BOREAS

"
Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and

Near Eastern Civilizations

28

THE HELLENISTIC POLlS

OFKOS
STATE, ECONOMY AND CULTURE

Proceedings of an International Seminar organized by

the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History,
Uppsala University, ll-13 May, 2000

Edited by
Kerstin Hoghammar

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPS ALIENSIS

UPPSALA 2004
THE HELLENISTIC POLlS OF KOS
STATE, ECONOMY AND CULTURE

Proceedings of an International Seminar organized by

the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History,
Uppsala University, 11-13 May, 2000

Edited by
Kerstin Hogharnmar

UPPSALA 2004
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS

BOREAS. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean

and Near Eastern Civilizations 28

Editor: GullOg Nordquist

Assistant editor: Brita Alroth

Editor's address: Department ofArchaeology and Ancient History, S:t Eriks Torg 5,
SE-753 10 Uppsala, Sweden

The English text was revised by Mr. Neil Tomkinson.

Distributor: Uppsala University Library, Box 510, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Sweden

www. uu. se; acta@ub. uu. se

Published with the aid of a grant from the Swedish Research Council

Abstract
HOghammar, K. (ed.), The Hellenistic polis ofKos: state, economy and culture. Proceedings of an Inter
national Seminar organized by the Department ofArchaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala Univet:Yity,
11-13 May, 2000. Acta Univ. Ups. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern
Civilizations 28. Uppsala 2004. 1 9 1 pp., with ills. ISBN 9155458645

The general aim of the conference, the papers ofwhich are published in this volume, was to convene scholars
working on different aspects of Koan history and culture during the Hellenistic period to provide an up
to-date view of present research in different fields. The contributions cover the main areas ofarchaeology,
epigraphy, history, numismatics and prosopography and also touch upon art history and geology.
Most of the articles concern inscriptions in one fonn or another and their chronological and historical
contexts. The contributions cover questions connected with the Koan Asklepieia in the thin;! century, a
general survey ofthe chronology of inscriptions and the application ofS. Tracy's method ofdistinguishing
different hands, the chronology of the eponymous magistrates, the monarchoi, and ofa group ofdecorated,
funerary altars. The modern historical events resulting in the delay in the publication ofJG XII are presented.
Also treated are the personal names on coins, a recently excavated statue base for a poetess, Hellenistic
democracy, and two inscriptions, a local decree and a cult calendar, from Halasarna.
Three articles treat Koan amphoras. They give a survey of the Koan amphora shapes known up to now
and present new material from Halasarna and the southern Levant. A refined system forthe dating ofcomplete
or nearly complete amphoras through the proportions of the vessels is presented. Certain methodological
problems encountered when trying to "translate" the number of stamped handles reported at a certain site
into a rough estimate of the probable volume of wine which they signifY are also discussed.
Finally, we are given a survey of the stone materials extracted on the island and how they were used
in different periods.

Keywords: Kos, inscriptions, Asklepieia, theoroi, asylia, chronology, eponymous magistrates, monarchoi,
funerary altars, IG XII, statue base, poetess, names on coins, Hellenistic democracy, Halasarna, cult, cal
endar, Hellenistic period, amphoras, southern Levant, stone materiaL

Kerstin HOghammar, Department ofArchaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, S:t Eriks Torg
5, S753 10 Uppsala, Sweden

Respective authors

JSSN 0346-6442
ISBN 91-554-5864-5

Printed in Sweden 2004

by Nina trxckeri, Uppsala
 Contents

Kerstin HOghammar, Introduction .................. 7

Kent J Rigsby, Theoroi for the Koan Asklepieia ..... . 9

Kostas Buraselis, Some remarks on the Koan asylia (242 B.C.) against its international
background.................................................. ................................................................. 15

Charles Crowther, The dating ofKoan Hellenistic inscriptions ......................... ......... ... . 21

Christian Habicht, The dating of theKoan monarchoi ....................................... 61

Kerstin HOghammar, The inscribed, cylindrical, funerary altars: questions of date and
stylistic development ... ...... .... ......
. .... .... ..... .
. .. .
....
. .................. .
.......
..
......................... .
.. 69

Luise und Klaus Hallof, Zur Geschichte des Corpus lnscriptionum Coarum (JG XII 4) .. 83

Hlikon Ingvaldsen, The function and meaning of personal names on theCoan coinage
in the Late Classical and Early Hellenistic period ... .
... .
........... .
............... .
................... 89

Dimitris Bosnakis, Zwei Dichterinnen ausKos. Bin neues inschriftliphes Zeugnis iiber
das Offentliche Auftreten von Frauen................................ ........................................... 99

Susanne Carlsson,Koan democracy in context ........ ........................................... 109

Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras, New epigraphical evidence on the cults of ancient

Halasarna in Cos .................................... ........ .............. .. . .......... ...... !!9

Victoria Georgopoulos, The archaeological evidence ofCoan amphorae fmm

Kardamaina (ancient Halasarna) . .
....
. ...... .. .
......................... .
.. .
... .
.. .
...................... 129

Bans Johnsson, The export of wine to the south-eastern Mediterranean area during the
Hellenistic period................................................................................................. 133

Gerald Fin!delsztejn,Koan amphorae imported in the southern Levant in the

Hellenistic period................................................................. . .. ........... .. !53

Eirene Poupa!d, Quarries of the Hellenistic age on the island ofKos and possible uses
of the stones extracted...... ....... ................................. ..... . ........... . ................ ....... ..... . .... 165

Indexes .......................................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...................................................... 18!

Boreas 28
 Introduction
Following the appearance in the first half of the 1990s of one
volume ofthe inscriptions prepared forpublication by M. Segre
in the 1930s and 1940s, and the publishing of a series of articles
on different types of inscriptions in Chiron in the late 1 990s,
interest in Koan history and culture became more widespread.
The excavations carried out by the 12th Ephoria on Kos and
Kalymnos, in particularl those in and around Kos town, have
brought to light a wealth of new material. Likewise at Karda
maina, ancient Halasarna, on the southern coast of the island,
Athens University's excavations have uncovered architectural
remains, a substantial number of inscriptions and plentiful ce
ramic material at the sanctuary ofApollo. Parts ofthis vast Koan
material have been presented in various publications.
This increased work on and interest in Koan matters made
this seem a propitious time for an international seminar on the
ancient polis of Kos. The general aim of the conference, the
papers of which are published in this volume, was to convene
scholars working on different aspects ofKoan history and cul
ture during the Hellenistic period to provide an up-to-date view
of present research in different fields and to open up contacts
between scholars working in different disciplines. The partici
pants in their contributions cover the main areas ofarchaeology,
epigraphy, history, numismatics and prosopography and also
touch upon art history and geology. A second aim was to give
younger scholars the opportunity of presenting their work to
an international audience.
Most of the articles concern inscriptions in one form or
another and their chronological and historical contexts. The
contributions contain presentations and analyses of inscriptions
previously unpublished, the application of"new" methods to
Koan material, Le. inscriptions and amphoras, new inter
pretations of previously published inscriptions, analyses of
particular events or aspects of history as well as of different
types of material.
The conference covered different aspects of research. K.
Rigsby and K. Buraselis interest themselves in inscriptions
concerning the KoanAsklepieia. Rigsby republishes one frag
mentary inscription and presents a partly new interpretation
of its contents. Buraselis places the Koans' effort to achieve
international recognition ofand asylia for the Asklepieia in 242
against the contemporary political background and emphasizes
the political rationale of this move.
C. Crowther's and C. Habicht's papers offer us new in
sights into the chronology of the inscriptions. Crowther gives
a general survey of the development of Koan lettering styles
from c. 350 to c. 175. He also identifies different hands from
the mid-furth century to the late second century. This paper
fonns the first systematic attempt ofthis kind on the rich, Koan,
epigraphic material and although it is, as such, as Crowther
himself writes, provisional, it provides us with both immediate
results and a basis on which to proceed.
Habicht's paper is a brief version of his article, including
the chronological list of the Koan monarchoi, in Chiron 30,
published not long after the conference. The list will remain a
basic instrument for anyone working on Koan inscriptions of
the relevant period and, as such, it has its place in this volume,
a large part of which deals with inscriptions, even though the
reader must turn to the Chiron article for the detailed arguments
leading up to the results presented in the form of the list.
In dating some decorated, funerary altars, K. HOghammar
uses the possibilities offered by ancient art objects furnished
with inscriptions to situate them and their decoration in time.
This brings the discussion of the development of the ditferent
types of altar and .the quality of the decoration onto finner
ground.
Plans for the publication of the Koan epigraphic corpus in
the JG XII volume were presented over a century ago. K. and
L. Halloftell us how political and historicafevents in the first
half of the twentieth century directly affected the two scholrs
then mainly responsible for the publication of the inscriptions
and led to its long delay. Responsibility for the final publica
tion of IG XII now rests with the Berlin-Brandehburgischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften and the planned work on it is
proceeding.
In the article by H. Ingvaldsen, the focus is on the function
and meaning of the personal names that appear on the coins.
He discusses their significance in the context of the local
magistracies and that of the magistrates from various parts
of Greece known to be concerned with the production of and
control over coinage.
D. Bosnakis publishes a recently excavated statue base
carrying an inscription which was found in Kos town. The
inscription concerns a poetess and winner of several sacred
games who is honoured by the Koan demos. It provides fresh
evidence for the presence of women in the public life of the
early imperial period and contains an interesting reference to
an earlier poetess.
Hellenistic democracy is the subject ofS. Carlsson's paper.
She treats questions of methodology, as well as the meaning
of certain central concepts, i.e. democracy/demokratia and
Boreas 28
8 Introduction
autonomy. The case of Koan democracy is then discussed in
this particular context.
Two inscriptions from Kardamaina, ancient Halasarna, is
the subject ofG. Kokkorou-Alevras' study. In her discussion of
a local decree and a cult calendar from the sanctuary ofApollo
dating from the third century, she presents new information
on the cults of Halasarna, underlining the importance of the
sanctuary of Apollo as a religious centre.
Next follows a group of three articles on Koan amphoras.
V. Georgopoulos surveys the Koan amphora shapes known up
to now and presents the shapes and dates ofthree types ofam
phora feet found in the excavations of the sanctuary ofApollo
at Halasama. G. Finkielsztejn publishes and discusses material
from the southern Levant, presenting, interalia, a refined system
for the dating of complete or nearly complete amphoras through
the proportions ofthe vessels. In a broaderoverview, H. Johnsson
gives a picture of the export ofKoan wine to the south-eastern
Mediterranean area, basing his remarks on the published
material, collected and given in a list. He and Finkielsztejn
also discuss and exemplify certain methodological problems
encountered when trying to "translate" the number of stamped
handles reported at a certain site into a rough estimate of the
probable volume of wine which they signify.
Finally, E. Poupaki presents a thorough survey of the stone
materials extracted on the island and how they were used in
different periods. She discusses not only marble, but also tra
vertine, granite and various types of volcanic stone.
The majority of the finds on the island date from the
Hellenistic and Roman periods. The richness of the material,
including art, architecture, coins, pottery and inscriptions (the
second largest corpus after Athens), makes this polis most at
tractive to researchers interested in bridging the divide between
Boreas 28
archaeology and history. The combination of its limited size
(although a largepolis in ancient Greek tenns) and rich, datable
finds, particularly inscriptions, enables modem researchers to
cross disciplinary boundaries and through a combined analysis
of different types of material to achieve results not obtainable
within the limitations of a certain group of material and/or a
certain discipline. A cross-disciplinary conference of this type
constitutes an attempt to bring researchers and the results of
research within the different disciplines closer to one another
in the hope of a future in which integrated studies will go hand
in had with specialized ones.
I wish to thank the Swedish Research Council, the Birgit
och Gad Rausings Stiftelse tor Humanistisk Forskning and
the Society of the Friends of the Swedish Institute (F6re
ningen Svenska Atheninstitutets Viinner) for their generous
financial support, which made the conference possible. The
Swedish Research Council, in addition, also supplied the
funds necessary for the printing of this volume. I also wish
to express my gratitude to the Aner Foundation (Gunvor och
Jose/Anirs Stifle/se), which funded research on the project
entitled "Koan inscriptions in context", the results of which
are published here.
Miss Veronica Eriksson and Dr Simon Malmberg helped
to prepare the manuscript. Their efforts in this are much ap
preciated. Dr Brita Alroth functioned as assistant editor, her
professionalism and kindness always constituting a rock on
which to lean.
Uppsala in December 2003
Kerstin H6ghammar
ze
le
to
:is Kent J. Rigsby
le

>e
a Theoroi for the Koan Asklepieia
>f
"
d

t Abstract
A fragment of a Hellenistic decree of Kos, published in 1908, pro
j vides regulations for the theoroi, sacred ambassadors, connected with
the quadrennial festival of Asklepios. The date and substance of the
decree are discussed, and several difficulties in the text, including the
possibility that a reference to Argas is PelasgianArgas and the same
as Phthia.

One of the inscriptions of Kos that \VaS copied by Rudolph

Herzog almost 100 years ago remains today a virtually unique
testimony about its subject. It is a fragment ofa decree, Hellen
istic in date, which regulates the theoroi, sacred ambassadors,
who traveled in connection with the Asklepieia. The festival
of Asklepios was recognized as panhellenic in 242 B.C.; we
have about fifty recognitions by cities and kings, inscribed in
theAsklepieion. After this, every four years, Koan theoroi went
through the Greek world announcing the upMcoming festival Fig. I . Hellenistic decree ofKos: Asklepieion depository
and inviting attendance; and cities and kings responded by
sending their own theoroi to attend and observe. This was the
material fact that made a festival panhellenic-the attendance [- - - -
-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - ---]avot[ ----]
of observers who represented the various Greek states. [- --- TOt 0 i}ewgo\ -eo\] tpeb'VTE.:<; <; "'l'twvov
We have some other testimonies on how Greek states tried [-------- --- - - - -- -- ],&,, e;.ayyeUonw '"'
to plan and make more efficient the travels of their official 4 [ ' AoxAani'eux f:v JYJ.r;,txeOovfat--- xat i:v] eeaact;-
representatives, when these travels were required or recurrent. Ai'at xat ev "'Apyet
Several lists of theorodochoi are extant, the persons who in [xat ev 'AgxaOLtxt----. TOt oe treopol t']9Yec; lX
the cities visited by the inviters would serve as their hosts; !J.Ot'tp&txav Cmoa-
these lists in effect are itineraries for the 1ravelers. 1 And in the [nA/..6f.!.evot M - - M - Enayye/..A6v-cw -c<X] AaxA.anfeta

extensive archives of recognitions of new panhellenic games f:y XLwt xat

that have survived at Kos and at Magnesia on the Maeander, [ACaBwt xat - TOl oe &nooTeAA]6f.!.E.:VO'L
M - - - - - - .

we can see that individual teams of theoroi sometimes divided trewpol <popeU nw
and then reunited, in order to reach the most cities with the least 8 [1bt4Jt0.: Aeux<X KO.:l Ot'(()<ivoc ftaAA.oU?. -ciiv oe_
labor and time. But this Koan decree is unusual in establishing gJ<ptXVf.:U!J.f.:ViiV -fiE.:WptiiV
a set of policies; and because it is unusual, restoration of the [JJJe /..efotl'woo:v -col. trewgo06xot xal -col ieJ10gill.=
fragment cannot easily proceed on the basis of parallel texts. &JetX<; TO\ 0
'

Herzog, with generosity that was characteristic .of him, [-- - - - - - - - - - - - -]1):<XV4YVP.\
- - - - - - - - -

entrusted the inscription to his student Paul Boesch to present

in his dissertation-0ewpo<; (Boesch 1908, 28), a work of
enduring value-and this remains its one edition. Herzog's own
version, however, is preserved in the archives of Inscriptiones
Graecae in Berlin; the stone itself today is in the storage room
at theAsklepieion. Herzog's reconstruction, also characteristic
of him, is more bold than what Boesch printed. I give here
the version that Boesch published, but add Herzog's further
restorations (underlined).
4: [A: tv m\ptoJ.eot '"" tv] (Segre 1934, 177, n. 3).
8: l!T\<U (Boesch 1908).
The subject ofthe opening lines is clear enough: Koan theoroi
who every four years proclaim the Asklepieia are given itinM
1 See Perlman 1984.

Boreas 28
I0 Kent J. Rigsby
eraries that are intended to economize on their travels, by the
device of adding this duty to already-required missions that
take Koans abroad. From line 8 on, Herzog saw a ditl'erent set
oftheoroi, not the Koan announcers but the foreign representa
tives attending the Asklepieia.
The first problem is the length of the line. Boesch left
this question open, while in Herzog's version lines 8 and
9 are complete. His restoration of particular clothing in 8,
however, is arbitrary, and must be described as filler; and in
line 9, a decision that theorodochoi are to take care of theoroi
would be idle, a tautology, for that is what theorodochoi did.
Instead, our best guide to the length is probably line 6. Here
neither Boesch nor Herzog attempted to pad out what in fact
appears to be a complete thought. Nothing more is needed
in this line; I propose to close up the space, restoring simply
Cotoo['t"eAA6J.Levot mxyyeAA6v't"w 't"O:] ' AoxAan(eta.
What then would be the consequences of a line-length of
about 4 l letters for restoring other parts of this decree;? First,
this length is consistent with the sensible restoration of line 4
that was urged by Mario Segre; if we accept this, rather than
Herzog's insertion of Macedonia, line 4 too is nicely closed,
at the length proposed.
Consider now lines 7-8, where theoroi are told what
they must wear. Usually, Greek cities regulated clothing only
in connection with participation in ritual: crowns or other
head gear, clothing of some required color, prohibition of
jewelry-whether worn by priests and: other sacrificers or
by ordinary citizens when they marched in a procession; in
scriptions supply many examples of such rules.2 Line 7 needs
to define the circumstance in which the clothing requirement
applied. "The sent theoroi" does not seem adequate, for un
modified this would mean all theoroi in all circumstances. It is
hard to imagine that a city sending theoroi abroad to proclaim
its festival could instruct them in what to wear: at all times,
even on the road? These men would not necessarily participate
in any ritual in the cities which they visited; and if they did,
their clothing on such occasions would be subject to the rules
of their hosts. Instead, therefore, I suggest that the theoroi of
line 7 are not the Koan announcers, but the foreigners who will
attend theAsklepieia (whomHerzog understood to become the
subject of the decree only at line 8). These were the invited
"fellowsacrificers" (ouvthhat), as theoroi were also called,3
coming to Kos to honor Asklepios. This was their essential
task, to offer sacrifice to Asklepios on Kos, and to march in
the procession that was part ofthe festival.4 In this setting, the
government of Kos had every right to tell them what to wear:
the foreign dignitaries who shared in the Koan sacrifice, un
like the Koans travelling abroad, would be a proper object of
a Koan regulation about clothing.
There is not much space available in line 8 (on the length
here postulated) in which to indicate the-required clothing; I
suggest, as did Herzog, the most typical and regular Greek
religious US<j.ge, a crown. Thus: 't"Ol oe e KW ttapayt v]6!J.e
VOt bewpol <popeVv't"W [Bv 't"&t ttua{cn/tt6!J.ttat o-ce<p&:vo,
Boreas 28
"the theoroi coming to Kos are to wear crowns at the sacrifice
(or procession)." Perhaps ttOf.tttCn is more likely, given that a
crown was normal for any sacrifice. When the Koans instituted
a sacrifice to commemorate the defeat ofthe Gauls at Delphi in
278 B.C., they made just such a rule: "all citizens, metics, and
others residing in Kos are to wear crowns" (Syll.3 39836); and
for another new cult, they specified the clothing that had to be
worn in the temple, at sacrifices, and in the procession. 5
If this argument is correct, it in fact supports Herzog's
understanding of the following words, that they pertain to
foreign theoroi coming to Kos rather than to Koan theoroi
traveling: but the transition in topics simply occurs earlier, in
line 7. The verb in 8, however, is mostly a guess by Herzog;
the stone today and the Berlin squeeze show for his dotted
letters nothing but parts of two hastas preceded by traces of
two or three more letters.
We turn to lines 2-3, which mention the itineraries ofsome
ofthe Koan theoroi who were sent abroad; here is the particular
interest of this decree. First, these lines might help establish
the date ofthe decree. The theoric missions that sought panhel
lenic recognition oftheAsklepieia canvassed the Greek world
during 242 B.C., proclaiming a festival that would be held in
spring 241 . Boesch and Her.t:og maintained, on the basis of
the script, that our decree was earlier still, defining the travels
of the theoroi around 250 B.C. But such a fine distinction in
palaeography is not possible. Moreover, in my view they were
mistaken to think that the panhellenic games existed before
the recognition o inviolability of242: these two honors were
sought together in the evidence that we have.6 Still, this decree
might set the routes of those first missions ofKoan theoroi, the
quest of242. But there is another possibility, that the decree is
a subsequent adjustment in the procedures of the theoric mis
sions, which after all continued to travel from Kos every fo!J.rth
year in order to proclaim the Asklepieia. The writing looks to
belong to the second half ofthe third century B.C. {Fig. I), but
I would hesitate to claim greater precision. Can.-the festivals
that the Koans are to attend in the course of their travels, at
Itonos and at Samothrace, help date the decree?
It is understandable that Greeks wished to economize on
diplomatic missions by merging them with existing obligations.
So, for example, Elis wrote a letter to Miletos but waited to
send it until theoroi were sent to attend the Milesians' festival
2For references (mostly to exclude certain clothing from sacred space)
see Sokolowski 1955, 21 1,idem 1962,238,s.v. "v&tement". An excep
tion ofsorts is the stipulation in some treaties between Cretan cities that
visiting magistrates, when seated with the magistrates of the host city,
must wear the dress of their office; for references, and for the specifi
cally Cretan circumstances of this, see Chaniotis 1996, 131.
3Cf. Jones 1998, 183.
4Mentioned in the asylia recognitions at Rigsby 1996,no. 49.31: do:;
[n: 't'O:vJ fruo[{o::v xo::]l 't'O: rtOj.l.nO:v .-&t AoxAo::nt&t.
'!Cos, ED 89.8-12 (Sokolowski 1969, 163).
'See Rigsby 1996, 107-109.

ice
of Apollo, instead of spending time and money on a special
:t a
messenger. 7 Such use ofdiplomatic missions to do double duty
ed
could only be applied selectively by the Koans, because of
in
the fixed schedule: the months preceding the Asklepieia every
nd
fourth year would rarely overlap with other panhellenic events
ld
1C
that would require sendingKoan representatives, ofwhich there
were still few in the early Hellenistic period.
In line 2, one team of theoroi is to go to Itonos in Thessaly.
's
This was the site of the Thessalian League's federal temple
:o
of Athena Itonia. Since Boesch in 1908, this inscription has
>i
been taken as evidence that the Thessalian League's festival of
n
., Athena at Itonos was panhelienic already in 242 B.C. , because
foreign theoroi are seen here to attend.8 This is very improb
"
d
able. The new panhellenic games of the Hellenistic age are
f
well documented: the Eleutheria at Plataia at the beginning of
282,9 the Soteria at
the period, the Ptolemaia at Alexandria in
Delphi c. 246, the Asklepieia ofKos in 242; more will follow,
especially in the last twenty years of the century, and even more
thereafter, into Roman imperial times. Were the federal games
ofthe Thessalian League truly in that very rare company, before
242 B. C. ? It seems more likely that the Itonia, a comparatively
obscure festival, might join the rush to panhellenic status only
at some later date.
So the elevation of the Itonia to panhellenic status might
provide a terminus post quem for our decree: apart from this
text, when is our first evidence that the games at Itonos were
panhellenic?The answer to this is easy: never. In the surviving
victory lists and other testimonies to panhellenic contests in
the Greek world, the Itonia do not appear, at any date-and
that is a powerful silence. Furthermore, there seems to be no
example of the federal games of a league being recognized as
panhellenic in the Hellenistic period. In particular, the cult that
was considered to be an offshoot of that ofAthena at Itonos,
Athena Itonia atKoroneia in Boeotia, was throughout history
the site of the federal games of the Boeotians, the Pamboiotia;
this festival always remained annual and confined to the Boeo
tians, not panhellenic.
We have good grounds, therefore, for denying that the
games at Itonos ever became panhellenic. Why then areKoan
theoroi attending the festival? The answer must be the special
relationship that existed between Kos and the Thessalians,
which Mario Segre already noticed in this connection. 10
I propose that the Itonia also were annual, and would always
remain so, being the federal games ofa league, which we expect
to be annual. It follows that theKoans could easily synchronize
the years in which the two festivals, the Asklepieia and the Ito
nia, occurred: because the Itonia were annual, every year that
saw a celebration oftheAsklepieia also saw a celebration ofthe
Itonia. As to the season, the Itonia presumably occurred in the
Thessalian month Itonios, roughly September11 (the Pamboiotia
also took place in the autumn). This would be an appropriate
season for Koan theoroi to be on the road proclaiming the
Asklepieia," which were celebrated in the spring, around April.
And it seems likely that they made their circuit after attending
Theoroifor the Koan Asklepieia !I
the Itonia, not before, s o that they would not arrive late for that
festival because of the unpredictable delays of travel.
But if this is so and the Itonia never became panhellenic,
then the status or history of that festival offers no control on
the date of thisKoan decree: theKoans attended because they
were sons ofThessaly, and probably had long done so by the
time of the decree.
Consider then line 5: another team of theoroi is to combine
their circuit of invitations with attendance at the festival on
Samothrace-the Mysteries of the Samothracian Gods. That
festival was receiving panhellenic theoric attendance by the
middle of the third century B. C., 12 and in fact we have from
Kos a decree of Samothrace honoring Koan theoroi who at
tended the Mysteries in the second half of the third century. 13
The celebration was annual. So far this is consistent with a
date for our decree at any time after the mid-third century. But
the Mysteries of Samothrace present some difficulty as to the
season of the year. They may have happened in June, although
the evidence for this is not at all conclusive; 14 that seems early
for theKoans to use the occasion to announce the Asklepieia of
the following spring. I can only suggest that they felt that the
saving in time and trouble was worth this perhaps premature
notification; or perhaps we are wrong to put the Mysteries in
early summer. Here again, the circuit of announcements of
the Asklepieia by this team probably would follow rather than
precede their attendance at the rites on Samothrace.
The surviving recognitions of the Asklepieia in 242 B. C.
include a number of civic decrees obtained by the theoroi who
canvassed the Greek mainland: we can watch one team as it
traveled from the s.outhern Peloponnesus north into Macedonia.
This ambitious voyage apparently took all of a summer and
into the autumn. Their itinerary cannot be what is specified
here in lines 4-5. of our inscription, and it cannot be reconciled
with convenient attendance at a patticular festival ip. Tfi.essaly,
which would have come late in the voyage, anQ/iheir arrival
there would be subject to the unpredictability of their travel
time. Herzog, in supplying "Macedonia" in line 4, seems to
have understood here that long trip; but that makes no sense
in light of the purpose of this decree, which was to establish
a general and recurrent policy for saving traveltime. That
1/0lympia 39.40 .. At Kos, !Cos ED 7 1 .66, and Hallof & Habicht
1998, 1 1 1, no. 7; FdD IliA 362 Delphi for a Koan; further examples
at Rigsby !996, 100.
8E.g., J. & L Robert, Bulletin epigraphique, 1977, 226.
9For the date see Nerwinski 1982.
10Segre 1934; 1 80, publishing another Koan proclamation at Itonos.
11See Trtimpy 1997, 217.
12The earliest theoric list extant is Samothrace, no. 22 ("evidently of
the middle or later third century", Fraser).
13Hallof & Habicht 1998, 134-136, no. 20.
14Cole 1984, 39-40; the only evidence, which Cole calls ''fragile",
is statistical: about one third of the extant dated dedications by initi
ates (who may have come in larger numbers on the oCcasio of the
festival) fall in June.
Boreas 28
12 Kent J Rigsby
is, this decree did not regulate the original missions, in 242,
whose movements we can follow: it must be later. But perhaps
not much later;no doubt the Koans saw quickly enough the
great public expense of the travels which they had committed
themselves to make every four years.
So the Koan theoroi described-here are not the original
ones who requested the status, but those who every four years
repeated the invitation to the established panhellenic games.
This permanent arrangement could not have been made in 242
when the quest for panhellenic status was begun (in fact, that
quest might not have succeeded;filure is attested at Magnesia
on the Maeander in 221 ). We can conclude simply that the
decree derives from the last generation of the third century.
It shows the Koans trying to economize on their missions of
proclamation, after these had become a regular feature of their
civic life.
What then of the text of lines 2-3? First, "elected to Itonos"
is not a complete thought What the theoroi were elected to
do was to travel to Itonos, and someverb indicating that task
must have been in line 3, to go with the prepositional phrase.
Second, as the Itonia and the Mysteries were annual, no dif
ficulty arose in coordinating the years of their celebration with
the Asklepieia; but perhaps it was specified that the theoroi
would proclaim theAsklepieia only every four years, not every
year of their visit. Such a phrase, though not strictly necessary,
would be compatible with the surviving text and the length here
postulated: 1:ol oe 'bewpol 1:ol] q.ipe-friv1:e<; Ec; "hwvov
[IX<ptX61J.eVOt ev 1:&t 1tif.11t1:Wt Evtau]1'&t EnayyeA.A.6v
1:w, "the theoroi elected to travelto Itanos will every fourth
year proclaim theAsklepieia . . . l.s
Next, lines 4--5 , their itinerry: Herzog's places make no
geographical sense. He restored a group---Thessaly, Mace
donia, Arcadia, and Argos-on the claim (preserved in his
notebook now in Berlin) that these were political allies ofKos.
What he was thinking of is not obvious. In any case, political
ties had no bearing on theoroi announcing theAsklepieia.Their
missions were panhellenic, not selective. The goal here was a
convenient itinerary, not a selective searching out of friends.
The famous Argos, in Peloponnesus, is not proximate to
Thessaly;if however it could be Considered on the way from
Kos toThessaly, then the decree leaves much left unsaid, places
from Argos to Thessaly. So a second option: we can restore
Amphilochian Argos, v Apyet [1:&t 'Af.t<ptAoxtxWt 16 or
[t&.<; 'Afl<ptA.oxia<;. This city has the merit of being still in
northern Greece. It is separated from Thessaly by substantial
distance and substantial heights, but the route is credible: these
theoroi canvassed the north from east to west. But it is hard to
explain why the city alone would be named rather than a region,
parallel to "Thessaly", e.g. Epiros or Akarnania, if that was the
next general area of their travel;and thesame objection applies
to Peloponnesian Argos. Neither-can be ruled out;but neither
seems a proper parallel for Thessaly in a list of places. Hence a
third option: PelasgianArgos, v "Apyet [1:Wt IleA.aaytx&t.
Paul Boesch envisaged this, but passed on without corrunent.17
Boreas 28
The possibility is worth considering.
The northern or Thessalian half of the Catalogue of Ships
(Iliad 2.680 ff.) begins with Achilles' kingdom: "Now then,
those who lived in Pelasgian Argos, and who heldAlos ... ":
vUv aD 1:oUc; Oaoot 1:0 IleA.aaytxOv "Apyoc; tvatov,
or 1:. "AA.ov or 1:' AA.61tT}V oi "t"e TpTJxtva Vi!J.OV"t"O,
t
oi 1:' eixov IJ>fiiTJV r]O 'EA.A.&Oo:: xaA.A.tyUvo::txa,
Mup!J.t06ve<; 0 xaA.div1:o xo::l "EA.A.T}vec; xo::l. Axaw,
1:&v o:: D nevn'jxovto: ve&v v itpxO<; AxtAA.eUc;.
This "Pelasgian Argos" is not known again in our ancient evi
dence, apart from comments that arose from this line of Homer
(e.g., Apollodorus, FGrHist, 244 f 1 54). Some passages were
felt to be doubtful by ancient readers. When Hennes, disguised
as a follower ofAchilles, offers to guide Nestor "even to famous
Argos" (!1. 24.437), Eustathius commented (IV 928 van der
Valk) that it is unclear which Argos is meant, but probably the
Thessalian because a Myrmidon is speaking. The famous city
in the Peloponnesus, with its king Pelasgus and its original
population of Pelasgians, was sometimes called "Pelasgian
Argos", but this seems to be a late affectation of poets.18
Thus we have for certain only one independent reference
to a Pelasgian Argos in the north, a line in the Catalogue of
Ships. It is surely extravagant to restore a business-like decree
of Hellenistic date on the basis of Homer. But what would be
the consequence of restoring [tWt IIeAaaytxWt in line 5?
It was noted already in antiquity that the Catalogue of Ships
here marks a transition, a new beginning ("Now ... ");it is a
transition from the Greek south to the Greek north, starting with
the realm of Achilles, and as such its opening words drew the
attention of ancient commentators.They did not agree on what
Homer meant by Pelasgian Argos. Strabo, describing Phthia,
reports that some say that PelasgianArgos was a nowvailished
city nearLarisa in Thessaly, others that Pelasgian A-rgos meant
the whole plain of the Thessalians (431); elsewhere (369) he
says simply that the phrase denoted all of Thessaly, while
Horner's "Achaian Argos" (!!. 9 . 1 4 1 , Od. 3.251) meant the
Peloponnesian city.
15For the phrasing compare !G XII.2 509.9 (oOv Of: aipeMna
6:]qnx6-tevov eic; Mr}l)[u-tvav o6 n: tjJr}cptOIJ.O: O:n o]Oq\}vat); Herr
mann 1965, 96ff., no. 2b.l l .
16So Thucydides introduces thiscity: 2.68.1, 3.102.6, 105.1.
17Boesch 190.8, 29 n. 2: ''Which Argas is meant is hard to say; one
thinks first of the Pelasgian."
18So CEG 11 812 (ISEI 38); FGrHist, 306 f6; cf. Callim. Hymn. 5.51. In
one version of the story thatAlexander brought snakes to Egypt as part
of his transfer of the bones of Jeremiah to Alexandria, the snakes are
brought i:K Apyoc; toU IIeAaoytxoU, expanding on the etymology
of the snakes ( Suda s.v. 1Xpy6Acn). The story is late, perhaps Jewish,
and generally despised; see Tarn 1927, 215; Fraser 1972, II, 359 n.
172. I imagine that the phrase comes from Homer rather than some
independent allusion to PelasgianArgos. The Pelasgian soil of Larisa
in an epigram: Bulletin ipigraphique 2000, 52.

