drop 64

Pamaas, the Counter-Ritual 66

Tribes vs. Tribe 66

Pampas, Preparation for Armed Confrontation 68

NPA Enters Scene 68

President Ramos Makes Presence Felt;

Favors Mt. Apo C'reothermal Project 68

Other Energy Projects in Mindanao and Effects on ICCs 69

5 AGUS I HYDROEL1IJCTBIC PLANT:

WHAT PBICE EL1IJCTBICI'l'Y?

Introduction 71

Energy Situation and Hydroelectric Power Projects 72

Painful Complications around the Agus Plants 74

nw Guim'ba Incident 75

MllrRnao Opposition to Agus I 75

6 PROSPECTS POB PROBLEM

BBSOLUTIOH AlfI) PUCB

Introduction 79

What the Moro People Want 79

What the LumRds Desire 79

Lessons From the Past 81

Prospects of Legislative Reforms 82

'Cousolidation of Forces Among the Indigenous Community 84

EPILOGUE 86

BBCOMMJ.:J!mATIOlfS A.'ND ISSUBS POR ACTION

Land Rights as Economic Rights and Property Rights 88

Politiclil Rights as Citizens and as Minorities 90

State Development and Compensation for Land LosslLand Use 90

Basic Human Rights vs. State Security 90

State Policy on Minorities 90

Education, Language Rnd Culture 91

Immediate 91

APPEl'fDIX

A. Philippine Cultural Communities, Ethnic Identities

Provinces of Concentration and Population 93

B. Distribution of National Cultural Minorities

by Provinces, by Population, 1960 Census 94

C. Lumad Ethnolinguistic Groups, Geographical

Locations in Mindanao, Circa 1900 95

I). Province of Concentration ofMoro Population

by Ethnolinguistic Group 97
E. Traditional Territory of IndigenoUs Inhabitants
of Mindanao--Sulu, 1596-1898 98
P. Population Shifts: Muslims & Lumad & Christian
Migrants in C'oOtabato, 1918, 1939, 1970 Censuses 99
O. Population Shifts: Moro & Lumad & Christian
Populations in Bulddnon, 1918: 1939, 1970 Censuses 100
B. Population Shifts: Moro &; Lumad & Christian
Populations in Zamboanga, 1918, 1939, 1970 Censuses 102
L Percentage of Moro & Lumad Population in Mindanao,
Sulu and Palawan, 1903-1975 104
J.. Estimated Muslim & Lumad Populations in Proposed
Area of the Autonomous !legion in Muslim MindanatJ, 1980 Census 104
X. Partial List ofMoro Armed ResistAnce Against
American Colonial Forces, 1903-1934 105
L. Constitutional Provisions Re Indigenous Cultural
C'oOmmunities (1987 Constitution) 106
M. Tripoli ~ment 108
B. .Jeddah Accord 112
o. Excerpt of the Cipanas Statement of Understanding 112
P. Interim GRP - MNLF Ceasefire Agreement 113
Q. qRP-MNLF .Joint Press Communique 115

BIBLJOGBAPHY 117

ABOUT THE AUTHOR 122

ABOUT APl\Il\tt 123

THE MINORITIZATlON OP THE INDlf;ENOUS COMMUNITIES
OF MINDANAO AND THE SI)LU ARf:HIPEI..A.GO

TIIE
INDIGENOUS

PEOPLES
INTIIE
PHILIPPINES
 Introduction

he indigenou8 peoples in the Philippines, now also known offi

cially as indigenous cultural communities (ICC), are said to c.onsti

tute 10 p"rcent of the estimated total national population of 6.1)

million. They are more popularly 'referred to as cultural minorities.

Once the masters of their own lives, now the majority of them are poor and
landless. In the old days, many of them lived in the plains. But as a result of
population pressures and resettlement programs from among the majority,
they have moved to the forest areas. Now, their forests are devastated and
, their cultures are threatened. And so, they have learned to fight for sur-'
vival. Their voices reverberate from North to South, from the Cordillera to
the Lumads to the Muslims (or Bangsa Moro or simply Moro) of Mindanao
and Sulu. They demand recognition of their right to self.determination; they
demand' respect for and protection of their ancestral domains, of their cul
tures, of their very lives. Within the last twenty years, one group after
another of the ICCs have launched their struggles for self-determination,
upholding as the most crucial issue their fundamental human right to their
ancestral domain.

'Interpretation on the meaning of "selfpdetermination" differs. The Moro

National Liberation Front consistently takes it to mean independenCe for the
Bangsa Morofrom the clutches of Filipino colonialism, although its leaders
agreed to reduce this to regional autonomy in the Tripoli Agreement of
December 1976. Advocates in the Cordillera and among the Lumad, how
ever, emphasize their demand for genuine autonomy. But what they all have
in common is the conscious realization that their collective happiness must
come principally from' th~ir own efforts, not from the State.

~o are the IncUgenous .

Cultural Communities?

I
reated in 1957, the Commission on National Integration made an
official listing of the National Culturfll Minorities. [See Table 1]
Note that Luzon and the VlSRyas have 19 groups, and Mindanao
has 27 which Can be further subdivided into 10 Moro and 17 Lumad
[for the origin of the name "Lumad", see Chapter Two]. In the 1960 census,
four years after the establishment of the CNI, the NCMs numbered
2,887,526 or approximately 10 percent of the national popUlation. The mat- .
ter of names and number is not a settled issue in the Philippines, which will
explain the existence of such names as Kulaman in Mindanao which is just
another denomination for Manobo in that part of Davao del Sur and two
other places in Cotabato called Kulaman, and the addition of more later on.
The census itself has never been consistent in its denominations.

11
 .. t ' ........

toIi-'~

.
"
.

to. .. ""L
Once the masters of their own lives,
NOW THE MAJORITY OF THEM ARE POOR

AND LANDLESS. In the old days, many

of them lived In the plains. But as a

result of population pressures and

resettlement programs ,from among

the majority, they have moved to the

forest areas. Now, THEIR FORESTS ARE

DEVASTATED AND THEIR CULTURES ARE

THREATENED.
 THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLBS IN THE PHII..IPPINES
AN OVERVIEW

Luzon/Visayas Mlndanao-Sulu
Lumad Moro

1. Aeta 1. Ata or Ataas 1. Badjaw

2. AfJayaw or Isneg 2. Bagobo & Guiangga 2. Magindanaw
3. Mangyan 3. Mamanwa 3. Iranun,lIanun
4. Bontok 4. Mangguangan 4. Kalibugan
5. Dumagat 5. Mandaya 5. Maranaw
6. Ifugao 6. Banwa-on 6. Pullun Mapun
7. lIongot 7. Bilaan 7. Samal
8. Inibaloi, Ibalol 8. Bukidnon 8. Sangil
9. Kalinga 9. Dulangan 9. Tausug
10. Kankanai 10. Kalagan 10. Yakan
11. Kanuy, Kene 11. Kulaman
12. Molbuganon 12. Manobo
13. Palawano 13. Subanon
14. Batak 14. Tagabili
15. Remontado 15. Tagakaol0
16. Sulod 16. Talandig
17. Tagbanua 17. Tiruray
18. Tinggian, or Itneg
19. Todag

It is generally known that the Moro people are made up of 13

ethnolingusitic groups. An explanation is.in order why the above list shows
only ten. Two of these groups are to be found in Palawan, namely, Palawani
and Molbog (Melebugnon or Molbuganon). A third, the Kalagan in Davao del
Sur are partly Muslim and partly non-Muslim. The Palawani, too, are partly
Muslim and partly not. Finally, the Badjaw are generally not Muslims but
because of their identifitation within the realm of the ancient Sulu sultan
ate, they have often been regarded as part of the Islamic scene in the Sulu
archipelago.

The present majority-minority situation is a product of western colonialism

that has been carried over to the present. In the time of Spanish colonialism,
it was more an uniptended product of colonial order. In the time of the
Americans, it was the result both of colonial or~er and colonial design. When
the Republic of the Philippines assumed sovereign authority, the various
administrations not only carried over whatever the Americans had left
behind, they also institutionalized the status of cultural minority within
Philippine society. In this section we seek to retrace our steps and see how
the whole process came about. We start with a broad picture of our current
linguistic aituation.

Current Linguistic Situation

I
nhabiting an archipelago of7,100 islands which are divided into
three broad leographic zones called Luzon. ' Visayas and Mindanao,
the Philippine population is, according to a linguistie.expert, lin
guistically diverse, distributed, conservatively spea~ng, into be-

I Loethiny S. Clave I, They Are Also Filipinos (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1969), pp. 45.

13
 . .- -....-..-...~ $ '!"'.~.~

,~.:.~...~
MINDANAO-SULU: POPULATION DISTRIBUTION OF
, ,*;: THE MUSLIM COMMUNITIES BY MUNICIPALITY
.:~:F;~ : .. 1980 CENSUS

Mis..

CA.lNGUIH

UMlOAHGA
DUNOllI

'A.
PHILIPPINES
/;W,:
i/ .....

~IIAVAO
~ ORJfIITAl
LEGEND

PROVINOAI. BOUNDARY
i 1[lIIlll11lllll00
110 ""'.u, MAGUlNIIlllAO

50.1-75% 75.1-100% MUNIOPAI. BOUNDARY

,~ 4ill~4'fM<V

~
30.1- 40%
~ 40.1%50%
~
to.o~.pCIP
~ ftiIippiM!oiI
.~.
~
SULU (J
lI'o.."."w
o
0;Q 0 So/w.lltiJp,;,,.
I)

10.1-20% 20.1- 30% Ifb.t I

CJ ~ UWHAWI. ~
~ MINDANAO

NO DATA 0.01-10%
), ". '
 MINDANAOSUlU: POPUlAnON DISTRIBUTION OF

THE lUMAD CULTURAL-C-OMMUNITIES BY MUNICIPALITY

1980 CENSUS

~ ws..

0.01-10%
DAVAO
OIllOOAI.

-.
.II) MtnSrif
PROVINCIAL BOUNDARY Q
t SUlTAN 'H.<'~
MUNIOPAL BOUNDARY \)0 IIIDWI

Maps Prepared By:

Gf;:S;1 "c::;,'\
SULU
o ___
:'

(I
",.".,s..
..

(I
00 ......*
RUDY B. RODIL o$:) SJdlf",
Commissioner-At-Lal'J!"e
.~'D
First District
Lanao del Norte
July 1988
~
~
-.
TAWHAWI;" .,
.

'

"
MINDANAO
All Rights Reseneo
 THE MINORITIZATION OP THE IN~OIJS COMMUN1Tll!ll
OP MINDANAO """DTH~l'LU ARCHIPI-:UOO

tween 100 and 150 languages. However, the expert clarifies, one should
not exaggerate this diversity, since the vast majority of the Filipinos At
present are speakers of one of the eight 'major languages'
Tagalog, Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, Bikol, Doko, Kapampangan, and
Pangasinan - while three percent of the population comprise the
speakers of the rest of these languages - the so-called 'minor lan
guages' - most of whom are pagans or Muslims." 2 Of the eight,
five, namely, Tagalog, Bikol, Doko, Kapampangan, and Pangasinan inhabit
the Luzon area, and three, namely, Cebuano, Hiligaynon and Waray belong
to the Visayan region.

The linguistic diversity is not, however, reflected in their skin. Complex

ion-wise, the majority of the Filipino natives Are Malay brown; a much
smaller percentage are dark like the Negritos or Aeta of Luzon, the Batak of
Palawan and the Mamanwa of Mindanao. Linguistic studies have further
reduced this diversity with their common conclusion that all Philippine
languages "belong to the Austronesian language family", Also known as
Malayo-Polynesian. 3 Some of these languages are mutually intelligible, but
most are not. '

So'cia! Situation at Spanish Contact

'sing the situation at the end of the Rpanish n-Jrime ftS a frame of

I
reference, the vari.lie eelitmunities in the Philippine 'Archipelago
may roughly be diVided into two broad groupings, those who were
colonized, and those who wpre not. Those who were colonized
generally belong to the barangay cornrnunitiE's whic-h cllmposed the eight
major groups cited above. And thosE' who were not mliy further be subdi
vided into those who fought and werE' not subjugau-d, and those who suc
cessfully evaded contact with Rpanish forces thenby t>sc:lping colonization.
Either way they remained free throughout the period of Spanish coloniza
tion. The first sub-group consisted of the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu and
the Igorots of the Cordillera. The second sub-group werE' those who are
presently known as Tribal Filipinos. By an ironic twist of history it was the
unconquered and uncolonized who were later to become the cultural minori
ties of the twentieth century. But before we go into the broad details of how
this happened, let us first look at their social situation at the time of Spanish
contact. We start with the barangays, to be followed by the Muslims, then by
those which have been characterized by Dr. William Henry Scott, a well
known scholar of Philippine history, as the warrior societies, the petty
plutocracies and the classless societies.

The Barangay Communities

I
he barangays..which were basically clan communities were associ
ated with coastal settlements, or those found at the mouths and
banks of rivers,' or were simply lowland communities, who a long
time past brought themselves from the other islands of the Malay
archipelago and Indonesia. They rode in sailing vessels with that name, also
known as balanghai or balangay, and landed in different parts of the islands.

2 Teodoro A. LJllmzon, S.j., "In the Beginning Was The Word", in Alfredo R. !toces, Ed., EiliJlin2
Heritage (Manila: Lahing Pilipino Publishing, Inc., 1977), Volume 2, p. 394.
, Ibid., p. 396.

16
 THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE PHILIPPINE.'>

AN OVERVIEW

A famous Philippine author has a description of a Tagalog barangay: "The

Tagalogs, having beached their barangays, retained their clan organization,
each clan settling down by itself apart from the others, so that the name
'barangay' came to be applied to the kinship group and its village. Each
barangay, consisting of several families acknowledging a common origin,
was ruled by a patriarchal head or datu, who led its people in war and
settled their disputes according to the traditions handed down from their
a.ncestors. Not all in the clan village hl'\d the same social status. There were
those who were the equals of the datu in all respects save authority; there
were the wellborn (maharlika), bound to their lord by kinship and personal
fealty. owing him aid in war and counsel in peace, but in all else free, pos
sessing land and chattels of their own. There' were the timaua, who did not
have the noble blood of the maharlika but were, like them, free. The rest
were alipin, less than free. Some were serfs, aliping mamamahay (literally
housekeeping dependents), owning house and personal property, but tilling
the land of the datu or the wellborn for a share of the crop, and bound to the
soil. Others, aliping sagigilid, (household dependents), were chattel slaves,
captured in war or reduced to bondage aecording to Malay custom .for failing
to pay a debt. 4

Each barangay averaged from 30 to 100 families, was self-sustaining and

independent from the others. Exceptions were trading centers like Cebu and
Manila, the latter having been reported to have 1,000 families at Spanish
contact.

It is relatively easy to determine the traditional habitat of the various

language groups. They have lived there since time immemorial down to the
present day. The Ilocanos occupy the area up north-in Luzon, now aptly
named Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur. Next to them southward are the
Pangasinans, inhabitants of the province of the same name, and then the
Kapampangans who are residents of Pampanga. The Tagalog region begins
from Nueva Ecija, Aurora, Bulacan and Bataan and goes all the way down to
the boundary of the Bicol peninsula where we have Manila which has al
ways been the central part of it, Rizal, Cavite, Batangas, Laguna, and
Quezon. The entire southeast stretch called the Bicol region is the land of
the Bicolanos.

IIi the Visayas, the Hiligaynons live in the island ofPanay, the Cebuanos
orSugbuanon, as they traditionally call themselves, in the Island ofCebu,
and the Waray in the Island of Samar and in the northern part of Leyte. The
(',ebul'lno sphere of linguistic influence goes as far as the neighboring
Visayan islands like Siquijor, Bohol, and southern Leyte and northern and
eastern Mindanao.

The Islamized Communities

I
he Muslim principalities were considered to be the most developed
communities in the entire archipelago, having reached the levetof
centrally organized life. Leading the group was the Sultanate of
Sulu whose sultanate begRf!. as early as 1450. Though independent
of each other at the time of Spanish contact the principalities of
agindanao and Buayan were united by Sultan Kudarat in 1619 into the
Magindanao Sultanate..
Horacio de 18 Costa, S.J., The Jesujts in the Philippines. 1581-1768 (C/lmbridge, Massachusetts:
Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 12-13.

17
 THBMJNORl'l'lZATIONOPTHB1N00GI!NOtIS (:oMM.UNITIES
OF MINDANAO ANOTHB stJUJ ARCHIPELAGO

The Islamized communities are trRditionaJ. inhRbitanta of the southern

portion of Mindanao, cent~al Mindanao, the islands of Basilan and the Sulu
RJ'Chipelago, and southern Palawan.

Islam fll'St arrived in the Sulu RJ'Chipelago towards the end of the 13th
century, estimated to be in 1280 AD., brought by a certain Tuan Masha'ilta
who apparently got married there and thus established the flr'8t Islamic
community. Masha'ikR was followed by a Muslim missionary named Karim
ul-Makhdum around the second half of the 14th century. With Rajah
Baginda who came at the bf.ginning of the 15th century was introduced the
political element in the Islamization pr6Ce88. It was his son-in-law, Abuba
kar, whom he had designRtf>ci M his successor, who started the Sulu sultan
ate. 1I We do not know what levpl of !Social devt'lopment the people of Sulu
have reached in the thirt.('nth ct'ntury. What we do know is that in 1417, a
Sulu leader named Patiuka P"haiR-lf'cI a trade expedition of 340 people to
China. They wprf' Mid to have "prpfM'nted a letter of gold with the charac
ters engraved upon, .and offered pearls, precious stones, tortoise shell and
other articles."

Islam came to Maguindanao with a certain Sharif Awliya from Johore

around 1460. He is said to have married there, had a daughter and left. He
was followed by Rharif MarRja, also from .lohore, who stayed in the Slangan
area and married the (laughter of AWUYR. Around 1515, Rharif
Kabungsuwan arrived with many mf'n Rt the Rlangan RreR, roughly wher~
MRlabang is now. He is gfnerally credited with having established the
Islamic community in MaguindanRlI, and pxpanded through political and
fRmily alliances with the ruling fRmili.s: 7

Maranao trRdition speRks of R cE'rtain Rharif AIRWi who landed in the

present Misamis Oriental in northern Mindanao; his preaching there was
said to have eventually spread to Lanao and Bukidnon. There is hardly any
evidence of this in the lattE'r, howE'ver, except in some border towns adjacent
to Lanao del Sur. From the southern E'nd, Islam came through marriage
alliances with Muslim Iranun and Maguindanao dRtus, specifically around
the area of Dutig and MalRbang.

Islam in Manila was a relative newcomer at the time of the Spaniards'

arrival. There were reportedly ten or twelve chiefs in the Manila bay area,
each the acknowledged leader in his town, and one of them was the greatest
and was obeyed by all. 9

How did Islam come to the islands? It came with trade in a rather rounda
bout way. After the death of Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W.) in 632 AD., a
general expansion movement followed. Through military conquests, the
Islamic world turned empire with dominance established in the Middle East,
North Africa, Spain, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. The expansion
movement likewise took towards Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa,
made possible either by and through Muslim merchants or missionaries or
both. it was through the latter that the MRlayo-Indonesian region and
Mindanao and Sulu were Islamized. 1o

6 Najeeb M. Saleeby, History ofSulu (Manila; Fillpiniana Book Guild, ll)c., 1968), pp. 43-45.
f Cited in Hora.cio de la Costa, Readings in Philippine Hil\tory (Manila: Bookmark, 1965), p. II.
7 Cesar A(lib Ma.jul, Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City; ~blishcd for the Asinn.Center by
the University of the Philippines, 1978), Second Edition, pp. Grr67.
8 [bid., p. 72.
9 De 18 Costa, op. cit., pp. 14-15.
10 Majul, op. cit., pp. 37-46 ..

18
 THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN THE PHII..IPPINES

AN'OVERVIEW

The trade route which led to the Islamization of Mindanao and Bulu was
the one that linked Arabia overblnd through Central Asia and thence over
seas to India,.China, Southeast Asia'and Africa, especially in the period
starting from the beginning of the 9th centurY.

Overseas travel at that time was directly influenced by monsoon winds

and merchants had to establish trade stations along their route where they
tarried for long periods of time. In the course of these stays, merchants
missionaries would marry inio the l~population thereby creating and
establishing Muslim communities.

It was in this way that the Islamization process was generally facilitated
and hastened in such places as Malacca,. Pahang, Trengganu, Kedah, Java
and others. By 14..1)0, Malacca had become a leading center of Islam in the
Malay archipelago. It was from the Malay archipelago that Mindanao and
Sulu were Islamized. The establishment of'Muslim trading communities in
such places as Mindoro, Batangas and Manila in the northern Philippines
came from the same direction, more specifically from Borneo.

The combination of trade and Islamization presumably created the neces

sary conditions that enRbled the Sulus, and later, the Magindanao, to ad
vance way ahead of the other indigenous inhabitants of the Philippine
archipelago.

To what extent did Islam revolutionize the recipient communities? Before

the advent of IS)Rm in the Philippine archipelago, no community was re
ported to be monotheist. Diwata and anito were. essential features of their
belief system. Animists, they are CAned by social scientists nowadays. Believ
ing that "There is no other god hut nod, and Muhammad is His Prophet,"
Islam was the first to bring monothpilim to the Philippines. The next was
Christianity which was close to two centuries later.

In the course of its historical devE'Iopment, the Islamic world was able to
develop a social system distinctly itli own, in consonance with the doctrine
revealed in the Qur'an and also embodied in the Hadith or Bunnah (tradi
tion) of the Prophet. Such institutions as the caliphate, the emirate and the
sultanate are part\of this development.

The religion and the social system brought by Islam Wl"re radical depar
tures from the animism prevalent among the many lowland peoples of the
archipelago. Further, the stimulus provided by the Muslim traders combined
to push the Islamized communities far ahead of the others. They traded
actively with peoples of the other islands within the archipelago, and also
with other southeast al'lian countrjl't;, including China.

The Warrior Societies

I
ike the barangays, the warrior communities were also kinship
bound. Dr. Scott who has done extensive studies on the matter calls
them warrior communities because they were "characterized by a
distinct warrior class, in which membership is won by personal
achievements, entails privilege, duty and prescribed norms of 'Conduct, and is
requisite for community leadership." He adds that "the major occasion for
exercising mili~ry skill among these societies is during raids called
mangayaw into unallied territory, but individual attacks are made by stealth

19
 TH MINORlTlZATION OF THE INOIC,W.NOUS OOMMUNmES
OF MINDANAO ANDTHE SULU ARCHIPELAGO

or as opportunity presents itself, including suicidal one-man forays."11

Speaking of their sources oflivt"lihood, Dr. &ott 88Y. that "all societies with
warrior chiefs live by swidden farming, although the Kalingas have adopted
terraced pond-fields in the recent past. Braves clear their own fields like
everybody else - for "hich reason mangayaw raids tend to be seasonal
except among dependents and so qualify as a sort of 'parasite class.' Agricul
turalsurplus is produced by increasing labor force through polygyrlY, !'Wns
in-law, dependents by blood or debt, or slaves. Their heirloom wealth neces
sary for high social status consists of imports like porcelain, brasswarc and
beads, or local manufactures like weapons and gold work. It is acc:umulated
mainly througb brideprice,wergeld and legal fees, and is thus more likely to
be the result of personal power than the cause;"12 Among those falling
within this category were the Manobo, the Mandaya, the Bagobo, the
Tagakaolo, the B'laan, and the Subanon of Mindanao; also, the !snegs, the
Kalingas, and the Tinguians of the Cordillera.

The Petty Plutocracies

I
he petty plutocracies arc confined only to the Cordillera central in
northern Luzon, more specifically to the Ifugao, Bontoc, Kankanay
and Ibaloy. They were described as such because "they are," Dr.
Scott says, "dominated socially and politically by a recognized class
of rich men who attain membership through birthright, property and the
performance of specified ceremQnies; and 'petty' because their authority is
localized, being extended by neither absentee landlordism nor territorial
subjugation. "13

The Classless Communities

I
he classless communities, Dr. Scott claims, are so characterize. d
"because they distinguish no class or group which exerts authority
or advantage over other classes or groups by virtue of ascribed or
, acclaimed statuS."14 Very good examples of these were the llongots
of northern Luzon, the Katalangan of Isabela the Ikalahan of Nueva
Vizcaya. the Mangyans of Mindoro (now known to be divided into six distinct
language groups, namely, Iraya, Alangan, Tadyawan, Hanunoo, Buhid,
Tawbuid and Batangan), the Batak ofPalawan, the Tiruray of Maguindanao
and Sultan Kudarat in Mindanao, the Sulod of Panay, and the Negritos who
are known by different names (generally Aeta, Eta, or Ita to the Tagalog";
Baluga, Alta or Dumagat to the Tagalog of Baler!6; Atta to the Ibanag in
Cagayan17; Agta among the !sneg!8; Pugut meaning black or very dark
colored to the llocano!9; also, kulot or curly to the Ilocano neighbors in

11 William Henry Scott, "Class Structure in the Unhispanized Philippines" in Cracks in the
parchment Curtain (Quezon City: New Day Publi.~hers. 1985), pp. 132, 188;
12 Ibid., pp. 134-135.
II Ibid., p. 18S.
14 Ibid., p. 129.

11 Morice Vanoverbergh, "Negrito8 ofNorthern Luzon," Antbropos.. Volume 20, Nos. 12 (January-
April) 1925, p. 186. .
II Morice Vanoverbergh, "NegritosofEasternLuzon," Anthropos.Volume 32,Nos. &:6(September-
December) 1987, p. 909. .
17 Vanoverbergh, "Negritos ofNorthern Luzon", p. 186.
18 Vanoverbergh, "Negritos of Eastorn Luzon", p. 909.
III Vanoverbergh, "Negritos ofNorthern Luzon", p. 186.

20
 THE INOIOBNOlISPItOPI.ES IN THB PH!LIPPINES
ANOY8RVIEW

Abratll; Ata and Magahat in the island ofNegros in the Visayas21 ;

Ata in Davao, and Mamanwain Agusan..Surigao). What must be
stressed because it is taken for granted by so many people is the fact
that the Negritos have traditionally inhabited practically the entire
stretch of the Philippine archipelago, from Cagayan southward along
the entire stretch of the Sierra Madre to Camarines Norte; also, in
Zambalesin west central Luzon; in Panay and Negros in the
V~yA.S; and A,olsan..Surigao and Davao in Mindanao. 22

According to Dr. Scott, "all these societies either farm swiddens or

hunt and gather forest products for their sustenance - or, in the
ease of some of the Dumagats, live offfish and turtles."23 None of
them had any concept of landownership. To them, said Dr. Scott,
"the land itself is the property of supernatural personalities whose
permission must be ritually secured for safe and fruitful use, and,
similarly, wild forest products or game Rn:! either the possessions of,
or under the protection of, spirits whose prerogatives must be recog
nized by ritual or even token paYJPents in kind. The products of the
land, however, are owned by those who grow them, and may be
alienated or loaned. Fish and game taken in group enterprises are
divided equally among the participants and their dependents, or
according to an agreed schedule which ~cognizes divisions of labor,
risk, or leadership."'2 None of them, too, adds Dr. Scott, had "tradi
tional means of dealing with aliens at a politieallevel, although the
formalization of chieftaincy has been a frequent response to contacts
with more powerful groups.'"

'!'he Spanish Contribution

I
olonization, also ku,own as ChristinizRtion though not
necessarily Hispanization, was t,be main contribution of
Spain to the minoritization process. There is no need to go
into the detalls here. Suffice it to SAy that the the main
victims of the colonial order were the barangay communities of the
eight major language groups cited earlier, and at the end of the
Spanish regime, they have all acquired a common identity out of
their common colonial experience. Not all inhabitants of the archipe
lago were subjugated.

In 1898, at the collapse of the colonial regime, the entire popula

tion could be divided into two broad categories, those who were
conquered and colonized and those who'were not. Those who were

VlUlOverbergb, "Nejritos of Eutern Luzon Againw, Antbropos. Volume 14, Nos. 1-2 (January'
April) 1929,p.39. '
II Rudolph Rahmnnn, S.V.D. and Mareelino N. Maced ... "Notes on the Negritos of Northern
NelP""", Antbl'OJ!Ol, Volume 50, Nos. 4-6 (1955), p. 817. .
'lbe following specific places were identified during the American .period: ~agan in Apayaw;
ADakapan in Cagnyan; Raggaw and A41\wng in Capyan and northwestern part ofthe Sierra Madre,
also in SaIl Vicente in Cageyan; Palanao in leabel&;Cuiguran, Bruer, Polino and-Lucena in Tayabu;
MODtalban and Makasabobo in R.izaI; Znmbalee in west central ~n. See Morice Vanoverbergh,
"Negritoa of Eastern Luzon", AotbroooL Volume 32, Nos. 5-6 (f!leptelnber.Oecember) 1937, p. 906.
William Henry Scott, "Class &nJCtul'l'l in the Uohispani%ed Philippines", in Cracks in the
ParcbqlentCurtainaruJ Otber&saX'in l'hilippjne Histoa(QuezonCity:New Day Publishers,l985),
p.I30.
IN Ibid., p. 131.
Ibid.
21
 THB MINORmZATION OF THB INDIGENOUS OOMMUNmSS
OF MINDANAO ANDTHB SULU ARCHIPELAGO

conquered became the Christians, they paid tributes, they served as corvee
labor, they served as soldiers and militias, and 80 on. It was they, too, who
repeatedly rebelled - more than two hundred cases were recorded in 333
years. It was they who gave !>~ to the Filipino nation and the RepUblic of
the Philippines. Those who were not conquered may be further subdivided
into two groups. One would be those who fought back and were successful in
maintaining their independence throughout the period of ~panish presence.
These were the proud Moros of Mindanao and Sulu and the Igorots of the
Cordillera. The indigenous peoples of the Cordillera in northern Luzon are
known today to be composed of the following, in alphabetical order: Bontoc,
Ibaloi and Kankanaey, ~fugao, Ikalahan or Kalangoya; Isneg; Kalinga,
Kankanais or Applais, and Tinguian. The others were those who kept out of
Spanish reach, thereby remaining free. They were the warrior societies and
the classless groups.

Where then is the Spanish contribution? It may have been unintended but
it was in creating the conditions for the various barangay communities to
discover a common identity in being Christians and subjects of Spanish
colonialism, And find a common CRUse in their struggles to eliminate the
unjust colonial order. The result was more than eloquent in form of the
Filipino nAtion and thp Republic olthe Philippines in 1898. Their popUlation
was estimated to be nearly seven million,as thus making them the majority
population. The non-r:hristians, on the other hand, whO' were not identifJed
as Filipinos, neither by the Americans nor by themselves, were placed at
approximately one-eighth of the total population.27

'l'he American Share in the Process

I
merican contribution mny .,. cRtegorized as two-fold, i.n the sphere
.#I/f, of labelling, and in providin~ political or administrative structures.

