Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Introduction
352 353
Stephen A. Murphy
herein, however, indicates it is more probable that the semas at Thaton account of sm literature in Myanmar language giving a number of
developed independently of those in northeast Thailand, drawing accounts of this consecration ceremony in a modern context. Some
their inspiration from the already rich and well-established indigenous of the earliest related epigraphic evidence in Myanmar comes from
tradition of carving Buddhist imagery and motifs. the Kaly inscriptions of King Dhammazedi, set up in Bago (Pegu)
in circa 1477-78 CE. In these bilingual inscriptions (Mon and Pli),
the arrangement of the semas is outlined in the Mon portion of the
Sema Stones: Origins and Use text stating,
The gradual and pervasive movement of Buddhism into Southeast Asia
[ ] having been marked (at) the corners (facing) the four
from the early centuries of the first millennium CE onwards brought
quarters [four boundary stones were planted. When] these four
with it a variety of new rituals, concepts, customs and artistic traditions.
middle stones [were planted,] it being an advantage to have
As a result, Buddhist ideas of sacred space and sacred art merged with
eight boundary stones with a view to making other than four-
the pre-existing local cultures that they encountered, resulting in unique
sided figure []. (trans. Blagden 1928: 247)
expressions particular to these communities.
As Buddhism became established in these areas the need to perform
Clearly therefore, by the fifteenth century the rituals, regulations
certain prescribed rituals led to the development of specific artistic and
and ceremonies concerning the demarcation of the sm precinct had
religious traditions. Regulations concerning the demarcation of ritual
been firmly formulated in lower Myanmar.9
space were paramount among these considerations and as a result the
However, while the need to create ritual space is clearly defined in
tradition of erecting sema stones emerged in northeast Thailand and
the Pli texts, as Pinna Indorf (1994: 19) points out, nowhere in these
lower Myanmar.
texts does it state how this is to be done. The Vinaya Mahvagga lists a
The importance of demarcating ritual space arose from the need to
number of possibilities, such as anthills, trees and rivers to define ritual
perform the pimokkha on uposatha days and ordination ceremonies. The
space, however, they need to be clearly identifiable in order to suffice.10
pimokkha ceremony, which consists of the recitation of the rules of the
The evidence from northeast Thailand and central Laos illustrates that
order, is performed twice a month, on the full and new moon, and once
in these regions this need to fix Buddhist ritual space was met by the
a year at the end of the rainy season on the pavra day. Furthermore,
setting up of sema stones. Therefore, being found throughout Myanmar,
Pli Buddhist praxis stipulates that it must take place within clearly
Thailand, Cambodia and Laos, semas today seem to represent a specific
marked consecrated ground (Horner 1962: 6-13, 137-146). However,
Southeast Asian response to the creation of ritual space.11 To the best of
this ritual ground need not consist of a building, such as an ubosot/bot
my knowledge no such practice has been recorded to date from India or
or sim/sm (ordination hall), but can take place in the open air as long
Sri Lanka prior to circa tenth century CE.
as the space has been clearly demarcated. It is for this specific function
therefore, that sema stones were erected (Murphy 2010: 86-124; Arunsak
2010: 67-82).5
The Pli word sm means boundary. As No Na Paknam (1981:
Early Evidence for Sema Stones in Myanmar
57) points out, the Thai term sema is therefore a vulgarisation of the The earliest evidence for semas in Myanmar comes from a number of
Pli word sm. In modern Thailand, sema stones are usually called bai sites in the central and western regions, with none of them falling under
semas, with bai, meaning leaf, generally referring to the shape of the the umbrella of the so-called Mon regions. In fact, one of the sites
predominant slab type sema, particularly from the Ayutthaya period discussed, rketra, is in the Pyu region of Myanmar, while the other,
onwards (ca fourteenth century to present).6 In Myanmar, however, Vesli, is neither Mon nor Pyu.