So there were two ancient theories about Homer's Pelas
gianArgos: either a city (predecessor ofLarisa) or all ofThes
saly or northern Greece.19The attractions of each theory to the
ancients are obvious enough. This line of the Catalogue marks
a second section, the notihern half of Greece: why should it
not be introduced with a generic term for the whole region?
Or again: Larisa in Thessaly is in fact not mentioned in the
Catalogue, and this was noticed in antiquity. 20 It was the great
city of "Pelasgiotis", and had a link in myth with Pelopon
nesianArgos (Apollod. 2.4.4). Every Greek sought to find his
own city in the Catalogue. Patriotic readers from Larisa were
inclined to discover in "Pelasgian Argos" a veiled reference
to their own city.
These two views-that Pelasgian Argos was either Larisa
or all ofThessaly-can be found in modern commentaries on
Homer through the end of the nineteenth century. But in the
twentieth century they have been largely replaced by another
interpretation, apparently under the influence of WaiterLeaf:21
Pelasgian Argos is indeed a generic and introductory term, but
what it designates is not the rest of the catalogue (allThessaly)
but this paragraph, the realm of Achilles. This has seemed to
most modern readers the most natural way to interpret this
passage of the Catalogue.
The later Greek phrase for this district was Phthia or
Achaia Phthiotis, conceived of as distinct from Thessaly
proper ("Thessaly" does not occur in Homer). This is in fact
where Itonos was. For Herodotus, a military force landed at
Alus inAchaia and proceeded from there toThessaly (7.173);
forThucydides, as Leaf observed, Achaia Phthiotis was "sub
ject to the Thessalians" (8.3.1 ).
This restoration of line 5 would imply that the Koans
interpreted these lines of the Catalogue in the same way that
many modem readers do. "Pelasgian Argos" was for them
not a city, but also not all ofThessaly: rather they are using a
poetic and traditional phrase for what had come to be called
Achaia Phthiotis. Why should they have indulged in such an
archaic usage?
Two facts seem relevant. First, the Koans' belief in their
Thessalian origin. That kinship is signaled first in the name
of the Thessalus, son of Heracles, who in the Catalogue of
Ships was the founder of Kos. In Hellenistic times, Herodas
celebrated "the fame ofThessalus and Heracles" and the origin
ofAsklepios ofKos in Thessaly atTrikka (2.97-98); the Koan
poet Philetas referred to the women of Kos as "Thessalians"
(Suppl.Heli. 675C), and poets spoke of "Thessalian Hippocra
tes" (CEG I! 793; Anthologia Graeca, 7.135). It was told that
Herakles killed Eurypylos the king ofKos and begotThessalus
upon his daughter; it did not escape notice that Eurypylos was
also a royal name at Thessalian Larisa (Hdt. 9.58.!). A frag
mentary inscription of the third century B.C. speaks of ancestral
good relations and honors "the cities in Thessaly" with a crown
(!Cos ED 48); a recently published Koan decree of 168 B.C.
praises a Thessalian doctor whose good deeds stem from "our
kinship and the devotion of the Ko,iiDS to the Thessalians".22
Theoroijor the Koan Asklepieia 13
The Koans viewed themselves as colonists from this part of
the Greek north.
Second, what precedes this line in the Catalogue of Ships
is precisely the section about Kos, with its legendary origin in
Heracles and Thessalus; every Koan must have known these
lineS. Perhaps that proximity in this famous text helped preserve
among Koans this archaic formulation, Homer's PelasgianAr
gos for what was now Achaia Phthiotis.
The chief gain of this restoration would be that the itinerary
is clear and simple: the Koan theoroi went to the gulf of Pagasae
and walked north; they attended the Itonia in autumn and then
proclaimed the Asklepieia through Phthiotis and Thessaly.
To sum up these suggestions about the text:
]<XV 0.(
( 't"Ol. Of: itewpol. 't"Ol.] q;ipeth:ne<; i:<; "hwvov
[6:qnx61J.eVot i:v 't"Cn niJ1.1t't"Wt i:vuxu]'t"&t i:mxyyeJ...
A.6v't"w 't"&
4 [ 'AoxA.cm(eto: -reds n6J...eot -ro:is i:v] E>eoao:J...fo:t xo:t
ev "Apyet
[n;n Il<Aa oytxw(?) to\ oe frewpo\ <]o\ e<; :Ea l-lo
itp&txo:v &noa
[teA.A.6f1.EVOt EtmyyeJ...J...Ov-rw -r&] 'Aox.J...c:m(eta i:y
Xtwt x.o:t
[ev Aeo Pwt(?) to\ oe e<; Kw n<Xp<Xytv]ol-\evot
fiewpot q>opeUvtw
8 (i:v -r&t 1t6J1.1CO:t O't"e(j)&vo<; -c-&v Of: 6:)<p1\!f.UIJ.f.Vftv(?)
fiewpt&v
[to i:ntiJ.eA.etofiwoo:v -rot tepo<tJUA]o:xes -rot Of:
[ ] 1t<XVtlYDP\<;
... The theoroi elected to go to ltonos are every
fourth year to proclaim the Asklepieia to the cities
.
in Thessaly and in Pelasgian(?)Argos; the thep.roi
sent to Samothrace are to proclaim the AsklePieia
in Chios and Lesbos(?). The theoroi who come to
Kos are to wear crowns in the procession; ... the
hierophylakes are to take care of the arriving(?)
theoric missions ...
The fragility of this reconstruction should be stressed. Th e
length of line is a supposition. If the line was longer, then too
many possibilities open up to restore the decree with any cred-
1 9All Thessaly: among modems, Leake 1835, 532. Both explanations
are maintained by Leaf 1900, 101: Pelasgian Argos, "properly the
central plain about Larisa, a long way from Phthia, is in the sequel
stretched to comprise Thessaly in the widest sense."
200n the origins of Larisa see Belly 1987.
21Leaf1915, 110-138;Allen 1921, 108113; HopcSimpson&Lazcnby
1970, 126-131; without argument, Kirk 1985, 228: "'Pclasgic' Argos
must be the region of the Sperkheios river and the Malian plain."
22Hallof& Habicht 1998, I 05, no. 6.
Boreas 28
 14 Kent J Rigsby
ibility. And there are other difficulties. What can have been the
general theme of a decree that encompassed two such legally
distinct sets of persons, Koan theoroi and foreign theoroi?
The transition between the two in line 7 looks quite abmpt.
In 6 Chios and one other place are odd to specify, as so many
more lie along the route from Kos to Samothrace-Samos,
for example.
Nevertheless, line 4 offers a tantalizing item: Thessaly and
anArgos are treated in parallel and in geographical conjunction.
Argos therefore might not be a city. If it does represents Achaia
Phthiotis, then the inscription.preserves, in the context of a
known theme ofKoan patriotism, a precious fragment ofHel
lenistic thought concerning geography and the interpretation
of the Catalogue of Ships.
Kent J. Rigsby
Dept. of Classical Studies
Duke Univ. 90103
Durham, N.C. 27708, USA
Bibliography
Alien 1921 T.W. Ail en, The Homeric catalogue ofships, Oxford
1921.
Boesch 1908 P. Boesch, Je&p6t;. Untersuchung zur Epangelie
griechischer J?este, Beflin 1908.
CEG P.A. Hansen, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saecu
forum VII! V a. Chr.n., Berlin& New York 1983.
Chaniotis 1996 A. Chaniotis, Die--Vertriige zwischen kretischen
Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit (Heidelberger
althistorische Beitriige und epigraphische Studien,
24), Stuttgart 1996.
Co1e 1984 S.G. Cole, Megaloi Theoi. The cult ofthegreat gods
at Samothrace (EPRO, 96), Leiden 1984.
Fraser 1972 P. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Oxford 1972.
Hallof& K. Hallof, L. Hallof& C. Habicht, 'Aus der Arbeit
Habicht 1998 der "InscriptionesGraecae", 2. Ehrendekrete aus dem
Asklepieion von Kos', Chiron 28, 1998, 101-142.
Helly 1987 B. Helly, 'Le "Dotion Pedion", la K6reia et !es
origines de Larisa'. - , .JSav 1987, 127-158.
Hemnann 1965 P. Henmann, 'Neue Urkunden zur Geschichte von
Milet im 2. Jahrhundert v.Chr.', IstMitt 15, 1965,
71-117.
Hope Simpson& R. Hope Simpson& J.F. Lazenby, The catalogue of
Lazenby 1970 ships in Homer's Iliad, Oxford 1970.
Boreas 28
!Cos M. Segre, lscrizioni di Cos, Roma 1993.
!Olympia Olympia: die Ergebnisse der von dem deutschen
Reich veranstalteten Ausgrabung V. Die Inschrifien
von Olympia, eds. E. Curtius, F. Adler, W. Ditten
berger& K. Purgold, Berlin 1896.
!SE L. Moretti, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche 1-II, Flor
ence 1967 & 1975.
Jones 1998 C.P. Jones, "'Joint sacrifice" at Iasus and Side', JHS
118, 1998, 183-!86.
Kirk 1985 G.S. Kirk, The Iliad: a commentary I. Books I-IV,
Cambridge 1985.
Leaf 1900 W. Leaf, The fliad l . Books I-XXI, London 1900.
Leaf l915 W. Leaf, Homer and history, London 1915.
Leake 1835 W. Leake, Travels in northern Greece 4, London
1835.
Nerwinski 1982 L. Nerwinski, Foundation date ofthe Panhellenic
Ptolemaea and relatedproblems in early Ptolemaic
chronology ( diss. Duke Univ. ), Ann Arbor 1982.
Perlman 1984 P. Perlman, The "theorodokia" in the Peloponnese
( diss. U. California Berkeley, 1984)
Rigsby 1996 K.J. Rigsby, Asylia: territorial inviolability in the
Hellenistic world (Hellenistic culture and society,
22), Berkeley 1996.
Samothrace Samothrace: excavations conducted by the Institute
ofFine Arts, New York University 11: I . The inscrip
tions on stone, eds. K & P.W. Lehmann & P.M.
Fraser, New York 1960.
Segre 1935 M. Segre, 'Grana di Tessaglia a Coo', RivFil 62,
1935, 169-193.
Sherwin-White S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos. An historical study
1978 from the Dorian settlement to the Imperial period
(Hypomnemata, 51), GOttingen 1978.
Sokolowski F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrkes de l 'Asie Mineure (Tra
!955 vaux et m6moires des anciens membres etrangers
de r:Ecole et de divers savants. Ecole franr;aise
d'Athenes, 9), Paris 1955.
Sokolowski F. Sokolowski, l<Jis sacn?es des cits grecques. Supple
1962 ment (Travaux et memoires dt:;s anciens membres
6trangers de l'Ecole et de divers savants. Ecole
franr;aise d'Athi:nes, l l), Paris 1962. ..
Sokolowski F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees des citis grecques (Tra
1969 vaux et memoires des anciens membres etrangers
de l:Ecole et de divers savants. :Ecole franr;ais e
d'Athenes, 18), Paris 1969.
Suppl.Hell. Supplementum Hellenisticum, eds. H. Lloyd-Jones,
P. Parsons, H.-G. Nesselrath& J.U. Powell, Berlin
1983.
Tarn 1927 W.W. Tarn, Hellenistic civilisation, London 1927.
Triimpy 1997 C. Triimpy, Untersuchungen zu den altgriechischen
Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen (Bibliothek der
klassischen Alterumswissenschaften. Neue Folge.
2. Reihe, 98), Heidelberg 1997.
 Kostas Buraselis

Some Remarks on the Koan Asylia (242 B.C.)

against its International Background

Abstract edonian month Gorpiaios of the 41st year of king Antigonos.

. .
The epigraphic dossier of the Koan aylia (242 BC) IS re- exammed
in dialogue with its recent interpretation in Kent Rigs by' i
valuble
book on this fonn of"territorial inviolability" in the ellent sttc penod.
While he insisted on these recognitions of asylia bemg generally and
primarily a question of religious behavio r and mour to gods and
cities, actuatly deprived of any real practlcal utthty, the Koan cas. e
may show that b oth the petition of that privilege as expressed to var
ous great and lesser powers of the times but also the responses to 1t
as opportunities to advertise the grantors' humani insid a S? of
Hellenistic"common opinion" arefirmly embedded m and mtelh gtble
only against the specific political backgr? und of time a d place, that
.
is especially the turbulent years of the Thnd Synan War m the Aegean
and in Southwestern Asia Minor.
I. The jewels in the Koan epigraphic crown that we have been
studying these days undoubtedly include the series of inscrip
tions commemorating the wide campaign of theKoans in the
middle of the 3rd century B.C. to achieve the status of asylia
for their Asklepieion and the panhellenic character of their pen
teteric festival ofthe Asklepieia, expressed by the participation
in it of many Greek states and a concomitant assurance of the
visitors' safety when travelling to and from it through foreign
territory (ekecheiria). The first texts from this dossier found in
the Asklepieion were published by Herzog himself inside the
first third of the twentieth century: they were the three legible,
royal letters (one certainly by Ziaelas ofBithynia, another prob
ably by Seleukos 11 and the third by another monarch) inscribed
on a triangular prism. Elements of and allusions to the rest of
such recognitions of theKoan asylia were inserted into Herzog's
own later studies and various works of persons in contact with
him (such as Tarn or Boesch), until K.laffenbach presented in
1952 the greatest part of the whole dossier, 1 more precisely the
letters and most decrees of preserved, or with some probability
supposed provenience. Kent Rigsby's invaluable opus on the
Greek asylia2 has now, since 1996, offered a systematic, new
edition of all until then published texts-some further ones
have been edited subsequently by Rigsby & Hallof2001-and
a precious assessment of their historical importance (more on
this later). The precise date of this peaceful Koan crusade in
the Hellenistic world is offered by the decree of Amphipolis
accepting theKoan envoys' request: that text, and so an appar
ently central part of the whole mission, is dated to the Mac-
This must be Gonatas, and, especially after a lucid study by
M. Chambers' following the publication of that Amphipolitan
decree we have come to realize that Gonatas, whose last year
'
of rule may be dated independently to 240/239, must have pi
ously counted his regnal years, forty-four in all according to
the more probable tradition, from his father's death (283/2).'
So the Koan theoroi were.Jn Amphipolis in late summer 242,5
and the reasonable conclusion has long been reached that the
panhellenic Asklepieia should begin in the late spring6 of the
next year (241).TheKoan request was itself based on the con
sent of the DelphianAmphictiony and a most probably closely
related oracle, mentioned respectively in one of the monarchic
letters and in the decree of.Philippi.
In its preparation and execution, the whole plan seems to
have been a good oDe. The.epigraphic reactions preserved from
theKoan Asklepieion and known so far present a widespread
range ofaddressees and grantors ofthe new status. They include,
in all, six monarchic letters: apart from the three on the prism
already mentioned, the third ofwhich may, after Rigsby's wo
be recognized as an Antigonid or Attalid document, w::have a
certain and a probable Ptolemaic letter (the exact co!Telation of
which is a separate problem), and a verbose lette,t"by a rather
Hel!enised than Hellenic king (the Roberts, and Rigsby after
them, have thought of a Spartocid; I think that the interior of
Asia Minor might provide alternative candidates). Further ap
proval oftheKoan application is known so far from about forty
poleis of the Greek world (the names of some of them have not
been preserved): two distinct, large groups were (a) the Mac
edonian cities Pella,Kassandreia,Amphipolis and Philippi, (b)
the Western Greek (partly also Koan) colonies in the Adriatic
and Magna Graecia Korkyra, Neapolis, Elea, Kamarina and
1 Hcrzog & Klaffenb ach 1952, citing the earlier editions and litera
ture.
2 Rigsb y 1996 , also with alf previous literature.
3 Chamb ers 1954, 3 84-394, esp. 390.
4 Cf. Hammond et al. 19 88, 581-583 .
5 Hatzopoulos 1996 , I, 139; II, 74 ( no. 58), prefers a variant dating one
year earlier (August 243 ) without argument.
. .
6 "Ninth moon" of the year in the decree of Kassandreta, Rt gsb y
1996, no. 25.