First they called the Philippine Islands part of their Insular

Possessions. Which to them WAS Iegit.imately accomplished through the
Treaty of Paris in December lR9A whereby Spl\in ceded the entire Philippine
Archipelago to the American ~overnl1l!nt in exchange for twenty million
dollars lega1ize.d. Thf're w..s nf'Vf'r Rny question on whether Spain could
claim legit.imAte 80VE'reignt.y over ,""opt" and territories which were never
conquered, least otftlh:olonizf"d. kknowledgement, too, of the de facto
stRtus of the Republic of the Philippines was never shown.

Then as they proceeded to impGfif" thl'ir colonial power with military might
- which took until 1907 in Luzon Rntl the ViSRYas due to the intensity of
Filipino armed opposition; and up to 1916 in Moroland because the Moros
fought tooth and nall to keep them out; instances of Lumad and Igor~t
resistance made t.hemselves felt, too - they also refused to acknowledge the
legitimate existencf" of t.hE' the Republic of the Philippines, or of the .
Magindanao and ~ulu Rultftnates which were states in their own right.
What they insir.wd on WI\8 that there was no such thing as a Filipino nation,
only scattered Rnd disunited tribal groups. Armed opposition were neatly
labelled as cases of insurrection against legitimate American government, or
plain piracy or simple banditry.

II David P. Barrows, "History oft.he Population", ('.emus ofthe PbiliJpjne Islands (Washington:
United States Bureau ort.he C.ensuIII, 1005) Volume I, pp. 441, 447.
iI'7 [)P.nn C. Worcester, The Pbjlll!l!imll, Past aDd Present (New York: The MacMillian Company,
1914), Vu\unlf! II, p. 5:\.'.

22
 First they called the Philippine
Island. part of their Insular
Po....slon....Then a. they
proceeded to IMPOSE THEIR COLONIAL
POWER WITH MILITARY MIGHT - which
took until 1907 In Luzon and the