the word sm (pronounced as thein) refers to both a boundary and an Elizabeth Moore (2007: 129) has recently debunked these ethnic
ordination hall, as in the Kaly Sm at Thaton for example (Luce terms as over-simplistic concepts and argues that we should view pre-
1969: 252-253). Bagan (Pagan) Myanmar more from a perspective of its landscape
The function of sema therefore, was to create this necessary and human interaction with it, than in terms of reductive ethnocentric
boundary (sm) within which key Buddhist ceremonies such as the definitions. She further points out that during the first millennium CE,
pimokkha or ordination ceremony could take place.7 As Petra Kieffer- there was active interchange between upper and lower Myanmar, brought
Plz points out, this is one of the conditions for the continued existence about more by ecological conditions than anything else. Michael Aung-
of the Sagha, as without a clearly defined sm, there would be no Thwin (2005) has also cautioned against the blanket use of terms such as
space to perform valid Buddhist rituals (1997: 141). In modern-day Mon and Pyu, but for very different reasons, seeing them more as
Thailand for example, a set of eight semas are placed around an ubosot, constructions of British colonialism. His critique, however, is problematic
either singularly or in pairs (therefore amounting to sixteen sema stones in parts, particularly in terms of his claims regarding the apparent lack
in total).8 Once this formal procedure has been correctly carried out, of archaeological evidence in lower Myanmar, as has been outlined by
the area is then deemed sacred and the requisite ceremonies can take Donald Stadtner (2008; see also Moore & San Win, this volume) who for
place within it. his part, is a firm advocate of the Pyu and Mon paradigms.
In modern Myanmar, a similar consecration ceremony takes place. A similar line to Moores understanding is taken in this essay.
Nagasena Bhikkhu (forthcoming) has recently carried out an exhaustive From the archaeological record it seems clear that early Buddhism
354 355
Stephen A. Murphy
356 357
Stephen A. Murphy
while the last one [Figure 3] was found south of the Bawbawgyi stpa in Kumphawapi district of Udon Thani province. This sema was
(Luce 1985: 131). They have now all been relocated to the site museum. discovered in 1963-64 during the Archaeological Salvage Expedition
The stone triads, the largest of which measures 250 cm. in height, 201 led by William G. Solheim II and Chester Gorman (1966: 159). It bears
cm. in width and 47 cm. in thickness is carved in relief with a Buddha a fragmentary Sanskrit inscription in Pallava script (K. 981) edited and
image in dhynamudr [Figure 2]. The Buddha in turn, is flanked by two translated by George Cds, who dated it to approximately the seventh
disciples seated in prayer with all three figures depicted with circular or early eighth century CE (1964: 159-160):
halos radiating from around their heads. Unfortunately, the relief
carving on the majority of these stones is quite badly worn, however, (1) [] myo yatir vviprdipjita
Figures 2 and 3 are still quite well preserved. Figure 2 exhibits some ilm imm asau saim sthpaym sa bhikubhi
fine relief carving showing the Buddha in dhynamudr, sitting cross-
legged with a flaming halo radiating from behind his head. Behind (2) [] ne ucisavatsare ake
the Buddhas shoulders is a throne motif which appears to terminate daame caitraukle bht smeya saghasammat
in makara designs. Furthermore, a bodhi-tree is represented by a stone
projecting above the Buddha. The inscription provides indisputable evidence for the function
The second stone [Figure 3] again shows the Buddha seated cross- of this stone with Cds French translation of the first line reading,
legged, this time in vajrsana, with a halo encircling his head. Once again [] cet ascte honor par les brahmanes a rig cette pierre tenant
he is in dhynamudr and is seated on a throne. The whole composition is loffice de borne, avec les bhiku. This has been translated into English
framed under an arch-shaped leafed pediment. by Piriya Krairiksh (1974: 41) as follows, [] this ascetic honoured by
The dimensions and aesthetic quality of these two pieces as well as the Brahmans erected this stone having the function of boundary stone
the stone triads indicate that sophisticated levels of Buddhist art had with the Bhikkhus [sic]
been reached by this period and provides evidence for the existence of a However, Peter Skilling (pers. comm.) has recently presented me
stone carving tradition employing Buddhist motifs and themes from as with a revised reading of this inscription that seems to downplay the
early as the sixth to seventh centuries CE. Furthermore, the use of the Brahmins role somewhat:
halo device around the head of the Buddha image on the majority of
the triads from rketra is encountered once again on the Thaton semas (1) [Name or epithet] the renuncient venerated by Brahmins
from the Kaly Sm and may represent some form of iconographic and others caused, this stone in the form of a boundary by
continuity between the two sites. the monks to be established.