Boreas 28
16 Kostas Buraselis
Gela/Phintias. Among the rest, we find really independent cities
like Sparta or probably Chios but also members of leagues like
the Achaean city ofAigeira, cities usually reckoned among the
allies ofthe Aetolians in this or the subsequent periods, such as
El is, Messene and Thebes in Achaia Phthiotis, and finally cities
ofcertain/probable alliance and dependence upon the Ptolemies,
such as, Ainos (obviously) and Maroneia (apparently), being
parts of a Ptolemaic enclave in Thrace, or Minoa (Amorgos). In
the case ofother cities, such as Homolion in Thessaly (Magne
sia)/ old traditions of blood relation (here between Thessalians
and Koans) would have operated, but we should also notice that
Thessaly was an organic part ofthe Macedonian kingdom in this
period. We have so repeatedly the impression ofthe recognition
ofthe Koan festival and asylia managing to get across and over
the dynamic lines of the contempora.neous map of Hellenistic
politics. That these last were seldom characterized by serenity
is well known but also eloquently implied in a passage of the
letter usually ascribed to Seleukos II mentioned before: the
king ends there his answer with the promise of further favours
to the Koans "if our situation is a calm one" (1:&v xo:fJ' ftf.l&<;
Ov'tWV ev Tjcruxtq:).8 He and the recipients ofhis letter should
apparently be able to grasp the hint.
ll. This dossier of answers to the Koan petition is the earliest of
its sort in our present documentation and has received its due
place in all relevant discussions, most recently in the already
cited, synthetic treatment of Hellenistic asylia.by Kent Rigsby.
Rigsby introduced his collection of the almost exclusively epi
graphic evidence on the subject, arranged chronologically and
geographically, with a concise and succinct chapter in which he
tried, among other things, to explain the purpose and essence of
this institution. His sober and sound work has certainly inserted
itself into a tendency of recent scholarship to give the religious
element in the Greek city life its proper place. So he preferred to
see in the recognitions of asylia "first and foremost a religious
gesture, increasing the honor ofthe god" ( 14). He examined and
came to deny almost any element of practical utility in these
declarations: there could be no real defence objective as many
of the recognisers of asylia were far away and were not even
bound by a specific oath to protect the territory in question. So
he comments (16) on the basis of the Koan data: " ... if in 242
B.C. the Coans had stood in genuine fear for theirAsclepieum,
they need not have applied for protection to (for example) Na
pies (46): the Ptolemaic fleet would have been sufficient". On
the other hand, he was also unwilling to discern any political
attitudes or motives in most of the recognitions of the a!>ylia
status;9 so he could not discern any "political Tendenz" in the
grantors of the Koan asylia as "in a time of very difficult rela
tions especially between Seleucus and Ptolemy, all the great
powers 'join in accepting' the inviolability of the Asclepieum"
( l l 0); a similar absence of political motives was also his view
on the later famous case ofthe Tean asylia (286). Actually, any
Greek temple should be entitled to this right, so Rigsby believes
to better understand some comments on the realization of the
Boreas 28
Koan wish, stating that this was already the standard practice
"towards all the other sanctuaries" (Pellaeans) or that it was
already generally established by a specific dogma on both the
confederative and the polis level (Aegeiratans), simply asjusti
fled "surprise at such an anomalous request" (22). So Rigsby
finally came to regard the quest for and the gmntofasylia as not
much more than a method ofincreasing "civic honour" (24-26),
so essentially the ideological beginning of the development to
the various coveted titles ofthe Greek cities under the Romans.
He would allow in the Hellenistic petitioners' minds only some
rather indefinite hope of real respect for the asylia they asked
for, almost as another, all too human illusion of ideals protecting
against hard realities in this, or any, period.
Ill. Does this general estimate ofHellenisticasy/ia correspond
to the Koan data in a satisfactory way? As already noticed, the
Koan case is the first to be so amply documented and, although
its relatively early place in the development of the institution
may indeed render it different from later examples in some
respects, it will certainly for the same reason contain some
basic characteristics of the whole genus. What seemed to me
here especially worthy of further consideration is whether (a)
we may so loosely connect with or even disconnect from the
current political background, the aims and policies of the great
and middle powers ofthe Hellenistic world and their impact on
Koan interests, the case of the Koan asylia, almost as though
the latter could have occurred a decade earlier or later with
out significant differences in its meaning and application, (b)
real political motives in the grantors and receivers of this (or
any) asylia should be simply identified with special favour to
and from the community granted it, so estblishing an almost
isolated pattern of relations between donor and recipient and
leaving outside our historical spectrum the interest in _and
dependence upon a sort of"international public opinion"10 in
the Hellenistic world. To examine these points, it,.-Will be now
necessary to reconstmct more exactly the whole' international
backdrop against which the efforts of the Koans to attain the
new status for their temple and festival evolved.
7 Rigsby 1996, no. 22; cf. no. 21, a decree engraved on the samcstone
andj us t before that of Hom olion: it has been issued by a member of
an ethnos, possibly the Thessalians or the Magnesians, and explicitly
presents the m otive of yngeneia with the petitioners.
8 Rigsby 1996, no. 9.25- 6 (cf. ibid., comm .).
9 This was, of course, a s ound reaction agains t s ome previous exag
geration: so Bengtson 1954 had express ed the view that the positive
reactions of the Greekcities beyond the Adriatic presupposed the ex
press cons ent of Rom e ( 458), which was again to be unders tood only
agains t the Roman amicitia with the Ptolemies and the latter's clos e
patronage ofKos ( 460f.). This was certainly too narrow an interpreta
tion of the political interests and m otives behind the Koan asylia for
the context of the period.
In
This aspect has already been briefly noticed by Welles 1934, 58.
Rigsby 1996, 16, mentioned his view but did not follow it further.
 Some Remarks ofthe Koan Asylia (242 B. C.) against its International Background
We have already seen that one o fthe royal grantors; prob
ably Seleukos 11 Kallinikos, promised the Koans further gifts on
condition that his state enjoyed calm times. In or shortly before
the year 242, this was, of course, not simply "no banality", as
Rigsby himself observed ( 1 16), but a clear allusion to the War
of Laodike or Third Syrian War (246-24 1 B.C.), the peak of
expansionist Ptolemaic policy in the first years of Euergetes.
So that war had been going on for four years by 242 and. al
though one of its basic fronts was located from the beginning
in Syria and areas farther to the East (thus leaving Euergetes in
possession of Seleukeia in Pieria by its end), another, and ap
parently a no less fierce one was in Western Asia Minor and the
Aegean. An important addition to our fragmentary knowledge
about this war appeared in 1992 when W. Bltimelll published
an inscription from the inland Karian community of Kildara
(near Mylasa): this was a letter of a Ptolemaic officer in the
area, Tlepolemos, reacting to an embassy ofthe community to
him: the ambassadors ofthe Kildareis had expressed their trans
ferred loyalty (npoae!o1'j!ouMat) to "the cause (1tpcXYf.l<X<<X)
ofking Ptolemaios and his sister queen Berenike and kingAn
tiochos, son ofkingAntiochos and queen Berenike" (A. 5-8).
Tlepolemos tried to strengthen them in their new allegiance
through various privileges. Very reasonably, this new piece of
information has already been connected12 with a previously
known one: the official activity of a brother of Euergetes in
Caria mentioned in a later report on the privileges ofMylasa.13
So it should be elear by now that the epoch of the Third Syrian
War directly influenced the fortunes ofthese two Carian com
munities and was marked by an apparently temporary advance
of Ptolemaic control there. Important repercussions and pos
sibly some local theatre of the war must have belonged to the
experiences of the area just opposite to Kos for at least some
period before the peaee of 241.
Furthermore, the Aegean basin itself seems to have been
seriously involved in the course of this war. Ptolemaios, the
brother of Euergetes, whom we met at Mylasa and who must
have been an illegitimate child of Philadelphos, officially
known in Egypt as Ptolemaios, son of Andromachos, is now
also known to have operated in Thrace and conquered Ainos
just before or in the earliest phase of the Third Syrian War. 14
So the Ptolemaic "wedge" on theAntigonid eastern flank must
have been a recent change in the Aegean political context by
242. Another crucial, though notoriously ill-documented, event
that has now been generally accepted15 as a link in the same
chain was the sea battle ofAndros. This was Gonatas' second
naval confrontation and victory against the Ptolemies, and we
may now place it in about the sameperiod as the establishment
of a Ptolemaic enclave in Thrace. It was no minor success of
Gonatas, who hastened to celebrate it through the foundation of
two new "vase festivals" on Delos, the Soteria and the Paneia,
since 245. The Ptolemaic aggression against Gonatas 'positions
in Greece signified by such an advance in the western Aegean
cannot have been unrelated to two further developments since
the early forties: the internal, dynastic challenge ofAntigonos
17
through the separatistic rule of his nephew Alexandros ofKo
rinthos, depriving Gonatas for some years of the possession
of two of the Macedonian "fetters of Greece", Chalkis and
Korinthos, and the parallel expansion and strengthening of
the Achaean League under Aratos' leadership, directed mainly
againstAntigonid Macedonia and receiving considerable Ptole
maic subsidies. Gonatas finally managed to win back the citadel
of Korinthos from Alexandros' widow in 244 only to lose it
again in the next year to the Achaeans, who duly expressed their
gratitude to (possibly also their hope to become much more
involved in Helladic politics) Euergetes by conferring on him
a little later (242) the title of their hegemon. 16 So a complete
kaleidoscope of significant political changes, gains and losses
of almost all the more or less "interregional", Hellenistic pow
ers had been going on before the eyes, and probably to the
continual damage of at least a part, of the Aegean world by
the time the Koans despatched their theoroi to advertise and
realize the plan of their asylia.
We should also attribute the proper weight to two further
facts on the international scene ofthis period. It was about 246
B. C. that the Aetolians decided to re-organize the Soteria of
Delphi as a panhellenic festival, also advertised and accepted
at various addresses in the Greek world. It was certainly no
accident that a little. later but before the Koan request of242 (I
find Rigsby's arguments on the point persuasive17) the Smyr
naeans embarked on a similar effort to achieve the mylia status
for their own temple of Aphrodite Stratonilds and their city,
depending on the P.rimary approval and support of Seleukos
II, who rewarded them in this way for their loyalty during the
War of Laodike. We know of the positive reaction of the city
of Delphi to Smyrna's request; further evidence of the success
of the Smyrnaean scheme does not appear'until the famous
re-examination of Greek asylum rights under Tiberius (A.f?.
22). Kos did not possess the traditional holiness of Delphi to
guarantee its inviolability; it lacked apparently alsq,'or wisely
refrained from exploiting (I shall return to this point), the ex
clusive recommendations ofone Hellenistic monarch to win its
asylia. However, both these precedents should have shown the
Koans how they should act, combining the quest for a panhel
lenic festival with that for the right of asylia, both centred on
their main sanctuary. To this end, they obviously knew how
to rely on a joint foundation of religious and diverse political
authority in the Greek world.
11 Blii mel l992, l28f.
12 Kobes 1995.
13 Crampa 1969, no. 3.
14 Buraselis 1982, 127f., l32f., 173.
15 Cf. esp. Gehrke 1990 , 10 5, 202; Reger 1994, esp. 46; HuB 1998,
242-244 (though unnecessarily and unconvi nci ngly reasserti ng the
viewthat"Andromachos" i n Pap. Haun. 6 has a geographical and not
a patronymic connotation).
16
Plut., Aratos, 24.4.
17 Ri gsby 1996, I OOf.
Boreas 28
 I
18 Kostas Buraselis
Let us consider this last point a little more: ifSmyrna pro
ceeded to the realization of its goal, one could say, on a regional
basis, that is, the asylia recognition by its virtual royal overlord,
and Kos failed for whatever reason to do just the same, the
only viable alternative for the island ofAsklepios would be to
internationalize its request as far as possible in the Hellenistic
world. The widest possible, official participation in a festival
would certainly be tantamount to its final acceptance as really
panhellenic, but at the same time this success constituted an
important moral constraint on everyone to guarantee also the
inviolability of the sanctuary in question. So the decision of
Kos to launch a common campaign for the Asklepieia and the
a.'>ylia of itsAsklepieion was well adjusted to the conditions of
Hellenistic interstate relations. We may thus understand that the
Koan decision to appeal to various remote places outside the
Aegean world, such as the Greek colonies in Magna Graecia,
was part of a systematic plan to expand the web of publicly
and concretely expressed respect for the main cult ofKos and
favour to the city behind it as far as possible. By such a success,
it would have been much more uncomfortable for some of the
"big fishes" of the Aegean not to appear on the no doubt to be
equally widely discussed tabula benefactorum. 1 8
To appreciate better this aspect of what we could per
haps call "international Hellenistic opinion", it would not
be impertinent, I think, to recall another, partly cognate case
exemplifying its compelling force. A locus classicus for it is
actually the aid given to Rhodes after the earthquake of 228/7
B. C. Polybios sets out in a famous passage19 that there was
practically no Hellenistic kingdom, dynasteia or polis that
did not participate in helping the Rhodians to recover from
the natural catastrophe that had befallen them. Of course, a
basic motive of this general goodwill towards the Rhodians
must have been the right appreciation oftheir naval power and
crucial role in the working system of contemporary maritime
commerce.20 However, the appearance among the donors even
of possibly inland, otherwise obscure dynasts of Asia Minor,
like Limnaios and Lysanias,21 shows that a strong motive of
public emulation must have been operative also here on an
international level,22 just as would have been the case in one of
the frequent epidoseis in the microcosms ofHellenistic poleis.23
No state could be absent from such a roll-call without serious
detriment to its international image.24
IV. These observations on the historical and ideological frame
work ofthe Koan asylia may help us to grasp better some of its
aspects. So, to continue the last line ofthoughts, the introductory
notice taken in one ofthe royal letters, probably by Euergetes,25
of the fact that the Koan request had already met with the ap
proval of the Amphictionic council and also been sent "to the
other kings and the leagues and the cities" should not be just
a selection from the envoys' report: the royal author seems to
express and realize the extent of the Koan appeal that would
have actually left him no room for denying the favour even ifhe
had wished to. Up to a point, publicity was effective per se.
Boreas 28
"---- - ....-
----- ... -------------------------------,
The political motive of a latent emulation or ideological
antagonism between the addressees of the Koan petition may
also elucidate some points in the latter's answers. So Aigeira,
as briefly mentioned above, included in its positive decree
the phrase: [xa]"O"W<; xal [06y]a tad -c&t t"E n6Aet :xal
toi, [ ' A]lxawi, &[au]l.a d!-LEV X iep&.26 In the light of
the previous remarks it seems better to understand this remark
as directed not only to the Koans, without the sense of simple
surprise over an actually redundant award, but also to the rest
ofthe Hellenistic world and proudly distinguishing the Achaean
policy .from that followed by others. However, the dogma27
mentioned here should not be taken in the metaphoric sense
of"policy" or "tendency" (so Rigsby) but rather in its standard
literal sense of"decree". So theAchaeans ofAigeira,just inci
dentally, emphasized that such a behaviour towards sanctuaries
was already a written, binding law of their confederacy, quite
unlike other states, such as probably theAetolians, who should
have been much less rigorous and comfortably uncommitted
18
We should not forget that honours to the gods and benefactions to
the cities were considered as two main traits of"real" kingship: a good
example is this aspect ofAntiochos IV's portrait in Polyb. 26. 1.10 and
Liv. 41.20.5. Cf. Bringmann 1993, 12f
19 5.88-90.
20 Rostovtzeff 1941, 631, has stressed the general desire to retain good
relations with "the mistress of the Aegean". The motive of promoting
the donors' trade relations with Rhodes has now also been stressed
in the detailed SttfdY of these donations by J. Kobes (Kobes 1993).
He notes, however: " . . . den Stiftern gelang es, durch die Geschenke
Eindruck aufpotentielle Konkurrenten zu machen und die Bedeutung
ihrer Person dem Beobachter der Aktion eindmcksvoll vor Augen zu
fiihren". International impressions must have _greatly counted, too.
21 Limnaios may be connected with Synnada in Phrygia and Lysanias
either with the Lysias/Philomelos family of central Phrygia or, _more
probably, with Tlos in Lycia: see most recently Cohen 1995., 3 1 1 f. (on
Lysanias); Kobes 1996, 260-262 (on both Limnaios and iysanias).
22 An earlier, similar example was the aid granted toThebes not only
by Kassandros but also by various other kings and cities for its re
foundation from 3 1 6 B.C. onwards: Diod. 19.54.1-2, 63.4; Paus. 9.7.1 ;
Marmor Parium (FGrHist, 239), B 14; Sy!J.3, 337, on which see the
still basic study by Holleaux 1968, 1-40. The Koans had participated
in these donations to Thebes (Sylf.3, ibid., !. 23): they seem to have been
well versed in the language of such international gestures.
n One may here especially recall the cases testifying how ignominious
it was to desert an epidosis in the assembly (Thcophr., Char. 22.3) or the
official infamy of those giving but finally not fulfilling such a promise
(Is. 5.38). Cf. Migeotte 1992, nos. 2, 12, with comm.
24 Cf. Ziaelas' argument prefacing his positive decision on the
Koan asylia (Rigsby 1996, no. l l . l l-17): i}f.Lel:<; oe n&nwv IJ.f:V
o:Wv O:<ptxvouf.Livw[v] npO<; i}&<; ' EAi\r}vwv o:uyx6:voev o:i)v
f:rnfJ.ii\euxv n:owUevot, nen:ewvot npO<; Mo:v oU fJ.LxpOv
ouf.LP6:AAeobo:t o:O ipo<; o:oOo:o. Cf. also the expiatory arguments
of the Messenians and the Megalopolitans for their absence in the
"panhellenic'' roll of honour at the repulse of the Galatians: Paus.
4.28.3, 8.6.3; cf. Tarn 1913, 150. We may add here that the Koans
were anxious to participate splendidly at least in the general Hellenic
manifestation ofjoy after the victory as seen in Sy!J.3 398.
25 Rigsby 1996, no. 8.8ff.
26 Rigsby 1996, no. 1 8.7-8.
27 There can be no convincing alternative for this restoration.
 Some Remarks ofthe Koan Asylia (242 B. C.) against its International Background
in their distinction between holy and unholy places, especially
when there was a question of retaliation or booty.
Perhaps we may even go a step further and discern another,
much more actual target of such an implicit Achaean propa
ganda inAntigonid Macedonia. We could pertinently remember
here the dialogue in vandalism deployed later between Dion
and Thermon, the sacrileges oftheAetolians under Skopas and
the Macedonians under Philip V. Macedonia was certainly not
thought incapable of such an art of war. So it is probably no
accident that the only other reference to such a pre-existing
policy inside the so far known asylia dossier of Kos appears
Unci.p/xetv oe xat ti)v CwuAiav -r0
in the decree of Pella:28
i.epWt xcdt&n:ep xcd tote; &AAotc; i.epotc;. The decree ofPella
differs from those ofthe three other Macedonian cities in that
this phrase here takes the place ofthe expression "in accordance
with the wish ofkingAntigonos".29 How should we understand
the phrase in the Pellaean decree and its difference from the
fonnula used in all three other Macedonian ones? Giovannini
has maintained that the Pellaean fonnulation suggested the
existence of a royal edict that regulated such cases.w However,
this seems too much to extract from the simple mention "in the
same way as is the case with the other sanctuaries". It is equally
difficult, I think, to discern here an allusion to a decree of the
Macedonian Koinon which Hatzopoulos claims to recognize
also as the issuing authority for a similar, yet unpublished
decree for the asylia of Kyzikos from the last years of Philip
V found in the excavations ofDion.31 We should rather read
here a mere statement of standard, royal Macedonian policy,
as Pella would like to represent it,without needing to assume
the existence of a binding edict or decree. As regards the
difference from the other decrees of Macedonian cities, the
simple explanation has been offered32 that the Koan theoroi
reached and addressed the Pellaean assembly before they met
Gonatas, while this meeting preceded their next visits in the
other cities. However, the fact that the Pellaeans were obvi
ously able to take their decision without expressly referring to
king Antigonos' position on this case seems to me to suggest
something slightly different. We should not forget that Pel!a
was the capital ofthe kingdom, the main Residenzstadt. So, at
Pella, if anywhere, the official policy of Antigonid Macedonia
on such a case could be authoritatively known and expressed.
For the rest of the cities, this would then mean to comply
"with the wish ofking Antigonos". This difference ofauthority
between Pella and the rest ofthe cities may be also the explana
tion of the strange reference in the former's decree in favour
of the Koans: npOc; tOv po:crtAtcx ' Avtiyovo v xcd npOc;
IleAAcdouc; xcd -rilv Aomi)v xWpav tilv Maxe06vwv. The
latter formula also distinguishes this text from the remaining
three from Macedonia where we find simply a mention of the
"Macedonians" (Amphipolis), the "remaining Macedonians"
(Kassandreia) or the "remaining Greeks and Macedonians"
(Philippi). A general reference to the "remaining Macedonian
country" would befit Pella best, even with the connotation of
the usual antithesis between polis and chora, urbanized and
{;'
: :;i
f
....______________________-'"----.....,.-
!9
rural areas, as seen from the lofty perspective of the capital.
Anyway, the general reference to an established practice for
actual respect of the sanctuaries in the Pellaean text certainly
mirrors the official edition of Macedonian policy and should
be, I think, the appropriate statement (or counter-statement) of
Macedonia in the context ofthe times: this was a good chance to
declare solemnly that the Antigonid kingdom was as respectful
as anyone to sanctuaries in the Greek world.
What was then finally the essence of the Koan asylia
against the background of the concrete political realities of
242 B. C.? The emphasis laid by all the Macedonian decrees
on the goodwill (eUvoux) of the Koans towards king Antigo
nos and his kingdom is a precious indication. Could we simply
comment "This sentiment, perhaps surprising in a Ptolemaic
ally, points up the nonpartisan character of recognizing inviola
bility"?33 There is much more to it, I think. The recent past and
the present of the contemporaneous Aegean delineated above
suggests that it was no longer possible for the Ptolemies to suf
ficiently guarantee Koan safety or any more wise for the Koans
to rely exclusively on their traditional allies for that.34 This meant
certainly no rupture or even coolness in the traditional bonds with
Alexandria: Ziaelas stressed the ongoing good relations ofKos
with Euergetes as one ofthe reasons for his own acceptance ofthe
Koans' new festival and asylia.35 The Ptolemaic umbrella over
Kos did not cease to exist, but it was apparently not enough any
more to keep away all rain, as recent storms might have shown.36
This was certainly no neutralization ofKos but rather a prudent
move towards a more cautious, pluralistic, foreign policy/7
which Kos would pronouncedly follow after the beginning of
the second century B. C.
28
Rigsby 1996, no. 23.12-13.
29 xo:oO: oi}v -toU etatAiw(,; oUA11otv (Kassandreia), xi::dhinep xo:t
6 <::WtAeU<; Aniyovo<; npoettpeimt (Amphipolis, Philippi).
30 Giovannini 1977, 465-472 (469, 471). Already differing: Rigsby
1996, 135.
3 1 Hatzopoulos 1996, I, 262f., 365f., U, no. 32.
32 So Rigsby 1996, 134f.
33 Rigsby 1996, 135.
3 4 A connection between the impact ofAndros and the presence ofthe
Koan theoroi in Macedonia has already been suggested by Xydopoulos
1998, 139.
3s Rigsby 1996, no. 1 1 .22-24.
36 Cf. P. Hemnann's remarks (Hemnann 1967, 137) on the significance
ofthe later Tean asylia : "Wir haben aus der Besprechung dieser Einzel
heiten die Bedeutung dcr Asylie fUr Teos als eine zugieich nach au/3en
orientierte und in die Zukunft weiscnde Sicherheitsgarantie kennengeM
!ernt, die also wohl vor aHem dann sich als wirksam erweisen solltc,
wenn die Stadt nicht mehr den Schutz des mit seincr Hccresmacht
anwesenden Seleukidenk6nigs besa/3".
31 Ct: already the view taken by Shcrwin-White 1978, 1 1 1 f. "The Coans
aimed at, and, as far as can be seen, obtained an unexclusive and tndy
international recognition oftheir sanctuary and festival unlimited by the
Ptolemaic affiliation of their state. Common sense dictated that a city
secured as wide as possible a recognition of a sanctuary's aylia ..."
Boreas 28
 20 Kostas Buraselis
In later periods, it would be the standard practice to com
bine expressly the asylia ofa polis with that ofits sanctuary and
panhellenic games in such requests and awards (as in the case of
Magnesia on the Maeander). However, Asclepius' importance
and even identification with Kos offered the island as good
an aegis as could be compatible with the political climate of
the middle of the second century. Goodwill to all and from all
completed the moral and ideological bastions ofKoan safety.
There was little more that could be done, and apparently noth
ing more proved necessary until the end of the century.
Kostas Buraselis
University of Athens
Department of History and Archaeology
GR-157 84 ATHENS
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Hand? Oberlegungen zu zwei hellenistischen In
schriften aus Karien', EpigAnat 24, 1995, 1-6.
Kobes 1 996 J. Kobes, "K!eine KiJnige ". Untersuchungen zu den
Lokaldynasten im hellenistischen Kleinasien (323-
188 v. Chr.) (Pharos, 8), St. Katharinen 1996.
Migeotte 1992 L. Migeotte, Les souscriptions publiques dans les
cites grecques, Geneve & QuCbcc 1992.
Reger 1994 G. Reger, 'The political history of the Kykladcs
260--200 B.C.', Historia 43, 1994, 32-69.
Rigsby 1996 K. Rigsby, Asylia: territorial inviolability in the
Hellenistic world, Berkeley 1996.
Rigsby & K.J. Rigsby & K. Hallof, 'Aus der Arbeit der "ln
Hallof2001 scriptiones Graecae", 10. Decrees of inviolability',
Chiron 3 1 , 2001 333-345.
Rostovtzeff M. Rostovtzeff, The social and economic history of
1941 the Hellenistic world, Oxford 1941.
Sherwin-White S. Sherwin-White, Ancient COs: an historical study
1978 from the Dorian settlement to the imperial period
(Hypomnemata, 51), GOttingen 1 978.
Tam 1 9 1 3 W.W. Tarn, Antigonos Gonatas, Oxford 1913.
Welles 1934 C.B. Welles, Royal correspondence in .the Hellenistic
period, New Haven 1934.
Xydopoulos LK. Xydopoulos, Koz vwvz:xer; :xal :n:oil.. znon:xer;
1998 oxioezr; t'<.Jv Maxe06vwv xal t'Wv dAA0v
'EAArjv0v, Thessaloniki 1998.
 Charles Crowther
The Dating of Koan Hellenistic Inscriptions*
Abstract
A new Corpus of Koan inscriptions is currently in active prepara
tion, and recent years have seen the publication and recovery of large
numbers of Hellenistic public documents initially discovered by R.
Herzog and M. Segre in the first half of the 20th century. The dating
of many of these texts can be set only in general terms on historical
grounds. This paper attempts to provide a palaeographical framework
for the dating ofthese and other Koan Hellenistic inscriptions. The first
part of the paper offers a general survey of the development of Koan
lettering styles from the fourth through to the second century B.C. In
the second part of the paper the possibility of distinguishing the work
of individual Koan letter cutters is considered, and sixteen possible
identifications ofepigraphical handsare offered. The identifications are
based on study of a subset ofKoan hellenistic inscriptions, and for this
reason are provisional and likely to be supplemented and superseded
by study of the complete Corpus.
The Koan epigraphical corpus is notably rich. Susan Sherwin
White's 500 page island history and onomasticon published in
1978 drew extensively on the wealth ofepigraphical documen
tation available in the 1970s-as well ofcourse as the archaeo
logical evidence-to draw a remarkably full picture ofan island
Greek conununity.1 But the picture was necessarily incomplete.
The publication of Mario Segre's epigraphical notebooks in
1993 yielded a further 174 public inscriptions unavailable to
Sherwin-White2 and now that the unpublished material from
R. Herzog's excavations is at last becoming available, 30 new
decrees have been added to the count3 and a further substantial
group of sacred laws has been published in Chiron 30 and 3 1
by Robert Parker and Dirk Obbink.4 Prof. Kokkorou-Alevras'
excavations for the University of Athens at the deme site of
Halasama have also yielded important new inscriptions.5 Much
ofthis material, both old and new, is Hellenistic in date. Much
of it is also not closely or securely datable.
I cite as an example an inscription now in the British
Museum re-edited as no. 7 in W.R. Paton and E.L. Hicks'
Inscriptions ofCos (PH 7), which records discussions about a
fortress, apolisma, at Halasarna and an embassy to an unnamed
king (Fig. 1). According to C.T. Newton in his editio princeps
(G!BM 336), the inscription, from its palaeography, could
hardly be much later than the time of Alexander the Great.
Paton and Hicks, in contrast, in their commentary favoured a
Chremonidean War date and an identification ofthe unnamed
king as Ptolemy li Philadelphos. Herzog thought ofAntigo
nos Monophthalmos or Demetrios Poliorketes and their war
with Ptolemy Soter.6 In an article published in 1934 Segre
re-examined the inscription.7 Pointing to the stonecutter's
use of decorative serifs and the forms of epsilon, xi (without
central vertical) and omega, he excluded absolutely a 4th
century date, but also a date much later than the middle of the
3rd century, and argued for an adjacent dating range to Paton
and Hicks', identifying the king as Antigonos Gonatas rather
than Ptolemy II and preferring to place the decree directly
after rather than before the battle of Kos. In 1 942 Herzog
took up the question again:8 citing the diverging outer strokes
of sigma and the absence of the prominent serifs evident in
Sy//.3 398 (Fig. 2), which records the Koan celebration of
the Delphic Soteria of278 B.C., and comparing the lettering
of the decrees for the Antigonid officer Nikomedes the son
of Aristandros (Fig. 3: !Cos, ED 7 l c), which date to the last
years of the fourth century, Herzog reasserted a late 4th cen
tury palaeographical context.9 In the same discussion Herzog
joined a new fragment (!Cos, ED 17) directly to the top of PH
7 and argued that the honorand of the composite decree was
probably Nikomedes. Herzog also noted10 the close similar
ity of the lettering of both fragments to tha of an inscription
published by Segre in 1933 (!Cos, ED 49: Fig. 4) which Segre
Acknowledgments: I am grateful to Kerstin HOghammar_fOrthe invita
tion to present a paper at the Uppsala Colloquium; to Christian Habicht
for comments; to Dr. Dimitris Bosnakis for helping me in every way
during a visit to Kos in May 2000, and to Dr. I. Papachristodoulou for
pennission to study inscriptions in the museums and collections on
Cos; to Susan Sherwin-White for depositing her squeeze collection at
CSAD; and to K. Hallof for allowing access to Herzog's squeezes in
the JG archive in Berlin.
1 Sherwin-White 1 978.
2 /Cos; I have borrowed the figure of 174 new public documents ( 1 2 1
dating between the fourth and second centuries BC, 5 3 between the first
century BC and the third century AD) from Habicht 1996, 84.
3 Crowther, Habicht & Hallof 1998, Hal!of& Habicht 1998a, Hallof&
Habicht 1998b, Crowther 1999.
4 Parker & Obbink 2000, 200la, 200lb.
5 Kokkorou-Aievras, forthcoming.
6 KFF, 8 n. I.
7 Segre 1934, 184-187
8 Herzog 1942, 1318.
9 Habicht 2000b, 306, provisionally follows Herzog's chronology in
placing the monarchos whose name is lost at !Cos, BD 17, 1 early in
the third century B.C.
1 0 Herzog 1942, 17.
Boreas 28
 22 Charles Crowther
had had no hesitation in dating to the late 3rd century on both
palaeographical grounds and from its eponymous monarchos
Ariston.11 More recently, Susan Shetwin-White, starting from
Segre's late 3rd century date for !Cos, ED 49, has argued from
the apparent identity of its lettering with that of PH 7 + !Cos,
ED 1 7 that both inscriptions should belong to the same context
in the wars of the late third century.12 So we have a variety of
I
palaeographicaljudgments for the date of this fragment, rang
ing from Alexander the Great to the end ofthe third century-a
span of more than 120 years or 4-5 generations. That is by no
means the end of the story, since the publication of ]Cos has
added a new element to which I will return at the end of this
paper; but for the moment the point that I should like to argue is
that a palaeographical difference of opinion of this magnitude,
within a relatively rich epigraphical corpus, ought to admit of
a clear palaeographical resolution
It would be unfair, however, to say that the vicissitudes of
PH 7 give us a complete picture of the state of Koan palae
ography. Much of the dating ofKoan Hellenistic inscriptions
has been based on broadly accepted standards. Susan Sherwin
White's book, ba<.;ed on close study ofmany of the inscriptions,
contains a series ofjudicious palaeographical judgments with
criteria carefully recorded.U Herzog's publications and his
notebooks in the IG archive in Berlin are also replete with
detailed palaeographical criticism. 14 The recent publication of
Segre's notebooks, in contrast, rarely makes explicit the reasons
that Segre would surely eventually have given for the dating
ranges that he applied to particular inscriptions. In the context
of the Uppsala colloquium and the current reinvigoration of
research into Koan history which it reflects-for which Kerstin
HOghammar is not least responsible-it seems worthwhile to
attempt to draw together some of these results, so as to sketch
the outlines of a palaeographical sequence for Hellenistic Koan
epigraphy. In attempting to do so, I have drawn on the observa
tions and insights of Herzog, Segre and Sherwin-White, but
I have based the majority of my judgments on close study of
a representative sample of Koan Hellenistic epigraphy in the
squeeze collection of the Centre for the Study ofAncient Docu
ments in Oxford. 15 I have also drawn extensively on Christian
Habicht's important recent catalogue ofKoan monarchoi.16
I start with a tour through early Hellenistic Koan palae
ography, the aim of which will be to suggest the outlines of a
basic stylistic sequence. I shall then measure some problematic
documents against this sequence. In the last part of the paper,
I shall draw attention to a number of stonecutter's hands that
it seems to me can be identified more or less clearly. This is
preliminaty and provisional work, the results of which will
hardly transform our knowledge of Koan Hellenistic history.
But I hope that there are small gains to be made-in the rela
tive placing of certain documents, in a handful of associations
of separated fragments ofthe same inscription, perhaps in our
knowledge of stonecutting practices in island communities;
and in the possibility of providing a basis to be consolidated
through further investigation.
Boreas 28
I start my palaeographical journey through Koan epigraphy
towards the middle of the 4th century B.C. with the series of
monthly sacred calendars re-published by Herzog as HG 1-4
(Fig. 5: HG 3). Herzog noticed the general similarity of the
lettering ofHG 1-4 to that ofHG 5, which he thought might be
earlier still (Fig. 6: HG SB fr. b). Sherwin-White places all of
these texts in the last quarter of the 4th century. 17 The lettering
ofboth groups of inscriptions is boldly cut and plain, with little
decoration or elaboration. Sigma and mu have sharply diverg
ing outer strokes; omicron, theta and omega are somewhat
smaller .than other letters.
Another early inscription is a set of regulations concerning
the sacred cypress grove of Apollo, now in Istanbul Museum,
cut in a tight stoichedon pattern in lettering which Herzog
placed in the 5th century B.C. (HG 1 1 : Fig. 7). Sherwin-White,
again, prefers a later 4th century date.18 Distinctive features
of the lettering of this text are the diverging outer strokes of
sigma and the thickening of terminal letter strokes in a way,
which for Sherwin-White is characteristic of early Hellenistic
lettering styles.
A subsequent regulation concerning the sacred grove of
the Asklepieion (HG 12) shares similar letter shapes, but
shows incipient serifs at the end ofletter strokes (Fig. 8). For
this reason an early 3rd century date appeared appropriate to
Sherwin-White, 19 but the proposer of this decree, Philistos
the son of Aischinas, also appears in a regulation concerning
offerings to the Nymphs in the Asklepieion, which shows an
altogether plainer, early Hellenistic script (Sokolowski, LSCG
152: Fig. 9). Both texts should probably belong still within
the 4th century.
We are on somewhat firmer ground ..yith the series of de
crees in honour ofNikornedes the son of Aristandros noticed
earlier which seem to have been inscribed in a group by the
same stonecutter on two opisthographic stelai towards the end
of the 4th century (Fig. 3).20 The letter forms remain strong
and simple, with letter strokes ending in small ..buttons, rather
than extended serifS.
1 1 Segre 1933, 365. Ariston is Ariston I of c. 205/4 B. C. in Christian
Habicht's new list ofKoan monarchoi: Habicht 2000b, 309-3 10.
12 Sherwin-White 1978, 122-123, with n. 217.
" Cf., e.g., Sherwin-White 1978,55 n. 132 (HG 1 1): 89-90 n. 45 (HG
5); 99 n. 82 (!Cos, ED 130: mid-3rd century B.C.); 1 10 n. 141 (!Cos,
ED 48): 1 1 6 n. 176 (Hoghammar 1993 no. 61); 1 19 n. 192 (Syll.'
568-569): 122-123 n. 217 (PH 7 and /Cos ED 49): 135 n. 283 (PH
8): 137 n. 291 (PH 35); 335 n. 397 (HG 12).
14 Cf., e.g., JiG p. 5 (HG 1-4); and the separate lemmata for HG 5-14.
15 I was also able to examine a substantial sub-setofHerzog's squeezes
currently on deposit in Oxford from the IG archive in Berlin.
16 Habicht 2000b.
17 Sherwin-Whitc 1978, 89-90 n. 45.
ts Sherwin-White 1978, 55 n. 132.
19 Sherwin-White 1978, 335 n. 397.
20
The fragments of the two stelai are now collected as !Cos, ED 7 1 ;
cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 86-88.

A Naxian decree for Koan judges sent with the support
of the Ptolemaic nesiarch Bakchon which I have recently
republished (OGIS 43; Crowther 1 999, no. 2) carries us for
ward towards 280 B.C. (Fig. 10). The lettering style of this
inscription is rather plain, but still distinctive as I shall try to
show later.
A Koan decree honouring an Amphipolitan, who, as
Habicht and Gauthier have suggested,21 may well be the
doctor of Antigonos Monophthalmos (Metrodor]os the son
of Timokles, should also belong to the first part of the third
century (Fig. 11: !Cos, ED 190), and seems to have been cut
by the same stonemason as OG!S 43.
We have already looked briefly at a contemporary in
scription showing a very different lettering style-Sy/f.3 398,
celebrating the Delphian Soteria of278 (Fig. 2). 1 shall return
to this text later.
A recently published decree honouring an otlicial or
courtier of King Seleukos has also been placed c. 280 on the
basis ofHer.lOg's palaeographicaljudgment that only Seleukos
I could come into question for the king's identity (Fig. 12:
Hallof & Habicht 1998a, no. 7),22 but seems more likely to
belong to the reign of Seleukos 1 l (246-226),23 or even Seleu
kos Ill (226223), since it was cut by the same stonemason
who also inscribed a series of asylia decrees in 242 (Fig. 13:
Asylia 25).
The establishment of a cult honouring Arsinoe Philadel
phos should date shortly after her death in 268 (Fig. 14: !Cos,
ED 1 89), and is marked in lettering which Sherwin-White de
scribes as being of "extreme elegance".24 I note that my very
incomplete survey of Koan palaeography has suggested that
two unpublished fragments recorded by Herzog also belong
to this text (Kos Sy/loge 0884, 0889).
The next dating point comes with the recognition of the
asylia oftheAsklepieion and the panhellenic status of the Great
Asklepieia. As Kent Rigsby has noticed,25 the diversity of for
mulation of the asylia documents is matched by the range of
their lettering styles, from ornate and formal royal letters (FYg.
15: RC 28, letter of Ptolemy lll), through less regular hands
(Figs. I 6-1 7: decrees ofAinos (Asylia 28) and an unidentified
city (Asylia 38)), to the small and careful lettering ofthe larger
stelai (Fig. 13: decrees of Kassandreia, Amphipolis, Philippi,
and Corcyra, Asylia 25-27, 45). It is clear that several masons
with very different styles were engaged in the cutting ofKoan
public inscriptions at this time.
A text which postdates the asylia recognitions and which
is discussed in detail by Kent Rigsby elsewhere in this volume
is a decree regulating the journeys of theoroi for the Koan
Asklepieia (Fig. !8: Boesch 1 908, 28).26
A generation after the asylia texts, two decrees of Cretan
cities honouring the Koan doctor Hermias show a distinctive
tightly-spaced style, with sigma with parallel outer bars and
very small round letters (Fig. 19: !Cr Lviii.7). Reinforcing the
impression of diversity created by 3rd century Koan lettering,
a contemporary decree ofHalikarnassos for the same Hermias
The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 23
(Fig. 20: !Cos, ED 132) shows an altogether different style,
with strong serifs.
The Milesian invitation to the Koans to recognise the pan
beHenic status of the Didymeia between about 2 1 8 and 207 is
cut in a bold, plain style, with small serifs and upsilon and rho
with extended stems (Fig. 21: Syl/.3 590).27
The Delphic oracular response to Makareus Philokleida,
perhaps the monarchos of !Cos, ED 132 c. 220,2& but certainly
attested as a prostates in a decree dated to the monarchia of
Ariston I c. 205/4 (!Cos, ED 49, 6-7), shows a particularly
fine example of 3rd century lettering, with sigma and mu with
parallel outer strokes, pi with top bar extending beyond the
right vertical, fullsize round letters and elegant serifs (Fig.
22: SEG 1 8 , 329).
A series of different styles can be discerned in the cluster
of datable Koan inscriptions from the crisis years at the end
of the 3rd century.
The renewal of the hornopoliteia of Kos and Kalymna c.
200 B.C.29 is cut in a similar style to Kent Rigsby's theoroi text
(Fig. 23: TCal test XII; 30). HG 8, a regulation concerning
purifications rites in the Asklepieion, is also cut in a similar
style, although mu and sigma more consistently have almost
parallel, rather than diverging, outer strokes.
The Halasamitan decrees for Diokles son ofLeodarnas and
Theukles son ofAglaos are cut in similar, but not quite the same
small hands (Fig. 24: Syll.' 568; Fig. 25: 569)." The small,
mid-line omega which becomes the predominant form in the
Theukles decree, Sy!P 569, after the opening lines, is paralleled
in a list of contributors from Antimachia for an Aphrodision
cut in a larger script (Fig. 26: PH 387) and dating to the last
generation of the 3rd century, probably just before the great
wartime subscription list proposed by Diokles (PH 1 0)." The
lists of contributors beginning below the introductory decree
on face A of PH l 0 and continuing on the other 3 sides of the
inscription are cut in a hand that was also responsible for two
other copies of the subscription (Fig. 27: PH l Od, 3 1-50; cf.
21 Habicht 1996, 88; Ph. Gauthier, Bulletin &pigraphique 1995, 448,
p. 503.
2
2 Cited at Hallof & Habicht 1998a, I l l : "Herzog meinte, die Schrift
schliesse einen sptiteren K6nig als Seleukos L aus."
23 As the editors note, attested contacts between Seleukos I and Kos are
sparse. Seleukos II, in contrast, appears to be represented among the
royal correspondents who acknowledged the asylia oftheAsklepieion
in 242: Asylia 9, with discussion ibid.
24 Sherwin-White 1978, lOO n. 88.
25 Asylia, pp. 1 10-1 1 1 .
26 Boesch 1908, 28.
27 For the date of Sy!U 590 and its monarchoi, Hippokrates and
Philinos, cf. Habicht 2000b, 309 with n. 39.
8 Habicht 2000b, 309.
29 For this date, Sherwin-White 1978, 126128.
30 SherwinWhite 1978, 1 1 9 n. 192, identifies the hands of the two
inscriptions, but the lettering of Sy!P 569 is less regular and has a
distinctive omega.
3 1 Sherwin-White 1978, 120-1 2 1 , 180, 2 15-220
Boreas 28
24 Charles Crowther
!Cos, ED 206 and 227). Pi is very broad in this script, with the
top bar projecting beyond a short right vertical.
To the last years ofthe 3rd century also belong a dedication
to Aphrodite and Homonoia by the monarchos Theukles of c.
203/2 and the hieropoioi ofhis year (Fig. 28: !Cos, EV2),32 and
!Cos, ED 49, dated to the monarchia ofAriston (Fig. 4).
After this concentration of late 3rd century documents,
the first datable documents of the second century introduce a
significant change in the fonn of at least one letter. !Cos, ED
178, a diagraphe for the priesthood of Aphrodite Pandamos is
dated, as Christian Habicht has noted,33 by its monarchos years
and by references to the great earthquake of 198 to the years
around 196/5. In this inscription we have the first datable oc
curence of alpha with sharply curved and ocasionally broken
cross-bar in a long Koan public document (Fig. 29: ICos, ED
178 A fr. b).34 Broken bar alpha in Koan public inscriptions
is first attested somewhat earlier in two honorific inscriptions
from the later part of the third century, for Antigonos, presum
ably Doson (Fig. 30: Hiighammar 1993, no. 61), and Arsinoe
Ill (ibid. no. 63), but the larger lettering of these inscriptions
(0.02-0.027m rather than the 0.007-0.015m range ofextended
public documents) places them in a separate category.35 Other
examples of broken-bar alpha follow in Eumenes' letter of c.
182 announcing the Pergamene Nikephoria (Fig. 31: Asylia
1 76) and the decree instituting processions and sacrifices for
Ariarathes IV and his wife Antiochis (Fig. 32: !Cos, ED 5). The
same form appears in a dedication to the gods and the demos
by agoranomoi among whom is one of the contributors of PH
IO, Chairedamos the son of Themistokles (!Cos, EV 212, not
illustrated here).
I break this palaeographical journey here to consider a
particular document. /Cos, ED 2 1 6 (Fig. 33), the earlier of
two surviving Koan diagraphai for the sale of the priesthood
of Dionysos Thyllophoros, concludes with an amendment
imposing an annual charge on the priest to be used in the re
furbishment of a shrine ofAntigonos. Prosopographical links
place this text, and its monarchos Charmidas, as Segre noted,
a generation before or after PH 1 0 of 2021 1 . Segre unhesitat
ingly opted for the earlier date, and in doing so he has been
followed by subsequent scholars.36 But the palaeographical
evidence seems to me to point to the later date, since JCos,
ED 2 1 6 has alpha with broken crossbar. The hazards of using
broken-bar alpha in isolation as a dating criterion had already
been emphasised by Kern in 1900,37 but its appearance seems
to me to carry weight in this case because of its absence from
the dense sequence ofsecurely datable documents from the last
quarter and end ofthe 3rd century that I have already reviewed.
I would add that the prosopographical argument also seems to
me to point to the later date. Ariston Aristoboulou, one of the
drafters of the diagraphe might be either the son or the father
of Aristoboulos Aristonos who appears as a contributor at PH
l 0 d 48-49; similarly, Panamyas Theudotou, the proposer of
the amendment on the Antigoneion, could be either father or
son ofTheudotos Panamya in PH 44, which is approximately
Boreas 28
contemporary with PH 10. But one of the two drafters of a
diagraphe for the priesthood ofthe Symmachidai dating to the
same monarchos year, that of Channidas, as JCos, ED 2 1 6,38
Simias Phainokritou should be the same man listed in the
catalogue ofcitizens from Isthmos eligible for the monarchia,
which is contemporary with PH 367-8, the great Halasarna
catalogue ofcitizens eligible to share in the cults ofApollo and
Herakles, dating, as Christian Habicht has convincingly argued,
to c. 1 80-75;39 Simias' colleague, Nikanor Agesia appears in
!Cos, ED 2, the diagraphe for the priesthood of Asklepios,
Hygieia and Epione, which is dated to the monarchia ofAriston,
who, as Kerstin HOghammar has argued,40 should be Habicht's
Ariston II of the 2nd quarter of the second century rather than
Ariston I of205/4Y
Rather than continue thisjourney further through the lettering
of second century texts, I should like to turn instead to a different
aspect of palaeographical study which has been significantly
advanced in recent years by the brilliant work of Stephen Tracy
on Attic and Samian epigraphy-that is the identification of the
work of individual stonecutters. 42 As has been seen, a number
of identifications ofKoan inscriptions as the work of the same
stonecutter have already been suggested by previous scholars,
in patticular by Herzog-for example, the 4th century sacred
calendarsHG 1-4 (Fig. 5: HG 3), or PH 7 (Fig. I) and!Cos, ED
49 (Fig. 4). I should like to add a series of further identifications
based on my study of the squeezes in Oxford. In making these
identifications I have tried to adhere to the rigorously subjective
methodology prescribed by Tracy for identifying and learning
the hands of individual stonecutter.43 The clarity and precision
with which these principles are applied in Tracy's work have
led to notable advances in the epigraphy and history of Hellen
istic Athens. The identifications proposed here are likely to fatl
shott of these standards, and some skepticism will be i!l order in
receiving them. Nevertheless I take some confidence from the
fact that my identifications have led to the recognition of new
fragments of a number of Koan inscriptions.
The very incomplete list ofKoan Hellenistic stonecutters
in Appendix I has 1 6 entries. In this concluding section, I of
fer comments on four of these hands. I turn first to the work
of the stonecutter who inscribed the Naxian decree for Koan
32
Habicht 2000b, 308.
33 Habicht 1996, 88 and n. 28; cf Habicht 2000b, 314.
34 Cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 135-136 n. 283.
35 Cf. Tracy 1990a, 5-6 for the different character of large lettering.
3 Segre 1941, 29-34 (cf. !Cos p. 147), followed by Sherwin-White
1978, 1 15-116; cf. Habicht 2000b, 320.
J'l !.Magnesia 33.
.;s Parker & Obbink 200 la, no. 2, with discussion ibid.
39 Habicht 2000b, 3 1 4-317.
40 HOghammar 1996, 348-349.
41 Habicht 2000b, 317-319; HOghammar 1996, 349, places Ariston
11 a generation later.
42 Tracy 1975, 1990a, 1990b, 1995.
43 Tracy 1975, 86-95; summarised at Tracy 1990a, 2-4.