~.'~ Vlsayas due to the Intensity of

"'~~.f~ Filipino armed opposition; and up to
~~~q 1916 In Moroland because the Moros

:~~~.~~ fought tooth and nail to keep them

:i~

-. "'!';~'. ,i/O
out; Instance. of Lumad and Igorot

resistance made themselves felt,

~i:, ~,
too - THEY AlSO REAJSED TO

ACKNOWLEDGE THE LEGITIMATE EXISTENCE

of the the Republic of the

Philippines, or of the Maglndanao

and Sulu Sultanates which were

states In their own right.
 THBMlNORl'l'lZAT1ONOPTHEINDIOBNOUSOOMMUNmBS
OP MINDANAO ANbTHB SULU ARCHIPELAQO

The population of the IslandS were then placed in two neatly labelled
compartments: "ciVilized- and "wild," or "Cbp.stian- and "non-Christian-..
Mr. DeEm Worcester, a member of the Philippine ('.ommisaion, recounted
that when civil government was established; "I was put in general execu
tive controrof matters pertaining to the non-Christian tribes." He expressed
his discomfort at the term "non-Christian.- Apparently he has been in
search of a single word with which to collectively designate"tbe peoples,
other than the civilized and Chrisij.anized peoples commonly known as
Filipinos, which inhabit the Philippines." He said "they cannot be called
pagan because some 'of them are Mohammedan, while others seem to have
no form of religious worship. They cannot be called wild, for some of them
are quite as gentle, and as highly civilized, as are their Christian neigh
bOurs. The one characteristic which they have in common is their refusal to
accept the Christian faith, and their adherence to their ancient religious
beliefs, or their lack of such beliefs as the case may be. I am therefore forced
to employ the term "non-Christian" in designating them, although I fully
recognize its awkwardness.'"

If Mr. Worcester felt any initial awkwardness, the hesitancy soon disap
peared in official documents, judging from the consistency of usage. "Civi
lized" and "ChristianS" were spontaneously interchanged in official docu
ments; so were "non-christian" and "wild." Within a few months after the
establishment of the civil government, the Philippine Commission created
the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes under the Department of the, Interior
headed by Mr. Worcester himself. "This bureau is charged with the duty of
conducting systematic investigations in order to ascertain the name ofeach
tribe, the limits of the territory which it occupies, the approximate number
of individuals which compose it, their social organization and their lan
guages, beliefs, manners, and customs, with especial view to lelU1ling the
most practical way of bringing about their advancement in civilization and
material prosperity. This bureau has the further duty of investigating and
reporting upon the practical operation of old legislation with reference to
non-Christian peoples.'" Within two years of its 'creation, the oftlce was
renamed The Ethnological Survey for the Philippine Islands. Both were
headed by Dr. David P. Barrows.,(IO

Not long after, Dr. David P. Barrows published an article entitled "His
tory of the Population", in Volume I of the 1903 Census. The article had
two major sections, one on the "Civilized or Christian Tribes," another on
"Non-Christian Tribes". He also categorically described the "Sicol,
Cagayan, Docano, Pampangan, Pangasinan;Tagalog, VlSRyan and
Zambalan" as "the civilized or Christian tribes."'1 All tables ofV:olume n,
the statistical portion, which had Christian and non-Christian population
consistently used the phrase "classified as civilized and wild" in the title. 82

It will be recalled that these peoples who had been labelled were the ones
who by sheer acts of courage or through evasion successfully remained free

III Worcester, ibid.

11 Animal Report oftbe Philippine C.ommissipn. 1901 (Washington: Government Printing Office,
19(2), Part I, p. 38. See also the f'itIIt annuall't'lport ofthe Bul't'lau by David Barrows, in ARPC. Part
I, Appendix Q, pp. 679688.
Annual Report oftbe P)ill,ippine C'.ommission. 1903 (Washington: Government Pririting Office,
19(4), Part n, p. 58.
81 David P. Barrows, "History oftbe Population~, C'.eosus of the Philippine Islands (Washington:
United States Bureau ofthe C'.ensua. 19(5) Vom.... I, p. 458.
sa C'.ensus of the Philippine Islands (WlUlbinPln: United StAtes Bureau of the Censua. 19(5),
Volume II. Table 1 is entitled "Total population, classified p civilized and wild, by provinces and
comandllDcias." See also Tables 2, 20-24 for other examples.

24
 THE INDIGENOUS PIIOPLIIS INTHE PHILIPPINIIS
ANOVERVIEW

from Spanish colonialism. Now, by the simple act of official labelling, the
American colonial government transformed the symbolic glory of retaining
their freedom into a stigma and a marked disadvantage.

These labels later made their appearance in very important laws like those
affecting ownership and distribution of land and the disposition of nAtural
resources. They also became the excuse for special government measures.
While regular provinces and municipalities were formalized or established
for the "civilized," special laws and special administrative machineries were
created for the "non-Christians."

One after the other the Philippine Commission enacted special Jaws. For a
general application among non-Christians, it passed the Special Government
Act which would be made applicable to "the five provinces of Benguet,
Nueva Vizcaya, Lepanto-Bontoc,Palawan and Mindoro," and the Township
Government Act to "all settlements of non-Christian tribes tlu:oughout the
Philippines except those of the Moro Province." For the Moros, it passed Act
No. 787 creating the MOFo Province in 1903. For the Lumad of Agusan and
Bulddnon, "an act was passed" in August 1907 "carving the province of
Agusan out of territory which had previously belonged to Surigao and
Misamis and organizing it under the Special Provincial Government Act."
Bulddnon waS integrated into it. Then, in August, 1908, "the Mountain
Province was established in Northern Luzon. At the same time that the
Ifugao territory was separated from Nueva Vizcaya there was added to the
latter province the Ilongot territory previously divided between Isabela,
Tayabas, Nueva Ecija and Pangasinan. "3S

To ensure that proper cooperation was given by the local population, the
colonial government also had local males enlisted in the Philippine Con
stabulary. Mr. Worcester told us: "Whenever practicable it is highly desir
able to police thf.? wild man's country with wild men, and this has proved far
easier than was anticipated. The Bontoc Igorots make good, and the Ifugaos
most excellent, constabulary soldiers. They are faithful, efficient, absolutely
loyal and implicitly obedient... Benguet Igorots and Kalingas are now being
enlisted as constabulary soldiers, and from the very outset the people of
many of the non-Christian tribes of the islands have been used.as policemen
in their own territory.:U The Constabulary in Mindanao had its own Moro
C9mpany, too. 36

Aside from the operation of the Moro Province some special arrangements
were also made with the Sultan of Sulu. The fll'St was the Bates agreement
in 1899 wherein the Sultan acknowledged the sovereignty of the United
States government, and his capacity as the spiritual head of Islam in his
realm was in tum recognized by the United States government. Having
become uncomfortable with the continuing exercise by traditional Moro
.Jeaders, chief among them was the Sultan of Sulu, of lead roles in the
resolution of conflict.~ Rmong their people, the American government insisted
that the Sultan sign the Memorandum Agreement Between the Governor
General of the Philippine Islands and the Sultan of Sulu - the second
arrangement. The main provision of the document was the Sultan of Sulu's
ratification and COnfll'mRtion, "without any reservRtion or limitation whatso
ever" ofhis recognition of the sovereignty of the United States of America.

lIS Dean C. Won:tlster, The Philippines Pnst flDd Prrsp.nt (New York: The MAcMiliian CompAnY,
1914), Volume II, p. 560..
84 WQn:tlsur, ibid., p. 564. .
III JohnR. Whitfo,nulletsAnd Bolos (New York &Londun: The t1!lntury ('.0., 1928), pp.214-222;231,
238.

25
 THEMlNORJTIZATIONOPTHEINOIOBNOIJS(x)MMIJNITIES
OP MINDANAO AND THE SULU AR<:H1PBLAOO

He remained the titular head of the Islamic church in the Sulu Archipelago.
Signing for the government was Frank Carpenter, Governor of the Depart
ment of Mindanao and Sulu.36

Another special feature of the Moro Province was the creation of the Tribal
Wards and the Tribal Ward Cou~. Act No. 39 provided for "the division of
non-Ch~tian Tribes into tribal wards and for the appointment by district
governors ... of a headman for each ward, who shall be the datto or chief of
the people of that locality, giving to this headman power to appoint deputies.
The district governor is given power to enact ordinances for the government
of the wards within his jurisdiction ... the district governor is also given
jurisdiction to try cases involving the violation of these ordinances and it is
made the duty of the headman to report from time to time violations of order
as they occur and generally to keep peace in his bailiwick, for which he is
paid a small salary and allowed to wear a gorgeous badge of office."37 The
tribal ward courts came not long after.

The justification for the creation of tribal ward courts which would apply
the general laws of the colonial government "with some modifications to suit
local conditions," was that "the customary laws of the Moros and non
Christians were either non-existent or so vague and whimsical as to be
impracticable of administration in courts of justice." In short, insufficient for
purposes of a sound judicial system.3S

These special structures, usually politico-military in character, were

generally designed to be a transition stage in the amalgamation of the non
Gr"istians into the mainstream of civilian government. Or, put in another
. way, their assimilation with the seven million Christian Filipinos. In 1914,
the Moro Province was abolished and the Department of Mindanao and Sulu
which had jurisdiction not only over the former Moro Province but also over
the special province of Agusan.

Passed by the U.S. Congress,the .Jones Act of 1916 replaced the Philippine
Bill of 1902. Part of the government reorganization that followed was the
creation of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes 0917-1936) - not the same
entity as that headed by Dr. Barrows - which would "have general super
vision over the public affairs of the inhabitants of the territory representaed
in the Legislature by appointive senators and Representatives." This terri
tory included the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and the Mountain
Province on the island of Luzon. Another slight reorganization took place in
February 1920. The national legislature "aboli.shed the government of the
Department, placing the seven provinces dirt.:c:ly under the Bureau
\
of Non
Christian Tribes, and extending to that territory the jurisdiction of all
bureaus and offices."39 This structure lasted until 1936.

Commonwealth Act No. 75 (24 October 1936) abolished the Bureau of

Non-Christian Tribes. All the powers of the Bureau were conferred upon the
Secretary of the Interior. Also, the position of Commissioner for Mindanao

811 Memorandum Agreement Between the Governor nr.llcrnl of the Philippine Islnnds and the
Sultan ofSulu, Znmboanga, March 22,1915. Appendix D ofPetflr G. Gowing, Mandate in Moroland
(Quezon City: Up-peAS, 1977), pp. 852-85:~.
37 Annual Report orthe Phlljppine CommiAAion, 1904 (Washington: Government Printing Office,
1905), Part I, p. 26.
38 "Report ofthe Governor of the Moro Province", 22 September 1905, in the Annual Report ofthe
Philippine Commis!ljon. 1905 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 19(6), Part I, p. 330.
311 W. Cameron Forbes, The PhiJippine Islan.!!! (Cambridge, Mnssachusetts: Harvard University
Press, 1945), Revised Edition. Filipiniana Reprint SeriC8, published by Cacho Hermnnos.lnc., Metro
Manila, Philippines, p. 288.

26
 THE INDIGENOUS PI!OPLES IN TIlE PHILll'PlNES
AN OVERVIEW

and Sulu was created with the rank and salary of Undersecretary of the
Department of the Interior.

One major distinguishing feature in the policy for the Moro people devel
oped under the Commonwealth was the shift from the policy of attraction,
with the toleration of differences and privileges which he regarded as a basic
weakness in previous government policy, to that of complete eqUAlity before
the law. What this,meant in the concrete was that "from this time on",
Que~on told his Secretary of the Interior, "you should instruct the governors
and municipal presidents in the provinces composing the territory under the
jurisdiction of the Commissioner of Mindanao and Sulu to deal directly with
the people instead of with the datus, sultans, leaders or caciques. "40

After the grant of independence in 1946, specifically during the fIrSt

decade of the Republic and prior to the establishment of the Commission on
National Integration (CN!), three measures were instituted which affected
the indigenous peoples of Mindanao. There was the abolition of Department
of Interior through Executive Order No. 383 (1950); the creation of the Office
of Local Government thru Executive Order No. 392 (1951) to supervise over
special provinces, including those under the Department of Mindanao and
Sulu, and four years later, on April 20, 1955, R.A 1205, which transformed
these Special Provinces into regular provinces, thereby inaugurating, too,
the exercise of universal suffrage. 41 Earlier, top officials were appointed
rather than elected.

The next structure was the Commission on National Integration (CN!)

created in 1957 by Republic Act No. 1~. As a departure from colonial
times, the law institutionalized for the first time the status of the non
Christian tribes as National Cultural Minorities. But this was not all. Colo
nialism continued. A quick scrutiny of the policy statement reveals an almost
word for word reproduction of that of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes of
1917, one more solid proof of a wholesale carry over from colonial times.
Which means, in short, that the administrations until that time had not seen
the need for a new policy. The CNI remained in existence until 1975.

For a while PANAMIN or Presidential Assistant on NationAl Minorities

took over the role of looking after the affairs of the Cultural Communities.
The story of the PANAMIN is a colorful one by itself, and rather controver
sial, which unfortunately we cannot accommodate here for lack of space. The
name Cultural Communities was introduced in the 1973 Constitution,
replacing National Cultural Minorities. PANAMIN'S odyssey ended with the
fall of President Marcos from power.

Later we would see the coming into being of such offices as the Office of
Muslim Affairs and Cultural Communities, to be quickly split into the Offic,e
of Muslim Affairs and the Office of Northern Cultural Communities and the
Office of the Southern Cultural Communities. The 1987 Constitution not
only adopted a change of name, this time, Indigenous Cultural Communities,
it also established, subject to certain procedures, the autonomous regions for
the Cordillera and Muslim Mindanao. With this the Autonomous Region for
Muslim Mindanao was put in place in 1989. That of the CordillerA did not
materialize because, said the Supreme Court, only one province voted to be

.0 Teoflsto Guingona. A Historical Survey oCPolicies Pursued by Spain aDd the U,s'Towards.the
Morns in the Philippines. ~niln.'948, pp. 5762.
41 PeIagio S. Mandi, "'I'hfl ('1ov~rnltlr.nt MoC(\ Policy", Ateneo Law Journal, Volume 7, No.8
(November-December) 1957, p. 291.

27
 THE MINORlllZA.1l0N Of THE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
'Of MINDANAO ANDTHESULU ARGHIPELAOO

part of it. We can end the history of structures here. We must hasten to
stress, however, that structures and labels constitute only one aspect of the
story of minoritization. The more fatal aspect was that of legalized land
dispossession, initiated and nurtured in colonial times, and sustained until
the present.

Begalian Doctrine
vs. Ancestral Domain

II
onstituting the core of the Philippine land property system, the
regalian doctrine has been and is still enshrined in the the Philip
pine Constitutions of 1935, 1973 and 1987. With it the state declares
itself the sole owner of what is called state domain and reserves the
right to classify it for purposes of proper disposition to its citizens. Thus,
lands classified as alienable and disposable may be owned privately, and
titled to themselves, by individuals or corporations; and lands, forest areas,
bodies of water, and so on which are described as inalienable and non
disposable are state owned and are not open to private ownership. They
may, however, be leased for a specified period.

The Republic of the Philippines inherited the regalian doctrine from Spain,
as it also adopted hook, line and sinker all laws affecting land and other
natural resources enacted and implemented by the American colonizers.
These constitute one of the biggest chunks of institutions carried over from
colonial times.

It is said that Spain's discovery of the Philippine archipelago gave the

Spanish crown, as was the practice among European expansionists in the
15th and 16th centuries, possessory rights over the islands. Since the King
stood for the Spanish State, it was understood that his dominion was also
state dominion, and the King or the State reserves the right and the author
ity to dispose of lands therein to its subjects and in accordAnce with its laws.

The regalian doctrine is regarded as a legal fiction because no such law

ever existed. In any case, it was on the basis of this authority that the Span
ish crown handed down a law in 1894 commanding its subjects'in the Philip
pine colony to register their lands. It was presumably on the basis of this
authority that Spain ceded the entire Philippine archipelago to the United
States through the Treaty of Paris oflO December 1898. Whether this cession
was legitimate or not was entirely a matter of opinion. To leave no doubt
about it, the Americans employed armed might extensively to extract acqui
escence from resisting indigenous inhabitants.

To the United States government, the Treaty of Paris and the subsequent
treaty of 7 N ovembei 1900, which added portions of Philippine territory
overlooked earlier, effected a transfer oftitle of ownership, or of sovereign
rights over the entirety of the Philippine archipelago. This fact explains why
the Philippine Islands along with other Pacific Islands have been referred to
in American textbooks as their Insular Possessions. This was unmistakably
contained in the Philippine Bill ofl902 or more formally, Public Act No. 235
passed by the U.s. Congress on I.July 1902, an organic law, which served as
the fundamental law of the Philippine Islands until the enactment of the
Jones Law of 1916. From here, the leap to the Philippine constitution of 1935,
then to 1973, then to 1987 came a~ a matter if course.
 THE IN[lIGENOIJS PEOPLES IN THE PHILIPPINES
ANOVERVIEW

To what extent did the regalian doctrine contribute to the

minoritization of the indigenous communities? To the extent that the state
took away the lands that should properly belong to these communities. How
extensive is the indigenous territory involved? Or how much of the Philip
pine archipelago was uncolonized by the Spaniards? An early assessment
made by Mr. Worcester about the extent of Philippine territory inhabited by
the so-called non-Christian tribes gives us a fairly good idea about the size of
uncolonized lands in the early years of the American colonial regime. He
wrote: "there today remains a very extenstfe territory amounting to about
one-half of the total land area, which is populated by non-Christian peoples
so far as it is populated at all. Such peoples make up approximately an
eighth of the entire population. 42 \

To ensure unchallenged exercise of the state authority to dispose of state

domain or public lands, the Philippine Commission enacted a law, six
months after the passage ofthe land registration act, which took away from
indigenous leaders, datus or chiefs their authority to dispose of lands within
their respective jurisdictions. Clearly self-explanatory, Act No. 718 of 1903
was entitled "An Act making void land grants from Moro sultans or dattos
or from chiefs of non-Christian Tribes when made without governmental
authority or consent". It was now illegal for any indigenous leader to dispose
of lands to any member of his community, regardless of whether or not this
had been their practice since time immemorial

The Land Registration Act No. 496 was passed by the Philippine Commis
sion on 6 November 1902. This institutionalized the Torrens system in the
country, first introduced in South Australia as the Real Property Act of
1857-18.1)8. 43 This law mandated and provided for the guidelines for the
registration and titling of privately owned lands, whether by individual
persons or by corporations. The word "corporation" leaves no room for the
indigenous concept of private communal property. Forest land~,bodies of
water and so on which used to be sources of daily food and other needs for
the indigenous communities were no longer indigenous territories; they have
become state owned and could only be made use of with the consent of the
government.The strength of the Torrens system is further reinforced by the
provisions of the public land laws which happen to be patently di~rimina
tory against the indigenous communities, as the next section will.show.

Discriminatory Provisions of
PubUcLandLawsand
Other Laws Affecting Land

I
irst, it must be reiterated, lor emphasis, that the US acquisition of
sovereignty over the Philippine archipelago did not carry with it the
recognition of the communal ancestral domains of the indigenous
communities. Neither did it recognize that of the Moro, .least of all
the legitimacy of their sultanates, nor that of any other community for that
matter.

41 Dean C. WorroRtnr, The Philippines Pa!lt DDd Present (New York: The MacMillian Company,
1914), Volume II, p. 5:.i3.
U From "TIle lntnrrai:e Bp.twMn National Land Law and KaIinga Land Law" by Maria Lourdes
AranalSereno and Roan Lihnrios, (lxcerpted in pp. 289-303 oftluwnn Rights Dod Ancestral Land: A
Source Book, p. S91. .

29
 THE MINOamZATlON OF THE INDIGENOUS (X!IIfMIJNITIES
OP MINDANAO ANDTHE SIJLIJ ARGHIPEuOO

'Second, the Philippine (',ommission passed a law (Act No. 718) on 4 April
1908, six months after the passage of the land registration act, making void
"land grants from Moro sultans or dattos or from chiefs of Non-Christian
tribes when made without governmental authority or con~nt." Section 82 of
Public Land Act No. 926 which was amended by Act No. 2874 by the Senate
and House of Representatives on 29 November 1919 in accordance with the
provisions of the Jones Law, continues to carry the almost exact wordings of
said law, reiterating further the legitimacy of the transfer of sovereign
authority from Spain to the United States, and the illegality of indigenouss
claims. This same provision is still in effect to this day (1993) ....

Third, the Land Registration Act No. 496 of6 November 1902 requires the
registration of lands occupied by private persons or corporations, and the
application for registration of title, says Sec. 21, "shall be in writing, signed
and sworn to by the applicant". The very matter of registration was not only
totally alien to the indigenous communities, most of them would have been
unable to comply, illiterate that they were, even ifby some miracle they
acquired the desire to register. Also, what would they register? There was no
room for registration of communal lands. As a young Filipino lawyer recently
pointed out, "under our present property law, communal ownership is a
mere fiction of the mind; it is unregistrable and deserves no legal protec
tion."

Fourth, the Public Land Act No. 926 of7 October 1903, passed by the
Philippine Commission allowed individuals to acquire homesteads not ex
ceeding 16 hectares each, and corporations 1,024 hectares each of, "unoccu
pied, unreserved, unappropriated .agricultural public lands" as stated by
Sec. 1. Nothing w.as said about the unique customs of the indigenous commu
nities.

Fifth, Public Land Act No. 926, amended through Act No.2874 by the
Senate and the House of Representatives on 29 November 1919 in accordance
with the provisions of the .Tones Law, provided that the 16 hectares allowed
earlier to individuals was increased to 24, but the non-Christian was al
lowed an area (Rec. 22) "'which shall not exceed ten (10) hectares" with very
stringent conditions, that is, "It shall be an essential condition that the
applicant for the permit cultivate and improve the land, and if such cultiva
tion has not begun within six months from and after the date on which the
permit was granted, the permit shAll ipso facto be cancelled. The permit
shall be for a term of tNe yeArs. If At the expiration of this term or at any
time theretofore, the holder of the permit shall apply for a homestead under
the provisions of this chapter, including the portions for which a permit was
granted to him, he shall have the priority, otherwise the land shall be again
open to disposition at the expiration of the five years."

"For each permit the sum of five pesos shall be paid, which may be done in
annual instalments."

Sixth, Commonwealth Act No. 41, as amended on 7 November 1936, with

drew the privilegeearli'r granted to the settlers of owning more than one
homestead at 24 hectl\l'E's each and reverted to only one not exceeding 16
hectares. But the non-Chri.~tians who w~re earlier allowed a maximum of
ten h~ctares were now permitted only four (4) hectares!
44 Public !.nnd Act No. 926 (lUI amended by Act No. 2874, ellll.cted by the Senate and House of
Repl'8IIentativea. 29 Novem'\,er 1919), latter part ofSee. 82.
.. LaPd is Life, Proceedings of tile 2nd Ancestral !.nnd ('.ongreBS, UGAT, 2824 March 1987,
Univel"8ity orBan ('..arlo-. ('.ebu City, p. 16.

30
 THE IN[llCENOI1SPEIlPl..ES lNTHl1. PHII..IPPINES

AN OVERVIEW

Resettlement Program
y operation oflaw, not only did the indigenous communities find
B themselves squatters in their own lands. Worse, if they happened to
be inhabitants of provinces which had been opened to resettlements,
like Cagayan Valley, Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Mindoro,
Palawan, Negros, Mindanao, and so on, they would have seen their lands, as
they really did see them, being occupied by streams of settlers from other
parts of the country. Aside from dispossessing them, the new development
literally reduced them to the status of numerical minorities. From being
inhabitants of the plains, they now have become dwellers offorest areas, or
midlands and uplands.

In the wake of the settlers, or sometimes ahead of them, came the rich and
the powerful in the form of extensive plantations, pasture leases or cattle
ranches, mining concerns, logging operations, and rattan concessions. The
government,too, added its bit: development projects like irrigation dams,
hydro-electric plants, geothermal plants, highways and so on. Now that most
of them have become upland dwellers, a new law came into existence in
1975, Presidential Decree 705 or the Revised Forestry Code providing,.
among others, that lands not covered by paper titles which are over 18% in
slope or less than 250 hectares are considered permanently public. 41i Section
69 of the same decree declares it unlawful to do kaingin or practice swidden
agriculture without permit. Penalty is is up to two years imprisonment or a
fine not to exceed 20,000 pesos.

In the end, after more than three centuries of relative freedom and stabil
ity during the Spanish period, many indigenous communities found them
selves, in less than half a century of American rule and in an even shorter
period of thE.) Philippine Republic, rapidly displaced and permanently dispos
sessed - legally! Although the 1987 Charter claims to uphold and protect
ancestral lands, Congress has yet to pass an enabling act to put the Consti
tutional intention into effect.41 The last Congress failed to approve the
Senate and House bills on ancestral lands.

Sections 15 and 16, PO 7Hr. nr the revilll,,1 Forestry c~0I11l uf 1!l7!i.

47 Philippine Constitution 0(1987, Section 5, Article XII.

31
THE MINQRITIZATIONOF THE INOIGENOOSfX>MMIJNITIES
OF MINOANAOANOTHESIlLfJ ARCHIPEl..AGO

THE
IGENOUS

ULTURAL

COM TIES'
ITIJATION
IN
MINDANAOSULU

Introduction

I
he indigenous cultural communities in Mindanao and Sulu regard
. themselves as the the real owners of the greater part of the region.
The others were those indigenous inhabitants who constituted the
Christian converts during the Spanish period. Twentieth century
migrants from the northern islands, however, have challenged this claim.
Now, except for four provinces and a few other towns for the Muslims, and
about eight or ten towns for the Lumad, they have become numerical minori
ties in their ancient te:critory. Pressed to their limits, deprived ofland and
dignity, decisions have been made to take their survival into their own
hands. In 1972 the Moro National Liberation Front launched its revolution
ary war of independence for the Bangsa Moro. In mid-1986, Lumad
Mindanaw initiated and led the Lumad struggle for selfdetermination. This,
however, is not armed and is expressly for selfdetermination within the
Republic of the Philippines.

This is the story of the 13 Moro ethnolinguistic groups and the 18 Lumad

tribes of Mindanao, the Sulu Archipelago and Palawan. The story of their

dispossession, disenfranchisement and fIght for survival, as seen from their

own eyes.

Individually, they may consist of more than thirty distinct linguistic

groups, but recent studies have shown that they actually have much in

common, linguistically, and folklore-wise. One research has arrived at the

conclusion that the Manobo language is actually the parent language of 18

others, referred to as the Manobo subfamily of languages, found in Mind.

anao, Camiguin Island, and Cagayancillo Island in the Sulu Sea. I

Common origin stories also abound among Muslims and Lumad. Among
the Kalibugan ofTitay, Zamboanga del Sur, they speak of two brothers as
their ancestors, both Subanun. Dumalandalan was converted to Islam while
Gumabon-gabon was not. Among the Subanun of Lapuyan, also in
Zamboanga del Sur, they talk of four brothers as their ancestors.
Tabunaway was the ancestor of the Magindanao; Dumalandan the Maranao;
Mill-rilid of the Tiruray, and Gumabon-gabon ofthe Subanun.

The Manobo of Cotabato and the Magindanao say that brothers

Tabunaway and Mamalu are their commj)n ancestors, although they differ

on which of the two was converted to Islam. In the Manobo version, it was

Mamalu who became Muslim, and in the Magindanao version, it was

Tabunaway.2 The Manobo version furthpr states that they share the same

an~stor with the Dyanun,the Matigsalug, the Talaandig, and the

Maranao. 3

In the Tiruray tradition, the same brothers Tabunaway and Mamalu are

acknowledged as their ancestors. 4

I Richard E. Elkins, "Root ofa Languagr.", in Alfredo R. R.oees, Ell., Filipino Heritage (Manila:
Lahing Filipino Publishing Inc., 1977), pp. 5:t:~r.27.
I Dr. Najeeb M. Saleeby, "Stu(liel! in Mol''' Ilistory, Law and Religion" in Notre Dame JournaL
Vol. 6, No.1 (Apri]) 1975, pp. 10. 14, 16;3..~, :tr" :ut
3 Elena Maquiso, Prologue to ~he Ulabinglln (Manobo I-:pic), (Dumaguete City: Silliman Univer~
. sity, 1965), Mimeo Edition, pp. 1-6.
Dr. Stuart Schlegel, "Tirurny-Maguinllnnaun Ethllic &laiions: An Ethnohistorical Puzzle",
Solidarity,Vol. vn, No.4 (April) 1972. pp.2li.

.\3
 THE MINORlTIZATION OF THE INOIOENOUSOOMMUNITIES
OF MINDANAO ANOi"HE SUL.U ARCHIPBt...\OO

Another version says that the Tinlray, the Manobo, the B1aan, the T'boli,
the Subanos and the Magindanao have common origins. "The inhabitants of
Slangan, Magindanao, Katitwan, and those of the other settlements of the
valley were pagans and were very similar to the present Tinlrays in lan
guage and worship. Those who adopted the new religion remained in the
rich lowlands of the valley, but those who refused fled to the mountains and
have stayed away ever since. Those who wavered in accepting the new terms
of submission and who were later suffered to stay-in the neighboring hills
were called Tiruray.Those who refused to submit, fled to more distant
places, and kept up their enmity and opposition were called Manobos. The
pagans who are thus spoken of as related to the Moros of Mindanao in
origin, besides the above, are the Bilans, the Tagabills and the Subanos.JtG

The Higaunon and the Maranao also speak of a common ancestry in their
folklore especially in the border areas ofBukidnon and Lanao. This seems
more pronounced in the Bukidnon folklore. 6

The K:l1agan belong to the same tribe as the Tagakaolo. 1

Traditional Indigenous Territory

I
istorically, "Moro" refers to the 13 Islamized ethnelinguistic groups
_ we have en'umerated earlier. The name has been much disliked by
these Muslims for many years, coming as it did from their Spanish
enemies who for more than three centuries subjected them to
constant attacks aiming to colonize them. However, since the Moro National
Liberation Front bannered it in its struggle, it has acquired a new meaning
and has become a 'source of pride for its users. It is also used interchangeably
with "Bangsa Moro" (Moro nation or Moro people). [See Appendix D for
table showing the present geographical location of the Moro popul~tion by
ethnolinguistic groups.]

Lumad is a C'.ehuano Bisayan word meaning indigenous which has become

the collective name for the 18 ethnolinZOlistic groups which follow, in alpha
betical order: Ata, Bagobo. Banwaon, B'laan, Bukidnon. Dibabawon,
Higaunon, Kalagan. Mamanwa. Mandaya, Mangguwangan, Manobo,
Mansaka, Subanon, Tagakaolo. T'boli, Tinlray, Ubo. Representatives from
15 of the 18 tribes agreed to adopt a common name in a Congress in June
1986 which also established Lumad Mindanao. This is the fll'St time that
these tribes have agreed to a common name for themselves, distinct from the
Moros and different from the Christian majority. Lumad-Mindanao's main
objective is to achieve self-determination for their member tribes. The
choice of a C'.ebuano word - Cebuano is the language of the natives of Cebu
in .1e Visayas - was a bit ironic but it was deemed to be most appropriate
considering that the various Lumad tribes do not have any other common
language except Cebuano. (See Appendix C showing the various Lumad
groups and their respective traditional territories.)

6 Faleeby, op. cit., p. 35.

6 Manionio M. Lao; "Oral Tra{lition or Buki{lnon Pre-history: The Kalikat hu mga Etaw dini ta
Mindanao", Kinaadman. IX (1987), pp. 23-31". An English translation of the Kalikat by Dr. Victorino
T. Cruzado is in Mardonio M. Lao, Buk itlnon in Historical Perspective (Musuan, Bukidnon: Publica
tions office, Central Mindanao UniveNlily, 19141".), Volume 1, Appendix K. pp. 256-264.
7 Fay Cooper.Cole, The Wild Trj\~" of \.he flavao District, Field Museum of Natural History.
Publication no. 170, Anthropological &ril!~. Vohmll! XII, No.1 (Chicngo, U.S.A.: 1913), p.I58.

34
 TH E INUICENOUS (''UL'I1JRAt:OOMMtlNITlES'
SITUATION IN MINOANAOSULU

Data in Appendix E reveal that in the 22 provinces and 16 cities which

constitute the entirety of Mindanao and Sulu Archipelago, Palawanex
cluded, .the Moros are traditional inhabitants of a territory now found within
15 provinces and seven cities. The Lumad for their part are traditional
occupants of a territory encompassed within 17 provinces and 14 cities. The
indigenous Christians, on the other hand, were traditionally found in nine
provinces and four cities, mostly in northern and eastern Mindanao. We
include here, in passing, the Chabacanos who came to Zamboanga sometime
in the 18th century.

Basis of Indigenous Claim to Territory

here is incontrovertible evidence that the above-mentioned indig

enous peoples have been living continuously without interruptions

in their places of habitation at least since 1596 unti11898. By
incontrovertible evidence, we refer to the fact that all three major
categories enjoy three characteristics in their occupancy. First, they were
the first to arrive there. In instances where a group may have come later, as
in the case of the Moros among the Subanun in the Zamboanga peninsula,
consent was obtained from the first occupant. The late arrival of the Chaba
canos did not cause any disturbance or displacement among the local occu
pants. Second, among the various groupings it was the clan, not necessarily
the ethnolinguistic group, that had a tradition of communal ownership and
control of their territory, although it is worth noting that individual
ethnolinguistic groupings tended to live in contiguous areas. Lastly, their
occupancy was continuous and without interruption at least unti11898.
There were no significant developments then, no reported largescale dis
placement or dispossession of indigenous popUlation. These three character
istic features constitute the foundation of the current concepts of ancestral
domain among the various ethnolinguistic groups.

The case of the Moro people is different in that aside from being traditional
occupants of their ancestral territory, they also enjoyed the advantage of
having been part of one sultanate or another. These were de facto States
which exercised jurisdiction over both Muslims and non-Muslims. Hence,
Moro territory was both ancestral and state territory.

First Foreign Intrusion:

The Spanish Challenge

I
he Spanish colonizers represented the first serious challenge to
Moro dominance not only in Mindanao but also in the entire archi
pelago. Armed clashes between them began from the very first year
of Spanish presence in 1565. The Moros contested their colonial
ambition up to 1898. Part of the overall Spanish strategy in Mindanao was
to establish bases there, especially in areas where Moro influence was weak
est. Mainly through missionary efforts, Spain succeeded as early as the
flI'St half of the 17th century in establishing footholds in the eastern, north
ern and western parts of Mindanao. The total number of Christians, 191,493
in 1892 who were largely converts from the indigenous population, repre
sents the success of tl~e Spanish in putting a large portion of Mindanao
within their jurisdiction. Did this affect the state of indigenous occupancy?

35
The Spanish colonizers represented

the FIRST SERIOUS CHALLENGE to Moro

dominance not only In Mindanao but

also In the entire archipelago. Armed

clashes between them begun from

Mom Kurierl KlISlIyssYlln: History of the Filipinos I
the very first year of Spanish A Shott History of th.. Filipino People

presence In 1565. The Moros

contested their colonial ambition up

to 1898...MAINLY THROUGH MISSIONARY

EFFORTS, Spain succeeded as early

as ihe first half of the 17th century

In establishing footholds In the

eastern, northern and westem parts

of Mindanao.
 TH E INDIGENOUS CUL.llJRAL. (X)MMUNITI ES'
SlllJATION IN MINOANAO..SUL.I)

In a very real sense, no. The visible change was in the expansion of Spanish
state domain find the contraction ofMoro, either Magindanao or Sulu,
sultanate iurisdiction. Needless to say, this formed part of the Spanish basis
for claiming the entire archipela~o And ceding the SAme to the United States
in 1898.

Resettlement Programs of
the Government

I
he real displacement process started during the American colonial
period. Between the years 1903 and 1935, colonial government
records estimated between 15,000 and .20,000 Moro dead as a conse
quence of Moro resistance to the American presence. Some of the
recorded battles in Sulu, particUlarly the battles of Bud Dajo in 1906 and
Bud Bagsak in 1912 were actual massacres, one-sided battles thRt they were.
Next to the actual destruction of the lives of the people, it can be SRid that
as great a damage, if not more, was done by the resettlement programs.
These wreaked havoc on the Lumad and Moro ancestral domains on such an
unprecedented scale that they literally overturned the lives of the indig
enous peoples. A broad account will show that the government, colonial or
otherwise, must somehow bear the responsibility for this turn of events.

Initiated by the American colonial governmel)t as early as 1912, it Was

sustained and intensified during the Commonwealth period, and picked up
momentum in the post-World War n years. Altogether, there were a number
of resettlement programs.

Severe drought in Sulu and Zamboanga and gnlsshopper infestAtion in

Davao in 1911-1912 adversely affected rice supply in the Moro Province and
this gave General ,John Pershing, who was then Governor of the Moro
Province, the excuse to call "for the importation of homesteaders from the
overpopulated Philippine areas.. "8 The campAign for settlers into the first
agricultural colony in the Cotabato Valley started in earnest in Cebu where
corn has been the staple food. Knowing the Cebuano weakness for corn, their
staple food in Cebu, the American colonial government paraded around Cebu
a cornstalk, thirteen feet tall, propped up with a bamboo stick, to convince
the people of the fertility and productivity of the soil. But in addition to
being farmers, the volunteers had also to be skilled in arnis, an indigenous
form of martial arts. Fifty persons responded. The government provided
initial capital and some farm tools on 10::10 basis. They W"~(' also assured of
eventually owning homesteads. Thus was born the firs agricultural c lony
at the Cotabato Valley. Its specific aim was to produce cereAls or rice and
corn.9

The year 1913 saw the passage by the Philippine Commission of Act No.
2254 creating agricultural colonies aimed, officially, at enhancing the rice
production effort already started in the Cotabato Valley. Specific sites se
lected were Pikit, Silik, Ginatilan, Peidu Pulangi and Pagalungan, the very
heart of Magindanao dominion in the upper Cotabato Valley, and Glan at
the southernmost coast of the present South Cotabato province. In its sup
posed attempt to integrate the various sectors of the population, distinct

8 Rll(l D. ~ilva, Two Hills Qfthe Same Land, MindanflO .. Sulu Critical Studiel\ & Rc~arch Group,
September 1979, Rcvil\Cd Edition. Silvn is B.R. Rodil in ronl life.
Ihid., p. 41.

').7
 THE MINORlTIZATlON OFTH'E INOIGENOUSroMMUNITIES
OF MINDANAOI\NO THE SlJI..U ARCHIPEl.AOO

population groups were purposely mixed in the colonial sites. In Colony No.
2, for example, composed of Manaulana, PamaliRll, Silik, Tapodok and
Langayen, CebuRllo settlers and Maguindanao natives lived together.
Strangely, the settlers were allotted 16 hectares each while the
Maguindanaons were given only eight hectares each. to
There were American soldiers married to Filipinas who did not wish to
return to the United States. They were provided for through Act 2280 with
the opening the following ye~r of the Momungan Agricultural Colony in
what is now Balo-i, Lanao del Norte. There were signs that this project
ultimately failed when in 1927 the governor opened the area for sale or lease
to anyone under the terms of the Public Land Act. 11

Unable to further finance the opening of more colonies, the Manila govern
ment passed Act 2~06 in 1919 which authorized Provincial Boards to manage
colonies themselves at their expense. Lamitan in Basilan was thus opened
by the Zamboanga province, Tawi-Tawi by Sulu, Marilog by Bukidnon, and
Salunayan and Maganoy by Cotabato between 1919 and 1926. 12

No significant government resettlements were organized until 1935.

Settlers nevertheless migrated either on their own or through the
Interisland Migration Division of the Bureau of Labor. As a result, aside
from already existing settlement areas like those in the Cotabato Valley, or
in Lamitan in Basilan and Labangan in Zamboanga, and Momungan in
Lanao, we also see several in Davao, specifically in the towns of Kapalong,
Guiangga, Tagum, Lupon and Baganga; also, in Kabadbaran, Butuan and
Buenavista in Agusan, and Kapatagan Valley in Lanao. 13

The next big initiative was the Quirino-Recto Colonization Act or Act No.
4197 of 12 February 1935 which aimed at sending settlers to any part of
the country but with special reference to Mindanao, that is, as a solution to
the Mindanao problem, as their peace and order problem with the Moros was
called. 14 But before any implementation could be attempted, the Common
wealth government came into existence and it decided to concentrate on
opening inter-provincial roads instead. 16

The National Land Settlement Administration (NLSA) created by

Comonwealth Act No. 441 in 1939 introduced new dimensions into resettle
ment. Aside from the usual objectives, there was the item providing military
trainees an opportunity to own farms upon completion of their military
training. The Japanese menace was strongly felt in the Philippines at this
time and this particular offer was an attempt by the government to
strengthen national security. Under the NLSA, three major resettlement
areas were opened in the country: Mallig Plains in Isabela, and two in
Cotabato, namely, Koronadal Valley made up of Lagao, Tupi, Marbel and
Polomolok and Ala (now spened Allah) Valley consisting of Banga, Norallah
and Surallah. By the time the NLSA was abolished in 1950, a total of 8,300
families had been resettled. 18

The Rice and Corn Production Administration (RCPA) of 1949 was meant
to increase rice and corn production hut was also involved in resettlement. It
10 Silva, ibid.

\I Ibid., p. 42.

12 Ibid.

IS n'id.

14 Ibid., pp. 42-43.

11 Ibid .. p. 43.

16 Ibid., p. 44.

.'8
 THE INDlGENOlISC.,'UI..11JRAJ.. OOMMUNITIES"
SmJATION IN MINOANAD.stJ1..IJ

was responsible for opening Buluan in Cotabato, and Maramag and Wao at
the Bukidnon-Lanao border. IT

Before the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration

(NARRA) came into existence in 1954, the short-lived Land Settlement
Development Admini$tration or LA..<:;EDECO took over from NLSA and
RCPA It was able to open Tacurong, Isulan, Bagumbayan, Part ofBuluan,
Sultan sa Barongis and Ampatuan, all in Cotabato. 18

NARRA administered a total of 23 resettlement areas: nine were in Mind

anao; one in Palawan; five in the Visayas; one in Mindoro; seven in main
land Luzon. 19

A product of the Land Reform Code, Land Authority took over from
NARRA in 1963. For the fll'St time, resettlement became a part of the land
reform program. The creation of the Department of Agrarian Reform in 1971
also brought about the existence of the Bureau of Resettlement whose func
tion was to implement the program of resettlement.2O

Moreover, the Economic Development Corps (EDCOR), a special program

of the gov~rnment to counter the upsurge of the Huk rebellion - a brain
child of Ramon Magsaysay, then Secretary of National Defense under
President Elpidio Quirino - must also be mentioned. This program was
responsible for opening resetttlement areas for surrendered or captured
Huks (insurgents) in such areas as Isabela, Quezon, Lanao del Norte, North
Cotabato and Maguindanao. Those in Mindanao were carved out in the
heart of Magindanao and Maranao ancestral territories. 21

The formal resettlement programs spawned the spontaneous influx of

migrants who came on their own. It is estimated that more people came this
way than through organized channels.

To be able to appreciate the process of displacement among the indigenous

groups, one can do a comparative study of the population balance in the
provinces of Cotabato, Zamboanga, and Bukidnon over several census years.

Population Shifts Resulting

From Resettlements

I
s a result of the heavy influx of settlers from Luzon and the Visayas,
~. the existing balance of population among the indigenous Moro,
J

Lumad and Christian inhabitants underwent serious changes. An

examination of the population shifts, based on the censuses of 1918,
1939 and 1970, in the empire province of Cotabato, clearly indicates the
process by which the indigenous population gave way to the migrants. Add
to this the cases of Zamboanga and Bukidnon (See Appendices G and H) and
one will readily see how imbalances in the population led to imbalances in
the distribution of political power as well as of cultivable lands and other
natural and economic resources. These three give us concrete glimpses into

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

11 Ibid., p. 45.

10 Ibid., pp. 45-47.

II Thill.. p. 46.

39
 THI!MINORITIZATIONOFTHI!INDIOENOIJSOlMMUNI1U!S
OF MINDANAO AN(I TH I! SUL.U AkCHIPELAOO

the pattern of events in the entire region. The sole exceptions were those
places which did not become resettlement areas.

Cotabato has been the traditional cente~ of the Magindanao Sultanate.

Aside from the Magindanaon, its Moro popuIfttionalso il,lclude Iranun and
Sangil It is also the traditional habitat of several Lumad tribes like the
Manobo, the Tiruray, the Dulangan (Manobo), the Ubo, the Tholi and the
B'laan. It is, at the same time, the focus of very heavy stream of settlers from
the north. As a matter of fact, it was no accident that the American colonial
government made it the site of the flrSt agricultural colonies. It had all the
markings of a present day counter-insurgency operation which at that time
was Moro armed resistance to American rule.

Zamboanga was also the traditional habitat of the MagindanaOtwhere the

Sultanate dominated the original Subanun inhabitants, especiall in the
southern portions. Sama, known as Lutao during the Spanish pe'od,
Iranun, Tausug and Subanun converts to Islam known as Kalibugan com
posed the other Moro populations, Aside from its indigenous Christian
population who were converts during the many years of Spanish missionary
etTort and the few Chabacanos who were Ternateiios brought in from the
Moluccas Islands during the 17th century, the bulk. of its Christian popu
lation came from numerous migrations in the twentieth century.

Bukidnon had been the. traditional territory of the Manoho and the
Bukidnon (also known as Talaandig andlor Higaunon). Its having been
integrated into the special province of Agusan was an ftff'Lmlation of the
dominance of the Lumad population there during the first decade of the
twentieth century. Its handful ofMoro population are generally Maranaos to
be found in the towns, especially Talakag, bordering Lanao del Sur. The
census also registered a heavy inflow of migrants, mostly from the Visayas.

The Case of Cotabato

I
n 1918, what used to be known as the empire province of Cotabato
(now subdivided into Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat an,d
Maguindanao) had a total of 171,978 inhabitants distributed in 36
municipalities and municipal districts. The 1939 census registered a
total popUlation of298,935 distributed in 33 towns. And, finally, the 1970
figures'showed a total population of 1,602,117. The fantastic leaps in popu
lation increase cannot be explained by natural growth, only by the rapidity
of the migration process. How did this affect the balance of population?

In 1918, the Muslims were the majority in 20 towns, the Lumad in 5, and
the migrants in none. Not much change was revealed in the 1939 census;
the Muslims continued to be the majority in 20 towns, the Lumad increased
to nine as a result ofpolitical subdivisions, and the migrants had three. The
1970 figures indicated an unbelievable leap. Now, the Muslims had only 10
towns to their name; not a single one was left to the Lumad - although it
showed 31 towns with Lumad population of less than ten per cent, and the
migrants now dominated in 38 towns.

The history of population shift. in Cotabato was reflected throughout

Mindanao, revealing a pattern consistently unfavorable to the indigenous
population. T~tal Islamized popUlation was placed at 39.29 per cent in 1903;
this was down to 20.17 percent in 1975. Lumad population wRs-!2.11 percent
40
 TH E IN[)IGENOUS GULTllRAL. CnM MUN1Tl ES'
SITllATION IN MINOANAo.SULU

in 1903; it fell to 6.86 percent in 1975. More specifically, what particular

areas had Muslim majority? Or Lumad majority? By the census of 1980, the
Muslims had only five provinces, and 13 towns in other provinces. And the
Lumad had only seven towns.

Bole of Big Business

in the Displacement Process

II
indanao teemed with natural wealth. Both American military
commanders and government administrators saw this very early
in their stay in Mindanao. No less than Leonard Wood (1903
1906), the fIrSt governor of the Moro Province and John Pershing,
his successor, acknowledged this. Wood, as a matter offact, was recorded as
having remarked that "it is difficult to imagine a richer country or one out of
which more can be made than the island of Mindanao."22 Both officials tried
to influence amendments to the existing land laws in order to induce inves
tors into the region. The American dominated Zamboanga Chamber of
Commerce tried, not once but twice, "to have Mindanao and the adjacent
islands become a territory of the United States."23 In 1926, a U.S. Congress
man introduced a bill seeking the separation of Mindanao and Sulu from the
rest of the Philippines. This was part of a larger effort to transform the
region into a huge rubber plantation. 24 The great number of investors in
Davao, both individual and corporate planters, the most famous of which
being the Japanese corporations which transformed Davao into an abaca
province represent the most visible example oflargescale efforts during the
colonial period to cash in on the region's natural resources.25

During the post-World War era, timber concessions may have delivered
the penUltimate blow to the already precarious indigenous hold over their
ancestral territory. Logging became widespread in the region in the late
1950s and early 1960s. As a result of resettlement, indigenous popUlations
naturally receded from their habitat in the plains upward into the forest
areas. Logging caught up with them there, too. In 1979 alone, thpre were
164 logging concessionaires, mostly corpor~te, in Mindanao with a total
concession area 0(5,029,340 hectares, virtually leaving no room in the forest
for the tribal peoples. It should be pointed out that the region's total com
mercial forest was estimated to be 3.92 million hectares!26 To ensure smooth
operations, logging companies were known to have hired indigenous datus as
chief forest concession guards.

Pasture lands covered also by 25.year leases come as a poor second to

logging with 296 lessees in 1972-73 for a total of 179,011.6 hectares.27

22 Peter G. Gowing, MAndate in Moroland (Quflzon City: peAS, UP, 1977), p. 125.
18 Ibid., pp. 204-205 nnd p. 250.
24 Bad D. Silva, Two Hills of the Same Land, Mindnnao-Sulu Critical Studies & Research Group,
September 1979, Revise<l Edition.,pp. 3'7-38.
26 Shinzo HAyase,Tribes. Settlers.anll Administrators on a Frontier: ECQnomic Developmflnt and
Social Chang9 in Davao. South-Eastern Mindanao. The Philippine!!, 189!)-1941, Ph,D. Dissertation,
Murdoch University, Western Australia. Also Ernel'lo Coreino, "Pionner American Entrepreneurs in
Mindanao", Mindanao Journal. Vol. VIII, Nos. 1-4 (,July 1981-June Hl82), pp. 97-130,
26 E(luarclo Tadem, Johnny Reyes and Linda Susan Magno, ShQwcases of Unllerdevelopment in
Mindanao: Fishes. FOBst. And Fruits".. (Davao City: Alternate ResourCil Genter, 1984),

TI Ibid" p, 61. '

41
Mindanao teemed WITH

NATURAL WEALTH. Both

American military

commanders and government

administrators saw this very

early In their stay In

Mlndanao.Durlng the

postWorld War era, timber

concessions may have

DELIVERED THE PENULTIMATE

BLOW to the already

precarious Indigenous hold

over their ancestral

terrltory ... As a result of

resettlement, Indigenous

populations NATURALLY

RECEDED FROM THEIR HA~mAT In

the plains upward Into the

forest areas.

1.>1',u'Hl.j,uUI
.l.llIr3Inilll'
,dIT\!>es hctlll
j,\lrs thn.. r
IIHlnthcj ,1/1
.. ,Her (l)oIitv
hUt" and rt"llf!
 TH E INDICENOUS c:.'-II.:ruRAI.OOMMIJNITIES'
SITUATION IN MIN[)ANAO-.<;UW

How have these affected the indigenous peoples? Noless than the Philip
pine Constabulary Chief Brigadier General Eduardo Garcia reported to the
1971 Senate Committef' investigating the deteriorating pearland order
conditions in Cotabato that the <lgrant of forest concessions without previous
provisions or measures undertaken to protect the rights of cultural minori
ties and other inhabitants within the forest concession areas is one of the
principal causes of diss8.tisfaction among the cultural minorities,"28 A
Magindanao datu from Cotabato, Congressman Salipada Pendatun, cited the
same government failure to "provide precautionary measures in the grant of
concessions and pasture leases as contributory to the problem."29

Contradiction Between
Government Development Projects
and Indigenous Interests
s a result of the government's attempt to reduce the country's

Ii 1IIf, dependence on imported oil, both administrations from President

Marcos to Aquino have undertaken energy development projects
tapping both water and geothermal resources. Famous among these
projects, made so by determined indigenous opposition to them, were the
Chico Dam project in the Cordillera, the Agus Hydroelectric projects along
the ~ Agus River in Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Norte, the Pulangi River
projects and the' Lake Sebu dam project, all of which are located in the heart
of the territories of indigenous cultural communities. And now, there is the
Mt. Apo geothermal project. (See Chapters Four and Five below for more
details on the resistance to Mt. Apo Geothermal Project and Agus I Hydro
electric Plant.)

Consequences Upon the Lumad and

the Moro of the State System of
Landownership and Land Use

I
t is important to note here that no Lumad ethno-linguistic group
has ever reached the level of a centralizeo socio-political system
such as that attained by the Moro people. At the turn of the cen
tury, their communities were mostly clan-size, and they were
mostly dependent on swidden farms, hunting and gathering for their liveli
hood, and not much has changed since. This would therefore explain the
high V\llnerability of the Lumad communities to external intrusion. The net
effect of successful external intrusions was that-individual communities
ceased to be masters in their own ancestral lands and of their own lives; they
had lost their self-determination. How do they feel about this? Let us hear
from them and from the people who have worked with them or have done
extensive studies about them.

Silva. op. cit., p. 61.

II
Ibid.
43
 THE MINORITIZ...TION OF TH E INDIGENOUS O)MMUNlllES
OF MINDAN...OANOTHESULU ...kCHIPEL...GO

Recorded in the "Santa Cruz Mission Report" of 1973 were these accounts
by a Magindanao and a B'laan (South Cotabato). The Magindanao said: "I
want to tell you what I am feeling. Many years ago, the Christians came
here to our place. They made many promises and encouraged us to join
them, to unite and cooperate with them. They paid money to the Datu and
they claimed our land. I hope you can understand. Our lands are all sold or
mortgaged to the Christians. Now we do not have any land on which to
work."

The B'laan added: "I want to tell you about our people as they were before
the settlers came. We are the largest number of people then. We lived in the
wide plains of Allah and Koronadal Valleys. It is true that we were not
educated but then we were happy; we made our own lives, we lived in our
own way.

"Then the settlers came, our lives became unhappy. We ran to the mOUn
tains because we were afraid of settlers. Even today, the "B'laan people are
scared of the government officials. Our lands were taken away because of
our ignorance. Now we are suffering. We have been forced to live in the
Roxas and General Santos mountain ranges. Now we have only a few hec
tares of flat land to grow our food. And even with this little land, the govern
ment is running after us and they tell us that land is not ours. It is the
government's. They say the lands belong to the forestry. They will put us to
jail. Truly we do not think that we are part of the government,"

The Senate Committee on National Minorities reported in 1963: "Among

the provinces visited, the JTlost pressing land problems were reported in the
provinces of Davao, Cotabato, Buttidnon and the island of bmriffin.

"Natives in these provinces complained that they were being driven away
by 'influential persons and big companies' who have been awarded rights
to lands which have long been occupied and improved by the members of the