The 1983-84 Vesli excavations seems to establish that the practice (2) [Year in words] the tenth day of the bright half of Caitra,
of erecting fossilised wood semas around ordination halls was already in this boundary was agreed by the Sagha.
existence in Myanmar from possibly as early as the fifth to sixth century
CE. The lacuna of material evidence for other areas of Myanmar As Piriya (1974: 42) states, this inscription leaves no doubt as to
does not necessarily indicate that semas were not being used. It could the function of semas. Furthermore, on Cds reading, it appears
be the case that they were also made from perishable materials such as that the ritual was conducted by Brahmins, however, in Skillings it
wood which would therefore not survive. Furthermore, evidence from looks as if Brahmins were present but perhaps did not in fact conduct
rketra illustrates that by the sixth to seventh centuries CE a tradition the consecration. Either way it serves to remind us that the cultural
of setting up large stone slabs with Buddhist relief carving upon them and religious milieu of Southeast Asia at this period was in no way
and used to demarcate an ordination hall was well established in this homogenous, nor for that matter did it seem to be in any way sectarian,
region. It seems quite plausible therefore, that the semas from the with Brahmanism, and Buddhism of various schools, all coexisting to
Kaly Sm at Thaton may have found their antecedents in at least a greater or lesser extent alongside each other at various times and in
one, or both of these sites. various regions.
358 359
Stephen A. Murphy
in 1954 in the Bulletin de lcole franaise dExtrme-Orient. In this work, The Mahummagga-/Mahosadhajtaka
based upon reports he received from a Thai civil servant living in the
area, he discussed the site of Mueang Fa Daet, which he referred to as The Mahummaggajtaka, or Mahosadhajtaka as it is more commonly
Kanok Nakhon. On observing photographs of sema stones present known in the Pli literature, espouses the virtue of wisdom and is well
at this site, he concluded that they were Mon in origin stating that they represented in the narrative art of both Myanmar and Thailand from
were the handiwork of Mon artists wearing the distinct impression ancient times up to the present. In terms of sema stones it is depicted on
of the Dvravat School of Art (Seidenfaden 1954: 643). To confirm one sema from Thaton and three semas from Mueang Fa Daet.
his identification he consulted Cds, who replied in a personal The semas from Mueang Fa Daet show a variety of different episodes
communication that he agreed with Seidenfaden. from the Mahosadhajtaka. Of particular interest is a sema [Figure 4]
This identification was further strengthened a few years later when carved with episodes on both sides, one side showing the scene in which
M.C. Subhadradis Diskul wrote an article on the semas of Mueang the Bodhisattva Mahosadha decides the case of the stolen child, while
Fa Daet published in Artibus Asiae (1956). It is clear that from early the other side shows the Battle of the Law episode.15
on Mueang Fa Daet was identified and recognised as an important In the judgement of the stolen child episode, Mahosadha is
Dvravat period archaeological site. located at the centre of the composition while the two women to be
In 1968, the Fine Arts Department of Thailand (FAD 2514) judged kneel prostrate at his feet. The woman to Mahosadhas right
conducted excavations at this site and among the structures that they is holding the child. There is also an architectural feature above
uncovered were found the remains of two ubosots. Around one of these Mahosadha, which acts to frame the composition. The Battle of the
structures (site no. 14), they found in situ pillar-type semas erected in Law scene is depicted on the reverse of this sema. Once again, the
pairs, while at the other ubosot (site no. 4), sema stones were also found composition is framed by a stylised architectural feature, under which
but no mention is given of what type they were. The director of the sit four figures, three of whom are attendants. There is also another
excavation also stated that there were approximately two hundred sema figure lying underneath, which Mahosadha, located on the far left and
stones at the site of Mueang Fa Daet. identifiable by the parasol above his head, is holding down with his
During the course of my research, I recorded 172 semas from this hand and foot. This figure is the Brahmin Kevaa who is forced into
site (Murphy 2010: 189-191). Of this number, fifty-five had jtaka tales obeisance by Mahosadha.
or scenes from the life of the Buddha depicted on them. The rest had Overall, these two episodes illustrate that the ancient artists of
Buddhist symbols such as stpas and water-pots (kumbha), or were just Mueang Fa Daet were extremely well versed in this jtaka and succeeded
decorated with a lotus band on their base. in conveying its narrative by clearly constructed and conceptualised Figure 5: Sema from the Kaly
compositions. Also characteristic of the narrative art of the Mueang Sm in Thaton (lower Myanmar;
The jtaka tales on sema stones, particularly from Mueang Fa Daet and still in situ) depicting the scene from
also the site of Ban Nong Hang, were first identified by Piriya Krairiksh Fa Daet semas are the conical headdresses and Dvravat style facial
the Mahosadhajtaka in which
(1974) in his study of the semas at the Khon Kaen National Museum. features, particularly in terms of the eyes and lips. Furthermore, the Mahosadhas wife is presenting the
Piriya succeeded in identifying five out of the ten Mahniptajtakas narrative compositions are at times framed by stylised architectural four nobles dressed up like white
on the semas. He identifies one instance of the Mahjanakajtaka, two motifs [Figure 13]. monkeys to the king [Photograph by
Interestingly, the placement of these two scenes on either side of the Stephen A. Murphy].