judges OGIS 43 of c. 280 (Fig. 10: Crowther 1999, no. 2 B).
The principal characteristics ofthis script are the oval form of
omega, the tendency of upsilon to branch from close to or at
the base line, the way in which the inner bars of mu meet the
outer strokes below the top, and the general tendency of the
lettering to slope to the right. Other examples of this cutter's
work are !Cos, ED 190 (Fig. 11), a diagraphe conceming the
priesthood of Asklepios (Parker and Obbink 2001a, no. 3);
!Cos, ED 226 and 39, which may be part of the same decree
(Fig. 34: ICos, ED 39);44 the group of decrees concerning the
Koans' relations with the Thessalian koinon from an opistho
graphic stele published by Mario Segre in 1934 (Fig. 35: !Cos,
ED 48 B3).45 !Cos, ED 36 (Fig. 36) is also cut in the same
script; the close match between its letter height and interlinear
spacing and that offr. B 3 of !Cos, ED 48 suggests that it too
belongs to the Thessalian stele.46
My second example comes from the middle of the 3rd
century. Sy!l.3 398, as Herzog noticed,47 has a distinctive let
tering style (Fig. 2) in which the right vertical of nu scarcely
descends below mid line, the inner strokes of mu and sigma
cut across the outer strokes rather than meeting in an apex, to
create an impression of curvature, phi has a broad oval loop,
pi a short hooked right vertical, and xi is broad and vertically
compressed, to occupy hardly half the height of the line. The
royal letters recognising the asytia of the Asklepieion RC 26-28
(Fig. 15: RC 28) show the same characteristics and were clearly
cut in the same hand, which should accordingly frame the
years 278--242, matching the career span of some ofTracy's
longer-lived Attic and Samian lettercutters.48
The fragment ICos, ED 35 is another fragmentary example
of this hand which may also be connected with recognition
of the asylia of the Asklepieion. Two further inscriptions cut
in the same lettering fit less easily into this dating frame. The
diagraphe for the priesthood ofHermes Enagonios, !Cos, ED
145, dated to the monarchia ofMenoitios (Fig. 37: !Cos, ED
145) is cut in a somewhat smaller hand than Syll.3 398 and
the royal letters, but clearly shows the same combination and
articulation of characteristic fonns, which seem to me unique
in Koan epigraphy. A date between 278 and 242-probably
at the latter end of this range since Androsthenes the son of
Althaimenes, one of the drafters of the diagraphe, should be
the father of the monarchos of c. 20615, Althaimenes the son
of Androsthenes-would place this among the earliest Koan
diagraphai for priesthood sales in spite of the developed form
shown by the regulations that it contains. The monarchos
named in !Cos, ED 145, Menoitios, has a homonym in TC 93
B 4 which should belong in the first half of the 2nd century."
Menoitios is not a common name on Kos, but the palaeographi
ea! argument seems to me so strong that I conclude that there
must have been two monarchoi with this name.
Another inscription apparently cut by the same stonecut
ter raises additional complications. SEG 28, 700 (Fig. 38) is a
fragmentary regulation concerning an unnamed priesthood. 50
One of the members of the commission mentioned in the in-
The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 25
scription, Makareus Philokle-ida, is a familiar figure in Koan
epigraphy and public life in the second halfofthe third century
B.C. He is the solicitor and recipient of an inscribed Delphic
oracular response (SEG 1 8 329) and appears as prostates in a
decree dated to the monarchos Ariston I of c. 205/4 (!Cos, ED
49, 6-7).51 Makareus is also attested as a Koan theorodokos for
Epidaurian theoroi in the last quarter of the third century,52 and
is perhaps to be identified as the monarchos of c. 220 B.C. in
!Cos, ED 132 (NS 438). The combination of these attestations
appears to place Makareus' public career in the second half of
the third century, but the dating range implied by the identity
of the lettering of Sy/1.3 398 and RC 28 should frame his ap
pearance in SEG 28, 700 between 278 and 242. An extended
public career encompassing membership of the diagraphe
commission of SEG 28, 700, in the late 240s and a role as
prostates in 205/4 would not be impossible, but it is perhaps
better to look for a different solution. A first possibility is that
my identification of this stonecutter and his oeuvre is simply
wrong. The lettering is so distinctive, however, and the corn
mon characteristics so clearly identifiable that I would prefer
to exclude this possibility. An alternative possibility, which
seems to me worth considering, is that the Delphian Soteriatext
Sylf.3 398 was inscribed not in 278, but at a later date, perhaps
in the context of Aetolian solicitations for the recognition of
their penteteric Soteria celebrations beginning in 246/5, for
which the evidence has been collected by Nachtergael.53 There
is no direct evidence for such a reinscription, however, in the
text of Syl/.3 398; which simply reproduces, with a summary
prescript, the Koan decree of278.
A third stonecutter's distinctive style, from the later part
of the second century, had already been npticed by Herzog.54
Syll.' 1000 (Fig. 39: Sy/l,3 1000) was cut in the same hand as a
diagraphe concerning the priesthood ofAphrodite Pandamos
and Pontia which Robert Parker has recently published in
44 !Cos, ED 226 is discussed by Habicht 2000a, 292-293; cf Habicht
2000b, 306-307.
45 Segre 1934 (!Cos, ED 48).
46 Dr. Dimitris Bosnakis infOnns me that a group of new fragments of
ED 48 has recently been found. Their publication, in combination with
ED 36 and 48, is likely to add important new details to the history of
Kos in the early Hellenistic period.
47 Herzog 1942, 13-14.
48 Cf., e.g., Tracy 1990a, 71-79 (JG IP 9 1 3 Cutter, 2 1 0/09-171/0
B.C); 82-88 (Agora I 656 + 6355 Cutter, 203/2-t64/3 B.C); 99-t09
(Agora 1 247 Cutter, 194/3-148/7 B.C); 1990b, 64-72 (Samos 161
Cutter, c . 305-270 B.C.).
49 TCal93 is placed between 175-150 by Habicht 2000b, 318, 329,
331.
50 The cditio princeps ofBenedum 1978, 71-74, no. 3 (SEG 28, 700)
was inadequate; a new edition of this inscription is being prepared by
A. KuriharaKitamura and S. Carlsson.
51 Habicht 2000b, 310.
52 Perlman 2000, E. 5, 6--7 ; Prosopographic Catalogue 208.
53 Nachtergael 1977.
54 Herzog 1903, 197.
Boreas 28
\
26 Charles Crowther
Chiron 30 (Fig. 40)." I should like to add two further examples
ofthis cutter's work. The first is a small fragment ofa diagraphe
for the priesthood of an unidentified god, !Cos, ED 195. The
second is more interesting: !Cos, ED !80 (Fig. 41), a diagraphe
for the priesthood ofHerakles Kallinikos. As Christian Habicht
has noticed, one of the prostatai .listed in this diagraphe, Eu
karpos Kleonikou, should be either the son or the father of
Kleonikos Eukarpou, attested as a trierarch in 82 B. C. (IG 12,
8, 260, 5-6).56 The former option seems preferable; counting
back a generation from 82 brings us to the last generation ofthe
2nd century, which matches Sherwin-White's palaeographicat
diagnosis for the lettering of Sylf.3 1000.57
For my last example, I turn back to the inscription from
which I started. As we saw, Herzog grouped PH 7 with a new
fragment !Cos, ED 17, and identified the lettering of both with
that of !Cos, ED 49. Herzog's judgment seems to me correct
here. /Cos, ED 17 has now been republished in Segre's !Cos
together with a group of other fragments which seem to be
long to the same text: !Cos, ED 26, !Cos, ED 1 3 0 (previously
published as no. 443 ofMaiuri's Nuova sil/oge), and!Cos, ED
194. Segre's edition omits PH 7, which, tfom its letter height
and interlinear spacing, seems very likely to belong to the same
text. I would also add that two other fragments seem to me on
the same grounds to belong to this text: !Cos, ED ! I 0 (Fig.
42) and an unpublished fragment from Herzog's papers, Kos
Syl/oge 0885, which also refers to Philinos, the subject of !Cos,
ED 26. I do not have time to discuss the inter-relationship of
this group of fragments in detail in the context of this paper,
but I should like to add in conclusion that I find it tempting
to connect what must have been a long and important text,
which refers to exchanges with a Hellenistic king named at
least once as Ptolemy, with another Ptolemaic document which
Herzog inclined to connect with the recognition of the asylia
of the Asklepieion. Herzog & Klaffenbach 1952, no. I , as
Kent Rigsby has forcefully argued (Asylia, no. 13), is unlikely
to be connected with that context, but I find it intriguing that
it appears to have been cut in the same hand as our late 3rd
century group of fragments (Fig. 43).
Appendix
Some Koan letter cutters
The list of identifiable letter-cutters that follows is based on a
limited sample of Koan Hellenistic inscriptions and is neces
sarily incomplete. The criterion for inclusion in the list is that
at least two texts written in the same script have been identi
fied. The list follows an approximately chronological order;
at least one illustration is provided for each entry in the list.
Each entry has been given a title based on a model inscription,
following the pattern established by Tracy.58 The entries are
Boreas 28
also numbered, so that citation can be in either of two forms:
"Cutter 1", for example, or "HG 3 Cutter".
I. HG 3 (Fig. 5).
Dating range: mid-fourth century B.C.
A series of mid-fourth century cult calendars (HG 1-4) post
dating the synoecism were cut in the same hand, as Herzog
noticed in the editio princeps. The lettering ofHG 5 (Fig. 6),
which Herzog identified as similar in style but perhaps earlier,
is somewhat di:W:!rent: the loop ofomega is rounded inHG 1-4,
elliptical in HG 5; the inner bars of mu in HG 1-4 almost reach
the base line, but in HG scarcely descend below mid-line.
2. HG 12 (Fig. 8).
Dating range: latefourth/early third century B.C.
A regular, well-formed script; letter strokes are finished with
small serifs. Round letters are almost full size; the outer bars
of sigma and mu diverge.
HG 1 2
!Cos, E D 92 (fragment of a lex sacra). Segre, in ICos, compared
this fragment for lettering as well as content, withHG 14; but
the script is clearly different-for example, in the letter shapes
of mu and sigma.
!Cos, ED 108 (fragment of a proxeny decree)
3. OGJS 43 (Figs. IO, 11, 34-36).
Dating range: c. 280 B. C.
The lettering of this stonecutter is relatively plain, but inclines
slightly from left to right. Rho and phi have small loops; pi and
gamma are broad; omega has an oval loop; upsilon branches
from close to or at the base line; the inner bars of mu meet the
outer strokes below the top. The foltowing inscriptions appear
to have been cut by this stonemason:
OGIS 43 (Crowther 1999, no. 2)
!Cos, ED 36
!Cos, ED 39
!Cos, ED48
!Cos, ED 63
!Cos, ED 70
!Cos, ED 190
!Cos, ED 226 (Habicht 2000b, 292-93)
Parker & Obbink 2001 a, no. 3 (diagraphe for the priesthood of
Asklepios, dated to the monarchia ofPeisistratos)
ss Parker & Obbink 2000. The diagraphe is dated to the monarchia of
Chairedamos, for whom see Habicht 2000b, 320, who follows Herzog's
preferred dating range of the first half of the second century tOr both
the diagraphe for Aphrodite and Sy!P 1000.
56 Habicht 1996, 88.
57 Sherwin-White 1978,230 with n. 5 1 : "between the last quarterofthc
second century B. C. and the first half of the first century B. C."
ss
Tracy 1990, 2-4.

From this list, ED 36 probably belongs with ED 48. The char
acter size and interlinear spacing of ED 3 6 face B closely
match those ofED 48 B3, although the latter is not inscribed
on its reverse. Since the lettering ofED 48 B2 is less widely
spaced, ED 36 should belong between 48 B3 and B2. ED 63
shares the same letter size and interlinear spacing and may
also be related.
It is possible that ED 226 may have been the heading ofED
39. The interlinear spacing and character height match closely,
although not perhaps perfectly.
A dating range for this series of inscriptions is provided
by the role of Bakchon, attested as Ptolemaich nesiarch c.
280 B.C. in OGIS 43. ICos, ED 190 also belongs to the early
third century if the identification of its honorand as Antigonos
Monophthalmos' doctor is correct. !Cos, ED 48 was dated by
Segre (Segre 1934) to the middle of the third century on the
basis of its lettering; the same criterion now suggests that it
may belong a generation earlier.
4. RC 28 (Figs. 2, 15, 37, 38).
Dating range: 278-242 B. C. (?)
This stonecutter had a distinctive lettering style in which the
right vertical of nu scarcely descends below mid-line, the inner
strokes ofmu and sigma cut across the outer strokes rather than
meeting in an apex, creating an impression of curvature, phi
has a broad oval loop, pi a short hooked right vertical, and xi
is broad and vertically compressed, to occupy hardly half the
height of the line. The following inscriptions were evidently
cut by this stonemason:
RC 26 (Asylia 9)
RC 27 (Asylia I 0)
RC 28 (Asylia 8)
Syll.' 398
!Cos, ED 145 (diagraphe for priesthood of Hennes Enagonios)
!Cos, ED 35
SEG 28, 700
The dating range of these inscriptions is discussed in the
main text.
5. Asylia 25 (Figs. !2-13).
Dating range: c. 242 B.C.
This is a relatively small, regular script: letter strokes seem to
curve and are finished with small serifs; sigma and mu have
diverging outer strokes. The following inscriptions appears to
have been cut by the same stonemason:
Asylia 14--18 (on the same stele)
Asylia 19-22 (on both sides of an opisthographic stele)
Asylia 25-28 (on the same stele)
Hallof & Habicht 1998a, no. 7
Asylia 14--22, 25-27 are firmly dated to 242 and the contextofthe
recognition ofthe asylia of the Asklepieion. The King Seleukos
The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 27
mentioned in Hallof & Habicht l998a, no. 7 should therefore be
either Se!eukos 11 (246-226) or Seleukos Ill (226-223).
6. Asylia 28 (Figs. 16-!7).
Dating range: c. 242 B.C.
This is a somewhat irregular script: the diagonal of nu and
inner bars of mu and sigma intersect the outer strokes inside
or below the end of the letter strokes; upsilon is formed from
two letter strokes, one rising and curving from the base line to
form the stem and right branch, the second meeting it to form
the left ranch; omega has -wide finials, finished with strong
serifs. The following inscriptions appear to have been cut by
this stonemason:
Asylia 28
Asylia 49; Asylia 12, inscribed on the reverse of the same stele,
according to Rigsby, is cut in the same hand.
RC 25 (Asylia 1 1 )
!Cos, ED 38 (Asylia 50)
Other asylia texts may also have beencut in the same hand-the
sample available to me to study was incomplete.
!Cos, ED 134 and Crowther 1999, no. 3 are cut in a closely
similar and perhaps the same hand. The eroded surface ofthe
latter precludes a certain identification.
7. ICr I.viii.7 (Fig. !9).
Dating range: c. 220 B.C.
This is a distinctive tightly-spaced script, in which sigma has
parallel outer bars and round letters are cut very small; upsilon
has a long stem which begins slightly below the base line; letter
strokes are finished with distinctive triangular serifs. The follow
ing inscriptions seem also to have been cut by this stonecuter.
!Cr fV. l68. This is a Gortynian decree for the Koandoctor Her
'
rnias which fonns a pair with the Knossian decree !Cr Lviii.7.
TCal test XIII. This is a Kalymnian decree honouring Praxagoras
the son ofNikarchos, presumably the grandson of the homony
mous doctor (for whom see Sherwin-White 1978, 102-103).
Hallof & Habicht 1998a, no. 2 1 , a decree of Sinope for the
Koan Dionnos Polytionos, was apparently cut in the same hand,
as Herzog noted and Habicht and Hall of now confirm (ibid.,
p. 139 with n. 1 1 8).
8. ICos, ED 49 (Figs. I, 4, 42-43).
Dating range: late third century B.C.
This is a clearly-fOrmed regular script. The outer stokes ofsigma
and mu diverge slightly; omicron and theta are smaller than
other letters; omega is rounded and small and set on the base
line. Letter strokes are finished with small serifs. The following
inscriptions seem to have been cut by the same stonemason:
!Cos, ED 49
PH 7
!Cos, ED 17, 26, 130. 194
Boreas 28
\
28 Charles Crowther
!Cos, ED 1 1 0
Kos Sylloge 0885 (unpublished fragment from Herzog archive).
All of these fragments may belong to the same stele.A further
two fragments cut in the same hand which may also form part
of this stele have been identified among a collection of frag
mentary inscriptions from Herzog's excavations transferred
from the Asklepieion to Kos Archaeological Museum.
Asylia 1 3 (Ptolemaic letter). Herzog and Klaffenbach 1952,
no. 1 identified this as a fragment of a letter from Ptolemy
II-since it refers to "our sisterArsinoe", whom they identified
as Arsinoe Philadelphus-anticipating recognition ofthe asylia
ofthe Asklepieion. Kent Rigshyhas recently, withjustification,
questioned this identification (Asylia, pp. 124-126, no. 13). The
late third-century dating range of this stonecutter suggests that
Arsinoe should be identified with the wife of Ptolemy IV.
9. PH 10 (Fig. 27).
Dating range: late third century B.C.
This is a clearly-cut, regular script, with broad, widely-spaced
letter fonns: sigma and pi are particularly broad; the top bar of
the latter projects beyond a short right vertical; round letters are
full-size. Letter strokes are finished with small serifs.
The decree establishing the tenus of the subscription on the
front face ofpH 1 0 (A 11. 1-37) is cut in a larger and, appar
ently, different script from the lists of contributors on the other
faces of the inscription. It is the distinctive lettering of the lists
of contributors that I identify. as_the work of the "Cutter of PH
10". The same lettering is shared by the surviving fragments
oftwo other copies of the decree and list ofcontributors (!Cos,
ED 206 and 227).
!Cos, ED 206
!Cos, ED 227
!Cos, ED 42, a list of dedications to Apollo, is cut in a similar,
and perhaps the same, hand.
10. Hallof & Habicht 1998a, no. 13 (Figs. 45-46)
Dating range: second halfofthird cerltury B. C.
This script has relatively thin letter strokes finished with some
times flaring serifs; the outer bars of mu and sigma diverge
slightly; omicron and theta are full-size; the loop of omega is
slightly smaller, cut off by finials that almost meet in the mid
dle; upsilon has wide and shallow branches.
Ha!lof & Habicht !998a, no. 1 3
Parker & Obbink 200 I b, no. I (subscription for the completion
of the temple of Apollo at Halasama) .
11. Crowther 1999, no. 5 (Fig. 44).
Dating range: late third/early second century B.C.
Elegant boldly cut lettering with strong serifs. The top bar of
pi projects beyond both verticals; inner bars of sigma curve
slightly, outer bars are parallel; round letters are full-size.
Boreas 28
Crowther 1999, no. 5 (I.Erythrai 1 1 2).
SEG 27, 5 1 8 (fragmentary Athenian decree for K.Jeom[-] of
Kos).
12. PH 367 (Fig. 47).
Dating range: c. 180-1 75 B. C.
Regular, well-cut broad lettering which almost gives the im
pression of being vertically compressed: sigma and mu are
patticularly wide letters, both with with shallow interior bars;
alpha has unbroken cross-bar; pi is broad, with top bar project
ing beyond left and right verticals; delta is finished with small
serifs in bottom left and right corners. The following inscrip
tions seem to have been cut by the same stonecutter:
PH 367 (Halasama Registration)
Pugliese-Carratelli 1963-1964, XI (Isthmos registrations)
!Cos, ED 182 (Priesthood ofEumenes I!)
!Cos, ED 37
!Cos, ED 60 + 1 1 2
!Cos, ED 166 (with 60 + 1 1 2)
13. TCal 78 (Fig. 48).
Dating range: early second century B.C.
Small irregular lettering with flaring serifs.
TCa/ 78
TCa/ test. XXIV
!Cos, ED 2 1 2
The copy o fthis Kalymnian decree for the Koan doctor Antipa
tros inscribed and set up in theAsklepieion was cut in the same
hand (TCal test. XXIV), as also was the Koan subscription list
!Cos, ED 212, which should be approximately contemporary
with PH 1 0 (Nikophon Timostratou and Kallistrato? Kl:illistra
tou appear in both) and !Cos, ED 239 (Theudotos+Ierak!eitou
in both), dated to the eponymous monarchia of.Aristokleidas
(c. 195-192 in Christian Habicht's list).
Herzog compared the lettering of TCa/ 78 with that of two
decrees for Koan doctors now published as Hallof & Habicht
1998a, nos. 1 1 and 23. I have not been able to verify these
comparisons.
14. Crowther 1999, no. 8 (Fig. 49).
Dating range: mid-second century B. C.
The lettering of this stonecutter is distinctive: alpha has bro
ken cross bar, pi an extended top bar with serif's at each end.
Sigma is narrow, with outer bars sometimes inclined inward.
Omicron, theta and omega are full-size; the finials of omega
are short and angled. Omicron and theta are attached almost
directly to following letters. Spaces are used consistently for
punctuation, to divide clauses.
Crowther 1999, no. 8. Two unpublished fragments of this
inscription were recorded among a collection of fragments
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 29

from Herzog's excavations in the Asklepeieion now in Kos Bibliography

Archaeological Musewn in summer 2000.
Asylia K.J. Rigsby, Asylia. Territorial inviolability in the
Fragments of2 unpublished leges sacrae were cut in the same Hellenisticperiod, Berkeley 1996.
script: Kos Sylloge 0575 and 0632 a-c. Benedum 1978 J. Benedum, 'Zu alten und neuen Inschriften aus
Kepha1os' ZPE 28, 1978, 67-74.
Boesch 1908 P. Boesch, Theoros: Untersuchung zur Epangelie
15. Crowther 1999, no. 9 (Fig. 50). griechischer Feste, Berlin 1908.
Dating range: mid-second century B.C. Crowther 1999 C. V. Crowther, 'Aus der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones
Clearly cut lettering with strong serifs. The top bar ofpi projects Graecae", 4: Koan decrees for foreign judges',
beyond the uprights; alpha has straight crossbar; the central
Chiron 29, 1999, 251-319.
Crowther, C.V. Crowther,.C. Habicht, L. & K. Hallof, 'Aus derAr
bar of epsilon projects almost as far as the outer bars. Phi has Habicht & beit der "In'SC:riptiones Graecae", I. Drei Dekrete aus
an extended stem.The following inscriptions appear to have Hallof 1998 Kos fur 3tlC:CWtctywyoL', Chiron 28, 1998, 87-100.
been cut in this hand: GIBM C.T. Newton, The Collection ofancient Greek inscrip
tions in the British Museum, vol. II, Oxford 1883.
Habicht 1996 C. Habicht, 'Neue lnschriften aus Kos', ZPE 1 12,
Crowther 1999, no. 9.
1996, 83-94.
!Cos, ED 131 (NS 434). This fragment of an honorific decree Habicht 2000a C. Habicht, 'Beitriige zu koischen Inschriften',
for a civic benefactor may be related to !Cos, ED 201 which Chiron 30, 2000, 291-301.
is also cut in this hand. Habicht 2000b C. Habicht, 'Zur Chronologie der hellenistischen
Eponyme von Kos', Chiron 30, 2000, 303-332.
Crowther, Habicht & Hallof 1998, no. 3 (decree for a dikasta
Hallof& L. & K. Hallof & C. Habicht, 'Aus der Arbeit der
gogos, inscribed at Halasama) Habicht 1998a "Inscriptiones Graecae", 2. Ehrendekrete aus dem
Parker & Obbink 2001b, no. 3 (regulations for a foundation Asklepieion von Kos', Chiron 28, 1998, 101-142.
established by Teleutias) Hallof& L. & K. Hallof & C. Habicht 'Aus der Arbeit der
Habicht I998b "lnscriptiones Graecae", 3. Unedierte koische
Epidosis-ListC:n', Chiron 28, 1998, 143-162.
16. Syll.' 1000 (Figs. 39-41). R. Herzog & G. Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden aus
Herzog &
Dating range: late secOnd century B.C. Klaffenbach Kos (SBBerl -1), Berlin 1952.
Irregular script; rho has a large loop, omega is almost under 1952
lined by its finials; mu is broad; alpha has a straight cross bar; Herzog 1903 R. Herzog, 'VorHi.ufiger Bericht iiber die archiiolo
zeta has a diagonal rather than vertical central stroke. The fol gische Expedition auf der Inse! Kos im Jahre 1902',
AA 1903, 1-13; ! 86-199.
lowing inscriptions appear to have been cut in this hand:
Herzog 1942 R. Herzog, 'Symbolae Calymniae et Coae', RivFil,
NS 20, 1942, 1-20.
Sy/1.3 1000 HG R. Herzog, Heilige Gesetze von Kos (AbhBerl, 6),
!Cos, ED 144 Berlin 1928.
!Cos, ED ISO (diagraphe for Herakles Kallinikos) H6ghammar K. H6ghammar, Sculpture and society. A study on
1993 the connection between thefree-standingsculpture and
!Cos, ED 195 society on Kos in the Hellenistitic and Augustan peri
Parker & Obbink 2000 (diagraphe for the priesthood of Aph ods (Boreas. Uppsala studies in ancient Mediterranean
rodite Pandamos and Pontia) and Near Eastern civilizations, 23) UPpsa!a 1993.
H6ghammar K. HOghammar, 'Honours for a Koan judge in the
1996 second century B.C.', AM I l l, 1996, 337-361.
PH 34 (foundation ofthe Pythokleia) was cut in a similar style,
!Cos M. Segre, /scrizioni di Cos 1 , Rome 1993.
although its lettering is somewhat larger. A palaeographical date !Cr Jnscriptiones creticae, opera et consilio Friderici
in the 250s or 240s for this inscription has been suggested by Halbherrcollectae (R. Istituto di archeologia e storia
Sherwin-White (Sherwin-White 1977, 2 1 4 with n. 34; cf. Sher dell'arte), 1935-50.
win-White 1978, 1 1 1 ), but the closeness of its lettering to this !.Erythrai Die fnschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai, T.1,
Nr. J-200 (lnschriften griechischer Stadte aus Klein
group ofdiagraphai suggests that a date in the middle or second
asien, l ), eds. R. Merkelbach & H. Engelma!U1, Bonn
half of the second-century would be more appropriate. 1972.
!.Magnesia Die fnschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, ed. 0.
Charles Crowther Kern, Berlin 1900.
CSAD KFF R. Herzog, Koische Forschungen und Funde, Leipzig
67 St. Giles 1899.
OXFORD OX! JLU Kokkorou G. Kokkorou-Alevras, AAdaapval. 01 emyparpit.;
Email: charles.crowther@classics.oxford.ac.uk Alevras, an:6 nJv apxcda AAdaapva rt]c; Kw J.U: iva n:a
forthcoming pdpiTJf-l rt'Uv aviKOoru.w emyparpcJv rouR. Herzog
ocJv L. Ka! K. Hal!of (Horos) (forthcoming).
Kos Sylloge K. & L. Hallof, Sylloge Jnscriptionum Coi Insulae
(preliminary catalogue of inscriptions to be included
in/GX114, 1).

Boreas 28

Vk
'>J
; >",;"'
--------------------------------------------------
30 Charles Crowther

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selectae, Leipzig & Berlin 1905. 1934, 169-193.
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1', Chiron 30, 2000, 4 1 5-449. Sherwin S.M. SherwinWhite, 'Inscriptions from Kos', ZPE 24,
Parker & R.C.T. Parker & D. Obbink, 'Aus der Arbeit der "In White 1977 1977, 205-217.
Obbink 200l a scriptiones Graecae", 7. Sales ofpriesthoods on Cos Sherwin S.M. SherwinWhite, Ancient Cos: an historical study
11', Chiron 3 1 , 2001, 229-252. White 1978 from the Dorian settlement to the imperial period (Hy
Parker & R.C.T. Parker & D. Obbink, 'Aus der Arbeit der "Jn pomnemata, 51), GOttingen 1978.
Obbink 200 I b scriptiones Gracecae", 8. Three further inscrip Sy!P W. Dittenberger, Sylloge lnscriptionum Graecarum (3rd
tions concerning Coan cults', Chiron 3 1 , 2001, ed.), Leipzig 1920.
253-275. TCal M. Segre, Tituli Calymnii (=ASAtene 22-23, N.S. 6-7,
Perlman 2000 P. Perlman, City and sanctumy in ancient Greece. 1944-45), Bergamo 1952.
The Theorodokia in the Peloponnese (Hypomne Tracy 1975 S.V. Tracy, The letteringofanAthenian mason (Hesperia
mata, 121), G6ttingen 2000. Suppl., 15), Athens 1975.
PH W.R. Paton & E.L. Hicks, The inscriptions of Cos, Tracy 1990a S.V. Tracy, Attic letter-cutters of 229 to 86 B.C. , Ber
Oxford 1891. keley, 1990.
Pugliese G. Pugliese Carratelli, '11 damos coo di Isthmos', Tracy 1990b S.V. Tracy, 'Hands in Samian Inscriptions of the He!
Carratel!i ASAtene 41-42, N.S. 25-26, 1963-1964 (pr. 1965), lenistic Period', Chiron 20, 1990, 59-96.
1963-1964 147-202. Tracy 1995 S.V. Tracy, Athenian democracy in transition. Attic
lettm-cutters of340 to 290 B.C., Berkeley 1995.

Bon:as 28

\
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 31

tic

\3,

2,

7,

4,

ly
I

7,

Fig. l. PH 7.

Boreas 28

\
32 Charles Crowther

Fig. 2. Sy/1 3 398, lines 1-9.

Fig. 3 . 1Cos, ED ?le: Athenian decree for Nikomedes.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 33

Fig. 4. /Cos, ED 49.

Boreas 28
34 Charles Crowther

Fig. 5. HG 3 .

Fig. 6 . HG 5 side B fr. B.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 35

Fig. 7. fiG 1 1 .

Fig. 8 . fiG 12.

Boreas 28
36 Charles Crowther

. ' l/\l

j()\/'\ 1 I

I Cl! i
! 1 1\l .ll\ > .
. I (l;'/j'\. . F ll.
I I:

/\l l 1/'1\1 \)i\1 ../\d\/\()/\\]

f<l\1 r'0i V'\l\l . lll<l\f'\F7\I c
.. .1) \i 'J i'<l ' Yl1V]1\J' .C> ; i"(y\\j .J I
.

Fig. 9 . LSCG 152.

Fig. 10 . Crowther 1999, no. 2B.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 37

Fig. 1 1 . !Cos, ED 190.

Boreas 28
 38 Charles Crowther

Fig. 12. Hallof & Habicht 1998b, no. 7.

Fig. 13. Asylia 25.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 39

Fig. 14. !Cos. ED 189.

Fig. 15. RC 28.

Boreas 28
 40 Charles Crowther

I!
'I
I

Fig. 16. Asylia 28.

Fig. 17. Asylia 38.

Boreas 28
 The Dating fKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 4!

Fig. 18. Boesch 1908, p. 28.

Fig. 19. !Cr I.viii.7.

Bo1-eas 28
42 Charles Crowther

Fig. 20. !Cos, ED 132.

Fig. 2 1 . Syl/ 3 590, A 1-14.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 43

Fig. 22. SEG 18, 329.

44 Charles Crowther

Fig. 23. TCal test. XII.

3
Fig. 24. Ha!!of & Habicht 1998b, no: 12 fr. a, I!. 220 (new fragment of Syll. 568).

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 45

Fig. 25. Sy/1 3 569, 11. 1-20.

,..

I
I

!
{,
., .
I

l
J

Boreas 28
 46 Charles Crowther

PH lO face D, IL 3 1 -50.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 47

Fig. 28. /Cos, EV 2.

Boreas 28
48 Charles Crowther

Fig. 29. !Cos, ED 178 A fr. B.

Fig. 30. HOghammar 1993, no. 61.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 49

Fig. 3 1 . Asylia 176, 11. 1-19.

Fig. 32. !Cos, ED 5.

Boreas 28
50 Charles Crowther

Fig. 33. !Cos, ED 216 face A, ll. 1-18.

Fig. 34. !Cos, ED 39.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 51

Fig. 35. !Cos, ED 48 face B 3.

Fig. 36. !Cos, ED 36 face B.

Boreas 28
52 Charles Crowther

Fig. 37. !Cos, ED 145 face A, ll. 18-31.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 53

Fig. 38. SEG 28, 700.

Boreas 28
54 Charles Crowther

Fig. 39. Sy/1 3 !000, Jl. 22-3 1 .

Fig. 40. Parker & Obbink 2000, ll. 3-12.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 55

Fig. 4 1 . !Cos, ED 180, 11. 13-23.

Fig. 42. !Cos, ED 1 10.

Boreas 28
56 Charles Crowther

Fig. 43. Asylia 13, Jl. 1-13.

Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 57

Fig. 44. Crowther 1999, no. 5.

Boreas 28
58 Charles Crowther

Fig. 45. Hallof & Habicht 1998b, no. 13 fr. a.

Fig. 46. Parker & Obbink 200Ib, no. 1 face A, ll. 1-14.
Boreas 28
 The Dating ofKoan Hellenistic Inscriptions 59

Fig. 47. PH 367 faces II-III.

Fig. 48. TCa/78, left edge and middle.

Boreas 28
60 Charles Crowther

Fig. 49. Crowther 1999, no. 8 fr. a.

Boreas 28 Fig. 50. Crowther 1999, no. 9.