cultural minorities."3O

A Tiruray from N angi, Upi, Maguindanao, had a similar story to tell:

"Years ago, our ancestors inhabited the land now called Awang, a few
kilometers away from Cotabato City. Settlers came waving in front of them a
piece of paper called land title. They (our ancestors) did not understand it.
Like most of us now, they were illiterate. But they did not want trouble and
the mountains were still vast and unoccupied. And so, they fled up, bringing
their families along and leaving precious and sacred roots behind... We have
nowhere else to go now. The time has come for us to stop running and asert
our land right to the legacy of our ancestors. If they want land titles, we will
apply for it lsic]. Since we are illiterate, God knows how we will do it. That
is why we are trying our best to learn many things around us. By then, we
will no longer be deceived and lowland Christians can be stopped from
further encroaching on our land." 31

Dr. Stuart Schlegel who took down this account made additional observa
tions: "The Tiruray's accommodation of the increasing number oflowlanders
from elsewhere, the settlers' acquisition of the ancestral lands, as well as the
entry of logging corporations in the area were the beginning of the loss of
Tiruray lands, and eventually, the loss of their livelihood. When the settlers
ao Senate ofthe Philippines, Senate Committee on the National Minorities, Report on the National
Minoritjes, 1962, p. 2 .
31 Dr. Stuart Sclilegel, "Tiruray.Maguin<lanaon Ethnic Relations: An Ethnohistorical Puzzle",
Solidarity, Vol. YD, No.4 (April), 1972, p. 140.

44
 THE INOIGENOIJSC,:IJLTIJRALOOMMUNITIES'
SlnJ....TION IN MINO....N....O-SULIJ

came, they only cultivated a parcel of Tiruray land. Today, the Tiruray can
only cultivate a small portion of the settlers' lands.

"Since most of the farm lands are now owned by the settlers, the landless
Tiruray hire themselves as tenants of the lands... "32

Dr. E. Arsenio Manuel who did extensive work on the people he called
Manuvu' shared his equaUy revealing observations: ".Just at the time that
the Manuvu' people were achieving tribal consciousness and unity (late 50's),
other forces were at work that were going to shape their destiny. These
outside forces can be identified as coming from three sources: the govern
mel1t, private organizations and individuals. The pressure from the City
Government of DavRO to bring people under its wings is much felt in its tax
collecting activities, and threats from the police. Private organizations,
mainly logging companies, ranchers, and religious groups are penetrating
deep into the interior since after the 1950's. With the construction of loggers'
roads, the opening up of central Mindanao to settlement has come to pass.
Christian landseekers and adventurers have come from three directions:
from the north on the Bukidnon side, from the west on the Cotabato side,
and from the south on the DavRO and Cotabato side .... "83

Zeroing in on the effects of government laws, Dr. Manuel continues:

"Actual abridgement of customary practices has come from another direc
tion, the national laws. The cutting of trees so necessary in making a clear
ing is against forestry laws, the enforcement of which is performed by forest
rangers or guards. Logging companies, to protect their interests have taken
the initiative of employing guards who are deputized to enforce the forest
laws. So enforcement of the same runs counter to native practices so basic to
the economy system of the Manuvu'. The datus are helpless in this re
spect."34

Many Christian landseekers who usually followed the path of the loggers
purchased tribal lands for a pittance. The datus, even if they were able to
control the membership of barrio councils in their areas, could do nothing to
annul such sales which normally were contrary to tribal laws. 35

Tribal land is not the only cftsualty in the displftcement process. Even
native ways, laws and institutions tend to be replaced by new ones. 36

The Moro fared only slightly better than the Lumad in that they were able
to retain more territory in their hands by comparison. Rut as the figures will
indicate, they, too, despite longer experience in centralized leadership, lost
substantial territory. (See Chapter Three for more details on the Moro
struggle).

To sum up, where once the Lumad exercised control over a substantial
territorial area encompassed in the present day's 17 provinces, now they only
constitute, according to the 1980 census, the majority in only seven munici
palities. And where once the Moros had jurisdictional control over an area
covered in the present day's 15 provinces and seven cities, n9W they are left
with only five provinces and 13 municipalities.

32 Schlegel, ibid., p. 148.

113E. Arsenio Manuel, Mnnuvu Social QrgnnizatiQn (Quezon City: ('.ommunity Development
Research Council, UP, 197:3, pp. 368-369.
S4 Ibi(l., p. 373.
36 Ibid., p. 374.
M Ibid., p. 314.

45
 THE MINORITIZATIONOFTHE INDIGNOIJSOOMMIJNITIES
OF MINOANA!) ANOTHE SUUJ ARCHIPELAGO

Present Status And Gains

Of The Lumad Struggle

mong the Lumad, much work has been done to influence recent

iI/f, legislations that would benefit them and the cultural communities

as a whole. The process has also strengthened people's organiza

tions. .

For the first time in Philippine constitutional history, the 1973 Constitu
tion of the Philippines carried a sympathetic acknowledgment of the unique
character of the tribal peoples of the country in a single provision, as follows:
"The State shall consider the customs, traditions, beliefs, and interests of
national cultural communities in the formulation and impJimentation of
state policies. 31
For the first time in Philippine constitutional history, the 1973 Constitu
tion of the Philippines carried a sympathetic acknowledgmp:nt of the unique
character of the tribal peoples of the country in a single provision, as follows:
"The State shall consider the customs, traditions, beliefs, and interests of
national cultural communities in the formulation and implementation of
state policies. 31
The nation-wide protests against the dictatorship of the Marcos regime
affected the Lumad. The reverberations of the bitter Cordillera fight against
the Chico dam project was felt in Mindanao. The T'boli, for instance, had to
contend with the Lake Sebu dam project. The Manobos of Bukidnon had to
bear the terrible prospects of one day seeing the water overflowing the banks
of the Pulangi river into their fields as a result of the Pulangi river dam
project in the heart of Bukidnon.

Thus, when President Marcos was thrown out of power and President
Corazon Aquino was installed, a Constitutional Commissiop was created to
draft a new democratic Constitution. The various Lumad organizations took
active part in the public consultations held during the drafting of the Char
ter. Lumad-Mindanao was an active member of the AdHoc Coordinating
Body for the Campaigil on the Inclusion of National Minority Peoples Rights
in the Constitution. 38 When it was established in 1986, it was made up of 78
local and regional Lumad organizations.

It was mainly through their joint initiative, as well as other groups advo
cating indigenous people's rights, supported by sympathetic advocates in the
Constitutional Commission that the 1987 Constitution incorporated vital
provisions directly addressed to the Bangsa Moro anc tribal communities all
over the country.

Two significant sections may be cited here as examples of legal provisions

that are considerably closer to that sought by the Lumads reporesenting a
radical departure from the aforecited provisions of the Constitution of 1973.
Article XII, Section 5 of the 1987 Constitution states: "The State, subject to
the provisions of this Constitution and national development policies and
programs, shall protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to
their ancestral lands to ensure their economic, social and cultural well-being.

1/1 Taken from anaccountoran intt'!rview with a mcmberorthe Lumad-Mindanno Council orElders,
published in Kalinangan, September 1988.
.. Tribal Forum, Volume VII, July-August 1986, pp. 6-9.
 THE INDIGENOUS CULTIJRALCOMMUNITIES'

SlnJATION IN M1NDANAOSlJLU

"The Congress may provide for the applicability of customary laws govern
ing property rights or relations in determining the ownership and extent of
ancestral domain".

The other provision is Article XIV Education, Science and Technology,

Arts, Culture and Sports), Section 17, as follows: "The State shAll recognize,
respect, and protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to pre
serve and develop their cultures, trAditions, and institutions. It shall con
sider these rights in the formulation of national plans and policies."

For the Tiruray group which alone WAS included in the autonomous region
in Muslim Mindanao, the gains are to be found, for the moment, in the
provisions of the Organic Act. For example, the Organic Act for Muslim
Mindanao carries one full article on Ancestral Domain. At the same time,
Tribal customary laws shall at last be codified and become part of the law of
the land.

The names "Lumad" and "Bangsa Moro" have at last been accepted in
the legal dictionary of the country.40 Along with this, an exemption from
agrarian reform was granted by the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of
1988 (Chapter II, Sec. 9) "to ancestral lands of each indigenous cultural
community". (See Chapter Six Prospects For Problem Resolution and
Peace)

These gains must, however, be plR~d within reRlistic perspective. It is

true that they represent a substRntffil advRnce from the provision of the
1973 Constitution. But whether or not they can deliver what the indigenous
people really want is another matter. Within the same Charter may be
found, for example, a provision that CRn eRsily nullify the intention of the
state recognition of ancestral lands. Flection 2, Article XII (National Economy
and Patrimony), clearly states that "all lands of the public domain, waters,
minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential
energy, fisheries, forests or timber, wildlife, flora and fauna, and other
natural resources are owned by the State. With the exception of agricultural
lands, all other natural resources shall not be alienated. This nullifying
effect has been concretely illustrated in the definition of ancestral domRin
and ancestral lands in the Organic Act for the Autonomous Region in Mus
lim Mindanao (Sec. 1, Article XI) where the beautifully pAckAged definition
of ancestral domain in the first part of the paragraph is neAtly cut down in
the latter part of the SAme parAgrAph, just as soon AS the State Asserts its
p.ossessory right. 41

89 R.A. No. 6134 -- An Act Pl'Ovi.ling for an Organic Act Iilr the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao, Art. IX, ~c. 16.
40 Ibid., Art. xm. Sec. 8.
U R.A. No. 6734 - An Act Providing for an Organic Ad for the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao. Article Xl ill entitled Ancestral Domain, Ance"tral lands and Agrariun Reform. The
definition ofancestral domain is in parngrnph 2.

47
ntE MINORITIZATIONOFntS INOIGENOIJSCDMMUNITISS
OF MINDANAO AND nt E SULU ARCHIPEl..A.OO

THE
JoURNEY
TOWARDS
ORO
ELF
DETERMINATION
Introduction

side from their being Muslims, the Moro people are especially proud

I II/f.of two other accomplishments in history. First,long before the

Spanish colonizers arrived in the Philippine archipelago, they had
enjoyed a high level ofcentralized social system as exemplified by

the Sulu Sultimate which dated back to 1450, and the Magindanao Sultan

ate which although born only in 1619 was preceeded by the two powerful

principalities ofMagindanao and Buayan at the Pulangi valley. And two,

by their singular success in maintairiing their freedom against repeated

Spanish attempts to subjugate them for three hundred thirty three years.

Triumph of Western Colonialism

I
ut like the rest of the inhabitants of the archipelago, they, too,
became victims of the machinations of two colonial powers at the
turn ofthe century. With the signing of the Treaty ofParls, or, with
one stroke of the pen, fIguratively speaking, all inhabitants of the
islands without exception - the MOros no less - became colonial subjects of
the United States of America. Subsequent American moves were designed to
clear away all forms of opposition to the assertion of American rights of
, possession and the establishment ofAmerican colonial rule. In th~ case of
the Moro people, the direCtion was towar~ assimilation with the general
body politic which in this instance was oriented around the Filipino identity.

Thus began a radical turn in Moro life which quickly cleared the way for

their rriinoritization. Moro leaders' recognition and acknowledgement of

American sovereignty shifted centers of authority from them to American

officials and institutions. Control over land and its disposition became the

sole prerogative of the state authority. Private property prevailed over

communal ownership, and usufruct lost its institutional base. Police power

became the exclusive domain of police institutions, more specifically the

Philippine Constabulary.

Moro Resistance
here was widespread armed resistance against the American

I ,
presence during the fIrst fIfteen years, despite compromises by their
leaders, notably the Sultan ofSulu, Datu Piang of Maguindanao
and Datu Mandi of Zamboanga. Between 1903 to 1936, Moro lives

lost from the fJghting were estimated by the Amencans to be between

15.000 to 20,000. In the words of an American officer, "no one dreamed

that the Constabulary was to engage in hundreds of "cotta" (fort) fJghts and
to quell twenty-six upnsings of sufficient seriousness to be listed as 'cam
paigns' before it turned over the task of establishing law and order, still
uncompleted, to the Philippine Army in 1936."\ Most notorious or most
famous of the encounters, depending on one's point of view, were the battles
,of Bud Dajo and Bud Bagsak in Suluj the struggle of Datu Ali in
Magindanao, and the Lake town campaigns in Lanao. (See Appendix K-
Partial List ofMoro Encounters with American Colonial Forces).

I Lt. ('.01. Harold H. Elarth. ed" The Story ofthe Phm"pinl! (~onstnbulao1Los Angeles, CaUforrua:
Globe Printing CWUpany. 1949), p. 84.

49
t.\ ~~j.t. 0', . ,}, tTl \0' '! .<,....... ~ \I.r\"'~~

.~. ~~~ , .......... >' ~"';'.,d'\":fi;.,~}.,\

There was WIDESPREAD ARMED RESISTANCE AGAINST THE

AMERICAN PRESENCE during the first fifteen years, DESPITE

COMPROMISES by their leaders, notably the Sultan of Sulu,

Datu Plang of Magulndanao and Datu Mandl of Zamboanga.

Between 1903 to 1936, Moro lives lost from the fighting
we,. estimated by the Americans to be between 15,000 to

20,000.
 THE JOURNEY TOWAR[l') MORO SELF[)ETERMINATION

American success in arms was effectively balanced with equally deter

mined efforts in civil affairs, more specifically, tapping the datus for key
roleS' in colonial government, educating their children, and exposure pro
grams for the more obstinate datus to make them more cooperative in the
more subtle ways.

Datu Participation in
Colonial Government

f.j
ormerly prime minister to the Sultan of Sulu, Hadji Butu was .
chosen Special Assistant to the American Governor of the Moro
Province in 1904. He was Senator representing Mindanao and Sulu
from 1915 to 1920. Acknowledged as a top leader of the Maguinda
naos in the Cotabato Valley, Datu Piang started his service as third member
of the Provincial Board of Cotabato in 1915, then became a member of the
House of Representatives in ,1916 representing Cotabato. A ranking datu in
Lanao, Datu Benito represented Lanao in the same House. Other datus
served in various capacities. a good number of them starting as third mem
ber of their respective provincial boards. These personalities all actively
supported the educational program of the Americans. 2

Education, A Tool of Pacification

I
merican officials never underestimated the e.fhcacy of education as a
.,.. tool of conquest. A military veteran ofthe Mindanao campaigns,
CoL Harold H. Elarth, made thisobservatill1). "With the 41der
generation held in check by armed force anej lile younger being
trained in these schools, civilization and a semhlnn("~ oflaw and order began
to spread over Moroland."3 General Arthur McArthur who for a while in
19(H headed American troops in the Philippines felt that there was "noth
ing in the department of administration that can contribute more in behalf of
pacification than the immediate institutions of a comprehensive system of
education" and saw education as "so closely allied to the exercise of military
force in these islands".4 Thus, while tapping Moro leaders for important
roles in the colonial goverment, special arrangements were made to enable
sons and daughters of these leaders to obtain education.

The case of Sulu is instructive. A girls' dormitory managed by a Christian

Filipino matron and financed by American ladies in New York was estab
lished in 1916 in ,Jolo. This contributed substantially in breaking down Moro
prejudice against sending their daughters to school. The pupils were selected
from the leading Tausug families, among them Princess lndataas, the
daughter of Datu Tambuyong, one of the principal datus of the Bulu Sultan
ate; Princess lntan, the sister of Datu Tahil. Even then, Datu Tambuyong
played safe; he required the American authorities to sign a long document
which promised that his daughter would not be allowed to dance or talk with
men, among others. The support given by the leading datus certainly made
fl
2 Rudy B. Radil, "Ang Edukasyon al KarapnLnn ng Sambayanang Moro na Magpasiya sa Sarili
(Education and the Moro Right to Self[)olerminalion), The .JournalofHistorv, Volume XXXIV, Nos.
1 and 2, JanuaryDecember 1989 and Volume XXXV, Nos. 1 and 2, .January.December 1990, (pp. 99
112)p.106.
s Elarth, loco cit., p. 113.
Bapon ofthe War Df'viinmont, 1901, Volume I, Part 4, pp. 257258.

51
G....raI Arthur McArthur who

for a whU. In 1901 headed

American troop. In the

Philippine. felt that the,.

was "nothing In the

.;'..
department of administration

that CAN CONTRIBUTE MORE IN

.' .......:.. ..

BEHALF OF PACIRCATION than

the Immediate Institution. of

a comprehensive .ystem of

education and saw

education a. "SO CLOSELY

ALLIED to the exercise of

military force In these

Island....
 THE JOURNIV1'OWAROS MORO SEl.PDETERMINATION

the dormitory a great l>Uccess. At the same time, it inspired some of the girls
to become teachers. 6

~rican success among the general Moro population may be gauged from
the enrolment ftgures themselves. In 1900, we are told that "in the Moro
areas of Mindanao some 25 schools were opened the rlrst year with more
than 2,000 pupils attending." In the school at Jolo, very few of the 200
pupils were Moros because their parents suspected that "American schools
would try to convert their children from Islam to Christianity."6

Three years after, "52 schools are now in operation in the Moro province ...
with a total enrollment of 2,114, of which number 1,289 are boys and 825 are
girls. One thousand seven hundred and sixty-four of the students enrolled
are Christians, 240 are Mohammedans and 110 pagan Bagobos.1

In 1906, Act No. 167 (20 June 1906) on compulsory education for children
of school age, not less than 7 and not older than 13, was implemented in the
Moro Province.

In 1913, 1,825 Moros and 52f1 pagans were enrolled in the public schools of
the Moro Province. In 1918 the enrollment of the Moros in the five provinces
(of8ulu, Zamboanga. Cotabato, Lanao, Davaa) had increased to 8,421 and
pagan pupils to 3,129.'

By 1919 the Director of Public Education boasted that "six of the highest
ranking Mohammedan princesses of the Sultanate of Sulu were teaching in
the public schools, one of them a niece of the Sultan. "6

Exposure Tours

I
nviting independent-minded Moro leaders into exposing themselves
to "high civilization" was called education trips designed to soften
resistance to colonial policy. Usually selected to receive these
invitations were Moro datus and other headmen who were loud in
their objections to political and or social union with Christian Filipinos. Datu
Alamada and Datu Ampatuan of Cotabato were two of those datus who as a .
result of these trips were transformed into avid supporters of colonial policy.
Datu Alamada, in particular, was reportedly insistent in his requests for
schools, homestead surveys, and colony organi2;ation for his people. 10

These devices, among others, proved to be most effective in redirecting the

proud Moro spirit from active armed resistance to acquiescence. Like all
others in the same category throughout the islands, Moro loss is twofold.
They lost control of their own destiny and resources. They became a people,
neatly labelled, rlrSt as wild or non-Christian Tribes in American times, then
through RA 1888 in 1957 as national cultural minorities who were to be
prepared towards eventual integration with the mainstream of the Philip
pine body politic. They ceased to exercise their right to self-determination.
6 Peter G. Gowing, Mandate in Moroltmd. 1899-19'.20 (QC: PCAS,IP, 1977), p. 306:

Ibid.,p. 63.

1 AnnuAl RePOrt of the Philippine Commission (Washington: Government. Printing

Office, 19(4) Part 8, p. 828.

a Gowing, .op. cit.., p. 804.
Ibid., p. 306.
10 RoR0rtofthe Philippjne('.ommjHjQn.July l,1918t.o DecemiJar31,1914(WlU!hington:
Government printing Office, 1915), pp. 899-400. .

53
 THE MINOIUTlZATION OF THE INDIGENOl!.SO>MMUNITIES
0' MINDANAO AND THESUUJ ARCHIPELAGO

How did they feel about this situation?

BarIl" Moves Towards

.
Recovery of Self-Determination

fl
hen anned resistance died down, Moro leaders in what appeared
to be early experiments in parliamentary struggle, continued to
articulate and revive the issue of self-determination.

In 1921, for example, 52 Moro datus and five Americans - four of whom
were residents of Sulu and one' had served there for many years and in
tended to be one - addressed a petition to the President of the United
States requesting that should independence be RTRnted to the northern
provinces of the Philippines, ~it is the desire of the people of Sulu that Sulu
Arcipleago [sic] be made permanent American territory of the United States
of America", that law and order be maintained by American troops, and .
finally, that "we, the people of Sulu guarantee that we ourselves will main
tain law and order in the event our territory is made a part of the American
nation". \I

This was a curious petition because while there was express resistance to
becoming assimilated with the Philippines, there was at the same time an
even more manifest desire to become integrated into the United States of
America. Of course, the presence offive American signatures renders the
petition suspect. But not quite so, if placed within the perspective of a subse
quent document from Lanao.

A similar petition was sent to President Franklin D.Roosevelt in 1935 by

120 Maranao datus of Lanao lead by Hadji Bogabong. Like those in Sulu,
these expressly sought to remain under the tutelage of the American govern
ment, if and when this would grant independence to the Philippines. 12

Freedom Through Congress?

s early as 1961, four years after the creation of the Commission of

National Integration, Representative Ombra Amilbangsa ofSulu

"'f,
filed a bill seeking the separation of the Archipelago of Sulu from
the Republic of the Philippines. As to be expected the bill did not
prosper. But a message was delivered that not all was well in the Moro front.

Movement for Muslim. Independence

bout six years later, or iJ'.l early 19M, the Motos hit the headlines

again. A Muslim Independence Movement (MIM), heAded by DAtu

II/f,
Udtog Matalam, acknowledged among the Muslims of Mindanao
and Sulu as the venerable Magindanao patriarch of the Cotabato
Valley, issued a manifesto declaring their desire for independence from the
,
11 W, Cameron Forbes, The PhUippines lsIands (Boston an.1 New York: HoughtonMiffin Company,
1928), Volume II, pp. 475-486.
12 Bad D. Silva, Two Hills oftbe Same Land, MindaMo-Sulu Critical Studies &: Research Group,
September 1979, Revised Edition.
 'T'H&JOUIQolIY TOWAItDS MOkOSEI.I'D8T&IlMINATION

Republic of the Philippines of Muslim inhabited areas like Cotabato, Davao,

Zamboanga, Zamboanga City, Basilan City, Lanao, Sulu, Palawan and other
adjoining areas, islands and sea" and announcing their intention toestab
1ish an Islamic State. Their reasons? They made it clear that integration into
the Philippine body politic was impossible. The Philippine government had
been implementing a policy of isolation and dispersal of Muslim communities
which had been .detrimental to the ~uslims and Islam. It was the duty of the
Muslims to wage a Jihad physically or spiritually to change-their situation.
Islam is a communal religion and a way of life that requires a definite terri
tory for the exercise of its tenets and teachings and for the pro~ observ
ance of its Shariah andadat laws. Shortly after, Muslim was cha~ to
Mindanao in the name of the organization in an apparent attempt to accom
modate the non-Muslims.
It was not long before rumors of secret military training camps filled the
national newspApers. In the early part of 1970, MIM had allegedly become so
powerful that DRtu lTdtog MRtRIRm, Jr., then a mayor of the town ofPikit,
reportedly boaslPd Rt RpeRce conference that the MIM could wipe out Chris
tian towns, includinJ.! CotahRto Caty, if they wanted to.

"Ohristian" Oountermoves

I
he nf'xt yf'IU was going tobe a local election year and seven politi
cl.Rns, t;lInlP of tht>.m nlllyors i.n North Cotabato, and popularly
.known as tht' MRJ,,~C 7. orgRnized the Ilaga, a paramilitary organiza
tion that bPt.'amt known for its uncompromising anti-Muslim senti
ments. It was eompost'd initially, as reported in the media, of Ilongo (natives
ofPanay) undt'rworld chRractf'rs. The founders, too, were all Ilongos.
"Uaga" means "rat" but lh. Muslim!; preferred to call it the "Ilongo
Landgrabbing Association."

The years 1009 to l!J72, prior to martiRllaw, was a period ofindiscrimi

nate encountl-rl; betwe('n ~fuslims Rnd Christians. But 1971 was the peak.
year of the pre-mnrtiallllw Mindanao crisis. It was local election year and
the increasing incidents of indiscriminate violence had pushed Christian
politicians to consolidate forees, meaning~nsuring Christian control of local
positions. HArdly a day passed without bloodshed on either side.

The physical pattern of events showed the spread of conflict, from North
C:otRbato to LAnao del Sur, from Cotabato to Lanao del Norte, And from
C:otRbato to Zamboanga del Sur. It did not overrun all the towns. As a
matter of fact it was highly selective. It confined itself to those places with a
significant proportion of Muslim And Christian populations, and to those
towns where rivalry between Muslim and ChriStian pC')liticisms was most
intense. The general atmosphere of disorder opened plenty of room for
bandits. Personal scores were settled. Military officers and men took their
sides. Politicians secured themselves. The general masses, both Muslims and
Christians were caught in the crossfIre.

The most shocking even~ in North Cotabato was the massacre of 70 Mus
J.im.S, men, women and children in a mosque at Manili, Carmen on 19 June
1971. The Muslims were gathered there for a peace conference. Once inside
the mosgue, they were machine-gunned and bombed. It shocked the whole
nation but nobody was held accountable. It also added a religious dimension
to the conflict. ~hRt was 'not going to be the last mosque .to be desecrated.
55
 --------------------------------------~-.-.-.

THE MINOklTIZATION I)FTHE tNUlCENI)USOlMMIJNtTIES

OF MtNDANAOANOTHESULUARCH IPELAOO

Another tragic event was the Tacub maSSAcre on 22 November 1971. Three
truckloads of Maranao voters were on their way to Marawi, Lanao del Sur
late in the afternoon of that day after voting at the special elections in the
town of Magsaysay, Lanao del Norte. At the military checkpoint in Tacub,
Kauswagan, they were stopped, ordered to alight and lie face flat down on
the ground, and were searched for weapons. It was while the search was
going on that a shot rang out ang immediately the army troopers at the
checkpoint fIred their guns, including a .50 caliber machmgun. Those who
were not hit and had scampered for safety found only death in the hands of
civilians which included women, young boys, with white bands tied around
their heads who mercilessly pounced on them with axes, boloes, knives, etc.
Thirty fIve were killed at the scene, 54 were wounded. The 14 troopers who
were later charged with mUltiple murder and mUltiple frustrated murder
with robbery were acquitted allegedly for lack of sufficient evidence. From
January 1 to December 31, 1971, a local newspaper in I1igan City l3 had
documented for Lanao del Norte alone a total of 89 incidents.

So severe was the violence that President Ferdinand Marcos cited the
state of chaos in Mindanao as one of two reasons for declaring martial law on
21 September 1972. The other was the CPP-NPA.

MNLF Launches War of

Bangsa Moro National Liberation

I
he MIM faded into the background after President Marcos spoke to
Datu Udtog Matalam. But after the declaration of Martial Law, it
was fInally confinned that there was indeed military training given
to batches of Moro youths, both abroad and locally. Within two
months after the declaration of martial rule, in November 1972, the Moro
National Liberation Front-Bangsa Moro Army (MNLF-BMA) launched a
.... series of coordinated attacks on military outposts and announced to the
world the struggle for independence of the Bangsa Moro. It declared the
entirety of Mindanao, the Rulu archipelago and Palawan as the ancestral
homeland of the Bangsa Moro. Its battlecry: "Victory or to the graveyard!"

From the last months of 1972 to December 1976, largescale fighting raged
in Moroland. No one knew the score of the dead, the wounded and the
displaced. No one, not even the military. kept any record or if they did, this
was never made known. A publication,l4 made an estimate of deaths, injured
and displaced in the Cotabato provinces, Lanao .provinces, Sulu &. Tawi-Tawi
and Zamboanga provinces from 1969 to the fIrst quarter of 1976 and it came
out with the following combined total: Deaths - 35,000 to 60,000; Injured
31,000 to 54,000, and Displaced - 260,000 to 350,000.

IS Mindanao Scoop.

I' The Journal orAIAlam AHslllm. January 1977, Vol. 4, No.3, pp. 3132.

 ..

Within two months after the declaration of

martial rule, In November 1972, the Moro

National Liberation Front.Bangsa Moro Anny

(MNLFBMA) launched a series of

coordinated attacks on mlll~ary outposts

and ANNOUNCED TO THE WORLD THE ST-RUGGLE

FOR INDEPENDENCE OF THE BANGSA MORO.

It declared the entirety of Mindanao, the

Sulu archipelago and Palawan as the

ancestral homeland of the Bangsa Moro.

Its battlecry: "Victory or to the graveyardl"

r THE MINORITIZA11ON OFTHE INDIGENOUSroMMUNI11ES
OFMINDANAOANDTHESUI.UARCHIPEt.AOO

The OIC Mediates

RP-MNLF Negotiation

I
hrough the intervention of the Organization of Islamic Conference
(OIC), the Philippine Government and the MNLF agreed to meet at
the negotiating table. The framework of the talks: the problem is a
domestic one and must be resolved within the territorial integrity
and the sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines.

The first formal talks, which failed, took place in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia in
1975. The failure, according to Dr. Adam Malik, Foreign Minister of Indone
sia, "was partly attributable to the complexity of the question, but certainly
also due to the disproportionate demand put forward by the rebel faction
headed by Mr. Nur Misuari. To insist on a prior public declaration agreeing
to the creation of an autonomous region, with a separate government and
army, as a condition for the success of those talks, we believe, cannot be
accepted by any sovereign government worthy of its name."15 Another was
attempted in Tripoli, Libya in December 1976. This resulted itt the Tripoli
agreement which established an autonomous region for the Muslims of
Southern Philippines, or more specifically in the 13 provinces of Davao del
sur, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, Cotabato, Lanao del
Sur, Lanao del Norte; Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur, Basilan,
Sulu, Tawi-Tawi and Palawan. There were disagreements on how the docu
ment should be implemented. The government said there was going to be a
. plebiscite to determine which of the 13 provinces would be willing or unwill
ing to be part of the autonomous region. The gover'nmentproceeded with its
'"
II' own interpretation and emerged with the two autonomous regions (Region
IX and Region XII), each with five provinces. The three provinces of
Palawan, South Cotabato and Davao del Sur opted not to be part of the
"" autonomy. The MNLF never accepted the government position and eventu
"',
..."..., ally reverted to its secessionist stance. This was the situation when Presi
dent Corazon Aquino assumed the presidency .

1987 Constitution Provides

for Regional Autonomy in

.
Muslim Mindanao

I
new ceasefrre was entered into by the government and the MNLF.
"fA new round of talks took place which ended in a deadlock. But
while the negotiations went on, a new charter was being drafted by
the Constitutional Commission. The 1987 Constitution provided for
the specific steps for the establishment of an autonomous region, including
the enactment of an organic act for the autonomous region in Muslim Mind
anao. The MNLF consistently stood against accepting the terms of the new
Constitution. and took no part in the institution of the new autonomous
region.

The new Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao currently in place

covers only the four provinces of Magindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu and

1& Republic of the Philippines, Department of Public Information, Manila, 1976, Bllckground

lnfurmation on the Situation in Southern Philil!pines, p. 29.

 T:HJOURJIIYTOWARDSMOROSEI..F.OETBRMINA11ON

Tawi-Tawi. They were the only ones tbat.decided to join the autonomy out
of the 13 provinces and nine cities which took part in the plebiscite to deter
mine which or them would want to be part of the autonomous region.

Prospects of the
Banpa Moro Struggle

t is not possible to discuss the prospects of the Bangsa Moro strug

gle without at least mentioning the split within the ranks of the

Bangsa Moro revolutionaries.

The first signs of factionalism showed in late 1977 when, said a prolific

foreign author on Moro affairs, "word was received from Jeddah that Nur

Misuari had been ousted as MNLF Central Committee Chairman by Hashim

Salamat (a Maguindanao) because (1) he was veering away from Islam and

following Communist methodologies and objectives; (2) he was arrogant,

secretive imd autocratic; and (3) he had lost the confidence of the MNLF

rank-and-file. "16 The first external sign was the emergence of the Bangsa

Moro Liberation Organization (BMLO), "a largely Maranao faction," said

the same authorY More definite signs emerged later. In the early 80s, the

Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) came to the surface, identified with

Hashim Salamat. And not long after, another one came into the open, the

MNLF-Reformist Group, led by Dimas Pundato, a Maranao. So, there are

now three factions and the leadership of each one comes from one of the

three major Moro ethnolinguistic groups, fhe Tausug of Sulu, the

Magindanao based in Maguindanao, and the Maranao of Lanao del Sur

Lanao del Norte in north central Mindanao..The Organization of Islamic

Conference has continued to recognize the MNLF as the legitimate repre

sentative of the Bangsa Moro, and the government of President Corazon

Aquino acknowledged this by negotiating with the MNLF in 1986-87 despite

protests from the other factions. The:ri.ft continues to this day. The present

administration of President Fidel V. Ramos has so far expressed its desire to

talk with all factions, not just one.

The ceasefire agreed upon between President Aquino and MNLF chairman

Nur Misuari remains in effeet to the present. But the political settlement

that the MNLF desires is still a dream. The questfor self-determination

somehow continues. .

1. Peter G. Gowing, Mu,1im Filipjnoa-tfnritnge a011 Horizon~Quezon City: New Day Publishers,
1979), p. 238.
17 Ibid., p. 2S9.

59
~ E ~ 1NOiL'Tll.A nO'oo' OfT1i E INOIGNOUS cnwWtNlT1 IS
OF r.4ISUI\N.o,QM>/OTHE SUW ARCHIPEI..AOO
Introduction

I
cknowledged as the chieftain of the Bagobo tribe in Davao, Datu
4, Inong Awe was well over 90 years old when he led a Bagobo tribal
delegation to Manila to protest against the planned drilling of
geothermal wells at the Mt. Apo area by the Philippine National Oil
Company (PNOq. He died the year after, when PNOC was just warming up.

Weighed down witn foreign debts, payment for which constitutes close to
fifty percent of the national budget, the Philippine government has been
incessantly searching for every possible source of natural energy, be it oil or
geothermal. This is the task of the PNOC. And Mt. Apo offers vast
geothermal resources.

ApoSandawa
dormant volcano, Mt. Apo in Bagobo folk tradi.tion has been the

I
4. home of Mandarangan, chief of the Bagobo war gods, also called
"the God of the Sky for men".1 Tribal historians also claim that the
human race sprang from the couple Toglai and Toglibon who lived
in the same mountain. 2 Apo Sandawa to the Bagobos, Mt. Apo is a sacred
mountain. But PNOC saw only the vast store of geothermal energy held in
its belly, awaiting to be tapped for modern requirements.

In the Long Line of Fighting Leaders

I
atu Inong Awe belonged to the long line of fIghting leaders. His
~ father was cousin to Datu Tongkaling,the acknowledged Bagobo
datu of Sibulan community east of Mt. Apo when the American
colonizers came. 3 Between 1905 and the second world war, these
same colonizers allowed ,Japanese corporations to open up large tracts of
land in Davao into huge and profttable abaca plantations. Some 600 Japa
nese plantation workers perished in Bagobo hands between 1918 and 1938
when they ruthlessly expanded their abaca plantations into Bagobo tribal
lands. 4 Several of their own warriors, caned magani, died in the hands of
the Japanese soldiers during the ht>cond world war. But it seems their fIght
did not.end with the departure ofthp last of the .Japanese Imperial Army.
Now, their enemy is the PNOC, Rcting in tht> nRme of the national govern
ment, which in turn is acting in the name of natio!1al development.

1 Benedict, Laura W., Bagobo ('~eremonial. Magic an,l Myth (Leyden: p"J, Brill Ltd., 1916), p. 25.
2 Cole, Fay-Cooper, The Wild Tnb!)!. of [)av,o Dislri<1.. Mindanao (Chicago, U.S.A., 1913), p. 53.
3 Hei~i K. Gloria. The Bago""s; Thoir Ethnohistory nnd Accultumtiqn (Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1987), p. 124.
B.R. Rodil, "Pagtutol at Pakikibaka IIg mgn Lumll.1 I>a MindanAO, 190.'J-UJ.'35" (Resistance and
Struggle ofthe Lumad ofMinrlllnno, 190:~-1 n:ir.l, Paper pmscntr.,l at the 12th Conference on Local and
National History, Mimlnnao Slate Univcr!iity, Marawi City, 22-24 Octolmr 1991, 54pp., p. 39.

61
Datu lnong Awe belonged to the LONG LINE OF
AGHTING LEADERS. His father was cousin to

Datu To_allng, the acknowledged Sagobo

datu of Sibulan community east of Mt. Apo
when the American colonizers came. He
was well over 90 years old when he led a
Sagobo tribal delegation to Manila to pr0
test against the planned drilling of

geothermal wells at the Mt. Apo area by the

Philippine National 011 Company (PNOC). He

died the year after, when PNOC was Just

warming up.
 AMONG THE UJMA[;'

THE CASE OF MT. APOANO DATilll'1ONGAWE

Geothermal Potential of Mt. Apo

II
uch has transpired since that initial show of opposition led by
Datu Inong Awe. Since Mt. Apo is the tallest mountain in the
Philippines (2,954 meters above sea level) and is the habitat of the
monkey-eating eagle, it was declared a national park together
with the surrounding area totalling 72,814 hectares, by executive proclama
tion on 9 May 1936. In the early 80s, it was also listed as a Heritage Site by
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (A.<3EAN). It is also registered in
the United Nation's list of National parks and Equivalent Reserves. 6

Early Attempts to Explore Mountain

I
ince 19R3, the PNOC had tried in vain to obtain permits to explore
the energy potentials ofMt. Apo. The Revised Forestry Code clearly
provides that "NAtional parks shall not be subject to exploitation
and oth(>r activitif'S of a commercial nature." With unusual persist
ence, PNOC was finally able in 19R7 to secure an Environmental Clearance
Certificate (ECC) from the NationAl Environmental Protection Council
(NEPC), now the EnvironmentAl Management Bureau (EMB). This was
followed bya two-year explonttion period, despite opposition from the De
partment of EnvironmE'nt and Natural Resources (DENR),which proved
beyond doubt the existencE' of the vast power potential ofthe mountain. The
PNOC reportt>dly plans to dig A total of 170 wells as part of the ten-year
power developmE'nt program ofthf' N'ational Power Corporation
(NAPOCOR). Thl'Sf' wells wi1l in turn supply steAm to four power plants.
ThE' targf't is to produce 22U mE'gawatts of electricity.

In the overall perspective of the power development program of

NAPOCOR, its ultimate aim is for geothermal energy to constitute 27.4% of
the nation's power needs by the turn ofthe century.6

Stemming Tide of Tribal Opposition

I
n an attempt to stem the tide of growing tribal opposition, both the
NAPOCOR and the PNOC have reportedly "agreed to set up an
Environmental and Tribal Welfare Trust Fund". Also involved are
the DENR, the Cotabato Tribal Consultative Council, and the Local
'Government units of Cotabato. One centavo per kilowatt-hour of the net
sRles of NAPOCOR's generated power will be plowed back into this Fund, as
well AS, 20 percent of the royalty share of the local government units and the
fund components of thE' annual environmental management funds of
NAPOCOR and PNOC. The Fund will ~)\dministered by the Multi-
Sectoral Management Group. 7

~ Struggle AlIain!;t Development Aggresshm, A Tabak Publication (Quezon City: 1990),

pp.39-4:i. .
6 (bid.
1 ",aniln Bulletin. 17 February 1992.

63
-~----------------------- ---------------------

TH EM INORITIZATIl)N OF TIlE INDIGENe)1 IS CUMMUNITIES

OF MIN[JANAOANO THE StiLI I ARCHlrELAGO

More Opposition

I
arly in February 1992, news leaked out that the PNOC was set to
start fullscale drilling operations. The unconcealed entry into the
Mt. Apo area of hundreds of Army troopers was more than eloquent
proof of the seriousness of their intentions. On February 27, 1992
about 8,000 demonstrators marched through the main streets of Kidapawan
to protest the resumption of operations of the controversial Mt. Apo
Geothermal Power Project and the alleged militarization of the project site.
Bishop Pueblos of the Kidapawan Prelature and Congressman Andolana of
Cotabato joined hands with the protestors. Participants from many areas in
North Cotabato were stopped at various checkpoints set up by the police and
military and asked to get ofT from their vehicles for inspection of bags and
presentation of residence certificates. 8

Not only did the demonstrators roundly reject the February 12 Memoran
dum of Agreemt'nt which allowed the PNOC to resume its road-building and
geothermal wpll drilling operations, they also accused the government of
militarizing th.. area not only because of the presence of army soldiers but
also for the formation of pammilitary units from among the tribal peoples. 9

This was not the first loral dpmonstration to protest the construction of
geothermal pl;mts at Ml. Apo. This is in fact only one of several, starting
from the ont' It'd by DHtu Inong Awe. Nor does it promise to be the last.

Other Related Issues

I
ssups raiSf'd wen' not confined to matters directly related to ances
tral domain; militarization is another. Moreover, ecological concern
has increaSf>d sincf" environmental destruction around the Mt. Apo
,ue" is bound to afTf"ct the lives of the people, both Lumad and
settlf"rs inhabiting the vicinity. But all these concerns have been framed
within the funilHmt'ntal tribal right to their ancestral lands and the ongoing
Lumad mOYf"mf"nt for Sf>lf-dptermination led by Lumad-Mindanao.

Dyandi:
Defend Mt. Apo to the Last Drop

Ii
pposition has come not only from the Bagobos of Davao. The Mt.
Apo area and its environs, encompassing portions of Davao City,
Davao dei Sur and Cotabato, is the traditional homeland of several
. ethnolinguistic groups like the Bagobos, the Tahabawa, the
.Jangan, the Ata on the Davao City side, 10 the Kalagan and the Tagakaolo
farther away in Davao del Sur and the Manobos in Cotabato. As early as
April 1989, an alliance of the various tribal groups have been established,
and this has been sealed with a dyandi or blood compact where the partici

Philippine Daily Inquirer, 29 February 1~'2.

Ibid.
10 E. Arsenio Manuel, Manuvu Social Organization (quezon City: Community Developmen!
Research Council, University of the Philippines, 1973). Dr. Manuel says that although the name
Bagobo applies "generally to the Tahabawa, .Jangan and AtLaw peoples", the_ people there "~refer to
call them by their ethnic names." (pp. 7-1:\).
 As early as AprIl 1989, an

alliance of the various tribal

groups have been

established, and this has

been SEAlED WITH A DYANDI or

blood compact where the

participants, twenty-one

tribal leaders In aU, VOWED TO

DEFEND APO SANDAWA to the

last drop of their blood

They stated their position

. emphatically In Christian

tenns so that the people In

the govemment would

understand: ..Apo Sandawa Is

like your church to us. If you

were a Christian, a priest or

~
a Catholic, WOULD YOU ALLOW A
"

HOLE TO BE BORED Into your

church?"

 THE MINOIUTJZATfON Of' THE INDIGENOUS (XlMMUNITJItS

OP MINDANAOANDTHESULU ARCHIPELAGO

sealed with a dyandi or blood compact where the participants, twenty-one

tribal leaders in all, vowed to defend Apo Sandawa to the last d'rop of their
blood. Does this indicate a bloody turn in the opposition? Not necessarily. It
was clear to the participants that they must exhaust all peaceful means.
Their vow meant a readiness to set up barricades against the project or to
bodily prevent the PNOC people from entering the project site. But there
was the unmistakable hint to resort to arms when pushed too far. lI They
stated their .position emphatically in Christian terms so that the people in
the government would understand:"Apo Sandawa is like your church to us.
If you were a Christian, a priest or a Catholic, would you allow a hole to be
bored into your church?"'2

Pamaas, the Counter-ritual

I
ut PNOC cannot be aecused of leaving any stones unturned. If the
opposition had its dyandi, the pros had their pamaas. a propitiatory.
rite to appease Apo Sandawa and rid the geothermal project of evil
spirits and curses which might interfere with its implementation.
This. in fact, was specifically stipulated in the Environmental C.ertificate of
Clearance (ECC) issued by DENR to the PNOC. And so, on March 10, 1992,
an 84-year old Manobo presided over a pamaas at Lake Agko, held pur
posely to dispel the solemn vow of the dyandi performers nearly two years
ago. Mr. Monico .Jacob, head ofPNOC, and M.r. Pablo Malixi, head of the
National Power Corporation, and ten other officials attended. As part of the
ritual, these officials were conferred the rank of datu and other tribal titles.
Then, two Manobo datus, under the guidance of the Office of Southern . '
Cultural Communities (OSCC), handed over to the officials a map of the 701
hectare Mt. Apo geothermal reservation, an act relinquishing tribal rights
over the area to the government. In exchange, the Manobo community which
is also identified with the Cotabato Tribal Consultative Council that took
part in the pamaas was reportedly promised jobs inside the power plant site
and a tribal fund that would come from plant operations. 13

Tribe VB. Tribe

I
arely a month later, on April 17, 1992, opposing tribal groups
flgured i,h a near encounter when pro PNOC Manobo tribesmen
declared a pangayaw (tribal war or headhunting) against the
oppositionists who set up camp near the project site. 14

II Strugg!e Against Jlt!vr.!upm",nt AgreAAjun. A TAbak Publication (Quezon (.":ity: 1990), pp.47-48.
12 Ibid., p. 43.
18 Factsbeet on the Mi, Apn Anti-Geotb,.rmnl Power Project ('.ampRim, January-August 1992.
compiled by Organized C~lImpaign for Environmental Action and Networking (O(!EANl. a unit of
Kinaiyahan Foundation, Inc" pp. 23. Also, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Marc:h 22, 1992.
14 Ibid., p. 4.

66
 If the opposition

had Its dyandl, THE PROS

HAD THEIR PAMAAS, a propitiatory

rite to appease Apo Sandawa and rid

the geqthermal project of evil spirits and

curses which might Interfere with Its Implementation.

And so, on March 10, 1992, an 84-year old Manobo presided over

a pamaas at Lake Agko, HELD PURPOSELY TO DISPEL THE SOLEMN VOW of the

dyandl performers nearly two years ago.

. ~~:=~"~;J~~~~~;~7~;:~~~J:.::::::
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.0"".,:;,:. ..... ,.' r,......J~~~ '. . ,0':'.
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Rene B. LumawaglAng Peryodiko Dabaw

-------------------_'!"-_------------------------'"

THE MINORITIZATIONOFTHE INDIGENOUSCOMMIJNITIES

OF MINOANAO AND THE SULU ARCHIPEL.AOO

PaJiipas, Preparation for

Armed Confrontation

I
xactly a month after this or on May 17, 1992, the oppositionist
magani or warriors headed by Bagobo Datu Tulalang Maway, 85,
and a participant of the original dyandi, held another ritual, called
kanduli or panipas in Bagobo, at the peak ofMt. Apo. Traditionally,
this ritual was done before warriors went to battle. They prayed to
Mandarangan, the Bagobo god of war, and asked for his blessings. Now, they
were prepared for armed confrontation. They stressed though that violence
would only be resorted to if they were attacked first.I6

NPA Enters S'cene

II
eanwhile, the New People's Army had entered into the scene. The
government responded not only by sending in the police units and
Army regulars (more than five battalions was reported as early as
March and about a thousand more in mid-July) but also by organ
izing local tribal militia, reportedly 500 strong, all deployed within and
around the project site. As of July, 1992, a government agency placed a
P40,000.00 reward for the head of Datu Tulalang, now the oldest living
Bagobo magani. I6

President Bamos Makes Presence Felt;

Favors Mt. Apo Geothermal Project

11
n January 24, 1993, a national newspaper reported an important
event related to Mt. Apo. It says: "President Ramos yesterday
lauded the formal signing of the memorandum of agreement among
local officials and tribal leaders which provides for the continuation
of the construction of the Mount Apo geothermal power plant project ...
Signatories to the agroement included Cotabato Gov. Rosario Diaz,
Kidapawan Mayor Joseph EvangE!lista, Manobo Datu Artia Guabong of the
Cotabato Tribal Consultative Council, Environmental and Natural Resources
Secretary Angel Alcala, Energy Secretary Demn Lazaro and Philippine
National Oil Co. president Monico .Jacob."!7

In a dialogue with President Ramos two hours after the signing, Lingka
Ansula, a tribal representative of the opposition, said in part to the Presi
dent: "This is a day of sorrow for All people who stand up in defense of Apo
Sandawa against the Philippine National Oil Company."18

1& Ibid., p. 6.

Il Ibid., pp. 8-4; 7-8; 10.

17 Philippine Daily InQ"irer, 24 January 19!ti.

III Ibid.

 AMONt:; THE I..I)MA[t

THE CASE OF "'T. AI'!) AND [lAW INON(; AWe

Other Energy Projects

in Mindanao and Effects on ICCs

I
he Mt. Apo question is not the only Adverse situation the LumRd of
Mindanao must face. The T'boli of South CotabRto have protested
against the proliferation of fishpond leases by outsiders in Lake
Sebu. The Bukidnons and Manobos of Bukidnon province are up
against the Pulangi Dam IV in the municipalities of San Fernando, Quezon
and Maramag because of the strong possibility of inundation affecting
farmlands and several thousand tribal peoplps. The Higaunons of Agusan del
Norte Rnd Misamis Oriental have been seriously afTecwd by the continuous
logging operations of big capitalists in their ancestral area.

What it sums up to is that tribal community rights are being violated and
the communities themselves are being forcibly displaced to make way for so
called national development. This story is not new. The same old pattern of
dispossession goes back to the beginnings of Spanish colonialism. Nor does it
look like it is about to end.

69
./

THE MINt)RITIZATION OF THE INDIGENOIJSCOMMIJNITIES

OF M INUAN/'O AND THE SlJLIJ ARCHIPELAGO

AGUsl
HYDROEL CfRIC

Ge EnerioiMinda~ao Herald

5 .itqi;~";\
-
~ __ :"~,

#'*' -
J::..::'!...
'~.'"
-;;

:'S"
or.: ~-.._~.:.
;'~, . . _'L

.... :::."""'.~""':t..........
---~
-,,
-
'...:c;... _.
,,~__ -.-,-
_~~ ... -_-~

~- .. '
Introduction

II
nergy crisis in Mindanao! Thus screamed newspaper headlines
from late 1991 to the early part of 1992. The National Power Corpo
ration (NPC or NAPOCOR) which supplies almost the entire energy
requirement of Mindanao had cut its power output by 50% resulting
in brownouts lasting for as long as eight to twelve hours. Almost immedi
ately, there were howls ofNAPOCOR mismanagement and a call for heads
to roll. For their part, NAPOCOR officials explained that they could not help
it. The water level of Lake Lanao had gone down to a dangerous level and
could not sustain full operation of the five hydroelectric plants dependent on
it. More than 90% of the electricity being used in the region comes from the
five hydroelectric plants strung out along the length of Agus River. Agus
flows from Lake Lanao in Lanao del Sur down to Iligan in Lanao del Norte.
The situation has improved a bit three months later when curtailment was
brought down to 35% or only about three to four hours of brownouts. But
there is no promise of bri~hter days.l

Immediate consequences have been insignificant to some but very grave to

others. Among the latter are the factories in the industrial City of Iligan
which have been forced to operate at only partial capacity, some to as much
as half capacity. There is no telling yet how many billions of pesos in losses
this will amount to for all concerned: the companies, the workers and their
families, the national economy, and so on.

Much of the bhlme is being attributed to NAPOCOR officials' mismanage

ment. In response, they say that the only short term solution they can think
of is to operate Agus I hydroelectric plant in Marawi City which has long
been completed. Its 80-megl'l.watt capacity will cut down the current 35%
power curtailment to 20%. But an organized group of Maranaos, led by Save
Lanao Lake Movement (SALLAM) has vehemently opposed this for religious,
cultural, economic and environmental reasons. 2

The long term solution will require coordimlted reforestation and the
banning of logging within the watershed area around Lanao Lake from
which the hydroelectric plants take their water. Power curtailment, they
stress, is the direct consequence of the lowering of the water level of the lake
which, in turn, is not only due to EI Nino, the heat spell that has brought
drought to the region for more than one year and four months, but is also
the result ofunmitigated logging operations within the lake watershed
areas. The decision that will bring about this particular solution is not
entirely in their hands. Several government agencies, both national, regional
and local, are involved. Apparently irritated by this opposition and pres
sured by increasingly popular demand to get Agus I into operation, a highly
placed government official of Lanao del Norte has even suggested imposing
an economic embargo on Marawi City and the province ofLanao del Sur.
Luckily, there has been no takers.3 Never has the lack of electricity bothered
so many people. It has also brought to the surface the complex chain of
problems and events in which the Agus hydroelectric projects have become
entangled. A quick review of the events is in order.

I Bobby Timonera, impasse on Mindanan'~ Ennrgy Crisis", 4 .January 1992, Typescript, 5p;
"Malixi's Visit to Marawi Yields No ResuIL~, 22 January 1992, Typescript, Ip.
2 "Maranaos b'how Opposition to Agu!t I Plant, 24 .lanuary 1992, Typescript, 2p.
3 Bobby Timonera, "Maranaos See Econnmic Embargo Threat as 8 Hlessing", 15 .lanuary 1992,
Typescript,4p.

71
 THE MINORITIZAi10N OF THE INOIGENOIJS O)MMUNITIES
OF M INOANAD ANO TH E SI.II.I.I ARCH IPELAGO

Energy Situation And

Hydroelectric Power Projects

I
hree interrelated factors have brought about the Philippine govern
ment's feverish effort to tap all of the country's energy resources:
oil, water, geothennal, coal, alcohol, ipil, charcoal, etc. First, the
. country is 95 percent dependent on imported oil, mainly from the
Middle East countries; second, the Arab-Israeli war in 1973 provided the
occasion for the Arabs to discover that there is political power in oil: they
refused to export oil to all countries that supported Israel and this included
the Philippines. And third, The Moro National Liberation Front had succeed
ed in bringing the Bangsa Moro case to the Organization of Islamic Confer
ence (OIC) and the latter, in turn, granted the MNLF observer status in its
roll of members. It was largely these three factors which forced the Philip
pine Government under President Ferdinand E. Marcos to negotiate with
the MNLF under the auspices of the OIC.

And so, alongside with active researches into the energy potentials of
water and geothennal resources, coal, alcohol, ipil, charcoal, and so on, were
sustained explorations for oil in the Bulu and Palawan seas (both areas
happen to be part of the ancestral homeland of the Bangsa Moro, according
to the MNLF). Getting a large share of attention and funding were the water
resources of the country. Very quickly, one after the other, th.epublic came
to know about the Chico River Dam Project in the Cordillera, the Agus
River Project in Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Notte, and the Pulangi River
Project in Bukidnon-Cotabato-Maguindanao provinces. Altogether the
government has identified 52 sites for hydro-energy development for a total
estimated capacity of 8,380 megawatts: 30 in Luzon (5,374 MW) and 22 in
Mindanao (3,006 MW).4 Not included are the expected output from
geothElnnal plants.

The biggest of these projects are those of Agus and the Pulangi. Together
they can generate an estimated 1,947 megawatts, more than enough for the
power needs of Mindanao for the next 75 years, said a Napocor official.
Surplus power can then be channeled to Cebu, Negros, Panay and Bohol in
the Visayas. 1i There is no question that these will contribute significantly to
the energy situation.

The Agus River project is composed of a series of seven hydroelectric power

plants along the whole length of the Agus River, from its source in Marawi
City to its mouth in lligan City, and will generate a total of 944 megawatts}'

The Pulangi hydroelectric-irrigation projects consist of six dams, the first

four in Bukidnon and the last two in Cotabato. This complex will produce a

total of 1,003 megawatts and service irrigations systems. 1

Other smaller projects which will have a combined capacity of 714 mega
watts are located in northern and eastern Mindanao. Tagoloan and Cagayan
projects are in Misamis Oriental; Bulanog Batang, Tago, Caracan, Daiwan,

Struggle Against DcVftJopmMt AggreSl<inn, (Quezon City; A Tabak Publication, 1990), pp. 111
112.
a Philippine Sunday Exprol<s, 17"Septeml.er 1978; Bulletin Todny, 10 December 1979, and.TI.!n.u
journal, 22 September 1971).

8 No author, "Our Lake for Others", MII'C C.ommunications, April 1978, pp. 11-12.

7 .l3ulletin Today. 10 December 1978; Timr.!'I.Journal, 22 Sopt.(lmher 1979.

72
The ONLY SHORT TERM

SOLUTION NAPOCOR can think

of Is to operate Agus I

hydroelectric plant In Marawl

City which has long be~n

completed.~.But an organized

group of Maranaos, led by

Save Lanao Lake Movement

Frailan Gallardo/Mindanao Herald
(SALLAM) has VEHEMENTLY

OPPOSED this for religious,

cultural, economic and

environmental reasons.

"'(ij~
J:
~
~
~

iii(.;"c . ~7.".:, ..._~ .z