instances of the Mahummagga/Mahosadhajtaka, one instance of the
Khaahlajtaka, two instances of the Vidhurapaitajtaka and one same sema may not be accidental. As Piriya (1974: 49-50) has pointed
instance of the Vessantarajtaka. out, these two scenes appear side-by-side on terracotta plaques at the
The Kaly Sm in Thaton cannot compete with either the site of Thagya hpaya/stpa at Thaton. It is worth noting, therefore, that while
Mueang Fa Daet or other sites throughout northeast Thailand in terms they are stylistically rather different, in terms of content, the Mahosadha
of the quantity of semas present, however, in terms of the narrative art sema from Mueang Fa Daet and the terracotta plaques are identical.
depicted on them and the motifs present, it compares very favourably. The sema from Thaton on the other hand, depicts the episode in
As at Mueang Fa Daet and other sites throughout northeast Thailand, which Mahosadhas wife is presenting the four nobles dressed up like
the most common Buddhist narrative scenes are those from the jtakas, white monkeys to the king while her husband is absent [Figure 5].
in particular the Mahniptajtakas, that is, the last ten past lives of The depiction of the four nobles dressed up like monkeys allows for the
the Buddha. scene to be clearly identified.16 Skilfully rendered in low-relief, with the
The jtakas from Thaton were first illustrated and identified by characters clearly shown, this scene, as with the Mueang Fa Daet sema,
Maung Mya (1934: 203-204, pl. 1 CXVI) who, on the basis of an competently conveys the narrative episode.
inscription on one of the stones at the Kaly Sm, dated them from When we look closely at the style of the carving and the arrangement
Figure 4: Sema from Mueang Fa the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. Both Luce (1969), and Shorto (1971: of the composition itself, however, there is little to suggest a direct link
Daet (Kalasin province, northeast xxxviii), however, date the inscription to pre-1057 CE, that is, before with the sema from northeast Thailand. For instance, the architectural
Thailand) depicting the episode of
the conquest of Aniruddha recorded in later Burmese chronicles. What feature present on the sema from Thaton, a stylised-tiered tower of
the Battle of the Law from the some kind, bears no resemblance to the architectural features on the
Mahosadhajtaka. Height 170 cm., follows is a comparison of four jtaka tales that the semas from Thaton, sema from Mueang Fa Daet, nor does it have any parallel with other
width 84 cm. depth 24 cm. Housed lower Myanmar, and from northeast Thailand have in common.14
at the Khon Kaen National Museum, architectural motifs from semas throughout northeast Thailand. There
inv. no. 466, 467/2517 [Photograph is also no obvious Dvravat stylistic influence and furthermore, the
by Stephen A. Murphy]. Bodhisattva is depicted with a halo, a device that is rarely shown on
360 361
Stephen A. Murphy
Bodhisattvas in semas from northeast Thailand, though it does appear of his conical headdress. There is also another figure placed
on Buddha images. above the large fish to the top right, however, it is unidentifiable
Overall, therefore, while there are direct comparisons in terms of as the top part of this sema is missing. It is also possible that this
narrative content, particularly between the terracotta plaques of the figure may represent Mahjanaka due to his placement in the
Thagya hpaya/stpa and the Mahosadha sema from Mueang Fa Daet, composition, as in this episode Mahjanaka climbs to the top of
stylistically there are many divergences between the stones from these the mast as the ship begins to sink, while his shipmates, unable
two regions. to do so are eaten alive by various types of sea creatures as they
swim helplessly in the sea.
The sema from Thaton depicts the exact same episode, however,
The Mahjanakajtaka it does so using a very different compositional arrangement. Firstly,
Scenes from the Mahjanakajtaka have been identified on semas from the narrative is conflated, as there are two episodes being depicted in
three separate locations, Thaton [Figures 6a-b], Ban Nong Hang in the one composition. On the top register the shipwreck scene is shown
Kalasin province [Figure 7] and Ban Non Chat [Figures 8 a-b] in with Mahjanaka standing in the centre of the ship beside the mast.