 Christian Habicht
The Dating of the Koan Monarchoi
Abstracts
In this article absolute or closely approximate dates of the year of
office for thirty-six of the eighty-three known monarchoi, the epony
mous magistrates, are presented and discussed. They range from c.
240 to c. 175. The majority of them belong to two inscriptions, seven
to the list of victors in the Koan Asclepieia first published by Klee,
and twenty-two to TCa/ 88. A late date, c. 1 80-175, is suggested for
the important inscription PH 367-368. A list ofmonarchoi with dates
is included.
The title of the Koan eponymous magistrates was monarchos.
Those known to us are, without exception, known from in
scriptions (let me say at once that I have long considered the
view of Susan Sherwin-White that the names on the coins of
Kos are those of the monarchoi to be erroneous). In this paper
I concentrate on the Hellenistic or pre-imperial period, as not
much can be said about the two dozens of later eponyms.
Moreover, the limit will allow me to discuss only some of the
more important aspects; a fuller treatment of the whole issue
will soon be forthcoming. None of the Koan monarchoi on
record seems to be as early as the fourth century, the earliest
three (Hennonax, Sophilos and Theagoras) appear to belong
to the years around 300, that is to say, some two generations
after the synoikismos of 366. My preliminary list includes 89
names, of whom six, with broken names, could be identical
with one or the other of those with complete names. So we can
be sure of only 83 different individuals. Five of them appear
in inscriptions not yet published; they are easily identifiable
from the list.
For the first half of the third century I count just seven
monarchoi, for the century and a half after 150 down to Au
gustus just nine. Consequently, no less than 67 belong to the
century between 250 and 150, exactly two thirds of the one
hundred there once were. This comes hardly as a surprise to
anyone familiar with Koan epigraphy, as the large majority of
Hellenistic inscriptions date from the same period. Of my total
of 83, only 53 date one inscription or more (F-n:l t"oiJ eivoc; or
btl ov&pxou 't"OU eivoc;), while the remaining 30 appear
as having been in office when a boy or girl was born at the
neighboring island of Kalymnos, incorporated in Kos at the
time. These are all to be found in TCa/ 88-94.
Victor lists ofthe Asclepieia
Leaving statistics aside, I turn now to the attempt to determine,
to the degree possible, the chronology of some ofthe monarchoi.
Since there is no list (not even a partial list) of them, all the
evidence is circumstantial and therefore open tochallenge. I
have not found any direct synchronism with dated events or
dated eponyms of other cities, so that we have to make do with
internal evidence from Kos itself. Fortunately, there is a partially
preserved list ofvictors (and, for the last two festivals recorded,
of those placed second} in the musical and athletic contests of
the Greater Asclepieia that were celebrated every fifth year.
This list yields first, sequences, second exact dates for several
monarchoi. Each festival is dated by the priest, the monarchos,
and the agonothetes. For seven of these occasions the names
of the eponyms are preserved, the earliest instance being the
sixth celebration, the one preserved thereafter being the eighth
recurrence. The firSt editor, Theophil Klee in 1918, assumed
that the first festival took place in 250,1 but in 1952 Giinther
Klaffenbach established the date as spring 241.2 Invitations to
the Greek world went out in 242 and the city of Amphipolis
accepted it in the year.. 41 of King Antigonos Gonatas of
Macedonia, that is 243/2. The sixth celebration then took place
twenty years after the first, in spring 221 when Philiskos was
the.Koan monarchos, the eighth celebration, in the year of the
monarchos Parthenopaios, occurred in 2 1 3 . The monarchos for
the preceding penteteris is not known, but the record shows
that in that year Diokles, son ofLeodamas, was victorious as
mt'ic; ' Iab't.nx6c;, at the age of 16 or so.3 Since this was in the
spring of217, Diokles was born in 233. This is important, as
it was Diokles who excelled in the war against Hierapytna,
the Kpnxo<; n6icqw<; of 205/4, and who, a few years later
proposed, again in a time of war, the great subscription.4 He
was honored for his deeds by a decree whose second half was
long known,5 but whose beginning was published only recently. 6
By that time, he was a man in his early thirties.
1 Klee 1918.
2 Herzog & Klaffenbach 1952.
3 Klee 1918.
4 PH 10.
5 Syl/.3 568.
' HH&H 1998, no. 12.
Boreas 28
62 Christian Habicht
A second, somewhat better preserved pillar of that
victor list contains what is left of the victors of another eight
celebrations. Five monarchoi appear with complete or almost
complete names, two more with incomplete names, while
the remaining name of the eponym in the year of the sixth
celebration on that pillar is entirely lost. The question is whether
or not the contents of this second pillar follow those of the
first without a break in between. According to Klaus Hallof's
reconstruction, the record of one celebration is missing. Pillar
one ends with 2 1 3 , pillar two beginS not in 209, but only in
205. I cannot challenge Hallof's reasons for this assumption
on material grounds, but my problem with it is that it would
bring a victor with the ethnic Tpo:AAuxv6c; to the year 193,
when Antiochos the Great still ruledAsia Minor and when we
would expect that city still to be named Seleukeia, the name
given to it in honor of one of Antiochos' predecessors. The
natural (and common) assumption is that Tralles was renamed
Tralles only after Antiochos had withdrawn from Asia Minor,
that is, not before 189 or 188. If so, the dates on pillar 2 should
be further lowered by at least 4, more probably by 8 years.
In that case, a smaller block containing the records of the
contests for the years 209, 205 and 201 must have been lost
(unless the festival was omitted in those years that included
years of war).
I therefore propose to let the entries of the second pillar
begin in 197 (and not in 205). Several monarchoi can then be
allocated to their years of office: Etearchos 189, Zmendron
185, Aration 1 8 1 , Melankridas 173 and Thessa1os 169 with
whom the list would end (during the war ofthe Romans against
King Perseus). This arrangement can be corroborated by the
fact that the lady Kolcha was mother of a boy (&vPo<;) in
Zmendron's year (just found to be 185), and we know that
she was born in the year of Althaimenes (206/5). Zmendron
can hardly be as early as 194/3 where Hallof's reconstruction
would put him.
Some monarchoi of the third century
The victor lists, as we have just seen, yield the names of the
monarchoi of 242/1 (name incomplete), 222/1 and 2 1 4/3.
Connected with the fOundation ofthe GreaterAsklepieia in 242
is a subscription published recently by the Hallofs and myself
in Chiron.1 Among the citizens pledging money is Pasias, son
of Thessalos (coL A, L 63). The same man reappears as the
speaker of a sacred law,8 which dates from the year of the
monarchos Theukles. Theukles (Theukles I in my list) was
therefore in office some time around 240 B. C.
Next, Makareus, in office around 220. He dates a decree
of the city of Halicarnassus in honor of the Koan doctor
HerrniasY Hermias' career is well known, since he served as
public doctor in the years between 222 and 2 1 8 for the Cretan
Boreas 28
cities ofK.nossos and Gortyn (in the latter for five years) during
their war with Lyttos. Both cities honored him for his services.10
Halicarnassus bonored him while Makareus was monarchos
in Kos, but we cannot say whether Hmmias was active there
befOre or after his years in Crete. So Makareus can only be
placed somewhere in the vicinity of222 to 218.
Two other monarchoi, one the immediate successor of
the other, are known from an opisthographic stele found at
Kos." They are Hippokrates (1. 1 ), in office when the city of
Miletus requested the Koans to recognize the festival ofApollo
Didymeus as sacred and penteteric, and Philinos who dates the
Koan response to that request.12 We know from the chronology
ofthe Milesian eponyms, the stephanephoroi, recently revised
by Michael WOrrle, 13 that the festival was established some
time between 218 and 208. It follows that Hippokrates was
monarchos between these two dates, his successor Philinos
between 2 1 7 and 207.
Another pair of successive monarchoi in the late third
century are Althaimenes and Ariston, as can be seen from
JCos, ED 52. This is part of a victor list from the Dionysia at
Kos. In both years the priest of Dionysos was Diokles, son of
Leodamas, the speaker of the large subscription of202/114 and
hero of the war against king Philip V ofMacedon15 (This gives
already quite a precise indication of the dates of Althaimenes
and Ariston. In addition, Althaimenes was archetheoros in
Delos in 198. Furthermore, Ariston was the eponym at the
beginning of the Cretan War, 205/4, when the Koans voted to
build warships "for the protection of the sanctuaries, the city
and its territory."16 Ariston, then, was the eponym of 205/4,
Althaimenes of 206/5.
The Koan eponyms in TCal 88
The text ofthis important inscription has been published and
discussed by Mario Segre.17 As he demonstrated, it contains
a list of Kalymnians who were registered as new citizens
of Kos and distributed among the Koan tribes. Listed are
only women and boys and girls under age, or rather, as I
was informed by Kerstin H6ghammar who has also studied
' HH&H 1998. 142, no. 24.
" HG 8 , A 1 .
9 !Cos, ED. l32.
10 !Cr I, 6 1 , no. 7; IV, 168.
11 Sy!J.3 590.
12 Sy!U 590, initial note.
13 WOrrle 1988, 432-437.
14 PH 10.
15 Syl/.3568, enlarged by HH&H 1998, 1 16, no. 12.
16 /Cos, BD 49.
17 TCa!.

ing monarchoi mentioned in this inscription, young women
!:;,1 0 having reached puberty, were not yet married. For
!OS individual the year of birth is indicated by the name
re the monarchos then in charge. These are the eponyms
be Kos, not of Kalymnos. Segre has also shown that the
of this inscription is very close to the year 180, since
of l{olcha, born in 206, is already the mother of three. I do
at accept these findings of Segre, but disagree with his opinion
of that these Kalymnians were registered as Koan citizens only
lo then, after the war of Antiochos. This must, in fact, have
1e happened earlier when Kalymnos was first absorbed by Kos
:y through the original homopoliteia, before this junction was
id dissolved by king Philip V in 201 and before it was, soon
thereafter, reestablished as documented by the preserved
&rcoxa-r&a-raatc; -r&c;; 6f.1orcoAnetac;.18
S Now, TCa/88 -names 22 monarchoi. From c. 180 this takes
us back to 202 which means that by that time K.alymnos was
d already an integral part of the Koan state. The earliest of the
1 22 that we can date takes us even a few more years back. He
t is Hippokrates, in office some year between 2 1 8 and 20817
f (Section 2). It follows that the original homopoliteia occurred
l in 20817 at the latest. It also follows that all those recorded as
born in the year of a Koan monarchos should be recognized
as citizens ofKos, not ofKalyrrmos.
The 22 monarchoi of the document can be divided into
two groups, an earlier group, in whose years those were born
who in c. ISO were already married women (yuva'ixec;), and
a later group under which those were born who in c. 180 were
still under age (napfrevot, &v11Pot, once E'I'TJPOs). To the
first group belong 7 monarchoi, including the just mentioned
Hippokrates of 20817 or earlier, and Althaimenes of 206/5,
furthermore Damatrios, Dion, Eukarpos, Leukippos and
Zopyrion. Fifteen others form the later group and they include
Zmendron of 186/5, already fixed with the help of the victor
list. I put the monarchos Nikagoras at the threshold between
the two groups, since of the two boys born during his year of
office one was already eq>1'JPOs, the other still &vTJPos. On
our assumption that TCal 88 is from 180, Nikagoras was the
monarchos of c. 198/7. Close to him was Eutychidas, since
Phanodika born during his tenure of office appears among the
married women, 19 whereas three other individuals, likewise
born in his year, are still registered as umarried girls. So
I 97/6 would seem to be a suitable year for him. During his
year of office the Koan doctor Anaxippos was honored by a
deme decree.20
This leaves room for the five monarchoi of the earlier
group not yet assigned to certain years between 207/6 (or
a little earlier) and 1 99/8, nine years (or a few more), for
which four years are already occupied by Althaimenes 206/5,
Ariston 205/4, Theukles 203/2 and Nikomedes 202/ l . One of
the five from TCa/88 was Leukippos, 199/8 or a little earlier.
With him is Theudoros connected who was his successor,
since a document from Theudoros' year refers several times
to Leukippos' year.21 Theudoros need not be Leukippos'
The Dating ofthe Koan Monarchoi 63
immediate successor. In Theudoros' year damage from an
earthquake was repaired: undoubtedly the big and well-known
event of 1 98.22 For all 22 eponyms of TCal 88 approximate
dates can be found within very or relative short parameters:
all belong to the years 207-180, seven to the years before
199, fifteen to the years between 198 and 180, and some can
be assigned precise years with the help of the victor-list and
the earthquake of 198.
The eponyms of PH 367-368 and !Cos,
ED 234
Among the most important inscriptions of Kos are the two
documents from Halasarna, PH 367-368, republished by
Pugliese Carratelli.23 First comes a decree to reinscribe the
citizens who in Halasama have a share in the cults of Apollo
and Herakles, then follows the list ofthose citizens itself, with
the members of the. three tribes inscribed the ones after the
others (Dymanes, Hy!leis, Pamphyloi). Within each tribe the
individuals are listed xat& yp&f.lj.la, those whose names begin
with Alpha first, and so on. Reinscribing had been considered
necessary since the names in the old list had become difficult
to read (Ouoe1tt yvWo-ro<;). All individuals are listed by name,
father's name, mother's name and the name of the mother's
father. Although stbstantial parts of the stone are missing, the
list still contains 179 individuals (each with his three relatives).
Decree and list belong together, and one eponym, Pra[ximen]es,
dates them both.
Scholars these days hold him to be a contemporary of
Nikomedes, who dates the large subscription of202/l .24 Paton,
however, in his edition had dated the text some 20 to 25 years
later/5 and I suggest that he was right and that it dates from the
years 1 80 to 175, that is to say, from the same years as TCa/ 88.
What are my reasons? From the names and affiliations alone it
is not possible to decide one way or the other. There are three
individuals who appear both in the list and in the subscription of
202/1, but also four others a generation apart from those named
in 202/ 1 , This ambivalence becomes even more transparent
orice we see that the list contains no fewer than 32 citizens
who according to their names and patronymics were certainly
1 6 pairs of fathers and sons. It follows that the document
18
Staatsvertriige, 545.
19 TCa/ 88, 65.
20 SEG 27, 5 1 3 .
21 1Cos,ED 178, 1 , 28, 3 1 .
22 Habicht 1996, 88 and n. 28.
23 P-C 1 963--64, no. 26 A-B.
24 So Pugliese Carrate!li, S. Shcrwin-White and most recently L.
Migeotte.
25 See PH.
Boreas 28
 64 Christian Habicht

associates people whose birth dates lay 30 to 40 years apart. who in 201 B.C. served as napoias and proposed, jointly with
This observation on this very text has already prompted Erich his two colleagues two politically relevant decrees during that
Preuner in 1894 to warn against premature conclusions.26 year: Syll. 3 568 (with the beginning just published in Chiron28)
Help comes from another document, the list of victors at in honor ofDiokles son ofLeodamas and Sylf.3 569 in honor
the Dionysia, published by Segre in 1993 (/Cos, ED 234) and ofTheukles son of Aglaos.
thoroughly discussed by Paola Ceccarelli.27 She has shown that If I am right that the two twindocuments from Halasama
the three successive monarchoi in that list, Philistos, Theudoros are to be dated 25 to 30 years later, this then affects the dates
11 and Leukippos ll, all belong to the years between 190 and of all persons named therein, more than 500. As I said before,
180, and I have come independently to that same conclusion. my evidence for all that is circumstantial and can be chal
There appears (in I. 12), in the year ofPhilistos, Themistokles lenged. I am, however, mildly confident that my conclusions
son of Chairedamos, as xopay6c;. for the tribe of Dymanes. will stand up.
That same person reappears in the list from Halasarna under
the name Themistokles son ofDiokles, whose natural father is Christian Habicht
Chairedamos (no. 41: 8eJ.U.O-"t"oxAijc;, LiwxAeiJs, xo:-r& <pUm.v Institute for Advanced Study
School of Historical Research
oe Xo:tpet'S&j..!OU). This must be of a later date than the victor
Olden Lane
list, after Themistokles had been adopted by Diokles. The two Princeton, New Jersey 08 540
documents from Halasama are therefore later than that victor Email: habicht@ias.edu
list ofthe Dionysia, and the monarchos Praximenes (who dates
the documents from Halasama) must be later than the three
monarchoi ofthat victor list (Philistos, Theudoros II, Leukippos
II). If this seems established, it then follows that the citizen no. 26 Preuner 1.894, 543.
78 (col. Ill, 77) in the list from Halasama, Polymnastos son of 27 Ccccarelli 1995, esp. 300-305.
Nossylos, was clearly the son ofNossylos, son ofPolymnastos, 2 HH&H 1998, no. 12.

Appendix 1

Monarchoi. Alphabetical Index

"Ay"Aaoc; c. 195/192 TCa/ 88, 41 , 46

' A"Asl;- c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, B 6
, A"A6a.ivc; Avlipoo6ivouc; c. 206/5 !Cos ED 52, I ; P-C 1963-64, no. 27, 3;
TCal 88, 52. 59
'Avcimrro c. 175/150 TCa/ 90, A 4
' ApaTlc.vv Aualrrrrou 182/1 K!ee 1918, 12, 69
'Apt&fKnc; c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 13.94, A 4
'Ap10 c. 175/150 TCa/ 90, B 8
' AptaTa- c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 7
, AplaTt rrrroc c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, B 19
'AplaTlc.vv c. 195/192 TCal 88, 43-44
'ApioToK"Aslliac; c. 195/192 TCal 88, 75; !Cos ED 239, I
' ApioTovoc after 150 TCa/ 92, 9
'Ap1oTo<jlavc; c. 190 PH 383, 2; TCa/ 88, 78
'Aplonuv I. 'ApiOTOKAsllia c. 205/4 !Cos ED 2, 1.52, 14; !Cos ED 49.1;
TCa/ 89, A 34; 9, A 6
'AploTwv 11. c. 175/150 TCal 89, A 23; B 8
' AoTUVofJOC c. 190/175 TCa/ 88, 95
fiaw.hp1oc c. 210/195 TCa/ 88, 32
ilEIViac; after 150 KFF 210, I
filc.vv c. 210/195 P-C 1963, no. 6, I ; TCa/ 88, 38
' EKan)Oc.vpoc; c. 190/175 PH 406, I?; TCa/ 88, 88; 90, B 10
' E pwval; c. 301/286 TCa/19, B 24

Boreas 28

-- - --- --- !..-----__,....!

:.:.,
 The Dating ofthe Koan Monarchoi 65

titb ' ETiapxoc: M 1 Ku8ou 190/189 Klee 1918, 8, 3

hat EvcipaT<x; ' Axe>.wiou c. 1751150 PH 125, 1-4; TCa/ 89, A 21
EvKapmx: c. 210/195 TCa/ 88, 54
'" )
J.or Evsie''' c. 190/175 TCa/ 88, 107
Ethux!Oac; c. 197/6 SEG 27, 513, 1 ; TCa/ 88, 64.80.85. 100;
na 89, A 19
tes Ziv8pwv l:.roi8ovT<x; 1 86/5 Klee 1918, 10, 36; TCa/ 88, 93
re, Zwrrupkuv c. 210/195 TCa/ 88, 67
>1- Zwrrupoc; c. 175/150 TCal 89, A 2; 89, B 3
ns 'HpaKAE mx: ' Ayr"\Topoc after !50 !Cos EV 32, 1
0apot KpcXT<; c. 200 !Cos ED 146, I
ea- c. 200/175 P-C 1963-64, no. 9, 1-2
Gwyopac; c. 300 Jned. JG 280, 27; 34; 62
Gq..ttOTOKXJ1c; c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 30
0woal.oc 0eaoal.ou 170/69 Klee 1918, 15, 73
0eu8wpoc I. c. 196/5 !Cos ED 178, A I
eau8cupoc 1 1 . EvKpiTou c. 190/180 !Cos ED 234, 18; TCa/ 88, 17; 105
0euKXi\c; I. c. 240 HG 8, I
0EUKA\ic; 11. 'AptoT c. 203/2 !Cos EV 2, I
0paOUKA\i<: c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 5
' lrrrroKpaTT]c 218/208 Syll.' 590. 1 ; TCal 88, 20; 57
K>.eoflpoToc after 150 Ined. JG 879, 4
Kl.ewuui8w; c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, B 26
AaEpTac; c. 2101200 P-C 1963-64, no. 26 B, VIII 43
AeovTIOeuc; c. 195/175 TCa/ 88, 83. 102
AeUKtrrrroc I. c. 2001!95 !Cos ED 178, 28; TCal 88, 49
AEUK11T1TOC I I. ' Ayl.ciou c. 190/180 !Cos ED 234, 25
Auaavlo:c; c. 175/150 TCal g9, B 14
Mo:Kcipeuc; c. 220 NS 438, I
MsAavKplOat; 'AptcrToOch..tou 174/3 Klee 1918, 14, 4
MsvoiTtOC I c. 250/240 !Cos ED 145, 13. 38. 48.
MevoiTtoc II c. 175/150 TCa/ 93, B 4
Moaxiwv c. 195/192 TCa/ 88, 14.73
N[-l after 150 Syll.3 1012, I
Nrwyopw; I. c. 198/7 TCal 88, 98.1 10
NrKayopac; 11. EUOci)JOU after 150 !Cos ED 154, I
NtKiac; c. 175/!50 TCa/ 90, B 6
NrKoac: c. 202/1 PH 10, a I ; !Cos ED 206, I ; TCa/ 89, B
8-9
NrKo<jJpwv c. 200 Syll.' 1 107, 1
Tiap8svorro:\oc ::: evoOiKou 21413 Klee 1918, 7, 22
ITapj..levloKoc; I. c. 175/150 TCa/ 92, 7
TiapEUlOKO<; 11. after !50 !Cos ED 180, 1-2
TieloioTpO:TOS s. Ill' Jned. IG 634, A 2-3. 10
Tipa(l;riu]c C. 175 P-C 1963-64, no. 26 B, I 1-2
nueo- c. 280 !Cos ED 226, I
ITu86vtKoc; c. 175 HH&H 1998, no. 26
LW<jJIAOC c. 305/285 !Cos ED 57, 3
Tcixtrrrroc c. 200 PH 64 (rev. Bull. epigr. 1942, 128)
Triac; ?? Ined. IG 730, I
TtOKA- c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, B 33
Tta- c. 175/150 TCa/ 90, A 9
<t>alvmrroc after 150 PH 384, 1 ; HH&H 1998, no. 1

Boreas 28
66 Christian Habicht

<i>avoaxoc c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 32

<!>tXivo<:: I. 217/207 Syll. 3 590, initial note
<i>tAivoc 11. c. 195/175 TCa/ 88, 90; 89, A 15; B 21; 9 1, 6
<!>t\ioKoc I. EwToliwpou 222/1 Klee 1918, 6, 15
<Dt\ioKoc 1 1 . NtKoaxou after 150 PH 34, 3; 13; SEG 4 1 , 680, I
<Di\toToc K\nvayopa c. 190/180 !Cos ED 234, 6
<DtAc.has s. Ill' lned. JG 728, I ; 23
<i>uAOTI OC s. Ill HG 14, I
Xwpiliaoc s. 11' lned. IG 616, 41; 42
xapEvo<:: c. 1951192 TCa/ 88, 70
Xapilia<:: c. 170 !Cos BD 216, l . JO. l l ; lned. JG 625,1
XpnoTiwv after 150 !Cos BD 141, I
civwp s. Ill lned. IG 54, I
-lcuv s. lP TCa/ 89, A 27
-TO( c. 175/150 TCa/ 89, A 25
0 Oslva AuK- 194/3 Klee 1918, 1 1 , 57
6 6Eiva <i>tA 242/1 Klee 1918, 4, 2
-q1,19- s. Ill' HG 14, 9

Appendix 2

Mon11rchoi. Chronology

c. 300/250 ' Epwvaf;, 8wyopa<;, TIEtoioTpaTOC, nueo-, LW<j>IAO<;, -ao

c. 250/240 MsvolTt<Y; L
24211 0 Oe\va <DtA-
c. 240 8wKAii<:: I.
222/1 <PtAloKOC ' EK(XTo0c0pou
c. 220 Mo:Kcipeuc
214/3 Tio:p8svono:toc:; .':svoO!Kou
218/08 ' lrrrroKpchllS
217/07 <!>t\ivoc I .
c. 210/200 Ao:EpTo:c; (Date according to H. Ingvaldsen from coins)
c. 206/5 'AAewivn<::' Avopooeivou<::
c. 205/4 'ApicrTwv I. 'AptcrTOKAEilia
c. 20312 8EuKAii<:: 1 1 . 'AptcrT-
c. 202/1 NtKOr\on<:: IIEwli6avToc
c. 200 eapmKpciTnc:, NtKo<j>pwv, TaxllTrroc
c. 210/195 .6.a!lchptoc, .6.iwv, EUKo:pnor;,. Zcurruplwv
c. 200/195 J\sUKtrrTTOC I.
s. Ill <i>uAOTIOC, -avwp
c. 250/200 <DtAc..hw;
c. 198/7 NtKayopac 1.
c. 197/6 EUTuxlOo:c;
c. 196/5 e,uliwpoc I.
c. 1951192 "AyAaoc; ,' Apto:Tiwv,' ApwToKAelOa(:, Moaxkvv, Xcipj1EVOC1
194/3 6 O{!vo: AuK-
190/89 ' ETiapxo<:: MtKuBou
186/5 Z11EvOpcuv 1.1tollEOovToc;
c. 1901180 8Euliwpo<:: 11. EuKpiTou, IIEuKt rrrroc 11. 'Ay\aou, <Di\tcrTo<:: K\nvayopa
c. 200/175 8E-

Boreas 28
 The Dating of the Koan Monarchoi 67

c. !90 'AploTo<j>avr, (Kolcha, born 206, gives birth)

c. !95/175 ' EKo:T00wpos, AsovTtOeUs, CDtX'tvcx; I L
c. !90/175 ' AoTuvooc, Eui;l8e'' (Eui;l8e" at least 15 years younger than EuKaprroc)
!82/1 'Apcnlwv Auoi mrou
c. 175/150 MsvoiTtOC n.
c. 175 npa[i;,iv]r,, nu86v,Kor,
174/3 MeAavKp!Oo:s 'AptaToOd!lou
170/69 8wao:A0s 8eocro:AoU
c. 170 Xaplliar,
c. 200/150 Xo:tpEOo:-toc:, -lwv
c. 175/150 ' AI-el;-, ' Aval;mrroc, 'ApllieiKn<:,' Ap1o-,' AploTa-,' ApioTIITrroc,' ApioTwv 1 1 . ,
EUcipcncx;:, ZWrrupoc, 8EIJtOToKA'i)c:, 8paauKAc, KAswvut.tiOac, 1\uao:vio:c;, NtKlac,
napevloKOC, TiOKA-, T!o-, <llavoaxoc, -TOC (19)
after !50 'ApiaTovcx;, f::.s tv!o:c;; HpdKAstTcx;:' Ayr1Topoc;, KAe61Jf3poTos, N-, N tKo:Yopac 11.
Euliaou, napevioKOC 1 1 . , <lla ivmrro<;; , <ll ! AiOKO', 11. N !KOaxou, XpnoTiwv (10)
incert. Tt iJEac;:

90 monarchoi

I Note that not all five, plus the monarchos of 194/3, can be accomodated within the four years indicated.

Bibliography
Ceccarelli 1995 P. Ceccarelli, 'Le dithyrambe et la pyrrhique. A
propos de la nouveUe liste de vainqueurs aux Dio
nysies de Cos (Segre, ED 234)', ZPE 108, 1995,
287-305.
Habicht 1996 C. Habicht, 'Review ofM. Segre, Jscrizioni di Cos',
ZPE 1 12, 1996, 83-94.
HH&H 1998 K. Hallof, L. HaHof & Chr. Habicht, 'Aus der Arbeit
der "Inscriptiones Graecae", 2: Ehrendekrete aus dem
Asklepieion von Kos', Chiron 28, 1998, 101-142.
HG R. HerLog, Heilige Gesetze von Kos, Berlin 1928.
!Cos M. Segre, lscrizioni di Cos, Roma 1993.
ICr lnscriptiones creticae, opera et consilio Friderici
Halbherr collectae (R. Istituto di archeologia e storia
dell'arte), ed. M. Guarducci, Roma 1935-50.
Herzog & R. Herzog & G. Klaft'enbach, Asylieurkunden aus
Klaffenbach Kos (AbhBerl, 1952:1), Berlin 1952.
1952
KFF R. HerLog, KoischeForschungen undFunde, Leipzig
1899.
Kiee 1918. T. Klee, Zur Geschichte der gymnischen Agone an
griechischen Festen, Leipzig 1918.
NS A. Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrafica di Rodi e Cos,
Firenze 1925.
PH W.R. Paton & E.L. Hicks, The inscriptions of Cos,
Oxford 1891.
Preuner 1 894 E. Preuner, 'Datierungen griechischer Inschriften
des II Jhr. v. Chr.', Bermes 29, 1 894, 530-555.
P-C 1963--64 G. Pugliese-Carratelli, ,Il damos coo di Isthmos',
ASAtene 41-42, N.S. 25-26, 1963--64, 147-202.
Sherwin S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos. An historical study
White 1978 from the Dorian settlement to the Imperial period
(Hypomnemata, 51), GOttingen 1978.
Staatsvertriige H.H. Schmitt, Die Staatsvertriige des Altertums, T.
3, Die Vertriige der griechisch-riJmischen Welt von
338 bis 200 v.Chr., Munich 1969.
TCal M. Segrc, 'Iituli Calymnii (= ASAtene 22-23, N.S.
6-7, 1944-45), Bergamo 1952.
WOrrle 1988 M.WOrrle, 'Inschriften von Herakleia am Latmos,
1 . Antiochos IlL, Zeuxis und Herak!eia', Chiron 18,
1988,421-470

Borr:as 28
 Kerstin Hoghammar

The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars:

Questions of Date and Stylistic Development

Abstract
In this paper I shaH discuss the dating of six Koan, cylindrical, funer
azy altars, basing my investigation on the inscriptions that give us
the names of the deceased. Four were chosen, as the names in them
also occur in other inscriptions and thus offer us the opportunity to
establish probable dates (in the first half of the second century B.C.)
for the altars. In this context, the date of the Halasamitan inscription
Pugliese-Caratelli 1963, 26/PH 367/368, will be reviewed at some
length and a date of c. 185 is suggested for it. The dates of the remain
ing two inscriptions will be based mainly on palaeographical criteria
and are less secure. The absolute dates obtained, the first we have for
altars found on Kos, will be used to question someofDietrich llerges'
conclusions concerning the dates and stylistic development of this
group in his recently published volume on Koan altars and to sug
gest alternative ones, i.e. that altars of varying quality were produced
concurrently throughout most of the entire period of production. I
shall also touch very briefly upon the economic importance that the
production of these altars must have had.

The article staiiS with a presentation of the four altirs which

can be dated more closely by epigraphical and prosopographical
criteria. Then follows a discussion of the date of the inscrip
tion Pug1iese-Caratelli 1963, 26B, from Halasama, which
most probably provides a terminus post quem for two of these
altars. The next section deals with the remaining two altars,
previously presented in more detail by Berges in his 1996
volume. Following this comes a critical discussion ofBerges'
conclusions on the stylistic development and chronology of also appear in the important Halasarnitan inscription Pugliese
this type of altar, ending with a conclusion in which I present Carrate!li 1963, no. 26B ( PH 368), henceforth Pu-Ca 1963,
an alternative view. A short appendix on the export of Koan 268, and the altars belong to roughly the same period, the
altars concludes the article. names should refer to the same persons and thus the date of
Pu-a 1963, 26B would give us the terminus post quem for
these two funerary monurnents.1
The first altar is that of Timachidas, son of Pausanias,
Altars Nos. I to 4 the second that of Nikarchos, son of Timonax, and the third
that of Damokles, son of Nikarchos.2 The fourth is a re-used
The first four altars may be approximately dated according to
epigraphical and prosopographical criteria. Nos. 1 to 3 come
from Antimachia or Kardarnena, i.e. they are from the area
of ancient Halasarna, and No. 4 was found at the village of 1 The fact that these inscriptions come from the same local deme makes

Zipari about 9 km from Kos town. The inscriptions of Nos. -1
and 2 were published in the early twentieth century and they
have been dated by S. Sherwin-White (1978) to the second
century B.C. (onomastikon). As the names of the deceased
it just about certain that the names belong to the same persons. There
is, however, also a possibility that they are related to one another as
grandfather and grandson.
2 I am much obliged to Prof. G. Kokkorou-Aievras for allowing me to
present the altar of Damokles, son ofNikarchos.

Boreas 28
 Kerstin Hoghammar

The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars:

Questions of Date and Stylistic Development

Abstract
In this paper I shall discuss the dating of six Koan, cylindrical, funer
ary altars, basing my investigation on the inscriptions that give us
the names of the deceased. Four were chosen, as the names in them
also occur in other inscriptions and thus offer us the opportunity to
establish probable dates (in the first half of the second century B. C.)
for the altars. In this context, the date ofthe Halasamitan inscription
Pugliese-Caratelli 1963, 26/PH 367/368, will be reviewed at some
length and a date of c. 185 is suggested for it. The dates ofthe remain
ing two inscriptions will be based mainly on palaeographical criteria
and are less secure. The absolute dates obtained, the first we have for
altars found on Kos, wil! be used to question some ofDietrich Berges'
conclusions concerning the dates and stylistic development of this
group in his recently published volume on Koan altars and to sug
gest alternative ones, i.e. that altars of varying quality were produced
concurrently throughout most of the entire period of production. I
shall also touch very briefly upon the economic importance that the
production of these altars must have had.

The article starts with a presentation of the four altius which

can be dated more closely by epigraphical and prosopographical
criteria. Then follows a discussion of the date of the inscrip
tion Pugliese-Caratelli 1963, 26B, from Halasarna, which
most probably provides a terminus post quem for two of these
altars. The next section deals with the remaining two altars, Fig. I . Cylindrical altar No. 1. Photograph D. Bosnakis.
previously presented in more detail by Berges in his 1996
volume. Following this comes a critical discussion ofBerges'
conclusions on the stylistic development and chronology of also appear in the important Halasamitan inscription Pugliese
this type of altar, ending with a conclusion in which I present Can-atelli 1963, no. 26B (PH 368), henceforth Pu-Ca 1963,
an alternative view. A short appendix on the export of Koan 26B, and the altars belong to roughly the same period, the
altars concludes the article. names should refer to the same persons and thus the date of
Pu-Ca 1963, 26B would give us the terminus post quem for
these two funerary monuments.1
The first altar is that of Timachidas, son of Pausanias,
Altars Nos. 1 to 4 the second that of Nikarchos, son of Timonax, and the third
that ofDamokles, son ofNikarchos.2 The fourth is a re-used
The first four altars may be approximately dated according to
epigraphical and prosopographical criteria. Nos. 1 to 3 come
from Antimachia or Kardamena, Le. they are from the area
of ancient Halasama, and No. 4 was found at the village of 1 The fact that these inscriptions come from the same local deme makes

Zipari about 9 km from Kos town. The inscriptions of Nos. -1
and 2 were published in the early twentieth century and they
have been dated by S. Sherwin-White (1978) to the second
century B.C. (onomastikon). As the names of the deceased
it just about certain that the names belong to the same persons. There
is, however, also a possibility that they are related to one another as
grandfather and grandson.
2 I am much obliged to Prof. G. Kokkorou-Alevras for allowing me to
present the altar ofDamokles, son ofNikarchos.