~~~~'.~~-'-~
 THE MINORITIZATION OF' THE INDICENUI)SCOMMUNITIE);
OF' MINDANAO ANUTIlESUl.U AflCHIPEl.AC,{)

Lake Mainit and Rta.Josefa are in the p~ovinces of Rurigao and Agusan;
Lanon river and Lake Seloton constitute the Lake Sebu project in South
Cotabato. 8

Painful Complications
Around the Agus Plants
aguiaran is the site of Agus II hydroelectric project which completed
9 nearly ten years ago with a power capacity of 180 megawatts. The
land expropriated, occupied and fenced in by Napocor which now
houses three nO-megawatt generators and the staff residences
, comprises more than 2,090 hectares and represents some 13 percent of the
municipal territory of Saguiaran, Lanao del Rur. The area used to be divided
into 149 family lots, all occupied by Maranao fAmilies. 9 There is no need to
go into the controversial detAils of the expropriation proceedings as well as
the amount of compensation.

Some of the Saguiaran families resettled in Wao, Lanao del Rur, a munici
pality adjacent to Bukidnon. But in August 1971), fighting broke out between
the MNLF and the government forces. Fifty-nine of the' new Maranao resi
dents, men, women and children were ordered to be dispAtched bRck to
Saguiaran, where, assured the military officials, they would be safer. They
were provided with a cargo truck. Only a hRndful of these made it. Along the
way, 42 ofthem, including a pregOl'mt woman and six children, 'were mRssa
cred by the local militias, members of the CHDF (government-orgRnized '
Civilian Home Defense Units) who were believed to be Ilagas. It was not an
ambush for the killers drove with them pRrt of the WRy in a separate vehicle.
Some of the valuables looted from them were later seen in militRry cRmps in
the area. The yellow truck used by the killers which belonged to R logging
company, was repainted green after the incident. H)

Then NAPOCOR PresidentG. Y. Itchon reported afterwards that one

NAPOCOR employee and three workers had been kidnapped, six transmis
sion towers near Marawi had been toppled down, and 27 construction em
ployees ofNAPOCOR had been killed and seven others wounded"'" Se
cured heavily by a Philippine Army detachment, Agus II looked like a garri
son. At the gate stood a sandbagged bunker-checkpoint, euphemistically
labelled Civilian Assistance Center, where soldiers stopped and searched
passing vehicles, including public transports, plying the IligAn-Marawi
route. 12 How do the Maranao people view NAPOCOR? An incident that
happened in late 1978 will serve to illustrate this.

6 Philippine Sunday Express, 17 Septeml~r 1978.

9 No Author, Our Land for Others", lksearch Bulletin, Vol. III. Nus. 8-9, April-May 1978,

pp.3-4.
10 Signs of the Times, 12 September 1975, pp. 20-21
u Bulletin Today, 8 July 1979. ,
12 "On the Rise and Fall of Lake Lanno", Research Bulletin, Dansnlnn Research Center, July
August 1978, p. 12.

74
 AOU! 1 HYDROELECTRIC PLANT:
WHAT PRICE ILEc.:rRICITYl

The Guimba Incident

I
n 3 November 1978, 11 Philippine Constabulary SOldiers. and six
Napocor workers were killed and four others were wounded in an
ambush at Guimba, Marawi City. The group was on its way to
restore power line that had been bombed earlier by the MNLF. As a
result, innocent civilians were allegedly arrested and maltreated. Hadji Salik
Kaluwasan, CHDF head in Marawi City was reportedly killed in the camp of
the 25th Infantry Battalion. 1

The people's account of the post-ambush incident mentioned a life of peace

at Guimba until that day of the ambush. It was Friday and the people were
iii the mosque for their congregational prayer. The soldiers entered the
mosque, rounded up the men who were at the front and more than twenty of
them were brought to the camp. Hadji Salik Kaluwasan, the Imam of
Guimba, was among them. He was killed at the camp, they said. Soldiers
entered and searched the houses. There was plenty oflooting. Later, they
heard of a plan for either the military or the Napocor to pay them 80,000
pesos in damages."

Seven months afterwards, another NAPOCOR truck filled with workers

was ambushed, reportedly by MNLF rebels, at Emmi, Marawi City. Twenty
two workers were killed on the spot. The ambushers took time to cut off the
ears of some of those killed. Word spread around later: Their wives would
know.why their husband's ears were taken. These NPC workers hRd been
marked and remembered for their participation in the looting Rt Guimba
earlier. To the MNLF at thRt time, the Army Rnd the NPC were the same.
TJle first was viewed as an armed and uniformed NPC unit, while the second
was seen as an unarmed and un-uniformed AFP (Armed Forces of the Philip
pines) Unit.

Maranao Opposition to Agus I

I
ALLAM's hardline stance at the start was for scrapping Agus 1.
Located at the mouth of the lake in Marawi City, Agus I serves as
an artificial outlet, an addition to the natural one of Agus River.
And because of this, it is highly suspect as the Rdditional cause of
the lowering of the IRke's water level.

The water level issue has been raised as early as 1978. Between June and
November of that year, it was noted thRt the water level went down by 1.8
masl (meters above sea level).. And the first to be affected were those wet rice .,
farmers whose livelihood was directly dependent on the water leveL Lower
water level means ruined rice paddies. All the lake towns which constitute
the majority in Lanao del Sur have their community mosques situated by the
lake. They need the water for their pre-prayer ablutions. The lowering of the
water level means they have to wade through mud before and after ablution,
a situation absolutely unacceptable to a Muslim. IS

The intimate relationship betwpen the people and the lake is aftirmed by
two Catholic church officials in Marawi City. Said Bishop Fernando Capalla

11 Tim(lS Journal. 9 Novembr.r 1978.

14 Lindy Wa..'lhbum, "The Ouimlm Incill~nl-. Kadtuntayn, Third Qunrter, pp. 14-15.

II "On the RiM nnd FafI ... op. cit.

A
,

75
"There Is a CONFLICT OF VALUE SYSTEM

between the Maranaos and the

lowland people. The Maranaos since

time Immemorial have regarded the

lake as the BASIS OF THEIR CULTURE.

They do their ablution In the lake,

they fish In there, and thel, farms In

the "basak" (rice paddy) area are

greatly affected. They are ve~

Intent on saving the lake. But the

people of the lo.wland regard the the

power generated from the lake as a

SOURCE OF INCOME AND LIVELIHOOD"

They don't see the destruction of

the lake, as long as their needs are

met. Napocor and non-Maranaos see

the lake as a RESOURCE TO BE

EXPLOITED rather than as a treasure

to be cherished and maintained."

- Rev. Fr. Des Hartford

 AG!}S 11lYDROE LEcn(ll: PU\NT
WHATPFtlCE ELIOL'TkICi lY:

and Rev. Father Des Hartford: "disturbing the lake's staBility greatly affects
the Maranaos'culture and religion. You touch the water of Lake Lanao, and
you practically touch the lives uf thousands of Maranaos living around the
lake."16

Besides, the Maramws around the lake feel that the water is their own.
They say that they supply the water for the electricity, yet they get nothing
from that electricity. The NPC takes the electricity for the factories in Iligan.
Marawi C;ity has no factories. Even electric bills are high.17

Rev. Hartford points out that "there is a conflict of value system between
the Maranaos and the lowland people. The MaranRos since time immemorial
have regarded the lake as the basis of their culture. They do their ablution
in the lake, they fish in there, and their farms in the ''basak'' (rice paddy)
area are greatly affected. They are very intent on saving the lake. But the
people of the lowland regard the the power generated from the lake as a
source of income and livelihood. They don't see the destruction of the lake, as
long as their needs are met. N:lpocor and non-Maranaos see the lake as a .
resource to be exploited rather than as a tre:lsure to be cherished and main
tained."18 The priest expressed his fears that old prejudicies ::md wounds
might be rekindled and opened. 19

Since the formation of an independent committee by the Senate Mindanao

Affairs Committee late last year, in the work of which SALAM participated,
the latter has softened its opposition. The C;ommittee was compqsed of
engineers from the University of the Philippines, from the Mindanao State
University in Marawi City, from the NPC, and from SALAM and it was
tasked with investigating the feasibility of operating Agus 1. One of its 17
recommendations was the construction of a dike at the mouth of Agus River
in Marawi City to raise the water level to not lower than fl99.1fi meters
above sea level (masl). The water level used to be an average of701 masl
but went down by two meters recently due to the prolonged dry spell. NPC
President Pablo Malixi was amenable to the idea but he preferred that the
level be 698. If) masl instead in order to draw more water for five other
plants downstream. He also stressed that NPC; engineers do not consider the
dike necessary.