Khon Kaen province.17 The semas from Ban Non Chat and Thaton However, below the ship, the next episode in this narrative is shown.
appear to depict the same scene. The sema from Ban Nong Hang has Mahjanaka, after surviving the shipwreck and swimming in the ocean
been identified by Piriya as the Mahjanakajtaka (1974: 47-48) although for seven days, is eventually saved by the goddess Mamekhal, who is
shown lifting him out of the water and bearing him away. Figure 7: Fragmentary sema from
I have previously questioned this identification (2010: 225-227). The Ban Nong Hang (Kalasin province,
sema is fragmentary but Piriya proposes that it depicts the Bodhisattva When we compare the Mahjanaka episode on the top register of the northeast Thailand) supposedly
Mahjanaka and his estranged wife, Queen Sval. He further argues Thaton sema with its counterpart from Ban Non Chat, we again observe depicting the Mahjanakajtaka.
that it represents the scene after Mahjanaka has renounced his kingship that while the content is identical, the compositional arrangement and Height 64 cm., width 60 cm.,
style once more differ. Firstly, in terms of scale, we see that the artist of depth 11 cm. Housed at the
and become an ascetic (cf. Cowell 1957: VI, 30-37). Mahjanaka, Piriya Khon Kaen National Museum,
argues, is depicted at the bottom centre of the composition in an ascetics the Thaton sema has chosen to depict the episode from a more distanced
inv. no. 504/2517 [Photograph
garb, holding an ascetics staff, while Queen Sval is placed above him. standpoint, allowing the viewer to take in the entire scene, or in this by Stephen A. Murphy].
She is shown leaning on her right shoulder, with her right hand raised case the two concurrent narrative episodes. The sema from Ban Non
to support herself. If this identification is correct, this posture may have Chat, on the other hand, has chosen to represent the episode up close,
been chosen to convey her grief and sorrow at the fact that Mahjanaka clearly depicting the characters of the narrative but not the backdrop.
has resolved to remain an ascetic and, consequently, she can no longer In fact, the only suggestion of a ship is the narrow mast to which the
accompany him. Overall, the compositional arrangement is uncrowded figures cling. Furthermore, the conflation of the narrative as seen on the
and as far as can be made out from the fragment, there are no further sema from Thaton is never encountered in northeast Thailand during
motifs or features present in this scene. The viewers attention is the Dvravat period.18
therefore solely focused on the interaction between the two figures. Once again, while the narrative content is very similar and at times
This identification, while compelling is far from certain. First of all, identical, the style and arrangement of the compositions from northeast
the identification of the bottom figure as Mahjanaka seems to rest solely Thailand differ quite significantly from those at Thaton.
on the staff he carries, which Piriya argues is that of an ascetic. However,
it has been pointed out by a number of authors that it represents a
khakkhara (Lorrillard 2008: 123-124; Revire 2009: 120-123) and that this
instrument is not restricted to ascetics alone but to monks of various
different monastic lineages. Furthermore, the khakkhara is also depicted
on a further sema (No Na Paknam 1981: front cover; Murphy 2010:
272, fig. 5.74), and in this scene it is held by the Buddha. Additionally,
the figure Piriya argues is Mahjanaka has his hair cut short in the style
of a monk as opposed to the conical hairstyle of a Bodhisattva. As he
does not have an ua, he cannot be said to represent the Buddha
either. The identification of the upper figure as a queen is also far from
Figures 6a-b: Detail of a sema certain. It is more probable that this scene represents an unidentified
from the Kaly Sm in Thaton
(lower Myanmar; still in situ)
episode involving a monk as opposed to the Mahjanakajtaka. Due to the
Figure 8a: Sema from Ban Non
depicting the Mahjanakajtaka. uncertainty surrounding the actual narrative being shown, it is therefore Chat (Khon Kaen province, northeast
Top: Mahjanaka holds on to omitted from consideration in the discussion below. Thailand) depicting the shipwreck
the mast of the ship. Bottom: The sema from Ban Non Chat [Figures 8 a-b] depicts the episode scene from the Mahjanakajtaka.