Boreas 28
70 Kerstin Hoghammar
altar with two inscriptions, one clearly late, the other surely
the earlier, original one, with just the name of the deceased,
Kallippidas, son ofKallippidas. Below follows a presentation
of these altars.
1 . Tq.taxfoac; ITauaavfa (Figs. 1 and 2)
Cylindrical altar ofwhite coarse-grained marble decorated with
boucrania and plain, undecorated garlands. Ht 0.61 m; Diam.
0.58 m. HL. 30 mm. The boucrania have been deliberately cut
away. Autopsy July 2000.
Support for the holy table in the church ofAgia Paraskeui at
Antimachia.
Herzog, KFF, no. 1 84, p. 123; I. E. Volanaki, Ta KQaxd 3,
1989, 8 1 ; SEC 45, 1995, no. 1 1 19.
Lettering: The letters are cut with clear, but fairly thin lines.
They are clearly apicated and generally broad in appearance.
Where two lines meet, there is often a small, round hole. The
oblique lines are slightly curved. The alpha has a broken cross
bar. The second hasta ofthe mu is slightly shorter than the first.
The oblique stroke of the nu meets the second hasta almost
one third of the way above the bottom line. The second hasta
of the pi is somewhat shorter than the first. The horizontal top
line protrudes to the right and is clearly apicated at its end. The
oblique strokes of the ypsilon meet at a high point which gives
the vertical stroke a length of about two-thirds of the letter.
Date: The general appearance of the letters is reminiscent of
Hoghammar 1993, no. 61, securely dated to the end ofthe third
century. These similarities suggest a date between c. 200 and
150, as the almost full-length, second hasta of the pi does not
agree with a date in the late third century.
Herzog identifies the deceased with a person appearing in an
other inscription and writes; "Der Verstorbene ist wohl iden
tisch mit Ttf..LIXXLOcu; IIauaavia f..LIX-rpOc; 0 Auxoupy{Oac;
'"' Atlxwvo<;, PH 368 VII.28ff." He also notes that the alpha
has a broken cross-bar but gives no date.
Sherwin-White ( 1978) dates the name to 2nd century B. C.?
in her onomastikon.
A date c. 200 is given in SEC 45: "[The date is suggested by
the relation of TLf.L. IXXiOac; ITauaavia with Auxoupylc; and
IIcwaavia<; Ttftaxioa inASAA25/26 (1963/64) 198 no. XXVI
B VII 29 PH 368, Chaniotis]." Here a mistake has been made,
the proper name and the patronymikon have changed places. As
Herzog noted, the deceased and the person in Pu-Ca 1963, 26
must be the same, considering that both Timachidas and Pausa
nias are rare names in Kos. These two occurrences are the only
ones in Sherwin-White's onomastikon (1978). This means that
the grave altar is later than PH 368. The date of the altar is thus
dependent on the date of Pu-Ca 1963, 26B. Compare also with
Kokkorou-Aievras, 'Mdoap vaI (in press), no. 10.1 1-12 where
the same name occurs. As I date Pu-Ca 1963, 26B to c. 185 B.C.
(see below), I place the altar in the period c. 185-150.
Boreas 28
Fig. 2. Cylindrical altar No. l. Inscription. Photograph D. Bosnakis.
2. Nfxcxpxoc; / [Tt]f.L<,lvax-ro<;
Cylindrical grave altar in marble found in the ruins of the
chapel of Agios Giorgos outside Kardamena. This chapel has
been rebuilt and the altar is now set into the floor next to a wall
and has been whitewashed. Only 0.53 m of it is visible above
the floor-leveL The circumference reported by Maiuri in 1925
(the diameter is ilot given), 1 .40 m, gives a diameter of0.446
m. This is 4.6 cm larger than the measurement I took in July
2000. The difference, however, is not big enough to make
me believe that the altar I saw is not the same as Maiuri 687.
There are remains of rosettes belonging to an upper, decorative
frieze, 9 cm high. Apart from this, there appears to have been
no further relief decoration. No traces of letters were discern
ible, but as almost 30 cm of the altar is below the floor-level,
the inscription may be invisible today. On the upper side, there
is a depression 6.5 cm in diameter and 6 cm deep. Ht 0.8 m
(Maiuri); Diam. 0.4 m. Autopsy July 2000.
Maiuri 1925, no. 687.
Lettering: The lettering, as presented in Maiuri's volume, shows
apication and a small omikron and a small, open omega placed
above the bottom line. The alpha has a straight cross-bar. The
omicron and omega may be compared with HOghammar 1993,
nos. 41, 61 and 62. The first ofthese probably dates from c. 200
to the early second century, and the last two are datable to the
late third century. Thus, these particular letter-forms indicate a
date in the late third/early second centwy for No. 2. The other
characteristics of the letter-fonns fit well within the first half
of the second century.
Date: Sherwin-White (1978) dates this inscription to the second
century B.C.
The name Nikarchos is a common one at Halasarna; most of
the 32 entries in Sherwin-White's onomasticon are from there.
Only one of all the entries is clearly dated after 150 B. C. and

Fig. 3. Cylindrical altar No. 3 . Photograph Fig. 4. Cylindrical altar No. 3. Inscription. Photograph K. HOghammar.
K. H6ghammar.
that inscription is from the Augustan period. 3 Timonax is a
much rarer name with only six entries in SherwinMWhite, the
present one not included. Five ofthe six come from Halasarna,
four ofthem occur in Pu-Ca 1963, 26B and one in a dedication
(Maiuri 1925, 675) datable to c. 200. The sixth occurs in the
epidosis PH 10 from 202/201 . That both names, with just one
rare exception, appear in inscriptions dating to c. 200-150
increases the likelihood that No. 2 belongs to the same period,
palaeographic criteria admitting it.
Maiuri notes that a Nxapxoc; Tt.fJ.Wvaxtoc; also occurs in
Pu-Ca 1963, 26B. VIII.31-32. There are at least two genera
tions (two sets ofbrothers) of this family listed in the inscrip
tion, and the name Nikarchos, the son ofTimonax, belongs to
the younger of them. There is possibly one more generation
represented in the person, Damokrates, the son ofNikarchos.
His exact relationship to the others cannot be ascertained. The
funerary altar should thus date from the period c. 1 85-140.
3. Ll.afioxAeu -roil Ntx&pxou (Figs. 3 and 4)
Cylindrical grave altar with boucrania and garlands, now among
the marbles in the plot ofPateraTsangarouli, probably brought
there in the gathering of ancient marbles at Kardamena.4 Ht
0.785 m; Diam. 0,645 m; HL 2.5 cm. Autopsy July 2000.
KokkorouAlevras, 'AAtiaapva I (in press), no. 17.
Lettering: The letters are clearly cut and have pronounced apices.
Most lines are very slightly curved. Where two lines meet, there
is often a small, round hole. The omikron is somewhat smaller
than the other letters and placed above the bottom line. The
The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 71
alpha has a broken cross-bar. The oblique strokes of the kappa
almost reach the top and bottom lines. The second hasta of the
nu does not quite reach the bottom line. The oblique strokes of
the ypsilon meet fairly high up, which gives the vertical stroke
a length of half or mqre than half of the letter.
Date: The general appearance of the letters is fairly close to that
ofHoghammar 1993, no. 63, securely dated to the end of the
third century. A date in the early to middle part of the second
century is thus feasible.
Damokles, the son of Nikarchos, also appears in another in
scription, no 4, in the same volume by G. Kokkorou-Alevras,
and dated by her to the first half of the second ceritury. A
'
Nikarchos, the son ofDamokles, appears in PH 387 from An
timachia, not far from Halasarna, together with his brothers
Damokritos and Aristos.
The man Damokles, conunemorated by a grave altar, should
be either the father ofNikarchos, the son of Damokles, in PH
387, or his son. As Nikarchos' younger brother Damokritos
was active as lochagos, probably in the wars 206/5-201/0,
Nikarchos must have been a grown man c. 200. If Damokles
on the funerary altar was the son ofNikarchos in PH 387, he
would thus probably have been a grown man during the first
half of the second century and be expected to have died in
the middle or early second half of the century. The date of
the altar should thus be c. 150. If he, instead of being the son,
3 One entry in the onomasticon is taken from a series oftetrobols dated
by Kro!l ( 1964) to 145-88 B.C. I disagree with Krol!'s dating and
believe the series to have started perhaps c. 175, maybe even earlier.
4 Kokkorou-Alevras, (in press), no. 17.
Boreas 28
72 Kerstin Hoghammar
was the father ofNikarchos, the son ofDamokles, in PH 387,
less likely for prosopographical reasons concerning Kokkorou
Alevras, no. 4, his death should lie at the very beginning of
the second century.
4. KaU(nmoa KaUmn(oa
Large, circular altar with boucrania and garlands. Found at
Zipari. Ht 1.12 m; Diam. 0.61 m; HL 4 cm. Squeeze, now
lost. (Information from notes by Herzog kindly supplied by
K. Hallof.) No autopsy.
Below the above text is a second one; ' 0 O&j.Loc; 6 <l>utw/
1:&v -rO o&jla ' AnoA./.Jo<p&vt Kani't'wvoc; /x:cd EAn(Ot
EKaLcdou /nj.l&c; Kat jlV&jlac; lx&ptv.
Herzog notes: "Rechts von Weg, jetzt zur Strassenwalte
gemacht durch Abmeisselung der Profile und der Girlanden
etc." About the inscription PH 327b (No. 4), he noted "Nicht
mehr auf dem Stein, scheint mit der ZerstOmng der hervor
ragenden Teile verschwunden zu sein."
Pante!idis !890, 296f., no. I ; PH 327b.
Lettering: The transcription of the lettering of the two inscrip
tions given by Pantelidis in BCH 14, 296 appears to be difficult
to trust, as the longer inscription is given in a completely differ
ent style by Paton in PH 327a. The latter gives no transcription
of the name Kallippidas Kallippida.
Date: Sherwin-White ( I 978) dates Kallippidas, son ofKallip
pidas, to the Imperial period in her onomastikon. The name is
not a common one, SherwinWhite has nine entries, all but
this one dated by her to c. 200, the second century or the turn
of the second century. One entry matches both proper name
andpatronymikon. This homonym appears in PH lOclO from
202/01 . The two inscriptions on the altar cannot be contem
porary and the longer one is late. Under these circumstances,
the parallel in PH 10 provides a possible dating context for the
name. Kallippidas here donates 500 dr. for the defence of the
country in his own name and on behalf of his children (Unep
-rWv natOLwv). He is thus a grown man, perhaps thirty to forty
years old, and if the altar was set up in his memory, it should
date from c. 200-170.
The dating ofPu-Ca 1963, 26
The dates of the first two of these altars depend on the date of
the inscription Pu-Ca 1963, 26A and B from Halasarna.4a For
that reason, I have been considering its date. Habicht has shown
conclusively that it must be dated after the inscription ED 234
from the 180s5 (see Habicht, this volume, p. 63f.), containing
the names of three of the Koan eponymous magistrates, the
monarchoi, the last of which is Leukippos (H). He wants to
place Pu-Ca 1963, 26 one generation after the inscription PH
Boreas 28
10, a wartime collection of money from 202/01 , i.e. around
175. For various reasons which I will give below, I prefer to
place it slightly earlier, as soon as possible after the date of
ED 234, that is, c. !85-180.
Pu-Ca 1963, 26 was issued in the year of Praximenes, it
contains c. 500 names, and up to four generations of the same
family may occur in it. It is connected with several other in
scriptions through names (see Table 1). Three names are the
same as in PH 10,6 another three are the same as in TCa/ 85,1
an epidosis (a list with the names of the contributors of money
and the sums donated to a certain collection) from Kalymnos
(then part ofthe Koan state), both dated to 202/0 I . Four names
are the same as in PH 387 found at Antimachia, an epidosis
inscription for an Afrodision.8 This inscription is regarded as
being one generation earlier than PH 10 by Preuner and Robert.9
Paton tentatively regards it as slightly later.10 One name also
appears in PH 44,11 almost contemporary with PH 10. Another
name also occurs in an inscription from the deme of lsthmos
(Pugliese Carratelli 1963, no. 9.c.70)."
-An inscription from Kos town recently published by Habicht
and K. & L. Hallof, the epidosis list Hallof & Habicht !998,
26, contains five names also appearing in Pu-Ca 1963, 26B . 13
The editors state that this list is somewhat later than an epido
sis from 201, and about contemporary with Pu-Ca 1963, 26B
and Pu-Ca 1963, 9, somewhere in the early second century. A
certain Apollonios, the son of Herostratos, in 26B is identi
4a
26A was first published by M. Dubois in BCH 6, 1882, and 268
by Rayet in 1 875.
5 For the date ofED 234, see Ceccarelli 1995, 304f.
6 Ch[aireda]mos, the son ofThemistokles (PuCa 1963, 26B.1V.20-2 1,
PH l0b.32), Hierokles, the son ofAristarchos (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.Il.62-
63, PH l0b39-40), and Aristos, the son ofTheugenes . (Pu-Ca 1963,
26B.l.41 , PH 10d30).
1 Ainesidemos, the son of Simos (PuCa 1963, 268.1.55-56, TCal
85.28-29), Tachippos, the son ofTachippos (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.Vll.23,
TCal 85.33), and Anaxareta, the daughter of Filinneas (Pu-Ca 1963,
26B.ll.17-18, TCa/ 85.45)
s Aristos, the son of Aristos (Pu-Ca 1963, 268.1.28-29, PH 387.8),
Dorkylos, the son ofTheukles (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.VIII.5, PH 387.12),
and the two brothers Moschion, the son of Lykaithos (Pu-Ca 1963,
26B.VIII.25-26, PH 387.16) and Leukippos, the son of Lykaithos
(Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.Vlll. l7-l8, PH 387.23).
9 Preuner 1894, 544f.; Robert 1935, 423f.
10
Paton & Hicks 335f.
1 1 Diokles, the son of Apollodoros (Pu-Ca 1 963, 268.1.70-7 1, PH
44.13).
12 Kleitomachis, daughter ofFilinos (Pu-Ca 1963, 9c70).
13 Hallof and Habicht 1 998, 160. Hagesias, the son of Hagcsias (Pu
Ca 1963, 268.1.44, Hallof & Habicht 1998, 26A.5), Filinos, the son of
Fokion (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.Vlll.57, Hallof & Habicht 1998, 26Al 8),
Nikomachos, the son of Nikomachos (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.Vlll.3940,
Hallof& Habicht 1998, 26A.27), [Xenom]brotos, the son ofArchimenes
(Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.l11.25-26, Hallof & Habicht 1998, 268.66), [Lam
pias?J, the son of Xenombrotos (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.VL59-60, Ha1lof
& Habicht 1 998, 26B.69). The reconstructions occur in Hallof &
Habicht.

Table 1. Inscriptions with names also occurring in Pu-Ca 1963, 268.
f Inscription Number ofnames
in common
PH 10 3 names
TCa1 85 (Kalymnos) 3 names
PH44 I name
PH387 4 names
!Cos, ED 179 3 names (women)
Hallof & Habicht 1998, 26 5 names
fied as the son ofHerostratos, the son -of Apollonios, in TCal
85.61, and this confirms, according to the editors, that the
subscription list 26 dates from c. 180/17 5. The monarchos
dating 268, Pythonikos, is given a date of c. 175 by Habicht.
The editors also point out that the money collected was to be
used to protect the land and to support the foxtified places.
From this, they conclude that Kos was in a state ofwar.14 This
should be cause for consideration. Is there any reason for us
to suspect that the Koan state was at war in c. 1 80/75? And, at
that, a war possibly threatening the island itself. In the early
second century, there were two wars that may have occasioned
a need to fortify the area of Halasarna. The first was the war
againstAntiochos Ill, 192-189, in which the Koans, as allies
ofRhodes, fought together with the major states ofPergamon,
Rhodes and Rome. A Rhodian fleet, including Koan ships, was
tricked, defeated and next to annihilated at Samos (the event
is vividly descibed by Livius 37.1 1), and Kos may well have
felt threatened in the aftermath of this disaster. In September,
190, however, the admiral oftheAntiochid fleet, the Rhodian
Polyxenidas, was thoroughly defeated by the allied fleet, and
any eventual threat to the Koans ought then to have ended.
The second war that may have caused apprehension on Kos
was that of king Eumenes against the Gauls, the so-called First
Gallic War, 186-183. Prusias I ofBithynia, who allied himself
with the Gauls and fought against Pergamon, commanded a
strong fleet, sailed south and threatened Pergamon and possibly
also its allies. In contrast, there is no known war that may have
involved the Koans in the 170s, and at present it is therefore
better to date Hallof & Habicht 1998, 26B to either 192/91,
191/90 or 186-183 rather than 180/175.
-Three names ofwomen occur both in Pu-Ca 1963, 268 (two
as mothers and one as mother and grandmother), and in the
epidosis !Cos, ED 179 ( KFF, no. 12)." ED 179 should prob
ably be dated to the I 90s or 180s, as two ofthe women listed in
it also occur in another epidosis, ED 178,16 most likely dating
The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 73
Date
202/201
202/201(?)
Preuner ( 1 894, 542, n. 1 ), somewhat earlier than
PH 1 0; Paten, contemporary with PH I 0
Preuner (1894, 542, n. 1 , 544f.); Robert (1935,
423f.), one generation earlier than PH I 0; Paton
(PH 335f.), somewhat later than PH 10
190s
Early second century; Habicht (2000, 329), c. 175;
Hi:ighammar probably either 191-190 or 186-183
because of the reference to a war
from the I 90s. 17 One woman in ED 178 also appears in PH
10. As the appearance in separate but roughly contemporary
inscriptions of two different women with the same name is
highly unlikely, the connection with ED 179 should be firm.
As the women in both ED 178 and ED 179 are listed without a
tutor, they should be grown women and not unmarried parthe
noi. This means that they are, or have been, married and have
a child or several children, that is, they are gynaikes. 18 Ifthis is
correct, the epidosis lists may be approximately contemporary
with or somewhat earlier than Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.
- The woman Anaxareta, the daughter of Filinneas, appears as
a mother in the inscription Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.. She is also listed
in her own right as a donor of money in TCa/ 85.45, listed im
mediately after Filinneas, the son ofTheudotos, most probably
her father. Paton interprets this to mean that the Halasarllitan
inscription is ofa later date than TCal 85, by approxJffiately one
generation. Concerning her appearance in TCal 8 5, he writes:
"She was at that time, probably, unmarried".19 In my opinion,
the fact that Anaxareta is listed in her own right with her own
name and without a tutor, strongly indicates that she appears as
a gyne in this inscription, probably with the right to make her
own decisions about money, the right which the women in PH
14 Hallof & Habicht 1998, 159 "Es besteht offenbar Kriegszustand."
15 Aristandra, the daughterofTimainetos (Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.III.39--40,
!Cos, ED 179.8), Hekataia, the daughter of Filippos (Pu-Ca 1963,
26B.V.79-80, ]Cos, ED 179.1 1), and Aration, the daughter ofGorgos
(Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.1.62-63, !Cos, ED 179.3).
16 Habrotie, the daughter of Simos (]Cos, BD 178 a(B)l4--1 5, !Cos,
ED 179.8), Phano, the daughter ofKrates (ICos, ED 178a(B)22, !Cos,
ED 179.2).
17 H6ghammar 1997, 129, 132, n. 35.
18 Sourwinou-Inwood 1988, 25; Garland 1990, 200, 243; Dumand
1994, 17.
1 PH 260.
Boreas 28
'
74 Kerstin Hoghammar
10, /Cas,ED 14, ED 178 andED 179, also listed without a tutor,
appear to have had. I cannot but regard it as extremely unlikely
tbatAnaxareta would have been listed with her own name and the
sum she gave, had she then been an unmarried daughter with her
father still alive. In contrast, being married, she would have left
herfi:tther's oikos and joined a new economic unit, the household
ofher husband. This would mean that the money she donated did
not come from her father's oikos and was to be separated from
his gift. If she was a full gyne, she would already have had a
child by the time of TCa/85, something which means that the
son listed in PH 368 may have been born before 20 I.
If Anaxareta married a Koan from Halasama after the
incorporation of Kalynmos, her son would have been entitled
to participate in the Halasarnitan hiera. There is thus a strong
possibility that her son was born before 20 I (however, she may
also have been married several times and had children with dif
ferent fathers), which means that he would have been about 15
years old in 185. When Paton writes that the inscription from
Halasama must be one generation later than TCa/ 85, it is easy
to presume the standard period ofc. thirty years, but as it was the
mother who appears in the latter inscription, one should estimate
a minimum period of fifteen to twenty years, and not thirty.
Thus, from the appearance ofAnaxareta in TCa/ 85, one cannot
conclude that Pu-Ca 1963, 26B must be one male generation (c.
30 years) later, perhaps not even one female generation (15-20
years). The cormection would then give us the 180s as the earliest
possible date for Pu-Ca 1963, 26B, not the !70s.
In this connection, it is also ofinterest to discuss a small group
ofdedications to Hekate as some ofthe names in these also appear
in Pu-Ca 1963,26.20Two were dedicated by the priest ofApollo at
Halasarna, together with the hieropoioi serving in the same year
(PH 370, 388)." One was setup by a captain in the army, i.e. the
lochagos Damokritos, the son ofDamokles (Maiuri I925, 676),
who is also known from other inscriptions from c. 200. The first
two were made to Hekate Stratia and the last to Hekate Soteira. We
know from an inscription belonging to the early Imperial period
and listing the priests of Apollo at Halasarna that the priest of
Apollo held office for a year,22 and thus the dedications to Hekate
Stratia are from different years. Sherwin-White has suggested that
they were made during the wars 205-201.23
In the first ofthese two consecutive wars, the southern coast
of Kos was attacked by the Kretan pirates and a sea battle was
fought close to Halasama, and in the second Philip landed troops
in this neighbourhood. It is highly probable that the priest in the
most important cult in the area offered dedications to Hekate
Stratia to supplicate the goddess for help in this desperate strug
gle. That the captain of a small troop of soldiers, Damokritos,
the son of Damokles, active around 200 and the early second
century, dedicated an offering to Hekate Soteira24 reinforces
this hypothesis. Being lochagos, Damokritos fought on the
island itself. As previously mentioned, he is also known from
other inscriptions from the period around 200, Le. PH 387, the
epidosis for an Afrodision, regarded as somewhat earlier than
Boreas 28
Pu-Ca 1963, 26, and an alphabetical subscription list found in
theAsklepieion, Hallof & Habicht 1998, 25B.6, dated to c. 200
BC or slightly later.25
Bearing these considerations in mind, I agree with Shetwin
White that it is likely that the dedications to Hekate Stratia were
made during the course of the war against the Kretan pirates
and the immediately following war against Philip V. If so, they
should date from the period 206/5-201/0. The re-appearance
of many of the names in these dedications in Pu-Ca 1963, 26B
provides us with another indication of a date of c. 185 for the
latter iscription.
- Professor Habicht irrefutably dates the inscription dis
cussed after ED 234, which can be placed in the I 80s.26 He
then proceeds by establishing that a certain Polymnastos, the
son of Nossylos, in Pu-Ca 1963, 26B (1!!.77) was the son of
Nossylos, the son ofPolymnastos, appearing in the inscriptions
Syll.' 568 and 569 in honour of the well-known pair, Diokles,
the son of Leodamas, and Theukles, the son of Aglaos, and
thus to be dated 201-199. Habicht concludes that, because of
this, Pu-Ca !963, 26 must be 25 to 30 years later, that is, c.
175. The first point to make is that the earliest possible date of
Pu-Ca 1963, 26 is the year after the eponymic year ofLeukip
pos (ll) in ED 234. Consequently it need not be more than
one year later. Secondly, it is not necessary that Polymnastos
20
Added to the three inscriptions discussed here, KokkorouAlevras
has three dedications to Hekate Stratia in ' AA&oapvo: I in which three
of the names also appear in PuCa 1963, 26B.
2 1 See Sherwin-White 1 978, 320.
Stratippos, the son ofHieron,PH 370.6, Pu-Ca 1963,26B.H.21-22 and
'
Gerastis, the son of Agesinikos, PH 388.6, Pu-Ca 1963, 26B.V.48
2
2 Herzog 1901, no 4, 483-492.
21 SherwinMWhite 1 978, 321. All three inscriptions are to. be dated c.
200 or the early second century, in which period there were three dif
terent wars that we know of or suspect that the Koanswere involved
in: (I) the Kretan war which turned into the war igainst Philip V,
206/5-20110, (2) the war againstAntiochos III, 192-1 89, and possibly,
as the Koans were allied with Pergamon in this period, (3) the war by
Pergamon in 1 86-- 1 83 against Prusias I ofBithynia ("" Eumenes' First
Gallic War). At present the most likely context for these inscriptions
appears to be the first war, but that may be due to the fact that we know
next to nothing about the later ones. As far as we know, however, the
"Yar against Antiochos Ill did not bring about any struggles on Koan
soH-it was the navy that was involved (Livius 37.11). An eventual
war against Prusias I at the end of the 80s is, as I have mentioned,
possible, perhaps even probable, but we have no infonnation on it
(Hoghammar t 993, 24).
24 I disagree with Sherwin-White 1978, 321, n. 278, when she argues
that this inscription, Maiuri 1925, 676 should be considerably later
than c. 200 because of the style of the lettering. The alpha with a
broken crossbar appears earlier than 200 in Koan inscriptions (see
H6ghammar 1 993, nos. 61 and 63 ) and clear apication can be seen in
both H6ghammar 1 993, no. 33 (c. 200) and no. 63 from before 200
as well as in numerous other inscriptions from the same period (see
Crowther, figs. 20-23, in this volume).
25 Hallof & Habicht 1998, no. 25B.6. 25A is dated c. 200 and on p. 156
they write: "Die Liste der Seite B ist zeitlich nicht weit entfemt".
26 Habicht 2000, 3 1 6f.; Ceccarelli 1995, 305.

should have been around thirty years old when PuCa 1963,
26B was inscribed. Up to four generations were listed in the
document, which proves that young males were listed together
with mature and old men. One must thus admit the possibility
that Polymnastos could have been entered in Pu-Ca 1963, 268
as a comparatively young man, perhaps even as a boy. Also, it
was the norm in ancient Greek city-states that only men of a
more mature age could hold public officesP As Polymnastos'
father Nossylos held the office of napoias, one of the chief
officials at Halasama, he is likely to have been between thirty
and forty years old at the time of Syll ' 568 and 569. A man
of that age would normally already be a father. A first-born
son of his (given the name of his paternal grandfather) could
have been up to ten years old in 201/200. This leaves us with
a situation in which Polymnastos could have been aged 1 5 to
25 years old as early as c. 185. He may have been younger, but
that is less likely, considering the demographical facts. Men
ideally married around the age of thirty, and most children
were probably born when their fathers were between thirty
and forty years old. Thus, it does not necessarily follow from
the appearance of Polymnastos' father in two inscriptions from
201-199 that Pu-Ca 1963, 268 must be dated one male genera
tion (25-30 years) later.
Consequently, I believe that a date of c. 175 may be somewhat
too late. To recapitulate, firstly there are no compelling reasons
to date it so late, and, secondly, Pu-Ca 1963, 26B has at least
1 1 names in common with inscriptions dated to the end of the
third century or c. 200 (PH 10; TCa/ 85; PH 44 and PH 387).
Should, as seems plausible, the dedications to Hekate Stratia
(PH 370, 388) and Hekate Soteira (Maiuri 1925, 676) from
Halasarna also date from before 200, the number of names
from this period also appearing in Pu-Ca 1963, 268 would
increase even further. I feel definitely uncomfortable with a
date which puts about 25 years, and perhaps an even longer
period, between these earlier inscriptions and PuCa 1963,
26B. I do not say that it is impossible, as the latter inscrip
tion contains up to four generations (that, however, must be
extremely unusual), but it is easier for me to accept a date
which lies as early as possible, given what we know. Habicht
has shown that PuCa 1963, 26B cannot be earlier than the
I 80s and I would therefore like to suggest c. 185 as a likely
date for this inscription.
Conclusion
The funerary altars belonging to the graves ofTimachidas, the
son of Pausanias, and Nikarchos, the son ofTimonax, both of
which names also appear in Pu-Ca 1963, 26B, should accord
ingly be dated somewhere between c. 185 and 1501140. These
are the first absolute dates that we have for the altars found
on the island ofKos.
The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 75
The dating of altars Nos, 5 and 6
I shall now proceed with a short discussion ofthe inscriptions
on the fifth and the sixth altar. They are presented by Berges
in his 1996 volume, one, no. 91, is regarded as late and the
other, no. 17, as early.28
5. IIo:pfLevfaxou wii CI>tA,fnnou, lepo:Teuao:vTo
Pea
It can be noted that this altar (8erges no. 91, Taf. 30. 1-2, Maiuri
=
1925, no. 450) is not a grave altar, but a proper altar dedicated by
a priest of Rhea on completing his tenn of priesthood. The text
is very short: IIapf.Leviaxou toU <l>t.Hmwu, iepateVaavwt;
PEw; (Parmeniskos, the son ofPhilippos, having been priest of
Rhea). It is decorated with a simple leaf-garland and bulls' heads
which appear to have been deliberately destroyed (Fig. 5). It thus
belongs to group C (see below p. 78) and should, according to
Berges' development scheme be dated somewhere between c.
150 and 50, and more probably in the later part of this period,
as the relief is not so deep, and also because Berges has given
it a high number in the catalogue?'
Both the proper name and the patronymikon are com
mon names on Kos, and, as we know of no exact homonym,
no chronological onclusions can be drawn on the basis of
prosopography.
In her onomastikon Sherwin-White ( 1978) dated the name
to the 2nd century B.C ..The altar has also been studied by P.
'
Fraser in his Rhodian funerary monuments, and he considers
the lettering of the inscription to be among the earliest he has
21 Garland 1990, 239: "Young men in the twenty to thirty age-group
occupied the status of both adult and non-adult They could fight and
they could vote, but though they may have been eligible for election to
senior military positions (see below p. 280), there seems to have been no
other executive office available to them"; 242: "In Athens at least then,
and probably elsewhere, the thirtieth year marked an important turning
point in a man's life. At Sparta, for instance, it was almost certainly in his
thirtieth year that a Spartiate was eligible to become an ephor. . . "; 280:
"In many Greek communities the acquisition of full political, legal and
civil rights postdated by as much as a decade the attainment ofadulthood.
In Athens, for instance, citizens were not eligible to be members of the
'Solonic' council of Four Hundred nor the later Kleisthenic council of
five Hundred until they had entered their thirtieth year. This was also
the lower agerequirement for serving as a dikast, i.e. as a member of
an Athenian jury (Dem. 24.150; Ps.Arist. A.P. 63.3)."
1s
For more detailed information on these altars I refer to Berges'
catalogue.
19 For the chronological significance ofthe depth of reliefaccording to
Berges, see Berges 1996, 73f As far as can bejudged, Berges appears
to have given the earliest examples within each of his three groups the
lowest numbers in the series and the latest the highest numbers. Group
C starts with no. 59 and ends with no. 96.
Boreas 28
76 Kerstin Hoghammar
Fig. S. Altar to Rea (Berges no. 91). Photograph K. HOghammar.
seen on Koan altars.30 The general character of the letters is
rather heavy and they have pronmmced apices. The cross-bar
on the first alpha is broken, on the nther two it is straight.
The second vertical stroke of the pds short, and the omicron
is somewhat smaller than the other letters and placed a little
above the base-line. To my eye, it comes very close to nos.
33 and 63 in Hoghammar 1993, both dated to c. 200.31 Thus,
to judge from the palaeographic criteria, this altar should date
from c. 200 and not towards the end of the second century or
the first half ofthe first century. This would make it one of the
earliest examples of group C, and only somewhat later than
Berges' no. 59, dated by him to the middle or later half ofthe
third century because of its high quality.
The sixth altar (llerges 1996, no. 17, Taf. 9.4 PH 183), from
the village ofKermeti situated between Kos town and the Ask
lepieion, belongs to group A with a fruit-garland and vittae (see
Boreas 28
below, p. 78) and is considered early by Berges, i.e. before or
around 200.32 It is the only altar of this subgroup, nos. l 0-18,
providing us with an original inscription, the name ofa woman
Laudike, the daughter of Damas.
The letters have marked, on some letters large, apices.
Many of the letters are broad, some extremely so. The general
appearance of the inscription is clear, but not elegant. The
alpha has a broken cross-bar, which in one case is curved
instead of angular. On two occasions, the tip of the cross-bar
almost reaches the bottom line. The lower oblique stroke ofthe
kappa reaches the bottom line, and the upper oblique stroke
is long and almost horizontal, which makes the letter as broad
as it is high. The tau is almost twice as broad as it is high. The
oblique strokes of the ypsilon are long and join at a very low
point, which makes the vertical stroke extremely short. The
large apices, the appearance of the kappa, tau and ypsilon are
traits pointing to a much later period than c. 200, i.e. the first
century B.C. to the first century A.D.33
Sherwin-White has dated it to the early Imperial period.34
Such a date would not only turn Berges' relative dating upside
down, but would also go beyond the end date he has suggested
for this entire category of monuments, c. 50 B.C.
I have not found this woman's name in any other inscription.
The name of the father, Damas, is most connnon in the Impe
rial period, but it also occurs in late Hellenistic times. The name
thus indicates a late date, but is of little help in deciding a more
exact date of the altar. That leaves us with the lettering, equally
vague, which is of a type which may well be early Imperial, but
which could also be fhst century B.C. Both prosopography and
palaeography thus point to the late Hellenistic or early Imperial
period, rather than c. 200, as suggested by Berges.
0Fraser 1977, 117,n. 155.
31 No. 33, HOghammar 1993, 46, fig. 14; no. 63, ibid. 53, fig. 28.
32 Berges 1996, 72: "Die Altarproduktion der Werkstattgruppe A er
reichte ihren HOhepunkt in der Friihphase der koischen Produktion.
Dafiir spricht die grosse Zahl der Altiire, die einer vergleichsweise
friihe Sti!stufe angehOren (Kat. 130), . . . ". Berges puts the beginning
of the Koan production just after the middle of the third century and,
thus, the early phase should be before or around c. 200.
3 Here I would like to bring up a question of methodology. To what
degree can it be considered as fighting fire with fire to date a monument
on the basis ofpalaeography and to regard that as a more secure basis
for a date than a stylistic analysis of the same monument? In other
words, is it reasonable to rely more on the shape of the letters than on
the shape ofthe sculpted decoration when we want to provide a certain
monument with a date? I must add that, in the case of the altar I have
just discussed, there is also a difference in the argumentation. One of
the inscriptions compared with that ofBerges no. 91, that concerning
queen Arsinoe (HOghammar 1993, no. 63), must date from the end of
the third century, and thus it provides us with a secure chronological
peg on which to hang these particular palaeographic criteria. The rough
dates presented by Berges are, on the other hand, based on a posited
development in style and execution, and the altars are, on this basis,
dated relatively to each other within their own group.
34 Sherwin-Wbite 1978, onomastikon.
 The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 77

Style and date in Berges ' Rundaltiire

aus Kos und Rhodos

In his two volumes Hellenistische Rundaltiire Kleinasiens

(1986), and Rundaltlire aus Kos und Rhodos (1996), Dietrich
Berges presents and discusses Koan, cylindrical, funerary
altars.34a The monuments are of particular importance in that
they combine sculptural work with inscriptions (almost exclu
sively names), and thus they enable us to date sculpted reliefs
through prosopography and palaeography. The altars, including
those with no inscriptions or with erased inscriptions, fonn a
fairly large group, 1 10 examples on the island ofKos and c. 40
outside the island.35
In the1996 vohune, Berges dates the period of production
of these altars to c.
240-50 B. C., Le. earlier than has been pre
viously suggested, c. 150 to the early Imperial period. 36 I am
convinced that he is right in placing the start of production in
the second half of the third century, but I think that it is most
probable that these funerary monuments were produced into
the early Imperial period, as has been suggested previously,
both by Berges in his first volume and earlier by others.37 The
availability of local marble and the continued production of
sculpture into the same period shows that both the material
and the know-how were there. We can also see that there was
a continued demand for this type of grave monument on the
island from the substantial number of reused altarS from the late
first century B. C. and the early Imperial period.3S On these, the
name of the person originally commemorated has been erased,
Fig. 6. Altar with fruitgarland. Berges group A. Photograph K.
HOghammar
and a secondary inscription from one of these later periods has
been engraved instead. Also, in other places, for instance, Aph
rodisias, this type ofaltar was manufactured well into the early bukephalia. The most common secondary motifs are dikerata
(double cornucopiae), taeniae (woollen bands), so-called
Imperial period.39 Original inscriptions may also, ofcourse, tell
us whether some altarS should be dated to the period.
Manschetten, vittae (woollen strings) and bunches or-grapes.
A small group of high-quality altars showing the.-dikerata is
Berges divides his material into four different groups, using
the profile of the upper moulding as a criterion. Together with considered the earliest and is dated to the second half of the

other criteria, this is used to differentiate the place of produc third century.40 As for the rest of the altars, it is difficult to get

tion of the altars. They are, however, not used diagnostically a finn picture of the absolute dates of the three main groups
presented. Berges is quite vague and the dates are often implied
to divide the material chronologically. To do this, he relies on
stylistic analysis of the reliefs decorating the altars and posits by comparisons.

that those of the best quality are the earliest, i.e. that there is a The altars decorated with fruit-garlands are divided into

more or less continuous deterioration ofquality withtime. Style, twO groups, group A and group B . Group A has as subsidiary
motifs taeniae, vittae and.dikerata (Fig. 6). Group B has the
however, is an extremely difficult criterion to use when dating
sculpture from the Hellenistic period, as we know that different
styles could be used simultaneously in the same place. This must
also have been the case for sculpted reliefdecoration.
34" I reviewed the latter volume in JHS 1 19, 1 999, 222f. but could not
there present a more thorough discussion of the present subject.
35 The number will increase as more examples are added to those
presented by Berges.
Berges 'dating criteria 16
Berges 1996, 66-71 .
37 Berges 1986, 1 1 1-1 16; Fraser 1977, 29f.
I shall now present the three typological groups according to J& See, for instance, Bcrges 1996, nos. 1 , 2, 7, 9, 18, 24, 35, 36 and
many others.
the decoration established by Berges and how he dates them.
3 Berges 1986, 124, 179.
The main motif consists offruit- or leafgarlands hanging from 40 Berges 1996, 70, Taf. 1-3, 6, 7.3,4.