Massive logging operations within the watershed area had also been noted.
Governor Liwl'\ Cl'\nd:lo of the Autonomous Rt'gion for Muslim Mindanao,
within whose jurisdiction L:lnl'\o del Sur now falls, h:ls issued Proclamation
No.6 whose intentions are self-explanatory in the title: "Establishing the
Lake Lanao Watershed Reservation Area, Dl'lineating Its Boundaries and
Providing Measures for Its Protection and Preservation". The proclamation
covered public domain in the 25 out of the 37 towns ofLanao del Sur.2\)
Everyone hoped that these latest arrangements would stick for the good of
all concerned.

16 Bobby Timonera, "No lmOl('.liatfl Rcml'tly for Min.lanao's Powcr Crisis", 4 Janullry 1992,
Typescript, gp, p. 6.
17 Timonerll, ibid.
1$ Ibill., p. 7.

III Ibid.
:Ill Bobby Timonera, "ARMM'sCllndao Laml,a!<tNapot.~'r. DRNR",14January 1992, Typescript,ap,
p.2.

77
 THE MINORITIZATION OF THE INOIGENOUS(X)MMUNITIES
OF M INtlANAO ANtI THE SlJl..U ARCHIPEI..l.OO

PROSPECTS FOR
PROBLEM
RESOLUTION AND
PEACE

Moro Kurier

Introduction

I
at us start by asking basic questions. What do the indigenous com
munities want? The Moro people? The Lumad? What they seek is
that they be recognized as they are, with their distinct cultural
identities, with their own tradit\onal territories, and that these are
basic to their survival and dignity.

What the Moro People Want

peaking for the Moro people, the MNLF originally wanted an inde~

11 pendent Bangsa Moro Republik whose territory shall be the entirety

of Mindanao, the Sulu Archipelago and Palawan or simply
Minsupala. For reasons not yet so clear, they agreed to modify this
to regional autonomy starting with the Tripoli agreement covering only a
territory of 13 provinces and nine cities. Due to failure to agree on details,
this agreement was never fully consummated. tn another round of negotia~
tion, this time with the Aquino government, the MNLF.shifted to full a~
tonomy in the same Minsupala region. The ratification of the 1987 Constitu
tion with its own provisions on regional autonomy got ip the way and the
talks collapsed again. This revolutionary organizatfon has consistently
rejected the Constitution as the basis for any talkS. Presently, there are
occasional cries for the implementation of the Tripoli agreement. Other
revolutionary groups, like the Moro Islamic Liberation Front have consist~
ently demanded the implementation of the Tripoli agreement. The MNLF
allegedly keeps trying to get full membership status -in the Organization of
Islamic Conference. The MILF has consistently advocated implementation of
the Tripoli agreement. And the MNLF-Reformist Group has apparently
shifted t.) purely parliamentary activities; its leader was appointed director
of the Office of Muslim Affairs in the Aquino government and he continues
to serve in the government service. In the meantime, the constitutionally
created Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao is in place in the four
provinces ofMaguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. But what is
to be done with thousands of other Muslims outside the autonomous region?

What the Lumads Desire

I
h. rough Lumad Mindanao, the Lumads have said that they want the
government to recognize their ancestral lands. They desire genuine
self-determination within the territorial integrity and under the
sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines. They prefer self
government within their ancestral lands, in accordance with their customary
laws. What concrete form this will take within the government structure,
however, remains to be seen.

They have their immediate concerns, too. They want the return of all lands
taken from them through deceit, harrassment, illegal manipulations, or
simply grabbed.} Also; lands within tribal territories which have been

1 NEM report,PrnWellin.poftbt' Ancgtml 1..1'.. ,,1 flonmss.l.IGAT.23-24Marcb 1987.SanCarlo8

University, ('.ebu City, p. 68.

19
 THE MINORITIZATION OFTHB INDIGENOUS COMMUNITI ES
OF M INDANAO AND THE SUJ..U ARCHIPEJ..AC.o

poliCies and laws which multiplied ICf, misfortunes. And now that the
western colonizers are gone, only the Philippine government is left to resolve
mountains of accumm~lated problems.

Second, there is also no denying that the weaknesses manifest in these

communities made them fair game for the so-called majority, highlyvulner
able, easily manipulable. Indigenous communities have their own numerous
documented accounts of how they were deceived into parting with their
lands 11

Third, there were not lacking those elements of the majority who had no
scruples pursuing selfish gains at the expense of the former, as there was
also a good number of individual members of the ICC who held positions of
traditional leadership and broke custom law to di~pose of ancestral lands for
selfISh gain, thus further weakening their own people's defenses. The more
contemporary phenomenon is the emergence offake datus who are in turn
encouraged and supported by government for purposes other than for the
benefit of the ICCs.12

Fourth, now, as a result of all these, the ICCs, especially the Lumad, find
themselves at the receiving end, so far, of two distinct but inseparable
contradictions, both seemingly irresolvable, the two conflicting systems of
property: (a) public dom~in vs. ancestral land; (b) Western-oriented property
law vs. indigenous law.

Fifth, now the ICCs must hold on to their respective ancestral lands as
they would to their own dear lives for there is so little that is left. Genuine
self-determination seems to be the best option. But they have no illusions
that this is going to be easy work. Unity within their own ranks has to be
improved.

Prospects of Legislative Reforms?

esponsive legislative reforms, especially where they involve the

I) present demands of the Indigenous Cultural Communities, leave

much to be desired. A quick review of some related legislations will
illustrate how painfully slow it has been for the state machinery to
extricate itself from the colonial past.

There is a grave need for a well studied national policy on the. Indigenous
peoples. However, despite a number of favourable provisions found in the
1987 Constitution, Congress failed to pass the two bills on ancestral domain.
The legislators missed a golden opportunity to break away from the orienta
tion advanced by the Commission on National Integration. This is not an
isolated situation.

In the crucial sphere of land laws, provisions affecting the ICes remained
essentially the same from 1903 to contemporary times. The situation has
even worsened with the introduction of the 18 percent limit for mountain
slopes set by President Marcos classifying those above as forest lands; and

11 These are duly noted in the Land is Lith, I'rocrrrlings ofthr I\ncrstral Lanrl Congress. UGAT,
2:.l-24 March 1987, San Carlos University, Crhu Cily. Also, in thr Kit ortAr Consultation/Workshop
on Ancestral Domain, Santa Cruz Mission, Lakr ~"hu, South Colal,ato, :1.4:1.7 Sopt"mber 1991.
12 This wa.~ mentioned repeatedly in'tht'i reports, ,r""veraT Lum."ul (II' 1rgations at the Ancestral Land
Congress, 23-24 March 1987 in Cebu City.
 PRO."PE(;TS "OR PROBLEM RESOUJTION ANU PEACE

therefore inalienable.

. It can be said that the root of the present land problem is the Regalian
doctrine. It has been at the heart of the Philippine property system since the
arrival of the Spanish colonizers to the present - at the expense of indig
enous institutions. The natural resource classification has been a sacred
provision, carned over from the American-made Philippine Bill of 1902,
integrated into the 1935 Constitution, embedded in the 1973 Charter, and is
very much a part of the 1987 Basic Law of the land. Forest and mineral
lands or lands of the public domain are non-disposable and inalienable. Only
.agricultural public lands may be privately owned.

The 1987 Constitution in the ftrst paragraph of section 3, Article XII,

provides: "Lands of the public domain are classified into agricultural forest
or timber, mineral lands, and national parks. Agricultural lands of the public
domain may be further classified by law according to the uses to which they
may be devoted. Alienable lands of the public domain shall be limited to
agricultural lands. Private corporations or associations may not hold such
alienable lands of the public domain except by lease, for a period not exceed
ing twenty-ftve years, renewable for not more than twenty-ftve years, and
not to exceed one thousand hectares in area. Citizens of the Philipines may
lease not more than ftve hundred hectares, or acquire not more than twelve
hectares thereof by purchase, homestead or grant."

"Taking into account the requirements of conservation, ecology, and

development, and subje~t to the requirements of agrarian reform, the Con

gress shall determine, by law, the size of lands of the public domain which

may be acquired, developed, held, or leased and the conditions therefor."

What happens to the indigenous occupant? lIe becomes It squatter in his

own land. All proceedings under the Public Land Act Rre bRsed on the as
sumption that the land is, or at leRst used to be, part of the public domain.
By applying the Public Land Act even to ancestrallRnds occupied since time
immemorial, it is assumed that even these lands are held by the State. 18

It does !lot matter that the ownership of the indigenous occupants to their!
ancestral lands predated the advent of the Republic ofthf' Philippines or
even its predecessor the Spanish Rf'galia, from which all claims to land are
supposed to originate. Making the Ht'galiRn doctrine an even more bitter pill
to swallow is the fact that ancestrailltnd have never come under the effec
control of Spanish colonial governnwnt. "Ownership, therefore, to ancestral
land has long been vested and, in most cases, was never interrupted".14 But
under. the Regalian doctrine, such claim of original ownership has no legal
standing.

In the past, the classification of lands into timber and mineral automati
cally converted ancestral lands into inalienable public domain. As if this was
not enough, and after indigenous peoples had been driven to the forest areas
by the pressure of settlers, the Marcos regime introduced through the Re
vised Forestry Code and the 1976 Ancestral decree a detail that lands on 18
percent mountain slope are automatically declared forest and, henO:!, inal
ienable, and those below the 18 percent slope mark may further be declared
as inalienable public land by the mere expedient of declaring them as public
reservation areas. 11>
13 Land is Life. Proceedings,,,, InC. cit., p. l:!

14 Ibid., p. 11.

1& Ibid., p. 13.

f!3
 nfB MINORlTIUTION OPnfE INDIGBNOUSCDMMUNITIIIS
OPMINDANAOANDnfBSUW ARCHIPElAGO

Given the constitutional shield on the Regalia.n. doctrine, it seems certain

that any major change in the property system will have to be premised on a
constitutional amendment. Until then, what are the prospects of legislative
reform? Or of government recognition of ancestral lands? Much will depend
on the state of enlightenment of the next Congress to understand the nature
of the problem and manifest political will in favor of the indigenous peoples.

However, the outlook is bright for consolidation acvities among the indig
enous peoples. There are also other fields of endeavor which do not require
legislative action. Intervention from the Executive branch of governmE'nt
will suffice. It.is a well known fact, for example. that government-approved
Social Studies textbooks in Philippine grade schools carry a lot of distortions
offacts, or simply omissions on matters related to the Lumads or Moros. If
this is immediately remedied, a lot of negative sentiments about them can be
eliminated from the minds of young children. Government-recognition of
fake datus which has caused a lot of confusion and demoralization among
the people can easily be withdrawn and rectified.

Consolidation of Forces Among

the Indigenous Communities
nner transformation within theranks of the ICes has been going on

I for sometime now. The Bangsa Moro are visibly the more militant,
given their long and extensive experience in centralized activities
and in confronting external enemies, but even they must face
divisiveness from within. The split of the MNLF which led to the establish
ment of other factions like the MILF and the MNLF-Reformist Group are
more than eloquent proofs of this. The Lumad tend to be more gentle. But
both are experiencing a fast pace in the awakening process.

Among the Lumad events unfolded fast, from the time of the church
initiated first inter-tribal assembly in 1977, which only had a handful of
participants, then churchily called "Tribal Filipinos", to the founding con
gress of Lumad Mindanao in 1986. Lumad-Mindanao was constituted by a
coalition of, initially, 78 local and regional all-Lumad organizations. III The
name "Lumad" was born by consensus from the realization of a need by
people who discovered from the similarities of their marginalized situation a
common cause and a common destiny. The coalition was born in the context
of the Marcos dictatorial regime, in an atmosphere of militarization, human
rights violations, poverty, landgrabbing, undue instrusions by multinational
corporations, and government neglect. And the aspiration and struggle for
self-determination was seen both as a desirpble process and an ultimate goal.

Processes in their assemblies followed traditional custom. Sharing and

analysis of problems and finding solutions to these were consciously con
sultative, participatory, and consensus oriented. No one was left out. And
growth in consciousness more or less even.

In the recent past, too, a good number of support groups emerged to help
the Lumad out in their struggle, the most active being KADUMA-Lumad.
Their number has also multiplied. More public forums like the Second
Ancestral Land Congress where public officials were deliberately invited can
beheld.
If D.L.Mondelo, "Lumads Came ofAge"/ln'bal Fomm. VolwneVII, July-August 1986, pp.lS-14.

84
 PROSPECTS FOR PROBLEM RESOLlTfION AND PEACE

Their local and regional organizations, but more especially Lumad Mind
anao itself, will play significant roles in pressuring government to recognize
their ancestral lands, or in bringing about the acceptable resolution ofthe
contradiction between public domain and ancestral land. At the same time,
similar experiences of the Moro peoples somehow point towards the same
directions.

-Undoubtedly, it is not easy at this point to gauge how the MNLF or the
MILF will move forward in their struggle. At present the Autonomous
Region in Muslim Mindanao is in place. The revolutionary organizations
seem to be inactive but MNLF leaders are reported every year to be follow
ing up their application for membership in the Organization of Islamic
Conference. There is occasional cry for the implementation of the Tripoli
agreement but there continues a search for political processes that can truly
respond to their legitimate demand for a more genuine autonomy.

Meanwhile, the indigenous peoples in Mindanao pursue their quest for an

authentic peace - where sustainable development takes place as a social
process, initiated,. activated and sustained by themselves, the very people
who seek it. It can be the process of self-government initiated, activated and
sustained by the people themselves in. accordance with customary laws and
with due respect a corded their ancestral lands.

Indeed, it will take time. As their struggles have taken much time. But the
Bangsa Moro and the Lumads of Mindanao have long exhibited incompara
ble patience and tenacity and there is no reason why these virtues will riot
serve them well until they obtain their just due: a life of peace and prosper
ity.

BRRodil
29 Jan 1993
 THE MIN()RITIZATION OF' THE INDIGENOIJSOOMMUNITIES
OF' MIN[IANAO AND THESUI.U ARCHIPELAGO

EPILOGUE
~ t the Moro front, a number of significant events had taken place
since this study was completed in ,January 1993.

On October 3-4, 1992, Congressmen Eduardo Ermita and Nur JaaflU' held
informal exploratory talks with MNLF Chairman Nur Misuari in Tripoli.

On April 14-16, 1993, the Republic of Indonesia provided the venue for
the continuation of the exploratory talks between the same parties. The
result was a Statement ofUnderstal<\ding the substance of which being the
agenda for the formal peace talks or "the modalities for the full implemen
tation of the Tripoli agreement in letter and spirit, to include:

A. Those portions of the Agreement left for further or later discussion;

and
B. Transitional implementing structure and mechanism."

Formal Peace Talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philip
pines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) with the
participation of the Organization of Islamic ConferencE: (Ole) took place in
Jakarta on 25th October 7th November 1993. Host and facilitator was the
Republic of Indonesia in its capacity as the Chair of the OIC Ministerial
Commission of the Six. Earlier scheduled for February 14 also in Indonesia,
the Second Formal Peace Talks has postponed to April, 1994. There is
no set terminal date for the negotiations.

Three important documents were signed in ,Jakarta: (a) the INTERIM

GRP - MNLF CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT [See Appendix P] which for
malized the informal ceasefrre that President Corazon C. Aquino entered
into with the MNLF in September 1986; (b) the MEMORANDUM OF
AGREEMENT, and (c) the JOINT PRESS COMMUNIQUE [See Appen
dix Q].

The Memorandum of Agreement is so far deemed classified and will not be

made available to the public.

The MILF has been quiet and has not release'd any public statement with
respect to the talks. The MNLF-Reformist Group, too, has been silent.

\Vhat will the Formal Peace Talks produce? Will this be acceptable to the
other Moro revolutionary groups? Perhaps, it is best for the moment to think
positive and pray that the end will be for the best interest of all parties
concerned.

BRRodil
14 Feb 1994
86
 r- ! i - - - - ---

ll.

-"!'"
!

What will the Formal Peace Talks

produce? Will this be acceptable to

the other Moro revolutionary

groups? Perhaps, It Is best for the

moment TO THINK POSITIVE AND PRAY

that the end will be for THE BEST

INTEREST of all parties concerned.

- THE MINOIUTIZATION OF THE INUIGENOIJSCOMMIJNITIES
OF MIN[IANAOANCl THE SIJLIJ ARCHII'El..A(;O

RECOMMENDATIONS AND
ISSUES FORAcrION
A. LAND RIGHTS AS ECONOMIC RIGHTS AND
PROPERTY RIGHTS

1. State recognition of indigenous right to their ancestral land is believing

in their fundamental right to life.

Believing the Lumad, for example, is accepting their basic tribal views of
life. They say: "For us, land is sacred, a gift to our ancestors by
Magbabaya. If we lose this, it also means we lose our life, and ancestors..
Taking away our land is plucking our life because we draw our life from
this land. The Lumad are deeply troubled because of the loss of their
ancestral lands. The problem will only be solved if the government
recognizes our ancestral lands. "

2. Recognizing indigenous views on life means a new law on land and

natural resources should be passed recognizing ancestral domains and
ancestral lands of indigenous cultural communities as private communal
property.

3. The government must re-classify lands in the country taking into consid
eration the traditional property and land use system of the indigenous
cultural communities.

4. The government must compensate indigenous communities for land

losses among the cultural communities resulting from state infrastruc
ture projects.

5. The government must enact laws providing for a system of compensation

for the use or exploitation of natural resources found withtn area" of
ancestral domain by private or government corporations.

6. Creation of a presidential commission that will do a study-survey-deline

ation and registration-titling of all areRS of ancestral domain Rnd
ancestral lands, without precluding the possibility of individual titles.
Further, the findings shall be the bases for a legislation on ancestral
domain and ancestral lands.

7. Removal from existing legi'ilations provisions which are discriminatory

or repugnant to the interest of the indigenous cultural communities, or
inconsistent with their customary laws.

8. Return of all government reservations which are lands originally belong

ing to indigenous cultural communities, or if such be no longer feasible,
the setting of appropriate compensation for the same.
 ,..,
. ' ''I:,

The government must

adopt a ClEARCUT AND

CONSISTENT state polley on

the Indigenous cultural

communities, DEFINING their

POLITICAL RIGHTS as citizens,

and their CULTURAL RIGHTS and

ECONOMIC RIGHTS as cultural

communities.
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 THE lWlINORI11ZA11ON OF TH .. IN[lI(lNOUS OOMMUNI11ES
OF MINDANAO AND THE SULU AIICHII'ELAOO

B. POLITICAL BIGHTS AS CITIZENS

AlVD AS MINOBITIES

1. State recognition of indigenous customary laws, especially those pertain

ing to marriage, inheritance, settlement of disputes, and traditional
political leadership structures as part of the legal system of the country.

2. Declaration of sizeable areas of ancestral domain as local government

units and legalizing the government of the same in accordance with
indigenous customary laws.

3. Indigenous representation in larger politicR! units where the area of

ancestral domain is part.

C. STATE DEVELOPMENT AlVD COMPENSATION

POB LAND Loss /LAND USE
1. Stoppage of all ongoing government enterprise and development projects
that intrude into and destroy ancestral domain, e.g. Nt. Apo Geothermal
Project.

2. Reparation for indigenous communities whose lands have been de

spoiled.

D. BASIC HlJ'MAN BIGHTS VS STATE SEClmrrY

1. Government compensation for lives taken in the course of military or
paramilitary or police operations in the past?

2. Non-recruitment of members of the indigenous communities into the

paramilitary units emploYAd for counter-insurgency.

3. D eclaration of areas of ancestral domain as peace zones; the same shall

be properly recorded or registered at least by the local offices Depart
ment of Interior and Local Government for dissemination to appropriate
military and police units.

E. STATE POLICY ON MINOBITIES

1. The government must adopt a clearcut and consistent state policy on the
indigenous cultural communities, defining their political rights as citi
zens, and their cultural rights and economic rights as cultural communi
ties.

9f1
 RSCXlMMENOATlONS AN[I ISSUES FOR ACTION

P. BDVCATlOR, LAlIGVAGIl.QTD CUL'J."U'BB

1. Integration into the appropriate textbooks in all levels ofeducation of

correct and adequate information about the indigenous cultural commu
nities to create among the young a new atmopshere of mutual accept
ance.

a. Use of local language as a medium ofipstruction in schools located

within the areas of the cultural communities.

8. Conduct a study on the applieabilityon a nationwide scale of traditional

sustainable development practices of the indigenous communities.

P. IlVlMBDIATIl

1. Immediate appointment by the Office of the President ofa genuine

indigenous leader as the sectoral representAtive of the indigenous cul
tural communities in the House of RepresentAtives as provided for in the
1987 Constitution.

8. Conduct an ethnographic survey of all peoples in the Philippines.

91
 THE MINORITIZATIONOFTHE INDIGENOUS (XlMMUNITIES
OF MINDANAO ANDTHESULU ARCHIPELAGO

APPENDIX

'
~
,.,
-- j.
.' .
!
 .. . '.. APPENDIXA,. '. '. ...., .
. . . ..' ;.....~"' ..,RAL COMMUNITIES. ETHNIC IDENTITIES
'"PRQV1NCe:PF.CONCENTRATlON
........';:.... ..,.... .
;~p;< 'i~ .
AND POPULA...,'nON
. '. .' ." y ...

Ethnic Group Province of Concentration Population

(Estimate)

ltugao ltugao 180,000

Bontoc Mt. Province 148,000
Kankanai Mt. Province 125,000
Kalinga Kalinga-Apayao, Benguet 106,780
Ibaloi Benguet 93,000
Tingguian Abra 44,000
Isneg Kalinga-Apayao 19,922
Yapayao !locos Norte n.a.
Ibanag Cagayan 335,780
Gaddang Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya 43,150
Ikalahan Nueva Vizcaya 30,000
lIongot Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Quirino 28,730
Isinai Nueva Vizcaya, Benguet 27,390
Tao Buhid Oriental Mindoro, Occidental 36,000
(Buid-Batangan) Mindoro
Iraya Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro 35,500
Hanunuo Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro 18,500
Alangan Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro 13,500
Ratagnon Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro 10,500
Tagbanua Palawan .(central) 60,000
Batak Palawan 6,850
Palawani Palawan (southem) 60,000
Tagbanua Palawan (North in Calamianes Is.) 2,750
(Ka/amianes)
Ken Uy (Cuyunin) Palawan (Cuyo Is.) 1,200
Baluga (/ta, Aeta) Pampanga, Tarlac, Zambales, Balaan 65,000
Agta Camarines Norte, Cam. Sur, Albay, 30.000
Sorsogon, Quezon
Dumagat Aurora, Quezon, Isabela 7,400
Pugot Cagayan, Isabala 4,000
Negrito Tarlac, Pampanga, Zambales n.a.
Remontado Rizal, Quezon n.a.
Ati Negros Island, Panay Island 7,000
Mamanwa Surigao Norte, Agusan Norte 9,000
Manobo Agusan Norte, Agusan Sur, 249,000
Surigao Norte, Surigao Sur, Davao
Oriental, Bukidnon, North Gotabato,
South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat
Banwaon Agusan Sur 23,000
Ata Davao Norte, Davao City, Bukidnon 222,000
Bagobo Davao City, Davao Sur, CotabatoN 80,000
Tagakaolo Davao Sur 23,000
Ubo South Cotabato 5,000
B'laan Sultan Kudarat, South Cotabato, 244,000
North Cotabato, Davao Sur
rboli South Cotabato 200,000
Tiruray (Tiduray, Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat 92,000
MandayaIMansaka Davao Oriental, Davao Norte 300,000
Dibabawon Davao I:'lorte 25,000
Mangguwangan Davao Norte 3,000
Bukidnon . Bukidnon, Misamis Oriental 72,000
Higaunon Agusan Norte, Agusan Sur, lligan 100,000
City, Misamis Oriental, Bukidnon
Subanon Zamboanga Norte, Zamboanga Sur, 311,090
Misamis Occidental

Source: Tribal Forum, Vol. VI, No.5, September-October 1985, pp. 13 - 16, and personal
notes.

93
 THE MINORITIZATION OFTHE lNDIOENOUS{X)MMUNIT1ES
0 .. MINDANAO AND THE SULU ARCH1PEI..AOO

NATlONAl CULTURAL COMMUNITIES

[CNI Official Listing, ca. 1968]

The Commission on National Integration made an ofliciallisting of the National Cultural

Minorities on the basis of three criteria. First, "inguistic"; second, "physical race", and
third, Mconservative, unmodified-Asian culture portions of groups such aa the "pagan"
Bisaya of Panay.
The following were expressly excluded from the list although they constitute cultural
minorities in the numerical sense: Agulainc.nof Palawan, Bantonun of Romblon, Cagayanon
of Palawan, Capul of Samal, Gaddang of Nueva Vizcaya, Hamtikanon of Antique, Ibatan of
Batanes, Ibanag and ltawls, islnay, Kamlanan in Palawan, Palananun in Isabela, Tematan
in Cavlte and Yogad in Isabela.
Note thet Luzon and the Visayas have 19 groups, and Mindanao has 27 which can be
further subdivided into 13 Moro and 17 Lumad. In the 1960 census, four years after !he
establishment of the CNI, the NCMs numbered 2,887,526 or approximately ten percent of
the national population.
The malterof names and number is not a settled issue in the Philippines, which will explain
the existence of such names as Kularnan in Mindanao which is just another denomination
for Manobo in that part 01 Oavao del Sur and tWo other places In Cotabato called Kulaman.
The census itself has never been consistent in its denolT)inations:
Table 1 shows the names 01 tribes lisled in the official rOSIer of National Cultural Minorities
by the Commis~ion on National Integration.

Table 1

CNI Official LIsting of National Cultural Minorities

Circa 1968

luzonIVlsayas Mlndanao-Sulu
lumad Moro

1. Aeta 1. Ala or Ataaa 1. Badjaw

2. Apayaw or Isneg 2. Bagobo & Guiangga 2. Magindanaw
3. Mangyan 3. Mamanwa 3. Iranun, lIanun
4. Bontok 4. Mangguangan ~. Kalibugan
5. Dumagnt 5. Mandaya 5. Maranaw
6. lfugao 6. Banwa-on 6. Pullun Mapun
7. liongot 7. Bilaan 7. Samal
8. Inibaloi, Ibaloi 8. 'Bukidnon 8. Sangil
9. Kalinga 9. Oulangan 9. Tausug
10. Kankanai 10. Kalagan 10. Yakan
., '
11.
12.
Kanuy, Kene
Molbuganon
11.
12.
Kulaman
Manobo
13. Palawano 13. Subanon
14. Batak 14. Tagabili
15. Remontado 15. Tagakaolo
16. Suiod 16. Talandig
17. Tagbanua 17. Tiruray
18. Tinggian, or Itn&g
19. Todag

Source: Leothiny S. Clavel, Thev Are Also Filipinos (Manila: Bureau 01 Government
Printing. 1969). pp. 4-5.

94
 ,">'" . . .;i';,. ..... . APPENDIXC

., . \\.;LUMAD'~NOLINGUISTICGROUPS. TRADITIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL

,';:"';'>,,;'
1\;:," .... . 'LOCATIONS IN MINDANAO, CIRCA 1900,:
, ....
Ethnic Group: General Geographical Locations

MAMmWA Shores of lake Mainit in the present Surigao Norte, down to

Tago along the eastern Cordillera.

MANDAYA Salug River Valley, and eastern coasts of Mindanao from

Tandag to Mati.

MANOBO Most numerous at the Agusan river valley; smaller number in

Sigaboy north 01 the Cape of San Agustin; along the coastal
streich from Padada down 10 Sarangani Bay; in Southern
Bukidnon; in North Cotabato, and in Sultan Kudaral.

ATA At the region west, northwest and northeast of MI. Apo corre
sponding to the northern portion of the present Davao City
territory and the western portion of Davao del Norte.

BAGOBO At the foothills east and south of Mt. Apo, along the stretch from
Talomo to Bolatucan river.

ISAMAl At Samal island at the Davao Gulf.

MANGGUWANGAN Althe North of DavaoGulf: althe upper part olthe Salug river,
extending to the east and west of il.

TAGAKAO(O Around MI. Haguimitan north of the Cape of San Agustin, and
inland from coastal Manobos, Kulamans and B'laans from
Malalag to Lais river.

KALAGAN Around the cove of Casilaran and partly along the Digos river.

8'LAAN At the west, east and south of Lake Buluan, and extending to
Punguian Point. and in the Sarangani Islands of Balut and
Tumanao.

T'BOLI From the south of Lake Buluan extending down to Sarangani

Gulf.

TIRURAY (TiDURAYj From the lower branch of the Pulangi (Rio Grande) to river
Trampadidu, bounded on the west by Maganoy river.

BUKIDNON In northern Mindanao from Sulauan Point to Diwata Point

including the Tagoloan valley ,althe sourcesolthe Pulangi river
in Bukidnon, and in Nasipit in Agusan del Norte, then inland to
Odiungan river behind MI. Bolatocan.

SUBANON In the entire Zamboanga peninsula with large concentrations

in the following: Dapitan Or lIIaya Valley, Dipolog Valley,
Bukidnon. Misamis Strip, Manukan Valley, Sindangan Bay,
Panganuran and Coronado, Siukun or Sicogon or Siocon, Kipit
or Quipit or Chipit or Chipicoor Gibityor Quepindo, Malayal and
Patalun, Bolong Valley, Tupilak Valley, Sakalan Valley, lei
Batu Valley, Sibugai-Sei Valley, Dumankilas Bay, Dipolo Val
ley, Lubukan Valley,labangan Valley and Mipangi Valley.

95

 THE MINOklTfZATION OF TH~INDI()ENOt)S OOMMIJNITIES

OF MINOANAOANtJ;THSULIJ ARCHIPELAGO

SELECTED SOURCES:

t. Annual Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, Volume 11. Part II (Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1901), pp. 350358.

2. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J., "The Chrislianization 01 Davao Oriental: Excerpts from Jesuit
Missionary Letters' in Philippine Studies, Volume 19, No. 4 October) 1971, pp. 639
724,particularly pp. 651656. .

~. Fay-Cooper Cole, The Bukidnon of Mindanao (Fieldiana: Anthropology Vol. 46. Pub
lished by the Chicago Natural History Museum, April 23, 1956.

4 Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes of Davao District. Mindanao (Field Museum 01 Natural
History. Publication 170, Anthropology Series, Vol. XII, No.2.

5. Ronald K. Edgerton, "Frontier Society on the Bukidnon Plateau,18701941, pp. 361-390,

in Alfred W. McCoy & Ed D.de Jesus, eds., Philippine Social HStOfY (Quezon City: Ateneo
de Manila University Press, 1962).