The goddess Mamekhal saves of the shipwreck, identifiable by the large fish in the bottom right corner, Height 120 cm., width 70 cm.,
Mahjanaka from the ocean depth 20 cm. Housed at the village
[photographs by Stephen A. Murphy]. and also by the mast of the ship, shown just to the left of the central
temple, Ban Non Chat, Khon Kaen Figure 8b: Detail of the sema from
stpa motif. Two figures are clinging to this mast as the ship begins to province [Photograph by Stephen Ban Non Chat depicting the sea monster
sink, with the lower of the two possibly being Mahjanaka on account A. Murphy]. [Photograph by Stephen A. Murphy].
362 363
Stephen A. Murphy
The Vidhurapaitajtaka
The Vidhurapaitajtaka is depicted on two semas from Thaton
[Figures 10a-b] and one sema from Mueang Fa Daet. The latter sema
[Figure 9] depicts the scene in which the yakkha general, Puaka, is
converted by the Bodhisattva Vidhura (Piriya 1974: 53-55; Murphy
2010: 237-243; Cowell 1957: VI, 131). This episode takes place on
a mountaintop, represented here by the clouds in the background.
After being dangled upside down and about to be thrown off the
mountainside by Puaka, Vidhura manages to persuade the yakkha
general to let him preach the Law first. Puaka agrees and upon
hearing the wisdom of Vidhura, is converted and no longer seeks to
kill the Bodhisattva. It is this moment of the preaching of the Law that
is being depicted in this narrative scene. Vidhura sits in the top left of
the scene while Puaka sits slightly below him to the right. Puaka is
further identified by the depiction of his horse directly below him.
Figure 10a: The episode from the Figure 10b: Sema from
The sema stones from Thaton, on the other hand, show different Vidhurapaitajtaka when the the Kaly Sm in Thaton
episodes. One fragmentary sema depicts the episode in which the four four kings meet, from the Kaly (lower Myanmar; still in situ)
kings meet [Figure 10a]. They are shown sitting around a table, engaged Sm in Thaton (lower Myanmar; depicting the episode from the
in conversation. It is highly probably, that this sema, like that depicting still in situ) [Photograph by Stephen Vidhurapaitajtaka in which
the Vessantarajtaka from Thaton discussed below [Figure 11], was A. Murphy]. Puaka challenges King Dhananjaya
to a game of dice [Photograph by
divided into two panels, each illustrating a different part of the narrative Stephen A. Murphy].
of the jtaka in question. Unfortunately, due to the fragmentary nature
of this sema, it is impossible to know what this scene may have been.
Once again, it is also worth noting that this compositional arrangement at the bottom of the scene, sleeping together on a mat. The fact that
of dividing the face of the sema into two panels is never encountered in Vessantara is seated on a throne and the presence of the stylised
northeast Thailand. architectural feature behind his wife confirm that they are still within
Figure 9: Sema from Mueang The other sema from Thaton also depicting the Vidhurapaitajtaka the palace.
Fa Daet (Kalasin province, northeast illustrates the episode in which Puaka challenges King Dhananjaya The sema from Wat Sibunrueang depicts the episode in which
Thailand) depicting the episode to a game of dice [Figure 10b]. In this scene, King Dhannajaya sits
from the Vidhurapaitajtaka
Vessantara gives away Madd to Sakka, who is disguised as a Brahmin.
on an elaborate throne which frames his person, while Puaka stands Vessantara is shown in the centre of the scene with Sakka to his left
where Vidhura preaches the Law to
Puaka. Height 176 cm., width to his right. Stylistically, this throne bears no resemblance whatsoever and Madd to his right. The donation of Madd is symbolically depicted
76 cm., depth 25 cm. Housed to the thrones depicted on the semas from northeast Thailand which by the pouring of water onto the right hand of the recipient, who in this
at Khon Kaen National Museum are usually shown as either consisting of a matt/cushion-type seat or a case is Sakka (Piriya 1974: 57 and 2012: 340-341; Cowell 1957: VI, 293).
[Photograph by Stephen A. Murphy]. polygonal motif with the throne itself rising behind, but not enclosing The narrative takes place under a building of some kind, rather
the Bodhisattva as is the case at Thaton (Murphy 2010: 344-365). This reminiscent of a modern Thai sala, or pavilion. This pavilion is in
further serves to illustrate the stylistic differences that exist between the turn flanked by trees on either side above which float a pair of celestial
two regions. beings. Overall, the architecture detail helps to create a well-balanced
composition and as with the Mahosadhajtaka from Mueang Fa Daet, has
the effect of framing the scene.