Boreas 28
78 Kerstin Hoghammar
Fig. 7. Altar with fruitgarland. Berges group B. Photograph K.
HOghammar.
so-called Manschetten, bunches ofgrapes and vittae with knots
(Kugelvittae) (Fig. 7).41 According to Berges, the decoration
worked to look the most organic and realistic-also the best
executed-is the earliest, and it is group A, that according
to these criteria, contains the earliest pieces belonging to the
late third century.42 The production of this workshop, group
A, reaches its acme in the early phase, whereas the majority of
the altars produced by the second workshop, group B, belongs
to the later phase. Berges believes that the very earliest altars
belonging to group B are to be dated to just before 200 and thus,
that altars of this type also started to be made fairly early.43 As
for workmanship and style, he writes:
Wahrend die iilteren Altiire (Kat 42; Taf. 18.1-4 [should
be 16, 17.1-4]) durch akkurate detailgetreue Ausfiihrung
und ein kraftig ausgebildetes konturbetontes Relief be
stechen, so fallt bei den spaten Stilcken (Kat. 45-56) vor
all em die ftiichtig-forme!hafte Detailbildung und das ftache
Reliefbei zugleich ausuferndem Kontur insAuge. (Berges
1996, 73)
Boreas 28
Fig. 8. Altar with leaf-garland. Group C. Photograph K.
HOghammar.
Concerning the altars with leaf-garlandswhich I shall call
group C (Fig. 8)Berges states that the same development in
style can be seen in them. He believes that a single altar of this
type possibly belongs to the earliest phase of Koan produc
tion. This is no. 59 (Berges 1996, no. 59, Taf. 24.1-2), which
should thus be dated to the second half of the third centuty.44
Some may date to around 200, but the majority of the altars
decorated with leaf-garlands belong to a later or even the last
phase;15 which I understand to denote the middle to later second
century or the first half of the first century.
;1 cs ! 996, 50, group A, Taf. 8.34, 9.2-4; group B, Taf. 16, J 7,
42 Berges \996, 71 f.
4"1 Berges \996, 72f
44 I3erges 1996, 71.
45 Berges I 996, 69, 71.

Table 2. Dating of Koan altars according to Berges 1996. (The numbers refer to Berges' catalogue.)
Period Group A
c. 240-200 1-6
Before 200 10-18
Before c. !50
Middle and second half of the 2nd century
End
(c. 80-50B.c.)
*Later or last stylistic phase, the same workshop, the same period.
There are thus three different groups . Firstly, altars with
. No. 2 is even plainer in its present-day appearance. It is
fruit-garlands, taeniae, vittae and sometimes dikerata, group
A, ranging in date from the middle of the third century down
into the earlier part ofthe second century. Secondly, altars with
fruit-garlands combined with Manschetten, bunches of grapes
and vittae with knots, less realistic in execution. This is group
B, starting in the late third century and going down into the
early first. Thirdly, we have altars with leaf-garlands, which I
call group C, the majority of which have been dated to some
time before the middle of the second century down into the
first half ofthe first century B.C. Most are to be dated between
c. 150 and 100, according to Berges.46
Berges presents only one altar ofKoan production which is
securely dated. It belongs to group C and was found at Iasos.47
It was set up to commemorate one Menes, son of Tyrtaios,
who can be placed c. 150, as he held the office of eponymous
magistrate at Iasos in the l 50s.48 Berges regards this altar as not
among the earliest within the group because of the form and
execution of the bulls' heads, i.e. they are less realistic.48a
all
in Discussion and Conclusions
tis
c Of the six altars discussed in this paper, the decorative scheme
oh of No. 3, c. 185-150, belongs to Berges' group B, but it also
includes taeniae in its subsidiary decoration. The type and
rs quality of the decoration fit well into that of the period
st 200150, as presented by Berges. The case for No. 1 , the altar
d of Timachidas, son of Pausanias, is different. It has a plain
garland with bulls' heads, Group C. The bulls' heads have
been mostly cut away, but one can see that they were covered
by the so-called Manschetten. The closest comparisons are
Berges' nos. 102 and 103 .49 These have not been dated spe
cifically, but, considering their high catalogue numbers and
plainness, are regarded, in all likelihood, as late (c. 100 B. C.)
by Berges. Judging on palaeographical and prosopographical
criteria, however, No. 1 must be dated to 185150 B.C. and is
thus contemporary with the lavishly decorated No. 3.
The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 79
Group B Group C
42,43 59
60-61
45-56 most of this group
46-52* 64-65*,
77-80*
known that decorative elements have been cut away from the
altars in modern times, but only rarely does this seem to have
been the case for the garlands. 50 When a funerary altar was
re-used as a support for an altar table, as this one is, it was
not considered necessary to cut away the garlands (see, for
instance, No. 1 ), and therefore I believe that this altar was cre
ated without a garland, but with an upper frieze of rosettes. I
date it to c. 1 85-140 and consequently conclude that extremely
plain, funerary altars were- produced concurrently with altars
presenting lavish decoration of good quality.
As we do not have a close description of the decoration
ofthe altar ofKallippidas, son ofKallippidas, No. 4, it cannot
be included in the discussion concerning the development of
the decorative elements of the altars.
According to Berges' scheme of dcorative development
altar No. 5 decorated with a simple leaf-garland should date
from c. 100 B. C. Palaeographic criteria point to a much earlier
date ofproduction, c. 200 B.C. Thus, most presumably, another
altar shows the early existence of plain decoration.
Altar No 6, an altar decorated with a fruit-garland, is, ac
cording to Berges, early, that is, c. 200. The palaeographic and
prosopographic data that we have rather indicate a later date,
either first century B.C. or the early Imperial period. If so, we
have a well-executed altar from the latest period ofproduction,
whether it was the first century B.C. or the first century A.D.
Summing upthe arguments, my conclusion is that Berges '
c. suggested scheme of stylistic development is not correct and
thus cannot be used to date the Koan altars. Both more and less
well-decorated altars were produced concurrently, some most
46 Berges 1996, 7 1 .
4 7 Berges 1986, no. 38, Abb. 82; Berges !996, Taf. 26.3.
4s Crowther 1990, 143-151, esp. 1 5 1 .
48" Berges 1996, 70f.
49 Berges 1996, 5 1 and Taf. 32.3.4.
so
One case is No. 4, where the reason for its being cut away was
practical.
Boreas 28
\,.,
80 Kerstin Hoghammar

probably for more affluent buyers and others for the not so Table 3. The spreading ofKoan altars outside Kos. The table is
welltodo or those who wished to spend less on this particular based on the information given in Berges 1986.
type of memoriaL Should the suggestion that No. 6 dates from
Iasos 2
the late first century B.C. or the early Imperial period prove
Halikarnassos !2
correct, this would mean that altars continued to be produced Knidos 16
into the early Imperial period. Bodrum Museum, unknown provenience ll
Istanbul Museum, unknown provenience 2

Appendix
we are given the heights of !57 of the Rhodian, and 9 1 of the
Koan altars. Of the Rhodian ones, 1 14 examples are 20-60
Export ofKoan altars
cm high, i.e. c 73% of the total number of Rhodian altars the
heights of which are reported, whereas only 20, c. 22%, of the
Koan altars were, on the whole, both larger than the Rhodian
Koan altars are of this smaller size. In contrast, 71, i.e. 78%,
and more lavishly decorated, and it appears that they became
ofthe Koan altars are 60 cm high or higher, whereas 43 of the
popular also outside the island of Kos and were exported to
Rhodian altars, only 27%, are of the larger size.
various places close by. In fact, not only Koan but also Rhodian
We should thus picture a vigorous activity, in which differ
altars were exported, according to Berges, both to the neigh
ent Koan workshops catered for both the internal and the export
bouring mainland and to the islands. Koan altars have been
markets with altars of varying sizes, qualities and prices to
found at lasos (2), Halikamassos ( 12), Knidos (16) and Nisyros
meet the demands ofbuyers with differing needs and financial
(18?). Single examples have been reported from Kalymnos
resources. This production was one ofseveral economic activi
and Chios. There are also 1 1 examples of Koan make in the
ties which made Hellenistic Kos the affluent society which we
museum at Bodrum and 2 in the Archaeological Museum in
also know from literary sources.
Istanbul (see Table 3).51 The total number of published altars,
1 10 in Berges 1996 catalogue and another four in this article,
Kerstin HOghammar
and the above finds indicate that both the production and export Dept. of Archaeology and Ancient History
of these were significant. The fact that the production appears Uppsala Universtity
to have been standarized and serialized, with the master crafts S:t Eriks torg 5 .
man doing only the finishing work and others belonging to the SE-753 !0 UPPSALA
E-mail: Kerstin.Hoghammar@antiken.uu.se
same workshop doing the preparatory cutting, also points to
a fairly high output.52
The popularity of the Koan-produced altars may have to
do with the pleasing and lavish decoration, usually of a better
quality on the standard pieces, as compared with the Rhodian
production. The Koan altars were also considerably larger than 51 Berges 1986, 1996, 42f.
the Rhodian ones. In the catalogue of Berges' 1996 volume, 52 Berges 1996, 29-3 1 .

Boreas 28
 The Inscribed, Cylindrical, Funerary Altars 81

!Cos M. Segre, Jscrizione di Cos, Roma 1993.

Bibliography KFF R. Herzog, Koische Forschungen undFunde, Leipzig
1899.
Berges 1986 D. Berges, Hellenistische Rundalti:ire Kleinasiens, Kokkorou G. Kokkorou-Alevras, 'AAdaapvai. Oi hnypa<pEt;
Freiburg i. Br. 1986. Aievras llapdpr:1JJJlX ( En: ifl.epo II): 'Emypmptt; tim)
Berges 1996 D. Berges, Rundaltiire aus Kos und Rhodos, Berlin (in press). rijv tivaa:xa<piJ roiJ R. Herzog adjv 'AAdaapva
1996. (1902) n:Jv L. :xal K. Hallof(Horos), in press.
Crowther 1990 Ch. Crowther, 'The chronology of the theatre lists', Kroll 1964 J. Kroll, 'The late Hellenistic tetrobols of Kos',
BICS 37, 1990, 143- 1 5 1 . . ANSMN I I , 1 964, 81-117.
Ceccarelli 1995 P. Ceccarelli, 'Le dithyrambe et la pyrrhique. A Maiuri 1925 A. Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrafica di Rodi e Cos,
propos de la nouvelle liste de vainqueurs aux Di Firenze 1925.
onysies de Cos (Segre, ED 234)', ZPE 108, 1995, Pantelidis 1890 S.K. Pantelidis, 'E>eoxpioo iaptvfl Motn:opia
287-305. Bef3atoOf1.iVt'] e in:typa<pWV 6:vex06wv', BCH
Demand 1994 N. Demand, Birth, death and motherhood in Clas 14, 1890, 292-300.
sical Greece, Baltimore & London 1994. PH W.R. Paton & E.L. Hicks, The inscriptions of Cos,
Fraser 1977 P. Fraser, Rhodian funerary monuments, Oxford Oxford 1891.
1977. Preuncr 1894 E. Preuner, 'Datierungen griechischer lnschriften
Garland 1990 R. Garland, The Greek way of life, Duckworth des IL Jahrhunderts v. Chr.', Bermes 29, 1 894,
1990. 530-555.
Habicht 2000 Ch. Habicht, 'Zur Chronologie der hellenistischen Pugliese Carra G. Pngliese Carratelli, 'Il damos Coo di Isthmos',
Eponyme von Kos', Chiron 30, 2000, 303-332. telli 1963-64 ASAtene 41-42, N.S. 25-26, 1963-64, 147-202.
Hallof& K. and L. Hallof& Ch. Habicht, 'Aus der Arbeit der Robert 1935 L. Robert, 'Notes d'Cpigraphie hell6nistique', BCH
Habicht 1998 "lnscriptiones Graecae", 3 . Unedierte koische Epi 59, 1935, 421-425.
dosis-Listen', Chiron 28, 1998, 143-162. Sherwin S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos. An historical study
Herzog 1901 R. Herzog, 'Das Heiligtum desApollo in Halasama', White 1978 }Yom the Dorian settlement to the Imperial period
SBBer/ 1901, 470-494. (Hypomnemata, 51), GOttingen 1978.
HOghammar K. HOghammar, Sculpture and society. A study of Sourwinou Ch. SourwinouInwood, Studies in girls' transitions.
1993 the connection between thefree-standing sculpture Inwood 1988 Aspects ofthe arkteia andage representation in Attic
and society on Kos in the Hellenistic and Augus iconography, Athens 1988.
tan periods (Boreas. Uppsala studies in ancient 3
Syll. W. Dittenberger, Sylioge lnscriptionum Graecarum
Mediterranean and Near Eastern civilizations, (3rd ed.), Leipzig 1920.
23), Uppsala 1993. TCal M. Segre, Tttuli Calymnii ( ASAtene 22-23, N.S.
=

HOghammar K. HOghammar, 'Women in public space: Cos c. 200 6-7, 1944-45), Bergamo 1952.
1997 BC to c. AD 1 5/20', in Sculptors and sculpture of
Caria and the Dodecanese, eds. I. Jenkins & G.B.
Waywell, London 1997, 127-133.

Boreas 28
 Luise und Klaus Hallof
Zur Geschichte des Corpus Inscriptionum Coarum (JG XII 4)
Abstract
This paper is an account of the early twentieth century exploration
of Koan inscriptions and of the circumstances which led to the non
appearance of the corpus, /G XII, planned by the Akademie der
Wissenschaften zu Berlin in 1899. It relates how politics and wars
affect research and researchers directly. Plans for the publication of
IG XII are presented. In a short appendix one fragmentary ineditum
from Antimachia is published.
,Mit dem FaszikelJG XII 4, bestimmt fUr die lnschriften von
Kos und Kalymna, komme ich zu besonders bedauerlichen
Ausflihrungen meines Berichtes"1 DieserWorte Klaffenbachs
aufdem IL EpigraphikwKongress in Paris 1952 muB man sich
auch fast 50 Jahre spater immer noch bedienen, wenn die
Geschichte des Corpus der Inschriften von Kos geschildert
werden soiL Vor fast genau 100 Jahren, am 30. November
1899, beauftragte die philosophisch-historische Klasse der
KOniglich PreuBischenAkademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
aufVorsch1ag ihres Mitgliedes Ado1fKirchhoff ( 1 826-1908),
des damaligen Leiters des Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum,
und aufausdriicklichen Wunsch von W. R. Paton ( 1 858-1921 )2
den Privatdozenten Dr. Rudo1f Herzog (!871-1953)' aus
Tiibingen mit der Ausarbeitung dieses Corpus. Grundlage flir
diese Entscheidung war Herzogs Habilitations-Schrift Koische
Forschungen und Funde von 1 899. In dieser verarbeitete er
die Ergebnisse seines Aufenthaltes aufKos im Sommer 1898,
enn6glicht durch ein Reisestipendium des Archaologischen
Instituts, insbesondere die 225 neugefundenen Inschriften.
Herzogs Interesse an der Insel wiederum geht zurlick aufseine
Dissertation De Herondae Mimographi sermone (1894), die
sein Lehrer Otto Crusius (1857-1918) in Ttibingen angercgt
hatte. Bekanntlich stammte Herondas aus Kos und ist die Insel
Schauplatz zweier seiner Mimjamben.
Ebenso eng wie RudolfHerzogs Name istder Name Mario
Segre (1904-1944) mit dem Corpus von Kos verbunden'. 1n
beiden verkOrpert sich exemplarisch die groBe TragOdie des
20. Jahrhunderts. Herzogwurde 1871 a1s Sohn des Klassischen
Phi1o1ogen und Professors Ernst von Hcrzog (! 834-19 1 1 )
geboren und war 1 914-1935 selbst Professor fiir Klassische
Philologie in GieBen. Segre, geboren 1904 in Turin als Sohn
jiidischer Eltern, war seit 1934 Dozent fiir Epigraphik in
Mailand. Segre wurde im Jahre 1944 in Auschwitz em1ordet.
Herzog, bereits seit 1931 Mitglied der Hitler-Partei, wurde 1945
wegen seiner Nahe zum Regime aus alien Amtem entlassen.
Die ki.inftigen Bearbeiter des Corpus miissen von Schicksal und
Schuld wissen, die hinter dem Faktum stehen: Die Insel Kos
wartet noch immer auf ein Corpus ihrer Inschriften.
Kehren wir in das Jahr 1900 zurlick. Von der Akademie in
Berlin mit Empfehlungsschreiben und Geld ausgestattet und
mit der BeschrankWlg auf die ,;i.iber dem Boden befindlichen"
Inschriften, ist Herzog im Sommer des Jahres auf Kos
unterwegs5 Bei sieh hat er ein Exemplar der 1891 erschienenen
Sammlung The inscriptions ofCos von W. R. Paton6 und E. L.
Hicks. Bei etwa 80 % kann er an den Rand schreiben: Recensui
et ectypon jci. In zwei Tagebtichem notiert er akribisch die
Neufunde mitder Sig1c N ( Neufunde) 1-364, darunter 70 aus
der bis dahin fiir AusHinder unzuganglichen Festung. Die Zahl
der 437 von Paton publizierten lnschriften war damit nahezu
verdoppelt, und dies ,nur zufallig, nicht durch systematische
Grabung". Vier kleine Probegrabungen untemahm er; drei
westlich der Stadtmauem7, eine bei der Klostenuine IIavay{a
T&paou; dort stieB er auf das Fundament eines Tempels.
Im Jahre 1901 besuchte Herzog das British Museum in
London, urn die dort befindlichen Inschriften von Kos und
Kalymna zu kopieren. In der Zwischenzeit hatte sein Bericht
tiber die Arbeiten des Jahres 1900 den gewtinschten Erfo1g.
Das Archaologische Institut Wltersttitzte seine 1 . Kampagne-
auf Kos, die im Kern jedoch immer eine privat fin.anZierte
Ausgrabung blieb; daher auch der relativ be&Cheidene
Umfang. Herzog grub im Jahre 1902 die Demenh.eiligtUmer
von lsthmos und Halasarna aus; im Oktober konnte er endlich
das gesuchte Asklepieion finden. Den entscheidenden Hinweis
hatte ihm Paton gegeben. Herzog notierte in Isthmos ,einige",
in Halasarna eine ,grof3e Zahl" von Inschriften. Der Berliner
1 Klaffenbach 1953, 28.
2 Das bczeugt Herzog selbst, Schazmann 1932, S. xxiv. Paton hat
im Jahre 1908 der Akademie ,au/3er den fur seinen Teil (JG XII 2)
angefertigten auch noch zahlreiche Abklatsche koischer und anderer
Stcine geschenkt" (Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1909, 126).
3 POhlmann tiber Herzog 1982 (!eider ganz unkritisch); Rehm 1941,
270-271; Berve (Nachruf) 1953. 165-168.
4 Pug!iese Carratelli 1952, S. x (Schriftenverzeichnis S. xi-xiv)
s Vg!. Schazmann 1932, S. xxiii-xxvii.
6 Zu Wi!liam Roger Paton, ,one of the most mysterious figures in
modem English classical scholarship". vgl. Calder 1999, 287-293.
Patons Aufenthalt auf Kos datiert vom Sommer 1888 (Preface S. v).
7 Herzog 1901; vgl. Schazmann 1932, S. xxiii-xxviii.
Bonws 28
84 Luise und Klaus Hallof
Akademie meldete er, daB .,der epigraphische Zuwachs tiberaus
reich ist, so reich, daB die Wissenschaft die Fortsetzung der
Grabungen verlangt".
Die 2. Karnpagne im Jahre 1903 dauerte 8 Wochen und
konzentrierte sich ganz auf das Asklepieion. Von den tiber 170
Inschriften, die Herzog selbst erwahnt, sind in dem sehr fttichtig Abschriften stehen in einem Notizbuch unter den Nummern S
gefiihrten Tagebuch IV nur etwa ein Drittel erfaf3t.
Ganz lilckenhaft ist auch das Tagebuch der 3, Kampagne im
Jahre 1904, bei der die Zahl der Inschriften urn 100 Nummem
vennehrt wurde; es enthiilt gerade einmal 2 1 Abschriften mit
der Sig1e E.
Seit Herzogs erstem Besuch in Kos 1898 stand ihm treu zur
Seite der Arzt und Heimatforscber Jakobos Zarraftis. Von ihm
erhielt er in den Jahren bis 1 9 1 2 regelmaf3ig Abschriften und
spiiter auch Abklatsche geschickt, oft genug von Texten, die
seitdem verlorengegangen sind. Es sind etwa 60 Inschriften,
die mit dem Zusatz Jak. (fur Jakobos) und dem Jahr ihrer
Entdeckung versehen, sich in Herzogs Tagebtichern und
unter den Abklatschen befinden. Herzog selbst nutzte im
Jahre 1907 die Gelegenheit, mit einem Geologen flir einige
Wochen aufdie Insel zurtickzukehren, und fand einige weitere
Inschriften8
Von diesen geringen Zuwachsen abgesehen, schien
1904 ein AbschluB erreicht, und der damalige Leiter der
Jnscriptiones Graecae, U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff
(1848-1931) auBerte in seinem Bericht Uber die IG von 1905
zuversichtlich: ,Hr. Prof. Herzog hat seine Grabungen aufKos
zum AbschluB gebracht und ist nun mit der Verarbeitung der
Funde beschaftigt. Dazu gehOren die Inschriften, die er schon
frtiher fur die Akademie ilbernommen hatte. Die VerzOgerung
kann gegenilber dem Gewinne nicht in Betracht kommen, und
die Arbeit ist in rtistigem Fortschritte"9 Aber 1928 bekannte
er resigniert: ,Jetzt werde ich schwerlich auch nur die ersten
Druckbogen der zwei feh1enden Hefte [ von JG XII], Kos
Kalymnos und Chios Samos zu sehen bekommen"10 Das
nachste Kapitel in der Geschichte des Corpus von Kos hatte
nicht die Wissenschaft, sondern die Politik geschrieben: 1 9 1 2
besetzte Italien die lnsel, und im I. Weltkrieg stand Herzog
als Soldat im Feld. An wissenschaftliche Arbeit war nicht
zu denken, auch spater nicht unter den Bedingungen der
Nachkriegszeit und der Isolation Deutschlands.
Dagegen hatte A. Maiuri mit rUhm1icher Ei1e im Jalue 1925 . Minuskel-Umschriften
die im ersten Jahrzehnt der italienischen Herrschaft gefundenen
lnschriften publiziertll, ohne Herzogs Publikationsrechte zu
verletzen. Eine stattliche Zahl der c. 250 Inschriften verdankt
er allerdings dem unermtidlichen Jakobos Zarraftis.
Diese Abschriften von Zarraftis sind auch in Herzogs
Hande gelangt und zwar wie folgt: Herzog hatte wahrend und
nach seinen Grabungen inuner darauf hingewiesen, daB die
Mittel dieses Privatunternehmens nicht ausreichten und er fur
die Publikation dringend der Unterstiltzung des Archaologischen
Instituts bedtirfe. Die Architekturplane muBten dringend vor Ort
revidiert werden. FUr diese Aufgabe wurde Paul Schazmann
( 1871-1946)12 aus Base! gewonnen, der als BUrger der neutralen
Boreas 28
Schweiz im Jahre 1922 nach Kos fahren durfte. Er nahm
nicht nur selbst 1 2 lnschriften auf, sondern brachte auch 230
Abschriften von Zarraftis aus den Jahren 1915-1922 mit, die
Herzog aus den Majuskelabschriften transkribierte; Abklatsche
zur Kontrolle standen ihm nicht zur Verfilgung. Diese
(Schazmann) 1-12 und J-S (Jakobos und Schazmann) l-230.
Von diesen lnschriften findet sich merkwtirdiger Weise nur ein
Bruchteil in Maiuris Publikation.
1m Jahre 1927 kommt end1ich Bewegung in die Arbeit
am Corpus. Herzog schickt ein erstes specimen13, die leges
sacrae, zwar ,fertig in soweit, wie gewOhnlich neue lnschriften
im Corpus geboten werden"; fur ihn aber ,sollten sie auch
ein abgeschlossenes Urkundenwerk sein"1\ weshalb er sehr
umfassende Erganzungen beibringt. Nun ist das Corpus dafiir
gerade nicht der Ort, und mit Unmut verlangte Wilamowitz
bei der Durchsicht der Manuskriptprobe: ,,Lemma auf das
Notwendige und auf die herk6mmlichen Formeln zu bringen.
- Keine Majuskeln. - Dringend bitte ich, solche Varianten
mit halben und Viertel Buchstaben auf das allernotwendigste
zu beschranken. Hier kann ganz einfach das Unterpungieren
ausreichen". Und schlieBlich eine der ftir ihn typischen
Notizen: ,Im dorischen ist cdrr6<; reflexiv. Dberall ist freilich
der grobe Fehler des falschen Spiritus verbreitet."
Kurz, das Manuskript war unannehmbar, und Wilamowitz
Vorschlag ging dahin, die leges sacrae separat tmd mit ausflihr
licherem Kommentar als im Corpus mOglich zu publizieren.
Herzog hat dies bekanntlich in seinen ,Heiligen Gesetzen von
8 Hier zusammenfassend nochmals die genaj.lcn Daten:
1900 1 . Mai bis 16. September Survey und kleine Ausgrabung in Kos.
350 neuc Inschriften, bis 1901 weitere 20 mitgeteilt (durch J. Zarraftis).
- Tagebiicher 1-II: N 1-364. .
1902 I. Kampagne: 3 1 . Ju1i - 24. August Kos Stadt; 24. August 9.
September Ausgrabung Kepha1os (Isthmus); 10. /- 29. September
.
Ausgrabung in Kardamina (Halasarna); 7. Oktober - 5. Dezembcr
Lokalisicrung und Ausgrabung des Asklepieions (Terasse I und
11). - Tagebuch l!I: W l-25 Kos; W 26-42 Ke(talos); W 43 69
Ka(rdamina); W 70-96 AS.
1903 2. Kampagne: 20. August - 20. Oktober Grabungen im
Asklcpieion (Terrasse II und III); Uber 170 Inschriften. Bau cines
kleines Museums. - Tagcbuch: IV (AS, M), unvollsttindig; nur
1904 3. Kampagne: 5.August- 3 1 . OktoberGrabungen imAsklepieion;
100 neue 1nschriften. - Tagebuch V (Nummem E 1-21)
1907 4. Kampagne: 19. Juli - 12. Oktober Ausgrabungcn am
Asklepieion (Terrasse Ill und IV); ,einige lnschriften". Tagcbuch V
(Nummern D l-40)
9 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1906, 80.
10 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1928, S. xxiv. An den Rand der
Korrekturfahnen schrieb F. Hiiler von Gaertringen: ,verdammte
Bummelei".
11
Maiuri 1925. Das Vorwort zum Teil ll: Cos datiert aus dem Jahrc
1921.
12
Vgl. den Nachrufvon Boehringer 1972, S. ix-xxi.
n Dieses specimen ist imArchiv derIG nicht crhalten; offenbar wurdc
es Herzog zurtickgesandt.
14 BriefHerzogs an Hiller v. Gaertringen, 18. Juli 1927.
 Zur Geschichte des Corpus Inscriptionum Coarum (IG XII 4)
Kos" getan, nicht ohne die Versicherung: ,Eine VeOgerung in
der Fertigstellung des Corpusmanuskripts ist davon nicht zu
beflirchten". Es war dies im Jahre 1928, als Herzog das erste
Mal seit 2 1 Jahren wieder Kos besuchen konnte. Ober diese
Reise ist im Archiv der IG nichts zu finden, wohl aber das
Tagebuch einer weiteren Reise im Sommer 1933, diesmal
unter radikal veranderten politischen Umstanden. Damals ist
wohl auch tiber eine mOgliche collaborazione gesprochen
warden. Von italienischer Seite war im Jahre 1934 Mario
Segre auch fUr die lnschriften von Kos beauftragt warden,
und dieser entwickelte auf dem L Epigraphik-Kongrel3 1938
in Amsterdam den systematischen Plan eines Corpus delle
Sporadi orienta!P5 mit den italienischen Funden. Ihm selbst
waren die beim Erdbeben 1933 freigelegten Inschriften
anvertraut, er hat sie photographieren lassen und zum
Teil bearbeitet. Sein Vorgiinger Maiuri hatte Photos alter
Inschriften aus dem Asklepieion herstellen lassen.
Fi.ir Segres Corpus war es nOtig, daB zuvor Herzogs JG
Band erschien; ein spezieller Fall waren Inschriften aus dem
Asklepieion, von denen Fragmente teils von Herzog, teils
von Maiuri bzw. Laurenzi gefunden worden waren. Hier
schlug Segre selbst im Jahre 1937 eine edizione preliminare
in einer italienischen Zeitschrift vor. Willig i.ibergab ihm
Herzog entsprechende Vorschl3.ge16, und im Sommer 1938
besuchte Segre ihn in villa sua suburbana 1 7 in GroBhesselohe
bei Mtinchen, wo Herzog ihm die Vorabpublikation koischer
Dekrete mit Bezug aufKalymna in Aussicht stellte 1 8
Mit Beginn des Krieges 1939 wurden Segre alle Arbeits
mOglichkeiten genomrnen 19 Vor der Deportation 1944 vertraute
er seinen Nachlaf3 Dr. Magi vom Vatikanischen Museum an
mit der Bitte, diesen im Schwedischen Archaologischen
Institut in Rom zu deponieren, um spater alles an Pugliese
Carratelli zu Ubergeben20. Der erste Teil dieses Kataloges mit
knapp 650 lnschriften wurde 1993 publiziert, der zweite Teil
(Grabinschriften) steht noch aus.
Was nun den deutschen Teil betrifft, so kamen im Jahre 1950
die ersten beunruhigenden Nachrichten tiber das Nachlassen
der geistigen Kri:ifte des 80-jahrigen Herzog nach Berlin. Im
Januar 1951 Ubemahm der Leiter der /G, Gtinther Klaffenbach
(1 890-1972), das Material Herzogs in das Archiv der /G:
I . Samtliche Abklatsche Kos, Kalymna
2. Siimtliche Photographien der Inschriften von Kos und
Kalymna
3. Zehn epigraphische Tagebticher
4. das gesamte handschriftliche Material
5. Handexemplare K.FF, HG, PH
Aber bereits die erste ftUchtige Durchsicht war deprimierend:
,Es stellte sich heraus", muf3te Klaffenbach feststellen, ,daB
im Grunde nichts publikationsf1ihig ist, ja daB es bei der
LUckenhaftigkeit und dem Zustande des Materials unm5glich
erscheint, allein auf Grund von diesem und ohne eine neue
Bereisung von Kos eine wirkliche, den IG entsprechende
Corpusedition vorzunehmen."
85
Im Jahre 1 9 5 1 war aber an eine Bereisung von Kos
nicht zu denken. Der ,eiserne Vorhang" verlief quer durch
Europa. So entschloB sich Klaffenbach, aus Herzogs Scheden
die wichtigsten Urkunden (die sog. Asyliedekrete) selbst zu
publizieren, im i.ibrigen aber Herzogs Material den Italienern
zur Verfi.igung zu stellen, und er sandte im Herbst 1952
Tagebticher, Scheden und Notizen an Pugliese Carratelli; die
Abklatsche blieben in Berlin.
Die Grtlnde, die Pugliese Carratelli an der Vollendung
des Corpus hinderten, sind uns nicht bekannt. Tatsache ist
jedenfalls: nut zOgemd hat er lnschriften aus Herzogs Material in
italienischen Zeitschriften publiziert, in derRegel dabei Herzogs
Texte einfach abgeschrieben21
Als im Jahre 1993 mit der BerlinBrandenburgischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zugleich die Kommission
fUr die JG wiedergegriindet wurde, war rasch ein Konsens
dartiber erzielt, daf3 die grOBte Sorge den beiden dringendsten
desiderata innerhalb der /G gelten mtisse, Samos und Cos. FUr
Samos ist soeben der erste Faszikel des Corpus erschienen22
FUr Kos ist his dorthin noch ein Iangerer Weg. Immerhin ist ein
gewisser Optimismus mOglich aus zwei Gri.inden: Zum einen ist
mit der Publikation der italienischen Funde begonnen worden,
und der abschtieBende Band von Segres Katalog soli wohl in
absehbarer Zeit erscheinen. Was zum anderen die deutschen
15 Pug!iese Carratelli 1953,139-144.
16
Herzog, 1 1 . Juni 1 9 37 (an K1affenbach?): VorschHige zur
Kollaboration mit Laurenzi und Segre (Zettel im Archiv der !G):
,Mit Laur[enzi]: Kamarina, Gela, Gelon, Hieron, Kassandreia,
Amphipolis, Korkyra, Ainos, Maroneia, Neapel, Elea. - Ehrendekrete
fur Arzte Hennias Gortyn Knossos, Halikamass, KalliPpos vonAptera,
Philippos von Delos. Fiir den Aegyptus von mir allein: Kaphisophon
u. Inschr. Apollophancs. - Ehrendekrete fUr Richter: Samos, Erythrae
Laur., Erythrae Herzog, Naxos Herzog.
Mit Segre: Asylie ftirArtemis Hiakynth. (H[erzo]g, Maiuri, FraDzosen).
- Nikomedes Aristandrou mit Basisinschrift. - diagrafai drir Aphrod.
Pontia (Hg) und Pandamos (Segre), Dion. Thylloph. PH 27 Hg
und Segre. - Stertiniusrcstauration von mir Text und Ergiinzung
mitgeteilt.
Mittei!ungen Uber Subscriptionslistcn. Inschr. von Kalymna. lch babe
revidiert Brit. Mus., Paris, Athen, Wien, Kalymnos, Kallisperis. Zu
suchen noch Dial. Inschr. 3592.
Museumsinventar vom Ask!. Abschrift an Scgre. FUr lnschr. von
Kos Stadt und Demen zur Auskunft bcreit. Austausch von Listen.
Monarchen mit Datierung. Kalendcr. Gcschlechtemamen".
17 Segre 1952, 37.
18 Erfolgt Herzog 1942, l-20 untcr der Oberschrift: Symbolae
Calymniae et Coae. Es handelt sich urn Segre 1952, testim. XII, XIV,
XXIV, Nr. 78, 79, 219.
19 Pugliese Carratelli 1952, p. x: Iniquis contra Iudaeos lcgibus a.
1938 officiis suis cedcre coactus est atque adeo in publicas ingredi
bibliothecas vetitus.
20
Vgl. Segre 1993, 7-8
21
z. B. Pugliese Carrate!li 1963-64, 147-202, nn. Vll, VIII, XI,
XIII-XV, XVII-XXI, XXIV; idem 1987, idem 1991, 1 35140; idem
1994, 544-545.
22 [0 XII 6: !nscriptiones Chii et Sami cum Corassiis lcariaque, pars
I : lnscriptiones Sami insulae (n. 1-536), Berlin 2000
Boreas 28
 86 Luise und Klaus Hallof
Funde betrifft, so wurde das Material von Herzog im Jahre
1995 durch Pugliese Carratelli nach Berlin zurtickgegeben,
und damit auch die Verantwortung fiir das Corpus.
Daraus ergaben sich zwei Aufgaben:
(a) Die wichtigsten der von Herzog vor knapp 100 Jahren
entdeckten und immer noch unpublizierten inedita sind so rasch
wie m6glich der Fachwelt bekanntzumachen. Dies ist erfolgt
in einer losen Folge von Aufsatzen unter der Oberschrift 'Aus
der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones Graecae"' im Chiron 28, 29, 30
und 3 1 23
(b) Alle Inschriften, die edierten sowohl wie die unedierten
aus Herzogs Material (etwa 500 meist kleinere Fragmente),
sind in einem Prae-Corpus zu sammeln, das die Grundlage
flir die weitere Arbeit in Kos selbst bilden muB. Am 29. Mai
2000 erteilte die 22. Ephorie der vorgeschichtlichen und
klassischen Alterttimer und der Leiter der Ephorie, Dr. I.
Papachristodoulou, den JG die Erlaubnis zum Studium aller
verOffentlichten Inschriften, die sich auf Kos befinden. Es ist
unsere Hoffuung, daf3 es nach einem Jahrhundert der Planungen
und Fehlschliige nun endlich mOglich sein wird, in internationaler
Zusamrnenarbeit das Corpus inscriptionum Coarum zu einem
Abschluil zu bringen.
Anhang
Ein Beispiel fur die kompliziertc Oberlieferungsgcschichte der
lnschriften von Kos, wie oben dargestellt, bietet das folgende
Ineditum. Bei seinem ersten Besuch im Jahre 1898 hatte Herzog
mit dem bereits eiWilhnten griechischen Lokalforscher Jakobos
Zarraftis Freundschaft geschlossen und ihn fi.ir die Epigraphik
begeistern kOnnen. Zarraftis schickte ihm in den niichsten Jahren
eine stattliche Anzahl von Inschriften in Abschrift und spiiter
sogar in Abklatschen. Herzog iibertmg diese Texte in seine
Tagebticher. In einem findet sich folgender Eintrag: ,,Antimachia.
' En\ KanvAiv<; awapiv <; youpva<;". Es folgen MaBe
und Datum: 20. Nov. 1898, und der optimistische Zusatz:
,Wohl noch vorhanden". Aber weder findet sich eine spiitere
EIWiihnung von Hcrzog, noch ein Abklatsch. So ist denn das
einzige Zeugnis jene Abschrift der Abschrift des Zarraftis:
- -Pll:TOl:All:.- - -
- -OTIOYNOl:l:O.- -
- -.ENOMENOl:EIII- -
- -XI- - - -TOYEP- -
Boreas 28
---- -----"'------
Zweifellos ist Z. 3 zu lcscn yev6JJ.evo; dazu gehOrt ein Name im
Nominativ. Dementsprechend kann 1:0U N6aaw- nur Papponym
sein. Nun erscheint in der groBen Epidosis-Liste PH 10 von 202/l
v. Chr. ein ' A[pt]o<6PouA.o<; ' Apiow[u] toD Nooowy[o<;] (d
48-49), und es scheint, daB der bier genannte zweifellos dieser
Aristoboulos oder sein Bruder ist. Damit ist zugleich die Zeit
der Inschrift bestimrnt.
Nunbegegnet die Wendung yev6evo Em- gerade in einer
lnschrift aus Antimachia aus der Zeit urn 200, PH 382 (Sy/1.'
1 1 07), in der das xot vOv der Verehrer des Zeus Hyetios zwei
seiner Mitglieder ehrt, yev6f..Levm. E.mJlijVtot a1hen&yyeA'tOt.
Auch bei der neuen Inschrift dtirfte es sich um ein Ehrendekret
handeln, ob nun von Demos Antimachia oder von einem dort
ansiissigen Kultverein, und zu erganzen sein:
' , 200, [--- "A]ptmo<; Aiox[-- d1te e1tet0ij 'Apwt6PouNx;(?)]
[' Apim]ov wuNooow\[o<; - - - ---- --------------- - --]
----- '\'OVOfJZVO<; em[rjvto<;-------------------- -]
______ J([ 1J)][ElP
____ _______________________________
Der enqJ.ijVl.O ist als Priester fur die monatlichen Opfer
verantwortlich. Z. 4 kommt auf die speziellen Verdienste
zu sprechen, die man freilich nicht mehr erraten kann (e. g.
c\p]Xt[nox<wv] toO i!p[you) .
Luise und Klaus Hallof
Academia Scie;ntiarum Berolinensis et Brandenburgensis
Unter den Linden 8
Inscriptiones Graecae
DE- ! 0 1 1 7 BERLIN
E-mail: haUof@bbaw.de
23 'Aus der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones Graecae", l-3', Chiron 28, 1998,
85-162: Vorbemerkung (P. Hernnann, S. 85-86); 'Drei Dekrete aus Kos
fUr &uco:crcaywyol' (Ch. V. Crowther, Chr. Habicht, L. und K. Hallof,
S. 87-100); 'Ehrendekrete aus dem Asklepieion von Kos' (L. und K.
Hallof, Chr. Habicht, S. 101-142); 'Unedierte koische EpidosisListen'
(L. und K. Hallof, Chr. Habicht, S. 143-162). - 'Aus der Arbeit dcr
"lnscriptiones Graecae", 4', Chiron 29, 1999, 251-319: 'Koan decrees
for foreignjudges' (Ch. V. Crowther). - 'Aus derArbeitder"lnscriptioncs
Graccae", 6', Chiron 30, 2000, 415--449: 'Sales ofpriesthoods on Cos, I '
(R. Parkerund D. Obbink). - 'Aus derArbeit dcr "Inscriptioncs Graecae",
7, 8, 10', Chiron 3 1 , 2001, 229-275, 333-345: 'Sales of pricsthoods
on Cos, 2' (R. Parker und D. Obbink, S. 229-252); 'Three further
inscriptions concerning Coan cults' (R. Parker und D. Obbink, S.
253-275); 'Decrees of inviolability for Cos' (K.J. Rigsby und K.
Hallof. S. 333-345).
 Zur Geschichte des Corpus lnscriptionum Coarum (JG XII 4) 87