6. E. Arsenio Manuel, Manuvu' Social Organization (Quezon City: Community Develop

ment Research Council, UP , 1973)

7. Stuart A. Schlegel, T1ruray Justice (Berkeley. ~ Angeles, California: University of

California Press, 1970).

6. Elena Maquiso, Prologue to Ulahinoan (Manobo. Epjc) (Dumaguete City: Silliman

University, 1965) Mimeo Edition MA Thesis.

9. Samuel Briones, The Manobos of Salanasang Salaman. Lebak (Sultan Kudarat). M.A.
Thesis, Silliman University, 1969.

10. John M. Garvan, The Manobos ot Mindanao (Washington: United States Government
Printing Oflice,1931). Memoirs oJthe National Academy 01 Sciences, Volume XIII. First
Memoir.

11. John Park Finley, Subanu Studies of Sub-Yisayan Mountain Folk of Mindanao (Wash
ington, D.C.: Carnegie Instltution of Washington, 1913). Also, Esterlinda M. Malagar, The
Guman 01 Dumalinao A Subanon Folk EPic ,in Kinaadman II, 1960, pp. 2$3-380. Marcelo
R. Dablo, a respondent of Malagar, related that-the sUbanons originally settled at Salug
Valley, now Molave, and dispersed from there. The story started with a couple Irom
Brunei, Saludia and Saluwaki who had three sons. Gumabungabon remained in Salug
and became the ancestor 01Ihe Subanons; Dumalandalan left forlhe Visayas and settled
there, and Milidelid went to live in lanao. They also had a daughter, Bae Lindang who
married Datu Mama 01 Indonesia and became an early selUer 01 Cotabalo. Later, due
to food problems and Maranao raids, the Subanons spread OUIto Lapuyan, Dinas, Oipon
(now Bonifacio), thenlo Ikwan (now Sindangan); also, 10 Misamis (nowOzamis) although
only a lew remained here due 10 the Spaniards. Some moved to Tukuran, and to places
along the banks of Labangan river. Friendly Magindanaos subsequenlly settled at
Tukuran. Pagadian (PUling Balas). Dinas, Kumalarang and Kabasalan.~., pp. 271
272)

96
Ethnic Group Geographical Location

Badjao Archipelago of Sulu especlaJly in the presenlprovineeofTawi

tawi.

Iranun Along the coasts of the lIIana Bay and at the border towns

between Maguindanao and Lanao de Sur.

JamaMapun Cagayan de Sulu and South PaJawan.

Kalagan Davao del Sur.

KaJibugan Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga del Norte.

Magindanao At the Pulangi valley which is presently encompassed in the

provinces of Cotabato, Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and

South Cotabato Also along the coasts from Tamontaka down
to Glan, South Cotabato, and along the coasts of Zamboanga
del Sur from Sibugay eastward 10 TUkuran.

Maranao Around the Lake Lanao region presently falling within the

Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Norte provinces.

Molbog South Palawan.

Palawani South Palawan.

Sama Archipelago of Sulu.

Sangil Davao del Sur and South Cotabato.

Tausug Archipelago of Sulu, especially in the present provinee of Sulu.

Yakan Island of Basilan.

Source: Abdulsiddik Abbahil, "Muslim Filipino Ethnic Groups, Salsilah, Volume V. No.2,
June 1984, pp. 6-18; Peter G. Gowing, Muslim Filipinos _. Heritage and Horizon
(Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 1979). pp. 1-10.

97
 ,~
'*-'
........
Na(-)
I.unNId
Na(.)'
II'ICIIgenoW

ctma.....
PIwInI*
, . Y-M Yea(x) Y(X).W(-)

APan'Norta x
x

BuluanCity x x

AguaanSur x x

Surtgao Norta x x

S~CIty x x

SurtgaoSur x x

DavaoNOftl x x x

Davao Oriental x x x

DavaoSw x x x

DavaoCity lC x X

Cotabato X x

South CotabaID x x

G.santos CIty x x

Sultan Kudarat X x

Maguindanao x x x

Cotabato City L

Bukldnon )( x x

MisamisOr. x x

Gingoog City x x

Cag de Oro CIty x x

Camiguin x x

Lanao Norte x

lligan City x x x

lanaoSUr x

""_1 City x

Mlsamle Occ. x x

Ozarnls CIty x x

Oroqulata CIty x x

TangubCity x x

Zamboanga Norte x x x

DapItan City x x

, . Oipolog City x x

ZarnboangaSur x x x

Pagadian City x x

Zamboanga CIty x x x

B81I\lJan x

'SuIU x

Tawi-Tawi x

Source: Rudy B. RodiI, KMaysayan ng Moe Pamayanan ng Mindanao at Arkipelago ng

Sulu. 1596-1896. Unibefsldad ng Pilip/nas, Pebrero 1992. MA Kasaysayan, pp.
244-245.

98

.,>,'. " ,
APPENDIXF
POPULATION SHIFTS: MUSLIMS & LUMAD & CHRISTIAN
MIGRANTS IN COTABATO, 1918, 1939,
1970 CENSUSES

1. In 1918 Cotabato (now subdivided into Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat and
Maguindanao) had a total of 171,978 inhabitant;; di;;tributed in 36 municipalities and
municipal districts. Of this, 102,361 or 59.51 percent were Muslims (largely of the
Maguindanao ethno-linguistic group), 43,067 or 25.04 percent Lumad (made up mainly
of TIruray, TboIi, Mancbo and S'laan), and 5,110 or 2.57 percent Christian migrants.
We have represented their distribution by town, as follows:

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christians

50.00% up 20 towns 5 towns -

25.00 49.90/.. 4 towns 2 towns 2 towns
10.0024.9% 4 towns 7 town;; 2 town;;
9.9% and less 2 towns 6 towns 1810wn;;

2. In 1939the total population was 298,935 distnbutedin 33 towns. Ofthis, 162.9960r54.52

percent were Muslims: 74,265 or 24.84 percent Lumad. and 59,909 or 20.04 percent
Chri;;tians. They were distributed by towns, as follows:

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christians

50.00% up 20 towns 9 towns 3 towns

25.0049.9% 5 towns 2 towns 2 towns
10.0024.90/.. 6 towns 3 towns 10 towns
9.9% and less 2 towns 8 towns 13 towns

3. In 1970 the total population was 1,602,117. Of this, 444,521 or 27.75 percent were
Muslims; 107,032 or 6.68 percent Lumad, and 1,076,485 or 67.19 percent Christians.
They were distributed in 50 towns, as follow;;:

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christians

50.00% up
25.00 49.9%
10 towns
8 towns
-
1 town
38 towns
4 towns
10.00 24.9% 11 towns 5 towns 5 towns
9.9% AND LESS 21 towns 31 towns 2 towns

Sources: Censuses of 1918. 1939 and 1970.

NOTES:

a. In 1948. the census showed a total popUlation of 439,669. Of this. 155,162 or 35.29
percent were Muslim; 39,631 or 9.01 percent Lumad, an unexpl;Jined drop from 1939.
and 240.570 or 54.71 percent Christian. Data by towns not available.

b. The 1960 census revealed a total popUlation of 1.029,119. Of this 356,460 or 34.63
percent were MU6lim and 569,985 or 55.38 Christian. The Lum;Jd population could not
be determined because the Pagan" classification had disappeared and was replaced
with the all purpose "Others".

99
 TilE M INORITIZA.TION OF THE INIIGENOIJS (x)MMIJNITIES
OF MIN[)A.NA.O ANn TI1 E SlJLIJ ARCH IPELA.(;Q

APPENDIXG ...
POPULATION SHIFTS: MORO & LUMAD & "'wi:Ic>,nil
. POPULATIONS IN BUKIDNON, 1918,
1970 CENSUSES

1. In 1918, Bukidnon ilad a total popul:ltion of 23,246 inhabitants distributed in ten

municipalities and municipal districts (Malaybalay, Mall1ko, Baungon, Claveria,
Gimbaluron, Libona, Lourdes, Malitbog, Maramag and Napaliran). Of lhis, 2,808 or
12.07 percent were Christians, 361 or 1.55 percent were Muslims, and 20,077 or 86.36
percent pugans. The pagans constituted the decisive majority in alitowns.(Based on
Table 38 - Population according to religion and sex. by municipalities.)

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christian

SO.OO% and up 10 towns

25.00 - 49.9% 2 towns
10.00 - 24.90/0 1 town 3 towns
9.9%& less 3 towns 4 towns

2. In 1939, the total population was 57,561 distributed in eleven municipalities (Baungon.
Impasugong, Kibawe, Libona, M:llaybalay, Malitbog. Maluko, Maramag, Pangantucan,
Sumilao and Talakag). Of this, 40.134 or 69.72 percent were Christians, 936 or 1.620/0
were Muslims, and 16, 129 or 28.02 percentwer& Pagans. A measly 362 were classified
under Others.

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christian

SO.OO% and up 3 towns 7 towns

25.00 - 49.9% 1 town 2 towns 4 towns
10.00 - 24.90/0 3 towns
9.9% & less 3 towns 1 town

3. In 1970. total provincial population was 414.762 distributed in 19 municipalities. Of this

385,136 or 92.86 percent were Christians, 3,101 or .75 percent were Muslims, and the
rest were classified as Buddhist. Others or simply None or those who did flot declare
any religion. One may hazard the guess, fully aware of the attendant danger to factual
data, that the Lumad were somewhere in Others or None or both. as we do below. We
shall explain the result in the notes. Others and None combined had a total of 25.765
or 6.21 percent. Buddhist we left out on the assumption that the Lumad would normally
not profess Buddhism.

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christian

SO.OO% and up 1 town 18 towns

I'
25.00 - 49.9%
10.00 - 24.9% 4 towns
9.9% & less 12 towns 14 towns

Sources: CenSuses of 1918, 1()39 and 1970.

a. The 1948 census showed a total provincial population of 63,470. Of this, 48,080 or
75.75% were Christians, 1.231 or 1.94%were Muslims, and 12,6130r 19.87% Pagans.
Under the all-purpose "Others" were listed 1,546 inhabitants. These were distributed
in 11 towns.

b. The 1960 census revealed a total provincial population of 194,368. Of this. 178,564 or
91.87% were Christians, 2.781 or 1.43 % were Muslims, and "Others- whiCh replaced .
totally the Pagan classification had 13,023 or 6.7%.

100
c. The danger to statistical data becomes obvious when we compare these with the figures
'Under Table 111.15. Population by Sex, Major Mother Tongue and Municipality: 1970. The
Bukidnon ethnolinguistic group has a total of 59,063 people or 14.24 percent of the total
provincial population, second only to the Cebuano which is the largest. They constilute
the majority in the towns of Talakag (56.470/0), Impasugong (75.97%) and Sumilao
(78.26 %). The Manobo are the third largest population with 14.249 or 3.44 percent of
the provincial population, and they are the majority in the town of San Fernando
(61.18%). This last seems the closest the combined Others and None which is 61.63
percent. The total is even closer with 4,097 as against the Mother Tongue figure of 4,097.

Despite said difficulties, however, we are constrained to use the same data since
the religious classification is the only one available, one with the consislency we need
for purposes of comparison. The only deviation from this feature is the disappearance
of the Pagan classification which took away the closest and the only means with which
to identify the Lumad, and the introduction of Others. if indeed they were meant as
replacements. Or perhaps it was because in the 1960s, there was very litglle use for the
Pagan classification as a result of massive conversions into the various Protestant
denominations which made it a point to penetrate the most far flung communities.

101
 THE MINORITIZATION OF THE INDIGENOUSO)MMIJNITIES
OF MINDANAO AND THESIlLIJ ARCHIPELAGO

1. In the 1918 census. Zamboanga had a total of 70,324 inhabitants distributed in 18

municipalities and municipal districts. Of this, 43,292 or 61.56 percent were Muslims;
25,633 or 36.44 percent were Lumad, and 1,332 or 1.89 percent were Christians. Note
that the population of Baslan (recorded as Isabela and Basilan) was included in the data.
with the following specific details: Isabela had a total population of 719, of which 519 or
71.68 percent were Muslims and 205 or 28.31 percent were pagan; no Christians.
Basilan had a total of 5,224 inhabitants, of which 105 or2 percent were Christians. 4.297
or 82.25 percent were Muslims, and 822 or 15.73 were pagans. We are nottold to which
ethnic grouping these pagans belonged. (Data are taken from Table 38 Population
according to religion and sex. by municipalities, 1918 Census.)

Population Range Muslim Lumad Chrtatlan

50.00 and up 10 towns 6 towns

25.00 49.9% 5 towns 5 towns

10.00 24.90/0 1 town

9.9 & le$8 1 town 2 towns 13 towns

There have been some changes in the namesoftownll between 1918 and 1939. or some
towns were included in others. was follows: The Katipunan of 1939 was Lubungan in
1903 and 1918. ,'he municipal district of Bangaan was included in Kabasalan.
Margosatubigincluded Kumalarang. Sindangan included Panganuran. Siocon com
bined the municipal districts of Sibuko and Sirawai.lsabela included Isabela de Basilan
and Basilan. Taluksangay included Panubigan and Sakul. Pagadian included the
municipal district of Tukuran. Because 0; this, the population figures had to be combined
in some instances.

2. In 1939. the Census reported that Zambonnga had a tot,lI of 355.984 inhabitants
distributed in eight municipalities and one city. (The municipalities were Dapitan,
Oipolog. Kabasalan, KatipurYan, Margosatubig. Pagadian, Sindangan. and Siocon, and
the lone city wa, Zamboanga city to which the Bnsilan group of Islands belonged.) Of
this. 208,243 or 58.46 percent were Christinns, 92,028 or 25.85 percent were Muslims.
and 53,311 or 14.97 percent were pagans.

Of the eight municipalities. five had mtljority Christi<:m poPl,Jlation (Dapitan, Oipolog,
Katipunan, Pagadian. Sindangan. A sixth would be Zambo::mga City.) The Mu~lims
were majority only in Siccon, though they had a high percentage of 44.34 percent is'
Zamboanga City. Though majority in none the so-called pagans showed a high
percentage of 47.49 in Katipunan. Note that population for the thre.) groups was mOM
or less even in the two municipalities of Kabasalan and Margosatubig.

Population Range Muslim Lumad Christian

SO.ooand up 1 town 6 town:;

25.00 - 49.9% 3 towns 3 towns 3 towns
1.00 24.9% 2 towns 4 towns

9.90/0 & less 3 towns 2 towns

3a. In the 1970 census, Zamboanga del Norte had a total popUlation of 409.379 in 189 towns
and two cities. Of this. 349.250 or 85.31 percent were Christian, 20.099 or 5.06 perdent
were Muslims, and 39.252 or 9.59 percent were labelled as Others or None (no religion
declared).

Population Range Muaf'm Lumad ChrhatiM

50.00 and up 18 towns

25.00 - 49.9% 2 towns 2 towns
10.00 24.90/. 4 towns

9.9'Y. & less. 6 towns 14 towns

1112
ab. Zamboanga del Sur had a Iotal popuIaIIon of 1,034,018 in 30 towns and th.... cities. Of
this. 825,539 or 79.84% w.re Chrisllan, 170,828 or 16.52 percent were Muslim, and
36,191 or 3.5 percent were classified as Others or None.

PopuIaIIon Range Muslim Lumad Chriatlan

SO.OOandup 1 town 32 towns

25.00 49.9% 3to.wns 1 town
10.0024.9% 5 towns 4 towns
9.9% & Ieaa 18 towns 28 towns

~: Censuaea of 1918, 1939 and 1970.

NOTES:

a, The census of 1948 had a total provincial population of 521,941. Of this, 351,607 or
67.37'% were Christians, 133,348 or 25.550/. were Muslims, and 29,879 or 5.720/. were
classified as Pagans. There were 7.107 people or 1.360/. classified under Others.
Zamboanga had by then grown into 13 towns and Iwo cities

b. By the 1960 census Zamboanga had been divided into Zamboanga del Norte and
Zamboanga del Sur. Zamboanga del Norte registered a total provincial population of
281,429. Ofthis. 238.521 or84.75%weI'8Christi<:ms. 16.211 or 5.76 were Muslims. and
26.607 or 9.,45% were classified under others. By this time lie pagan classification had
entirely disappeared.

Zamboanga del Sur had a total of 742,404 inhilbit;"lnts. Of this. 536.514 or 72.27%
were Christiilns. 178.233 or 24.00% were Muslims. and 26,551 or 3.580/. fell under
Others. This did not include the Buddhists who counted 1,106.

c. Basilan (Basilan, lsabela and lamitan) in 1918 was listed as an integral part of
Zamboanga (the present city). and remained so until the 1975 census. Its Iotal
population constituted 20.214 or 28.74% of the provincial totaL The mnjority of 19.036
or 94.17% were Muslims. The rest were 1,827 or 5.080/. Pagans, and 151 or 0.74%
Christians. If the Basllan figures are substracted from the Zambonnga total. what will
appear is, as follows: total population of SO.110; 11.181 or 2.350/. Christians; 24,256 or
48.410/" Muslims, and 24.606 or 49.10/. Pagans. These pngnns were presumably
Subanons.

The census of 1970 kept Basilan as a City 01 Zamboanga del Sur. Its total population
was. 143.829 or 13.91 percent of fhQ provincial total; its Christian popul:ltion was 52,819
or 6.4 percent of the provinces' total Christian inhabitants: its Muslims population was
89,127 or 52.17 percent of fhQ Muslims of fhQ province; a measly 1.262 appeared under
Others and None. The Muslim population ofthe city enjoyed the mnjority a161.97 percent
over the Christians' 36.72 percent.

103
 Ceneue Total lalamlzed Per Lumad Per IalarnJzed Per
y.... Pop. Pop. Cent Pop. Cent & Lumad Cent

1903 706,539 277,547 39.29 156,255 22.11 433,802' 61.31

1918 1,175,212 378,152 32.17 116,456 ' 9.9 494,608 42.08
1939 2,338,094 751,172 32.12 341,888 14.62 1,093,060 46.75
1948 3,049,593 905,812 29.70 250,819 8.22 1,156,631 37.92
1960 5,546,833 1,307,339 23.56 411,431 7.41 1,718,770 30.96
1970 6,831,120 1,629,730 23.65 437,991 6.41 2,067,721 30.26
1975 6,916;959 1,798,911 20.17 612,227 6.66 2,411,136 27.03

Sou,.,.: Censuses 0' 1903,1918,1939,1948,1960,1970 & 1975.

PROVINCEICITY TOTAL MUSLIM % LUMAD %

Basilan 201,407 142,255 70.63 195 0.10

Cotabalo (North) 564,599 95,879 16.98 26,558 4.70
Davao del Sur 520,246 8,805 1.69 22,750 4.37
Lanao del Norte 296,434 94,025 31.71 22 {l.007
Lanao del Sur
Maguindanao
354.162
452,929
323.058
349.692
91.11
77.2

34,342 7.58
Palawan 316.265 16,428 5.19 52,778 16.68
South Cotabalo 619,511 24,146 3.89 66.513 10.73
Sultan Kudarat 303,784 52,808 17.38 19.451 6.4
Sulu 360,588 356,m 98.94 ,215 0.00
Tawt-Tawi 194,651 169,778 97.5 93 0.05
Zamboanga del Norte 470,496 23,739 5.04 60,784 12.92
Zamboanga del Sur 762,700 43,249 5.67 56,780 7.44
TOTAL 5,417,772 1,720,1)39 31.76 306,139 5.65
" Cotabato City 83.617
1
37,916 45.34
Dapitan City 53.696 174 0.32
Dipolog City 63,623 29 0.05 232 0.36
Gen. Santos City 150,962 7,987 5.29 4,171 2.76
lligan City 164,615 3.929 2.39 28 0.02
MarawiClty 50,809 47.810 94.1
Pagadian'City 81,253 2.736 3.37 1,530 1.88
Puerto Princesa City 55,517 82 0.15 1,936 3.49
Zamboanga City 339.892 81.566 24.00 1,280 0.38
TOTAL 1,044,184 182,055 17.43 9,351 0.89

GRAND TOTAL 6,461,956 1,902,694 29.44 315,490 4.88

1M
YEAR ARMED RESISTANCE

1903 Lanaouprising led by Ampuan Agaua; lasted L1"1ti11916.

1903 Colabato resistance led by Datu Ali; lasted t.nlI October 1905.

1903 Sulu fight opened by PangIIma Kauan; started in October 1903

and lasted until March 1904.

1904 Sulu,led by Datu Uaap and D,tu PaIa; lasted until 1905.

1906 Sulu series of fights, lea to the Bud Da,Io maullCl'8 in March.

1906 Defiance led by Jildri in Sutu and got,. far as Basllan.

1906 Maciu in Lanao.

1911 Balabak in south Palawan.

1911 Another in Bud Da,Io. led by Jailani

1911 Cotabato, separate activities led by Datu Alamada and Datu

Ampatuan; lasted until 1913.

1913 Talipao in SuIu,Ied by Datu Sabtal.

1913 Big ~ in TagIbI and Bud Bagaak.

1916 Maulve uprising led by Datu lumarnba and Imam Tawakir ir

Bayang, lanao.

1917 Cotabato,led by Datu Ambang.

1919 Job, SuIu,Ied by Aukasa and Panglima Asjali.

1~ Patalsland In Sutu, led by Maharajah Untong and HatibSihaban.

1923 CoIabato,Ied by Datu Sandage.

1923 Tugaya and Ganassi in Lanao.

1924 Lanao, led by Datu Pandak.

1926 Maguindanaos joined Langkat (Manobo) uprising In Cotabato

which lasted until 1927.

1934 Lanao, led by Oimakallng.

Source: Samuel K. Tan, The Fi!ip;no Muslim Armtd Struggle. 1900-1972

(Makad: FlIipinas Foundation, Inc., 1977)

105
General Prov. . . .

Article II ( Slate PdlCiee)

Section 22: The State recognizes and promotes the dfIJts 01 indigenous cultural
communities within the ftamewolk of national unity and development.

The Congress may provide for the appl1cablllty of cUBtomaty laws.

governing propetty dfIJts or fBlat/ons In detennlning the ownef9hlp and
extent ofancestral domain.

Article XIII (Agrarian and National Resources Reform)

$ection 6: The State shall apply the principles of agnJrian I8fOrm or stewardship,
wheneverapplicableinscordance withlaw, in the dispotlltlonor uti/izat/on
of other natural resources, includng /anc& of the pcXJIic dornain under
tease or concession suitable to aglfcultul8, subject to poor rlf1Its,
homestead tights ofsmaDsetffet'lfl, and the rlf1Its ofindigtJnous communi
lies to their ancestral /anc&.

ArtIcle XIV (Language)

Section 8: This Constitution shaH be prormigated in FIlipIno and English and shall
be translated Into major regional languages, Arabic, and Spanish.

Section 17: The State shall recognize, respect, and pIOIect the tights of indgenous
cultural communities to preserve and develop thtIIrCIJIturtIB, traditions
andlnstltulions.ltshallconsiderthese dfIJts in the fotmu/alion ofnational
plans and policies.

Article XVI (General PtovIeIons)

Section 12: The Congrea maycreale a conttuIIalivfl body to adviH the Ptwidenton
policies affflcting Indgenous cultural COIJ'IIJICJIIit, the majority of the
rnembenI of which shall come from such comrtIUt'IifW

Specific Provlslone

ArtIcle X (Local Government)

Section 15: There shall be created autonomous trIg/oM In Muslim Mindanso and in
the Cordilleras within the framewolk ofthis Constgtution andthe national
sovereignly as well as territorial Integrity of the Republic of the Philip
pines.

Section 16: The President shaM ~ general ~ion OVIN autonomous

,.gons to MSlJlfllhat laws alit faiIhfuIIy .xeculfld.
SectIon 17: A.llpowet'lfl.funcIionIJ.and~noIgtlIJfI8dbythisConstitution
or by law to the autonomous I8gionII ."., bII WIStIId In the National
GovelTlll'lfJflt.

Section 18: TheCongressshallenactanorganicsctforeechlUOnOmOullregonwith

the assistance and participation ofthe regional consultative commission
composed of representatives appcinIIJd by the PresidIInt from a list of
nominees from multisectoral bo<:It. The Off1lJnic act shan define the
basic structul8 ofgovembmenl for the reg;onconsisIitJg of the executive
depsl1ment andle(jslative anembly, bolt! oIwhich shall be ehIctive and
repl8Sentative 01 the constltufmt political unb. The orf1lJnic acts shall
li#cewisep,ov/de torspecialcourts wIfh~, family, andproperty law
judsdcfionconslstentwittl theprovlsions oflNtlConstitutionandnational
laws.

106
 The creation ofthe a utonomous region shall be effective when approved
by majority ofvotes cast by the constituent units in a plebiscite called for
the purpose, provided that only provinces, cities and geographic alVas
voting favorably in such plebiscite shall be included in the autonomous
region.

Section 19: The first Congress elected under this Constitution shall, within eighteen
months from the time of organization of both Houses, pass the organic
acts for the autonomous regions in MuslimsMindanao and the Cordilleras.

Section 20: Within its territorial jurisdiction and sub;ect to the provisions of this
Constitution and national laws, the organic act of autonomous regions
shall provide for legislative powers over:

1) Administrative organization;

2) Creation of sources of revenues;

3) Ancestral domain and natural resources

4) Personal, family, and property relations;

5) Regional urban and rural planning development;

6) Economic, social and tourism development;

7) Educational policies;

8) Preservation and development of the cultural heritage; and

9) Such other matters as may be authorized by law for the promotion

of the general welfare of the people of the region.

Section 21: The preservation of peace and order within the regions shall be the
responsibility of the local police agencies which shall be organized,
maintained, supervised, andutilized in accordance with applicable laws.
The defense and security of the regions 'shall be the responsibility of the
National Government.

107
 In the name of God, the Omnipotent, the Merciful.

AGREEMENT BETWEEN TIiE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE

PHILIPPINES AND THE MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT WITH tHE
PARTICIPATION OF THE QUADRIPARTITE MINISTERIAL COMMISSION MEM
BERS OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE AND THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF
THE ORGANIZATION OF ISLAMIC CONFERENCE

In accordance with the Resolution No. IV, Para. V adopted by the CouncR of
Ministers of the Islamic Conference in its Fourth Session held in Benghazi, Ubyan Arab
Republic during the month of Safar 1393 H. corresponding to March 1973, calUng for
the formation of Quadripartite Ministerial Commission representing the Ubyan Arab
Republic, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Republic of Senegal and the Republic of
Somalia, to enter into discussions with the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines conceming the sHuation of the MusRms in the South of the Philippines.

And in accordance with the Resolution No. (18) adopted by the islamic Conference
held in Kuala Lumpure, Malaysia In Jumada Alakhir 1393 H. corresponding to June
1974 A.D. which recommends the searching for a just and peaceful poRlicaJ solution
to the problem of the Muslims In the South of the Philippines through the negotiations.

And In accordance with the Resolution No. 12h/S adopted by the Islamic Confer
ence held in Istanbul in Jumada EI-Ula 1396 H. corresponding to May 1976 A.D.
empowering the Quadripartite Ministerial Commission and the Secretary General of
the Islamic Conference to take the necessary steps forthe resumptions of negotiations.

And following the task undertaken by the Quadripartite Ministerial Commission and
the Secretary General of the Islamic Conference and the discussions held with H.E.
President Marcos, President of the Republic of the Philippines.

And in realization of the contents of Para (VI) of the Joint Communique issued in
Tripoli on the 25th ZUlgeda 1396 H. corresponding to.17th November 1976 A.D.
following the official visit paid by the delegation of the Government of the Philippines
headed by the F'lI"St Lady of the Philippines, Mrs. Imelda RomuaJdez Marcos, to the
Ubyan Arab Republic and which calls for the resumption of negotiations between the
twp parties concerned in Tripoli on the 15th December1976.

Negotiations were held in the City of Tripoli during the period between 24th Zulhijja
1396 H. to Second to Moharram 1397 H. corresponding to the period from 15th to 23rd
December 1976 A.D. at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs presided over by Or. AU
Abdussalam Treki, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the Ubyan Arab Republic,
and comprising of the Delegations of:
,'
1. Government of the Republic of the Philippines, led by Honorabte Carmelo Z.
Barbero, Undersecretary of National Defense for Civilian Relations.

2. Moro National Uberation Front, led by Mr. Nur Misuari, Chief of the Front.

And with the participation of the representatives of the Quadripartite Ministerial

Commission:

The Ubyan Arab Republic represented by Or. Ali Abdussalam Treki, Minister
of State for Foreign Affairs.

The Kingdom 01 Saudi Arabia H.e. Salah Abdalla EI-Fadl, Ambassador of the
Kingdom 01 Saudi Arabia, Ubyan Arab Republic.

The Republic of Senegal Mr. Abubakar Othman SI. Representative of the

Republic of Senegal and Charge d' Affairs of Senegal in Cairo.

DemocraticRepubllcofSomaJiaH.E.BazIMoharnedSuti,Ambassadorofthe
Democratic Republic of Somalia, Ubyan Arab Republic.
 With the aid of H.E. Dr. Ahmed Karim Gaye, Secretary General of the
Organization of Islamic Conference, and a delegation from the Secretariat
General of the Conference composed of Mr. aasim Zuheri, Assistant Secre
tary General and Mr. Aref Sen Musa, Director of Political Department.

During theee negotaitiomi which were malked by a spirit of conciliation and

understanding, it ~ been agreed on the following:

First. The estabflShmentof Autonomy in the Southem Philippines within the realm
of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the ~hilippines.

Second. The areas of the autonomy for the MusUms in the Southem Philippines
shall comprise the following:

1. Basilan
2. Sulu
3. Tawi-Tawi
4. Zamboanga del Sur
5. Zamboanga del Norte
6. North Cotabato
7. Maguindanao
8. Sultan Kudarat
9. Lanao Norte
10. Lanao Sur
11. Davao Sur
12. South Cotabato
13. Palawan
14. All the cities and villages situated in the abovementioned areas.

Third.

1. Foreign policy shall be the competence of the Central Govemment of the

Philippines.

2. The National Defense Affairs shall he the concern of the Central Authority
provided that the arrangements for the joining of the forces of the More
National Uberation Front with the Philippine Armed Forces be discussed
later.

3. In the areas of the autonomy, the Muslims shall have the right to set up their
own Courts which implement the Islamic Shari'a laws. The MusHrrIS shallbe
represented in all Courts including the Supreme Court. The representation of
the Muslims in the Supreme Court shall be upon the recommendation from
the authorities of the autonomy and the Supreme Court. Decrees will be
issued by the President of the Republic of their appointments taking into
consideration all necessary qualifications of the candidates.