The Vessantarajtaka When we compare these two scenes with those found at Thaton,
The Vessantarajtaka is depicted on two semas from Thaton (Luce 1985: we once again see great differences in the style and execution of
pl. 94c) [Figure 11], one sema from Mueang Fa Daet [Figure 12] and the narratives. One sema from Thaton, for instance, has been divided
one sema currently located at Wat Sibunrueang in Kalasin province but into two panels, the upper depicting the episode in which Vessantara
most likely also from the site of Mueang Fa Daet (Piriya 1974: fig. 22) gives away the white elephant to the eight Brahmins of Kliga, while
[Figure 13]. All four semas depict different scenes from this jtaka and the lower panel has not been clearly identified (Luce 1985: pl. 94c).
once again the arrangement and the composition of the scenes from Also depicted on a sema from Thaton is the scene in which the
Thaton and northeast Thailand differ considerably. forester threatens to shoot Jjaka with his bow after the latter has
The sema from Mueang Fa Daet depicts an episode preceding climbed up a tree after being chased by a pack of dogs [Figure 11]. Figure 11: Sema from the Kaly
Vessantaras banishment from the palace. In this scene, the Bodhisattva If we compare the style and composition of this sema with the sema Sm in Thaton (lower Myanmar;
still in situ) depicting the episode
Vessantara is seated on a throne below a parasol while his wife sits to from Mueang Fa Daet, we observe that they differ in many ways, for from the Vessantarajtaka in which
his right, slightly below him in front of an architectural motif most instance in terms of the proportions of the figures and the style of their the forester threatens to shoot Jjaka
likely meant to represent the palace. Vessantaras children are shown depiction. This points towards two different traditions separated by at [Photograph by Stephen A. Murphy].
364 365
Stephen A. Murphy
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Stephen A. Murphy
In comparing the semas from northeast Thailand and those from Endnotes
the Kaly Sm in Thaton, it becomes apparent that while there is a 1 A discussion of what constitutes Dvravat is 8 I have demonstrated, however, that the numbers
large degree of uniformity in terms of content, there is also significant beyond the limits of this essay. Suffice to say can vary. For instance during the so-called
divergence in terms of style, composition and form. This leads to the that the prevailing view in scholarship is that it Dvravat period the number of semas employed
conclusion that there was no direct contact between those who carved is a primarily early Buddhist culture and to a can be as high as twenty-four stones being use at
and set up the semas at Thaton and their counterparts in northeast lesser extent Brahmanical, that arose in central certain sites (Murphy 2010: 95-103).
Thailand. The semas from northeast Thailand therefore do not appear and part of northeast Thailand consisting of 9 For an account of the corresponding ceremony in
urbanised polities more often than not based Cambodia, see Giteau (1969).
to be the artistic source for those at Thaton. If Piriyas hypothesis was around moated sites. The degree to which it
correct and a group of Mon refugees had settled in Thaton, leading formed a uniform state or political entity is still 10 See the Uposathakkhandhaka (Vin IV 139-147).
to the creation of the sema stones at the Kaly Sm, then we would a contentious issue. For an up-to-date overview of 11 For Cambodia, see Boulbet & Dagens (1973);
expect to see much more continuity in terms of style and form. the definitions and debates surrounding the term for Laos, see Lorrillard (2008: 119) and Murphy
It seems much more plausible that the inhabitants of northeast Dvravat, see Skilling (2003); for a summary of (2010: 173-81 and 2013).
Thailand and those in lower Myanmar shared extremely similar the archaeological evidence, see Phasook (2542 12 Unpublished site report by the Burmese
and 2004); for definitions of the Dvravat art Department of Archaeology.