4. Authorities of the autonomy in the South of the Philippines shall have the right
to set up schools, colleges and universities, provided that matters pertaining
to the relationship between these educational and scientific organs and the
general education system in the State shall be subject of discussion later on.

5. The Muslims shall have their own administrative system in compliance with
the objectives of the autonomy and its institutions. The relationship between
this administrative system and the Central administrative system to be
discussed later.

6. The authorities of the autonomy in the South of the Philippines shall have their
own economic and financial system. The relationship between this system
and the Central economic and financial system of the State shall be discussed
later.

7. The authorities of the autonomy in the South of the Philippines shall enjoy the
right of representation and participation in the Central Govemment and in at
other organs of the State. The number of representatives and ways 01
participation shall be fixed later.

109
 THBMINORlTIZA'MQNOFTHBINDIGBNOUSOOMMUNITIES
OF MINDANAO ANDTHIt SUW .\RCH11'ItL.AOO

8. SJ*:IaI Regional: Security Forces are to I:MiI setup In the area of the Autonomy
for the Muslims In the South of the Phillpplnea. The raIatIonehIpbetween
these forcea and the Central security forces shall be fixed later.

9. ALeglslatlve Assemtiyand an ExeculiveCouncbhail be formed in the areas

of the Autonomy for the Muslims. The setting up of the Legislative Assembly
shall be constituted through a direct election, .and the formation of the
Executive CouncD shall take place through appointments by the Legislative
Assembly. A decree for their formation shall be en8cted by the President Of
the Repubic NSpectlvely.The number of members of each assembly shall
be delermined later on.

10. Mlnee and minerai resources fall within the competence of !he Central
Govemment. and a reasonable percentage deriving from the revenues of the
mines and minerals be fixed for the benelit of the areas of the autonomy.

11. A mixed Committee shall be composed of representatives of the Central

Govemment of the Republic of the Philippines and representatives of the
Moro National Uberation Front. The mixed Committee shall meet in Tripoli
during the period from the Fifth of February to a date not later than the Third
of March 19n. The task of the said Committee shall be charged to study in
detail the points left for discussion in order to reach a solution thereof in
conformity with the provisions of this agreement.

12. Cease-fire shall be declared immediately after the signature of this agree
ment. provided that its coming into effect should not exceed !he 20th January
19n. A Joint.,Committee shall be composed of the two parties with the help
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference repressented by the Quadri
partite Ministerial Commission to supervise the implementation of the cease
fire.

The said Joint Committee shall also be charged with supervising the
following:

a. A complete amnesty in the areas of the autonomy and the renunciation

of all legal claims and codes resulting from events which took place in
the South of the Philippines.

b. The release of all the political prisoners who had relations with the
events in the South of the Philippines.

c. The retum of all refugees who have abandoned their areas in the South
of the Philippines.

d. To guarantee the freedom of movements and meetings.

13. A joint meeting be held in Jeddah during the first week of the month of March
1977 to initial what has been concluded by the Committee referred to in Para.
11.

14. The final agreement conceming the setting up of the nutonomy referred to in
the first and second paragrnphs shilll be slgnedjn the City of Manila. Republic
of the Philippines. between IheGovemment of the Philippines. nod Moro
National Uberalion Front. and INHs1amic Conference represented by the
Quadripartite Ministerii Commission and the Secretary General of the
Organization of Islamic Conference.

15. Immediately after the signature of the Agreement in Manila. a Provisional

GovemmentshaHbeestablishedintheareasoftheautonomytobeappointed
by the President of the Philippines; and be charged with the task of preparing
for theelectlons of the Legisl<'ltive Assembly in the territories of the Autonomy;
and administer the areas in accordancewilh the provisions of this agreerrnent
until a Government is formed bytheelecled Legislative Assembly.

16. The Government of 1tie Philippines shan take all necessary constitutional
processes for the Implement:'llion of the en lire Agreement.

110
 Fourth: This Agreement shall come into force with effect from the date of its
signature.

Done in the City of Tripoli on 2nd Muharram 1397 H. corresponding to 23rd

December 1976 A.D. in three original copies in Arabic. English, French languages, all
equal in legal power.

FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF FOR THE MORO NATIONAL

THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES: LIBERATION FRONT:

(Sgd.) HON. CARMElO Z. BARBERO (Sgd.) MR. NUR MISUARI

Undersecretary of National Defense Chairman of the Front

for Civilian Relations

(Sgd.} DR. All ABDUSSALAM TREKI (Sgd.) DR. AHMED KARIM GAVE
Minister of State for Foreign
Secretary Geneml of the
Affairs, Libyan Amb Republic and
Organization of the Islamic
Chairman of the Negotiations
Conference

111

 THIt MINORmZATlON OF THE INDlGItNOUS CXlMMUNITlIlS

OF' MINDANAO ANDTHUUW ARCHIPItLAOO

The two .,.,... agreed to coIIInue dlacusaion of 1he proposal for the grant of til
autonomy to Mindanao. BasItan, Sutu. TaM-Taw! and PaIaw., subject to democratic
pr'CIOIIII8eS.

In 1he meantime, the MNLF panel proposes that President Corazon C. Aquino wil
lea.... an executive order suspending pertinent provisions of the draft constitution on
1he grant of autonomy to Muslim Mindanao In the scheduled plebiscite on February 2.
1987, to allow the MNLF to undertake democratic consultations with the people 0'
Mindanao and i1a Islande, and that the Philippine Government panel shall pl"lilHnt Ihia
prvpoeal to Preeident Aquino for her approval.

MNLF Pallfll:

(Sgd.) NUR MISUARI (Sgd.) AQUIUNO PIMENTEL, JR.

Chairman Chairman

Witnessed by.

(Sgd.) S.S. PIRZADA

Secretary General

of the Organization of the

Islamic Conference

OIC Headquarters,

Jeddah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,

January 3, 1987

As provided for the the Statement of Understanding arrived at during the Second
Round of ExploratorY Talks between GRP and MNLF at Istana Preeiden, Cipanas,
West Java, Indonesia on AprIl 14-16. 1993:

"The agenda for the formal talks wiD focus on the modalities for the fuD implemen.
tation of the Tripoli Agreement in letter and spirit. to include:

A. Those portions of the Agreement left for further or later discussion; and

B. Transitional implementing structure and mechanism."

112
 IN THE NAME OF GOD, THE OMNIPOTENT, THE MERCIFUL

GRP-MNlF FORMAL PEACE TALKS

WITH THE OIC PARTICIPATION

JAKARTA, 25TH OCTOBER - 7TH NOVEMBER 1993

INTERIM GRP - MNlF CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT

This document is entitled: "1993 INTERIM CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT BETWEEN

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE.REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES (GRP) AND THE
MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (MNlF) WITH THE PARTICIPATION OF
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE (OIC)".

WHEREAS, there are on-going fonnal negotiations between the GRP and the MNLF
Peace Panels being held in Jakarta, Indonesia, with the participation of the Repre
sentatives of the ole in order to attain a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in
Southern Philippines, primarily in the area of regional autonomy;

WHEREAS, there is an existing informal ceasefire between the Anned Forces of the
Philippines and the Philippine National Police of the GRP, on the one hand, and the
Bangsamoro Armed Forces of the MNLF, on the other, as a result of the meeting
between the estwhile President Corazon C. Aquino and Chairman Nur Misuari in the
capital town of Joio, the Province of Sulu. on 5th September 1986; .

WHEREAS, all the parties at the current Formal Peace Talks subscribing to the
laudable suggestion of the Honorable Foreign Minister of Indonesia. do hereby agree
on the following:

1. To form<llize and furthern strengthen the structure and conduct of the ceasefire
which was agreed upon between the erstwhile Philippine President Corazon C.
Aquino, and Chairman Nur Misuari of the MNLF. The latter embar1<ing on the
peace process had obtained the concurrence of the Secretary-General of the
OIC. The historic meeting between the two leaders took place in JoIo, the
Province of Sulu, on 5th September 1986.

2. To ensure the successful implementation of this Interim Ceaseflre Agreement,

the forces of both parties shaH remain in their respective places and refrain from
any provocative actions or acts of hostilities contrary to the spirit and purposes
of this said Agreement; provided that the representatives of the OIC shall help
supervise in the implementation of this Agreement through the Joint Committee;

3. A Joint Committee as provided for in Article'" section 12 of the Tripoli Agreement

shall be constituted im.mediately. to be composed of representatives from the
GAP and the MNLF with the help of the OIC represented by the Ministerial
Committee of the Six;

4. The Joint Committee shall prepare its own detailed guidelines and ground rules
for the Implementation of this Agreement and submit the same to all parties
concerned not later than 30th November 1993 for approval by duly designated
representatives of all parties concerned.

113
 THE MINORlTIZATIONOFTHE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
OF MIN[lANAO ANDTHE SULU ARCHIPELAGO

5. This Interim Ceaaeftre Agreement which shall be linked to the substantial

progress of the negotiations shall take effect immediately upon its signing by the
parties signatory to it and shall remain valid and erforceable solely for the duration
of the Formal Peace Talks, unless otherwise extended by their unanimous
decision.

Done in Jakarta.on 7th November 1993

For the GRP

For the MNLF

(Sgd.) Ambassador Manuel T. Van

(Sgd.) Professor Nur Misuari
Chairman of the GRP Peace
Chairman of the MNLF Peace
Panel
Panel

For the Host Govemmentl

For the OIC Secretary-General
Chairman of the OIC Ministerial

Committee of the Six

(Sgd.) Ambassador S. Wiryono

(Sgd.)Ambassador Mohammad Mohsin
Director-General for
Assistant Secretary-General
Political Affairs

114
 IN THE NAME OF GOD, THE OMNIPOTENT, THE MERCIFUL

JOINT PRESS COMMUNIQUE

THE FORMAL PEACE TALKS BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUB

LIC OF THE PHILIPPINES AND THE MORO NAnONAl LIBERAnON FRONT
WITH THE PARTICIPAnON OF THE OIC MINISTERIAL COMMITTEE OF THE SIX
AND THE OIC SECRETARY GENERAL

1. The Fonnal Peace Talks between the Govemment of the Republic of the Philippines
and the Moro National Uberation Front were held in Jakarta, Indonesia, on 25th
October to 7th November 1993 with the participation of the Indonesia as host country
and Chair of the OIC Ministerial Committee of the Six. and the Secretary General
of the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

2. The opening ceremony, held on 25th October 1993. was presided over by H.E. Mr.
Ali Alatas. Foreign Minister of the Republic of Indonesia. Also present at the
Opening Ceremony was the Secretary General of the OIC, H.E. Dr. Hamid
Algabid.

3. The Formal Peace Talks were held in plenary and working group sessions. The
plenary sessions were chaired by Ambasssador Sastrohandoyo Wiryono of
Indonesia.

4. Following extensive exchanges of views, the participants in the Formal Peace Talks
reached a number of agreements, including the following:

(1) the establishsment of a Joint Secretariat made up of representatives from the

GRP and the MNLF panels, as well as Indonesia the host country and
representing the OIC Ministerial Committee of the Six and the OIC Secretary
General to provide back-up support to the Formal Peace Talks.

(2) the categorization of the proposed Agenda for the Fonnal Peace Talks
focusing on the modalities for the full implementation of the Tripoli Agreement
in letter and spirit and on the' basis of the guidance provided for in paragraph 14
of the Cipanas Statement of Understanding. The Formal Peace Talks agreed
to discuss at the first stage the following nine agenda items with the understand
ing that other items can be discussed at a I<lter stage:

a. National Defense
b. Education
c. Administrative System
d. Economic and Financial System
e. Regional Security Force
f. Representation in National Govemment
g. Legislative Assembly and Executive Council
h. Mines and Minerals
i. Judiciary and the introduction of Shariah Law

(3) the establishment of the following Support Committe. made up of experts

from the GRP and the MNLF to further examine in delail all the pertinent issues
in their respective areas of responsibility with a view to achieving agreements
and submitting a report with recommend<llions 10 the Mixed Committee:

a. Support Committee-1 (National Defense and Regional Secuiity Force)

b. Support Committee-2 (Education)
c. Support Committee-3 ()Econornic and Fin<lncial System. Mines and
Mineral)
d. Support Committee-4 (Administrative System, Represenl<ltion in National
Govemment. Legislative Assembly and Executive Council)
e. Support Committee-5 (Judiciary and Introduction of Shari<lh L<lw)

llS
 THE MINORITIZATIONOFTHE lNDIGENOlISOOMMIJNITIES
OF MINDANAOAN[)THE SUL.U AIICHIPEL.AC.Q

These Support Committees will hold their meetings in Manila and ZaIn
boanga; or elsewhere in Ss~uthem Philippines as may be -agreed by the
parties.

(4) the reactivation of the Mixed CommiHee, composed of representatives of the

GRP and the MNlF with the participation oltha OIC as mandated by Article III,
paragraph 11 of the Tripoli Agreement of 1976 "to study in detail points left for
discussion in order to reach a solution thereof in conformity with the provisions
of this agreement";

(5) the formation of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Setting Up of the Implement
ing Structures and Mechanism. The participants of the Formal peace Talks, after
considering Article III, paragraph 15 and 16 as well as the effectivity clause
contained in Article IV of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, have agreed to form the
said Ad Hoc Working Group in accordance with paragraph 14 B of of the
Cipanas Statement of Understanding. This Working Group is tasked to study
the GRP and the MNlF proposals on the implementing structure and mecha
nism and to submit their recommendations to the Negotiating Panels for the
latter's consideration and approval;

(6) the signing of the 1993 Interim GRpMNLF CeaaeflreAgreement, to provide

a better atmosphere conducive to the promotion of mutual confidence neces
sary for the success of the on-going negotiations. This Agreement shall take
effect immediately upon its signing by the parties signatory to it and shaH remain
valid and enforceable solely for the duration of the Formal Peace Talks, unless
otherwise extended by their unanimous decision. A Joint CommiHee, as
provided for in Article III of the Tripoli Agreement, shall be reactiviated imme
diately, to be composed of represent4ltives from the GRP and the MNlF with the
help of the OIC represented by the Ministerial Committee of the Six. The said
Joint Committee shall prepare the detailed guidelines and ground rules for the
Implementation of this 1993 Interim GRpMNLF Ceasefire Agreement; and,
finally,

(7) the convening of the Second Formal Peace Talks between the Govemment of
the Repubfic of the Philippines and the Moro National Uberation Front with the
participation of the OlC Ministerial Committee of the Six and the OIC Secretary
General in Indonesia on 14 FebrU4lry 1994.

5. The two weeks of the Formal Peace Talks, although involving discussions on highly
complex and at times contentious issues, was imbued by a spirit of goodwill and
mutual accommodation whiCh facilitated the achievement ofthe above agreements.

6. The participants decided to send a latter of appreciation to H.E. Dr. Hamid A1gabid
for his constant guidance and encouragement, and also to the Heads of the
GovemmentlState of the OIC Ministerial Committee of the Six. They also agreed
to pay a courtesy visit to libyan Arab Jamahiriah as a tribute for the signing of the
Tripoli Agreement in 1976.

7. The Formal Peace Talks ended on 7th November 1993, on a note of confidence and
optimism. In Closing, the parties. agreed to send ajolnt letter, expressing their deep
gratitude and appreciation to H.E. president Soeharto for Indonesia's generous
hosting of the Formal peace Talks and for all the warm and brotherly courtesies
extended to all the delegations.

Jakarta, 7th November 1993

116
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Diliman, Quezon City.
 TH E M1NOR1T1ZA.Tl0N OF TH E-jN[)IGENOIJS (X)MMUNITIES
OF M1NIlANAO A.N[JTliE SUI.1J AkI~HIPEL.AGO
Reynaldo C. Deto, Magindanao: 1860
1888. The eareer of Datu Uto of
Buayan (Marawi City: University
~earh Center, Mindanao State Uni
versity. n.d. First published as Data
Papers No. 82 of the Southeast Asia
Program, Department of Asian Stud
ies, ('Amell University, Ithaca, New
York, 1971).
Thomas M. Kiefer, The Tausug: Vio
lenee and Law in a Philippine Mos
lem Soeiety(NewYork: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, Inc., 1972).
Land is Life. Proeeedings of the An.;
eestral Land Congress, UGAT, Ine.
23-24 March 1987, San Carlos Univer
sity, Cebu City.
Mardonio M. Lao, Cagayan de Oro Be
fore the 20th Century. MA Thesis,
University ofthe Philippines, Dilimnn,
Quezon City, 1978.
Mardonio M. Lao, Bukidnon and the
Bukidnons, 1860-1945: Colonialists'
Attempts at Integration. Ph.D. Dis
sertation, University ofthe Philippines,
Diliman, Quezon City, 1984.
Mardonio M. Lao, Bukidnon in Histori
cal Perspective (Musuan, Bukidnon:
Publications Office, Central Mindanao
University, 1985).
Ruurdje Laarhoven, The Triumph of
Moro Diplomacy (Quezon City: New
Day Publishers, 1989).
Marcelino Maceda, The Culture of the
Mamanwa (Cebu City: University of
San Carlos Publications, 1975).
Cesar Adib Majul, Muslims in the Phil
ippines (Quezon City: Published for
the Asian Center by the Univtlrsity of
the Philippines, 1973).
E. Arsenio Manuel, Manuvu Social Or
ganization (Quezon City: Community
Development Research Council, Uni
versity of the Philippines 1973).
Datu Michael O. Mastura, The Rulers of
Magindanao in Modern History,
1515-1903. Research Project No. 5. Phil
ippine Social Science Council. Modt>-lTl
History Program. Quezon City, .Tanu
ary, 1979. Mimeograph Edition.
118
Datu Michael O. Maatura, Muslim Fili
pino Experienee (Manila: Ministry of
Muslim AtTairs, 1984).
Melvin Mednick, Eneampment of the
Lake, The Social Organization of a
Moslem Philipme (Moro) People
(Chicago: Philippine Studies Program,
University ofChicago, 1966), Research
Series No.6.
Sixto Y. Orosa, The Sulu .Arehipelago
andItsPeople (New York: World Book
Company, 1923). Updated and enlarged
and republished by the New Mercury
-Printing Press in the Philippines, 1970.
.Jainal D. Rasul, Muslim-Christian
.. Land: Ours to Share (Quezon City:
Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.,
1979).
Najeeb M. Saleeby, "Studitls In Moro His
tory, Law and Religion". Published in
full in Notre Dame .Journal, Vol. 6,
No. 1 (April) 1975. First published
Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1905.
NajeebM. Saleeby, HistoryofSulu (Ma
nila: Filipiniana Book Guild Inc., 1963)
First p!Jblished - Manila: Bureau of
Ptinting, 1908.
Fredtlric H. Sawyer, The Inhabitants of
the Philippines (London: Sampson
Low, Marston and ('.ompllny, 1900).
Stuart A. Schlegel, Tiruray Justice
(Bt'rkeley, Los Angeles, California: Uni
versity of California Press, 1970).
William Henry Scott, Cracks in the
PIlI'chment Curtain and Other Es
says (Quezon City: New Day Publish
ers, 19Rfi).
Rnd D. Silva, Two Hills of the Same
L'md. Privately Printed: Mindanao
Sulu Critical Studies & Research Group,
September 1979. Revised Edition. Silva'
is B. R. Rodil in'l'eallife.
Struggle Against Development Ag
gression.A TahBkPublication. (Quezon
City: 1990)
Eduardo Tadem, .Johnny Reyes & Linda
Susan Mllgno, Showcases of Under
development in Mindanao: Fishes,
Forest, and Fruits.. (Davao City: Al
ternate Resource Center, 1984)
Samuel K. Tan, The FUipino Muslim
Armed Struggle, 1900-1972 (Maltati:
Filipinas Foundation, Inc., 1977)
Altredo T. Tiamson. Mindanao-Sulu
Bibliography (Davao City: Ateneo de
Davao, 1970).
Alfredo T. Tiamson, The Muslim FUipi
no&. An Annotated Bibliography
(Metro Manila: FilipinasFoundation,
1979).
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
Annual ReportofthePhUippine Com
mission, 1900, Volume II, Part II (Wash
ington: ('ri)vernment Printing Office,
1901), pp. 35()..358.
Annual Report ofthePhUippine Com
mission, 1901 <Washington: Govern
mentPrintingOffice, 1902) Part I, p. 38.
Annual Report ofthe PhUippineCom
mission, 1904 (Washington: Govern
ment PrintingOffice, 1905) Part I, p. 26.
Annual Report ofthe PhUippine Com
mission, 1903 (Washington: Govern
ment Printing Office, 1904) Part 2, p.
58.
Annual ReportofthePhUippine Com
mission (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1904) Part 3, p. 828.
Annual Reportofthe PhUippine Com
mission, 1905 (Washington: Govern
ment Printing Office, 1906) Part I, P.
830.
Annual Report ofthe PhUippine Com
mission, July I, 1913 to December 31,
1914 (Washington: Government Print~
iog Office, 1915) pp. 399-400.
UNPUBLISHED STUDIES
Samuel Briones. The Maliobos of
Salangsang, Salaman, Lebak (Sul
tan Kudarat). M.A. Thesis, Silliman
University, 1969.
II?
John R. White, Bullets and Bolos (New
York&: London: The Century Co., 1928).
Dean Worcester, The PhUippines Past
and Present (New York: The
MacMillan Company, 1914).
Census ofthe PhUippine Islands, 1903
(Washington: United States Bureau of
the (',ensus, 1905), Volume II.
Census of the PhUippines, 1918. 1939,
1948, 1960, 1970 &: 1975.
Senate of the Philippines. Senate Com
mittee on the National Minorities. Re
port on the National Minorities.
1962.
Congress of the Republic of the .Philip
pines. RA 6734 An Act Providing for an
Organic Act for the Autonomous Region ~
in Muslim Mindanao.
Republic of the Philippines. Department
of Public Information, Manila, 1976.
Background Information on the
Situation in Southern PhUippines,
p.29.
PD 705 or the Revised Forestry Code of
1975.
Republic of the Philippines. Constitution
of 1987
Shinzo Hayase. Tribes, Settlers, and
Administrators on a Frontier: Eco
nomic Development and Social
Change in Davao, Southeastern
Mindanao. The Philippines, 1899
1941. Ph.D. Dissertation, Murdoch
University, Western Australia, 1984.
Elena Maquiso, Prologue to the
UlabiDgan(Manobo Epic) (Dumaguete
City: SillimanUniversity, 1965) Mimeo
Edition.
Rudy B. Rodil, Kasaysayan ng mga
Pamayanan ng Mindanao at
Arkipelago ng Sulu, 1698-1898
Unibersidad ngPilipin'as, Pebrero 1992.
MAKasaysayan.
ARTICLES
Anonymous, "Our Lake For Others",
MIPC Communications, April 1978.
Anonymous, "Our Land for Others",
Research Bulletin, Vol. III, Nos. 8-9,
April-May 1978.
Anonymous, "On the Rise and Fall of
Lake Lanao", Research Builletin,
Dansalan ReseRECh Cewnter, .July-Au
gust 1978.
Jose S. Arcilla, S.J., "The Christianiz,'l
tion of Davao Oriental: Excerpts from
Jesuit Missionary Letters" in Philip
pine Studies, Volume 19, No.4 Octo
ber) 1971, pp. 639-724.
David P. Barrows, "History of the Popu
lation," Census of the Philippines
Islands (Washington: United Stat.t!s
Bureau ofthe Census, 1oofi), Volume I,
pp.411-491.
Ronald K. Edgerton, "Frontit'r Society on
the Bukidnon Plateau, 1?l70-1941, pp.
361-390,inAlfredW.McCoy& Ed D. de
Jesus, eds., Philippine Social His
tory (Quezon City: Ateneo <It' Manila
University Press, 1982).
Richard E. Elkins, "Root ofa Language",
in Alfredo R. Roces, Ed., Filipino Her
itage(Mamla: Lahing Pilipino Publish
ing, Inc., 1977). Volume 2, pp. 523-527.
Mardonio M. Lao, "'Oral Tradition or
Bukidnon Pre-history: The Kalikat hu
mga Etaw dini ta MindRnao,"
Kinaadman IX (1987), J>Jl. 23-31.
120
B. R. Rodil, "PagtutoI at PaIp")jleJra DC
mga Lumad sa Mindanao, 19()3.1935'"
(Resistance and Struggle of the Lumad
of Mindanao, 1903-1936). Paper pre
sented at the 12th ('Alnference on Local
.:md Natit)11a1 History, Mindanao State
University, Marawi City, 22-24 October
1991,64p.
Consultation/WorkshoponAncestral
Domain, Santa Cruz Mission, Lake
Sebu, South Cotabato, 24-27 Septem
ber1991.
Teodoro A Uamzon, SoOJ., "In'I'he Begin
ningWastheWord", in AlfredoR. Roces,
Ed., Filipino Heritage(ManiJa: Lahing
Pilipino Publishing, Inc., 1977). Vol
ume 2, pp. 393-400.
Esterlinda M. Malagar, The Guman of
Dumnlinno A Suhanon Folk Epic in
Kinaadman II, 1980, pp. 268-380.
Pelagio S. Mandi, "the Government Moro
Policy", Ateneo Law Journal 7, No.3
(November-December) 1967, pp. 276
304.
D. L. Mondelo, "Lumllds Game of Age",
Trihal Forum, Volumt> VII, .July-Au
gust 1986, pp. 13-14.
Rudol>h Rahmann, S.V.D. & MarcelinoN.
Maceda, "Not.t!s on the Neg'litos of
Nmthem Neg'l'Os, Anthropos, Volume
1)0, Nos. 4 - 6 (1951), pp. 810-836.
Rudy B. Rodil, "Ang Edukasyon at
KaraJlatan ng Sambayanang Moro na
MllgJ)asiya sn Sarili" (Education and
the Mol'o Right to Self-Determination),
The .Journal of History, Volume
XXXN, Nos. 1 & 2, ,January- December
1989 and Volume XXXV, Nos. 1 & 2,
.January - December 1990, pp. 99-112.
Stuart Schlegel, "Tirurny-Maguindanao
Ethnic Relations: An Ethnohistorical
Puzzle," Solidarity, Vol. VII, No.4
(Aplil) 1972, l>p. 25-30.
MOlice Vanovelilel'gh, "NegritosofNorth
enl Luzon," Anthropos, Volume 20,
~ ..s. 1- 2 (,January-April) 1925, pp.148
lm.
Morice Vanoverbeqb. "Negritos ofNorth
em Luzon Again," Anthl'opos, Vol
ume 14,N08.1-2(January-April) 1929,
pp.3-76.
Morice Vanov~ "Negritos of East
ern Luzon," Anthropos, Volume 32,
Nos. 6- 6 (September-December) 1937,
pp. 906-928.
PERIJDICALS
Bulletin Today, 3 .July 1979.
Bulletin Today, 10 December 1979.
ManUa Bulletin, 17 February 1992.
Philippine Daily Inquirer, 29 Febru
ary 1992.
Philippine Daily Inquirer, 22 March
1992.
.Philippine Daily Inquirer, 24 January
1993.
MISCELLANEOUS
Fact&heet on the Mt. Apo Anti
Geothermal Power Project Cam
paign, January-August 1992. Compiled
by Organized Campaign for Environ
mental Ac:tion and Networking
(OCEAN), a unit of Kinaiyahan Foun
dation. Inc:.
Bobby Timonera, "Impasse on Mindan
ao's Energy Crisis", 4 January 1992,
Typescript, 6p.
Bobby Timonera, "No Immediate Rem
edy for Mindanao's Power Crisis", 4
January 1992. Typescript, 8p.
121
LindyWashbum, "TheGuimba Incident",
Kadtuntaya, Tbird Quarter, 1978, pp.
14-16.
Philippine Sunday Express, 17 Sep
tember 1978.
Signsofthe Tim.., 123 September 1976.
Tim.. Journal, 9 November 1978.
Tim.. Journal, 22 September 1979.
Tribal Forum, Vol. VI, No.6, September
- Oc:tober 1986.
The Journal AI-Alam AI-Islam, Janu
ary 1977, Vol. 4, No.3, pp. 31-32.
Bobby Timonera, ARMM's CtUldao Lam
bastNapocor, DENR", l4.January 1992,
Typescript, 3p.
Bobby Timonera, "Maranaos See Eco
nomic: Embargo Threat as a Blessing",
15 January 1992. Typescript, 4p.
Bobby Tim9nera, "MalOO'sV'lSitto Marawi
Yields No Results", 22 .January 1992,
Typescript, 1p.
Bobby Timonera, "Maranaos Show Oppo
sition to Agus I Plant", 24 January
1992. 'Typescript, 2p.
 ABournmAumoR

PROF. B.R. RODIL is a member of the faculty of the

Department of History of the Mindanao State University
lIigan Institute qf Technology in lligan City, the Philip
pines. .:. Born in Maguindanao Province and aresident
of Mindanao since birth, Prof. Rodil grew up among the
Tiruray, a Lumad indigenous community, taught for
almost two years in the southern island of Jolo in the
province of Sulu, and is now aresident of Higan City in
Lanao del Norte.': He has made extensive studies of
the history and contemporary situation ofthe indigenous
peoples of Mindanaoand Sulu since 1973. .:. His major
works include A Prelirrinary Study of the National
Cultural Minorities of Mindanao and Sulu and (as Rad
D. Silva) Two Hills of the Same Land. .:. He has also
written, in Filipino, Kasaysayan ng fill' Pamayanan ng
Mindanaoat ArkiptJlago ng Sulu(History ofthe Stlttle
ments of Mindanao and the Sulu ArchiptJlago) from
1596 to 1898, thereby contributing substantially to the
unravelling oUhecomplex and delicate issue ofancestral
land claims in the region.:.

122
 ABourAFRIM

The ALTERNATE fORUM fOR RESEARCH IN

MINDANAO emerged in the late seventies as aresponse
to the pressing need for timely and relevant information
at the time when media was under the control of Marcos'
repressive regime. .:. Writing ,gainst foreign rape In
mindanao, AFRIM took up issues that had become rally
ing cause for the then heightening anti-dictatorship
struggle--from militarization in the countryside, the co
conut levy and agribusiness corporations. to develop
ment projects and multinational incursions--with aclear
bias for basic sectors with whom it has been working for
the pastyears: peasantand labor .:. Fifteen years after
its inception, AFRIM has now established Itself as a
reliable social research and advocacy institution. provid
ing data and analyses-so necessary towards forging a
sound developmentframework for Mindanao.:. Wlth
outabandoning its acknowledged bias for the marginalized
sectors, AFRIM has now come to engage in mainstream
poncy debate, influencing media and policy-makers in
and out of government towards promoting the genuine
development of Mindanao. .:.

J2J