Buddhist religious traditions, perhaps derived from the same Pli
style, see Boisselier (1975: 73-92) and Woodward
Canon.19 This would provide a much more satisfactorily explanation of 13 For further discussion on the problematic nature
(1997: 43-74); for issues regarding the dating of
the similarities, and at times identical content of the sema stones from of the term megalith in a Southeast Asian
the Dvravat period, see Barram & Glover (2008)
the two regions. To further emphasis this point, it should be noted that context, see Glover (1998) and Murphy (2010:
and Glover (2010); for inscriptions, see Revire
365-374).
the movement of ideas and the movement of peoples are not the same (this volume).
thing. While ideas, be they religious, artistic or technical can move swiftly 14 Today the semas at the Kaly Sm in Thaton
2 Sema stones from this period are also found in
are enclosed in metal cages and are thus difficult
and freely along pre-existing trade routes and lines of communication, central and southern Laos. However, this essay
to photograph [e.g. Figure 14]. Upon visiting the
leaving very little material evidence in their wake, the movement of will focus on those found in northeast Thailand
site in July 2011, I managed to photograph them
peoples, on the other hand, is an entirely different proposition. If the only. For discussion of semas in Laos, see Lorrillard
as best as possible through the bars, allowing for
(2008: 119, figs 3-6; see also this volume) and
Mons of northeast Thailand did in fact migrate to Thaton, we would Murphy (2010 and 2013).
close up details of the carvings but not illustrations
expect to see a much larger archaeological, material, epigraphic and of the overall stones. For good quality photographs
3 Piriya for instance states harassed by the of the stones before they were enclosed, see Luce
artistic footprint than what we are left with today. encroachments of the Khmers into their (1985: pls 92-95).
What is clear however, it that the semas from Thaton and those territories, some of the Mons in northeast
spread throughout northeast Thailand, bear testament to the common 15 Unfortunately the side depicting the stolen child
Dvravat may have decided to seek safety at
episode is now extremely badly eroded and difficult
religious traditions and artistic languages shared by both these regions Thaton, the fabled cradle of Mon Buddhism [...].
to make out. However, there is a good illustration
as expressed through the medium of Buddhist narrative art. On arrival they probably would have consecrated
of this in Piriya (1974: fig. 9). For the relevant
a chapter house for the continuation of their
section of the Pli text, see Cowells translation
religion, and, as was the custom of their forebears,
(1957: VI, 207).
they would have embellished the semas with
Acknowledgements scenes from the Mahnipta-Jtakas [...] (1974: 16 Unfortunately the nobles are not quite visible in
63). Piriya is here building on an idea floated by Figure 5. However, they are clearly shown in Luce
Many thanks to Pamela Gutman, Elizabeth Moore, Nicolas Revire, (1985: pl. 93d).
Quaritch Wales (1947: 152-156) that Buddhism
Donald Stadtner, and Hiram Woodward for their comments and was reintroduced to Thaton by the Mons of 17 For Thaton, see Maung Mya, (1934: 203-204).
advice on earlier drafts of this essay. Thanks also to U Nyunt Han for Lamphun (ancient Haripujaya/Haripunchai) in The Mahjanaka scene on the sema from Ban
his kindness and generosity in translating the report on the excavations the mid-eleventh century and Cds (1966), who Non Chat has been identified by the author of this
at Vesli, Terrance Tan for arranging the field trip to rketra and to mentions a reference in Pli sources stating that, article in Murphy (2010: 227-228). For its textual
Win Kyaing, the director of the field school of archaeology at rketra in the eleventh century, Mons from Lamphun fled basis, see Cowells translation (1957: VI, 22-23).
for showing me around the site and opening the site museum at very to Thaton to escape a cholera epidemic (see also 18 There is one possible exception to this on a
Moore & San Win, this volume). sema from Mueang Fa Daet. See Murphy
short notice. Finally, thanks are also due to all the staff at the Khon
Kaen National Museum, who were extremely welcoming and helpful 4 Mueang Fa Daet is located in modern-day (2010: 222-224).
Kalasin province while Ban Nong Chat is in 19 Pli inscriptions for instance are attested in upper
throughout my research there. Khon Kaen province, northeast Thailand. For Myanmar, at rketra, from the fifth-sixth century
further discussion, see Murphy (2010: 157-160, CE onwards (Stargardt 2000) and in central
163-164 and 2013). Thailand from the seventh-eighth centuries
5 For a discussion of sm in a modern-day (Revire, this volume). However, to the best of my
Cambodian context, see Harris (2010). knowledge, to date, no Pli inscriptions have been
6 For comprehensive surveys of bai semas in Thailand discovered in northeast Thailand prior to the
spanning the Ayutthaya to Thonburi periods, see eleventh century.
No Na Paknam (2524) and Pitya (2550).
7 For the sake of consistency, the Thai term sema
(as opposed to the Pli term sm) is employed
throughout this essay to define boundary
markers.
368 369
Stephen A. Murphy
370 371