;im Bibliographic
ym
2/l Berve (Nachruf) H. Berve, 'RudolfHerzog (Nachrut)', in Jahrbuch Pugliese G. Pugliese Carratelli, 'Rassegna sulle epigrafi di
! (d 1953 derBayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1953, Carratelli !953 Rodi, di Coo e delle altre sporadi orientali', in Actes
ser
165-168. du lie Congres international d'Jp l igraphie grecque
Boehringer E. Boehringer, 'Erinnerungen. Paul Schazman, et !aline, Paris 1952, Paris 1953, 139-144.
eit 1 3 . 3 . 1 871-5.6.1946. Hugo Hepding, 7.9.1 878- Pugliese
1972 G. Pugliese Carratelli, '11 damos coo di Isthmos',
24.9.1959', in Pergamon. Gesammelte Aufsiitze. Carratelli ASAtene 41-42, N.S. 25-26, 1963-64 (pr. 1965),
ter (Pergamenische Forschungen, 1 ), Berlin 1972, 1963-64 147-202.
'f.3 ix-xxxi. Pugliese G. Pugliese Carratelli, 'Epigrafi di Cos relative al
Calder 1999 W.M. Calder III, 'Ambivalent loyalties. A letter Carratelli 1987 cultodiArtemis in Cnido ein Baq,,rylia',PP42, 1987,
ei
of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff to W.R. l l 0-123.
>t.
Paton', in Text andtradition. Studies in Greek history Pugliese G. Pugliese Canatelli, 'La norma etica degli Askla
et and historiography in honor ofMortimer Chambers, Carratelli 1991 piadai di Cos', PP 46, 1991, 81-94
rt Claremont 1999, 287-301. Pugliese G. Pugliese CarrateHi, ' An6yovot A<n;:Ar pnoU
Herzog 1901 R. Herzog, 'Bericht iiber eine epigraphisch Carratelli 1994 xcd HpaxA.eou.:;:', in Storia, poesia e pensiero ne!

archiiologische Expedition auf der Insel Kos im mondo antico: studi in onore di Marcello Gigante,
Sommer 1900',AA 1901, l J I-140. Napoli 1994, 543-547.
Herzog 1942 R. Herzog, 'Symbolae Calymniae et Coae', RivFil Rehm 1941 A. Rehm, 'R. Herzog zum 70. Geburtstag', in FuF
70, 1942, 1-20. 17, 1941, 270-271.
Klaffenbach G. Klaffenbach, 'Bericht Uber die lnscriptiones Schazmann P. Schazmann, Kos. Ergebnisse der deutschen Aus
1953 Graecae', in Actes du lie Congres international 1932 grabungen und Forschungen I. Asklepieion:
d'ipigraphie grecque et latine, Paris 1952, Paris Baubeschreibung und Baugeschichte. Berlin 1932.
1953, 21-37. Segre 1952 M. Segre, Tituli Calymnii ( ASAtene 22-23, N.S.
=

Maiuri 1925 A. Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrajica di Rodi e Cos, 6-7, 1944-45), Bergamo 1952.
Firenze 1925. Segre 1993 M. Segre, lscrizioni di Cos, Roma 1993.
POhlmann 1982 E. POhlmann, 'Rudolf Herzog', in Gie_/Jener Wilamowitz U.v. Wilamowitz-Moellcndorff, 'Sammlung der
Gelehrte in der ersten Hiilfte des 20. Jahrhunderts Moellendorff griechischen Inschriften', in SBBer/ 1906, 80-82
(Lebensbilder aus Hcssen. VerOffentlichungen der 1906
Historischen Kommission fiir Hessen, 35), hrsg. Wilamowitz U .v. WilamowitzMoellendorff, 'Sammlung der
H.G. Gundel, P. Moraw & V. Press, Marburg Moellendorff griechischen Inschriften', in SBBerl l909, 125-126.
1982,
1909
Pugliese G. Pugliese Carratelli, 'Curriculum vitae Marii Segre',
Wilamowitz U. v. .Wilamowitz-Mocllendorff, 'Sammlung der
Carratelli 1952 in M. Segrc, Tttuli Calymnii ( ASAtene, 22-23, N.S.
griechischen Inschriften', in S'BBer/ 1928, S. xxiv
=
Moellendorff
6-7, 1944-45), Bergamo 1952, S. x.
1928 xxvi.

Boreas 28
 Hakon Ingvaldsen
The Function and Meaning of Personal Names on
the Coan Coinage in the Late Classical and Early
Hellenistic Period
Abstract
Persona! names occur on the majority of coinages of the Classical and
Hellenistic period in the Greek world. A complete survey of the names
on the coinage ofCos from the period 385-170 is now gathered for the
first time, including 142 names from c. 2,300 coins. A short descrip
tion of the coin material is followed by a discussion of chronology
based on the hoard material, an investigation of the possibility of
identifying the official behind these names and an examination of the
written sources on the subject in general. The last part of the article is
devoted to a discussion on the phenomenon ofpersonal names on Greek
city-state coinages in general. Attention is paid towards the general
pattern of the use of personal names by the poleis in Asia Minor. The
author concludes that a common understanding of the use of names
probably existed between the different polcis, and that this conception
most likely was associated with recognition, control and validation
of the coinages between the city-states. The actual office behind the
names within each polis is thus subordinate to the fact that the states
followed generally accepted patterns of coining, and the function of
the personal names must be interpreted in a context reaching above
each single polis. 1
The corpus ofCoan coins from the period 385-170 comprises c.
2,300 coins in 26 series. The coin material has five main sources:
museums, private collections, the auction market, the collection
at the Kos Museum, and finally G6ttingen University. A major
part ofthe large silver series can be found in the renowned collec
tions ofthe British Museum in London, the Staatliche Museum in
Berlin, the Cabinet des Medailles, at the BibHothCque Nationale
in Paris and the American Numismatic Society (ANS) in New
York The large silver coins are also, not surprisingly, the most
attractive items on the auction market and, as such, are over
represented in the material recorded from auction catalogues.2
In addition, I have managed to include complementary material,
mainly consisting of smaller bronze series, which increases the
representativity of the corpus to an extent that I did not expect.
The two important sources, which have so far remained unre
corded and unpublished, are the coins at the Kos Museum and
in the collection of G6ttingen University. The coins at the Kos
Museum come from excavations mostly undertaken during the
past 50 years. With one exception, they are not accompanied by
additional information about find-spots, stratigraphic layers or
other details, which would have increased their value as sources.
A total of 280 coins from the period dovm to c. 170 have
been recorded by the Kos Museum. The exceptional number
of coins, which now form a part of the coin collection at the
Archiiologisches Institut of GOttingen University, contributes
as the single most valuable addition to the corpus of the Coan
coinage. More than 450 new coins have been recorded altogether,
mostly Hellenistic bronze coins. They all probably originate from
the collection ofthe classicalphilologist Wilhelm Otto Croenert
(1 874-1942). The collection finally ended up at Gottingen Uni
versity-unfortunately without additional information about the
provenance ofthecoins.3 The collection comprises a vast number
ofcoins ofsimilar type, all with identical patina, which indicates
a common source for the entire collection. Though difficult to
prove, these may be the coins fmmd during Herzog's excavations
of the Asclepieion. If so, the material is even more important in
providing a glimpse of the circulation pattern during the years
when the Asclepieion was at its peak.
Approximately 600 coins derive from other, more or less
thoroughly recorded hoards. Several scholars have made hUge
efforts to make reconstructions of the most important hoards.
Today it is common for large silver hoards to be r:einoved from
the country oforigin to be sold-separately or in Small lots-on
the open auction market. The most important Coan hoards are
the so-called "Hecatomnus hoard" and the "Pixodarus hoard"
of which reasonably reliable reconstructions have been made.
However, both hoards are of limited interest to us today, as the
1 The present publication is virtually identical with the paper read at the
Uppsala symposium in May 2000. A full range study on the subject,
with additional material, is presented in lngvaldsen 2002. All dates
are BC, unless otherwise stated. Abbreviations are listed in the bibli
ography. Concerning SNG: the title is followed by the country and/or
the name of the collection, and .then the geographical area covered by
the specific volume.
2 The main source for this material is the collection of auction cata
logues at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. All relevant catalogues
among the total of26,000 have been included in this study.
3 InfOrmation provided by Dr. ChristofBoehringer. There exists, how
ever, no conclusive evidence for the provenance of this collection of
coins. Cf Boehringer 1995, 191-192. At the Uppsala symposium, an
objection to this theory of provenance was presented, together with an
Boreas 28
90 Hakon lngvaldsen
Fig. l. Coan coins.
coins represented belong to periods preceding 280. A survey of
the relevant hoard material will comprise: (1) approximately
600 coins from 37 closed hoards and (2) approximately 700
from cumulative hoards or area finds from Cos. The proportion
ofCoan coins with hoard provenance will thus reach c. 45%.
Here I shall mainly concentrate on the names on these
coins. The Coan coinage constitutes a major source for the
prosopographic material from Cos. Names occurs on almost all
coin series from c. 390-380 onwards (Fig. 1). The only excep
tions are a few, minor, bronze series. Two reasons may explain
this lack of names. Firstly, the series are limited and represent
the smallest fraction in the monetary system. The sheer value
of the coins in question may have been considered so insig
nificant that the possible control function of the names on the
larger coin series was considered superfluous on the smallest
series. Secondly, the names may have been displaced for a
more pragmatic reason. The mere size of these bronze coins,
with a diameter of approximately 6-8 mm, may have caused
difficulties for the die engravers. However, the small sizes can
also be found on the hemidrachms in series XVI. It is tempting
to interpret the lack of names on this small bronze series as a
reflection of their minor importance in the monetary system.
The remaining 24 series all have names represented.
A total of 142 names has been recorded. The number of
individuals represented cannot, of course, be extracted from
this listing, since a specific name does not necessarily represent
only one person. In several instances, it is apparent that we are
dealing with different persons. The repetition of names is as
unfortunate as it is inevitable and reduces the possibilities of
using the names as a criterion to make connections between
Boreas 28
series, thus facilitating the dating ofthe coinage as a whole. In
spite of this, a few series are undoubtedly connected through
identical names. In some instances, in which more than half
of the names represented in two or more series are identical, a
link between the series is established beyond doubt. One such
convincing correlation of names between several series has
resulted in a re-dating of a large group <;>fbronze coins which
have been commonly dated to 88-50 BC.' The study of the
names, supported by hoard evidence, clearly shows that.these
coins belong to the first half of the second century-BC.
The extent of the representativity of the personal names
is a key question. The addition of 350 silver-'coins from auc
tion catalogues and, most significantly, the 700 bronze coins
recorded at GOttingen and the Kos Museum did not add a single
new name to the list. Only two or three names occurred in series
in which they were not previously represented. I therefore feel
confident in judging the name listings from the Coan coinage
as fairly representative. It would have been very satisfying to
be able to present a precise dating of the names recorded on
the coin material. Unfortunately, this is an impossible task
Until the study of the Coan coinage has been completed and
die links are-firmly established, an attempt to give exact dating
of the names would be mere speculation. The coin series in
alternative theory: these coins might have been a part of the collection
ofPaton. A thorough examination of this suggestion will be presented
in my forthcoming work; cf. n I .
4 The series has o n the obverse the head of Asclepius and o n the re
verse a thyrsos, an ethnikon (KOI.QN) and a personal name. Cf. BMC
Caria, pi. XXXII, 10.
 The Function and Meaning ofPersonal Names on the Coan Coinage
which the names are represented are more or less securely dated
and, without the relative chronology in place, little significant
information can be found concerning the dating ofthe specific
names. There are, of course, additional sources for the dating
of names. The relevant names have been compared with the
LGPN, but the dates given there are generally too vague to be
of any assistance. But I have great expectations of the results
which may be presented when the inscriptions have been fully
processed and compared with the coin material. Anyway, it
may be useful to take a closer look at the connections between
hoards and the occurrences of names.
Hoard JGCH 1 3 1 0 contains bronze coins of series XVII.
Three names are represented: IIIIIAPXO, IMO and
<PIAIETH:E. Neither the names nor the series in question are
represented in other hoards, so the value of the information is
restricted. In hoard CH Vlll, 295, a group of series Xlll tet
radrachms with the name ofKAEINO is found. The compo
sition of the hoard and the fact that the Coan coin is in almost
mint-new state tells us that Kleinos was active around 250 BC.5
The "Pyle hoard", IGCH 1308, contains the Coan drachms and
hemidrachms in series XV and XVI. A total of 1 8 names are
represented and that gives us important comparative materiaL6
Another hoard of similar composition, known only from plas
ter casts in the ANS, New York, is also from Cos. The present
location is unknown and so is the time of discovery. Although
fewer in number (33, compared with 340 from Pyle), 14 different
names are represented. All 10 names on the hemidrachms are
also found in the Pyle hoard. The coins in both hoards bear little
or no significant sign of wear, and considering the number of
personal names represented, this indicates that a high number of
names were in use during a relatively short period of time prior
to c. 200 BC. The contexts ofthese names are also confinned by
hoard IGCH 1 309, which contains drachms of series XV with
several identical names represented.7 A rare example of coins
found in an archaeological context is the four bronzes found
during the excavations of the Agora in Athens. The only vis
ible name is TEAH<!>OPO, and the stratigraphical context
indicates a date c. 200-190 for the bronzes, which belong to the
series XXI.8 Hoard JGC.1i 1 320's most interesting feature is its
composition, which tells us that series XXI circulated together
with drachms from series XV, plintophoric drachms and hemi
drachms with Apollo and lyre. The following names are rep
resented: on drachms, ATYNO, ZQII!PI, HPAKAEITO,
KAAAIITIIILI., II18IQN, <!>IAINO and NIKAI'OP, on plin
tophoric drachms, APATO, APITAIO, APITANLI.PO, 11 Ashton 1996.
IIATPOKAH and APXIA, on hemidrachms, APITAIO,
APXIA, 8PA!ANLI.P and IIATPOKAH, on the
bronzes with Heracles % en face, APXQN, AAMIIIA and
IIPATAI'OPA, on bronzes with small incuse, LI.AMQNO
and on bronzes with draped female head, liPASIAN. The lack of
tetrobols indicates a burial date before c. 1 80-170.9 A large hoard
ofRhodian plintophoric drachms, JGCH 1321, also contained a
. small number ofCoan coins ofthe same type as iGCH 1320. The
plintophoric drachm bears the name APITANLI.PO, and the
91
hemidrachm the name ofAPITAIO. The burial date around
180 is also confmned by the numerous Rhodian plintophoric
drachms. 10 The last hoard that I shall mention was discovered
in the late 1980s and is said to have contained several bronzes
of the type with Heracles % enface (BMC Caria 103-110). A
few specimens from the hoard are now part of a private collec
tion. The names recorded are IIAPMENIKO, liPA3IANA3
and IIPATATOPAE. The coins show noticeable signs of wear,
which indicates a substantial period of circulation, and a burial
date as late as after 150 has been suggested. 11
The particular phenomenon of personal names on coins
deserves to be discussed on a broader basis and with an approach
exceeding each individual polis. The function of the names, or
the widely used term '"magistrates", has been discussed more
or less thoroughly in several publications during the last few
decades. 12 Obviously, the lack of supporting sources is the main
problem in all studies on this matter. No conclusive evidence can
be drawn from the material known at present. In order to obtain
a more general tmderstanding ofthe function ofpersonal names,
I am convinced that we shall have to make a division between
the "'autonomous" coinages within each polis and the dynastic
issues ofthe large Hellenistic coinages. The latter will therefore
not be discussed in detail in the present study. However, a certain
consensus on the interpretation of the names seems to have been
established, chiefly by Robert, Kraay, M0rkholm, Alfdldi and
Rebu:ffat. They all agree that the name may have served two
different purposes: either the eponym "magistrate" simply in
order to date a certain coinage, or the use of minor officials
with some kind of responsibility for the quality and quantity
of an issue. Some of the archai involved in coining have been
identified as the strategoi, agonothetes, archpntes, derniourgoi
and prostatai. The names on the Coan coinage are generally
explained as those of the eponymous monarchos. 13 Studies.of
the material available today do not offer this interpretation
5 Ashton 1992, 3-4; Requier 1996, 53.
' BCH 1954, 98: BCH 1955, 210.
7 Milne 1912, 14-19.
s Krol1 ! 993, nos. 958 A-D.
9 Robinson 1936, 190-194; Kroll 1964, 83-84; Ashton 1996, 278.
10
The Coan coment of this hoard has not been previously recorded.
No Coan coins are listed in the JGCH, but the two Coan coins listed
above arc identified in the collection ofthe ANS, which acquired 24
coins from the hoard in question.
1Z The most important and/or cited being Regling 1927, 156-168;
Milne 1941, 26-29; Wallace 1950, 21-26; Bellinger 1958, 23-24;
Gerassimov 1958, 276; Thompson 1961, 593-599; Kroll 1964, 94-99;
Barron 1966, 105, 1 1 2-113, 126, 1 33, 138-140; Robert 1967, 103-104;
Robert 1973, 50-53; Gauthier 1975, 165-179; Kraay 1976, 253-254;
Alf6ldi 1978, 125-126; Jones 1979, 81-90; Furtwangler 1982, 5-24;
Deppert-Lippitz 1984,20-2 1 ; M.orkholm 1991, 3 1-32; Rebuffat 1996,
100-101, 195.
13 Paton & Hicks 1891, 348; Herzog 1928, 46; Pugliese-Carrateili
1957, 333; Sherwin-White 1978, 188;
Homblower 1982, 134 (adopting Sherwin-White's view).
Boreas 28
92 Hakon Ingvaldsen
any support, nor do the additional sources. The only supposed
link has been between the names of known monarchoi of Cos
and the names on the coin material. This is, however, far from
convincing. Approximately ! I % ofthe names on coins and the
monarchoi known from inscriptions match. 14 In addition, the
complexity of the die-links in some of the large series indicates
that several names were in use at the same time. 15 Unfortunately,
the theory of the monarchoi represented on coins must be aban
doned, and we are forced to continue our speculations about the
function of the personal names on Coan coins. I shall take the
opportunity here to discuss this question in more detail, starting
with a closer examination of the official magistrates who may
be represented on the coinage.
The magistrates named prostatai occur in several Greek,
mainly Dorian, states. They were the main magistrates on Kos,
resembling the nearby prytaneis on Rhodos. They deserve a
closer examination here, because of the occurrence of their
names on the later Hellenistic tetrobols of Kos. 16 The board
ofprostatai consisted offive members, one of whom acted as
chainnan. The members were elected by vote, not by lot, and
were probably recruited from the whole damos. They served
for one of the six-month terms that the Coan calendar year was
made up of. The prostatai were probably a much more mixed
group in tenus of social class and wealth than the monarchoi.
They were responsible for much of the administration of the
state---through the execution of the decisions of the damos, as
well as through other channels. They enjoyed the privilege of
presenting proposals both to the boula and to the damos. This
board ofmagistrates acted officially as a llilit, not individually,
since constitutional authority was granted to them collectively
and this made it unlikely thatthe individual prostatas ever acted
on his own. The prostatai also held judicial authority and ap
plied laws and imposed fines in local jurisdiction concerning
payments for priesthoods, cult and sacrifices. The administra
tive capacity can be traced in the responsibility to allocate new
citizens to their tribes, and their religious responsibility in the
appointment of cult officials, the making of regulations for the
sale of priesthoods and public cults and execution of sacrifices
at state festivals. It is more interesting to note that the board
ofprostatai had particular responsibilities in financial matters,
especially those associated with temples and sanctuaries. Each
temp le had its thesauroi, which contained collected monetary
dedications and o'fferings, as well as offerings made by the peo
ple. The prostatai were responsible for keeping the key to the
treasury, making inventory lists ofthe contents and commanding
the use of them in accordance with the damos' decisions. The
prostatai handled the money directly. This was not the case in
several other states, where the actual handling and accollilt-keep
ing were delegated to a financial board. As mentioned above, the
abbreviation on the later Hellenistic tetrobols indicates finnly
that the board ofprostataiwas involved in coinage in the middle
of the second century. Whether or not this was the case at an
earlier stage is uncertain. The possibility carmot be ruled out until
a closer examination of the sources has been undertaken.17
Boreas 28
The board ofstrategoi is also epigraphically attested in the
Hellenistic period on Kos. Like theprostatai, it consisted offive
persons. Contrary to what could be expected from their tasks in
other states, they are not generally attested in military contexts
(one, named strategos, was responsible for military actions and
organisation during the wars in the years 205-201 . This was,
however, the only pe'riod with war on Coan soil).
Besides these major archai, a few subordinate officials
should be mentioned. It is difficult to sort out in great detail
the exact responsibilities of the different archai. They were all
permanent offices ofthe constitution. They had various respon
sibilities for particular aspects of the civic administration, such
as finance, public records, religious duties and public work. The
poletai were responsible for administering public contracts and
for the sale and lease of state property. The karpologeuntes on
Kos are mentioned as a group that was obliged to make sacrifices
at a Coan festival, but analogies to other states may indicate that
they played a role in financial matters. They might have collected
taxes on agricultural products (karpoi), received and disbursed
funds for the fortification of walls (attested in fourth-century
Kolophon) or, more likely, have been involved in naval activity,
for example, collecting tithes from Kalymnos when the island
became subject to Coan taxation. The tamiai are the potentially
most interesting officials when it comes to the state's economic
activities. Unfortunately, their role on Kos is rather obscure,
owing to the fragmentary evidence available. However, they cer
tainly made up the chieffinancial board. They were responsible
for state money and administered the necessary payments for
various public purposes. They also administered the thesauros
of the Asclepieion. Neither the number of tamiai nor the period
of office is attested, although it is likely that they followed the
other officials in their six month's duty. It is particularly regret
table that there is no evidence to shed light on the connection
between the tamiai and other officials in the matter ofProviding
the state with the necessary amount of money. 9rganising and
financing the navy and army involved a number of officials at
different levels. A huge proportion of state money was channelled
into keeping these forces operative. It is, however, irrelevant to
14 The percentage of correlation is based upon the present name list
from the corpus ofCoan coins and the list of monarchoi presented by
Christian Habicht at the Uppsala symposium.
15 Similar observations have been made in relation to the coinage in
other poleis in Caria; cf., for example, Ashton 1986, 16, who shows
that the names offour "magistrates" were in use simultaneously.
16
On a few specimens of this type, ITPOL or ITPOLTAT can be read
before the personal name. KroU adopts Paton & Hick's view that the
abbreviation refers to the prostatai board of magistrates. He prefers,
however, to restore the abbreviation to the plural sense, meaning the
''prostatai under so and so". See Kro11 1964, 91ff.
!?
Sherwin-White 1978, 205: "[---) the bou/a and prostatai somehow
became involved in coining between c. 145 and c. 88", thus indicat
ing that they were not involved at an earlier stage. The dating of the
tetrobols to c. 145 is doubtful. The correct dating is probably 20 years
earlier.
 The Function and Meaning ofPersonal Names on the Coan Coinage
the examine this subject further here. 18 Apart from the connection
\ve between theprostatai and the second-century tetrobols, no other
archai on Kos are associated with the Coan coinage in the avail
'in
able sources. We must therefore turn to the written sources in
;ts
general in our search for the officials and/or persons behind the
ld
names on the coinages in the fifth to the second centuries.
s,
The so-called "Athenian coinage decree" concerns the ad
s ministration and organisation of coinage in a number of minor
1 poleis, and we should expect it to have been written in accord
ance with the customary way of organising these matters in the
I A remarkable inscription from Delphi deals with the Am
different cities. In view of this, the division found in the decree
between the "archons" and the "overseers" is significant.
Jf there are no Athenian archons, the archons oLeach city
[?] shall enforce the provision of the decree. (--]. They
shall receive the silver coinage [6:pyUpwv] in the mint
[Ctpyupoxon(un} and strike not less than half, and the cities
[---] ; and [?] the overseers [bno-t&n't) on each occasion
shall charge five drachmas in each mina [---}. The archons in
the cities are to inscribe this decree, and set it up on a marble
tablet in the agom of each city, and the overseers are to do
the same before the mint. [ ---] the foreign silver ... whenever
he wishes, and the city . . each person is to ... his own .
the mint. The overseers are to keep a record ... and set up a
marble tablet befOre the mint for anyone who wishes to see
it and they are to record at! the foreign coinage, [?]'the silver
and the gold separately, and all of our own silver coinage [?]
which they issue.19
This much-debated inscription clearly attests the division be
tween the archons and the subordinate but personally responsi
ble overseer of the mint. Obviously, the text presupposes, and
thus attests, the existence of a person working in the mint who
was responsible for several aspects of the monetary system.
Among his tasks were to receive foreign and civic coins in
silver and gold, to keep records of the amount of silver and
gold coins, to organise and administer the re-striking of foreign
coins and to charge the expenses of exchange.
An inscribed law from Athens concerning imitations of
Attic coinage in the year 375/4 is even more revealing. In the
introduction we are told that it is a resolution (Nloe) of the
nomothetai (the board responsible for revising the laws). We
are told that imitations of Athenian coins which contain lead
or bronze beneath the silver surface shall be deposited with the
boule. When it comes to collecting the fees for violating the
regulations, the responsibility lies with the itpx6vt"e. The pay
ment to the dokimastes ("certifier") shall come from ''the same
fund as payments to the mint workers" (Ctpyupox6not).20
Thus the mint workers were paid by a public fund, and not by
a private citizen in charge ofthe mint, as would have been the
case if the mint had been on lease.
Obviously, it was the ekklesia, either through the boule or
not, which made the principal decisions concerning the coinage
in a polls. Several indications ofvarious nature can be found in
the written sources. Aristophanes attests indirectly a decision
about the coinage ofAthens made by the ekklesia (or possibly,
but unlikely, by the boule):
93
Citizen A : Do you remember when we voted for those bronzes
[xo:AxoUc;]? Citizen B: Yes, and that striking was a bad one for
me. [---]. Then, (---], the herald bellowed that no one was to
use bronze in the future; "For now we use silver''.2 1
These sentences may not be very significant, but they nonethe
less attest that it might well have happened in fourth-century
Athens that the herald proclaimed a decision about coinage
made by the ekklesia. This is to be expected, but it neverthe
less needs attestation.
phictyonic coinage of .336. The decree is important in many
respects; however, I shall here mention only the payment to
the mint master (itpyupox6nos). Dexius, the mint master,
is paid a substantial sum of money (more than three talents)
for organising the coin series ordered by the decree. He is
mentioned by name in the decree of the Arnphictyones (the
board consisting of members from the states represented in
the sanctuary in Delphi), and the amount of money he should
be paid is also mentioned.22
From Cyme, we are told of the benefactions of a certain
Archippe. A part of the text reads:
Let Archippe pay the thousand staters of bronze [---] to the
men who are in charge ofthe payments ofdebts, and let them
record it and use this income with the other moneys accruing
to them; and when the thousand staters are given by Archippe,
let the treasurer in charge of administration who is chosen
each year pay atitomatica!ly to the strategoi ten staters, and
to the whole CopncH forty staters [---], and [---J Jet him pay
the same persons an equal amount of income.Zl
Who are these "men in charge of the payments of debts" and
"the treasurer in charge of administration"? The latter was
obviously not among the strategoi, but this is also the only
certain statement we can read from the text concerning .the
officers in charge of monetary matters.
A well-known law text from Gortyn at the end ofthe third
century provides us with some more information:
Gods. A decision of the assembly of thepolis, in the presence
of three hundred. Bronze coinage [vot-tiot-tatt XPriOl')m],
issued by the polis is to be used, and not the silver coins
[CtpyUptot;]. If anyone uses silver coins or refuses to accept
bronze coins or sells in natura, he shall pay five staters of
silver. The charge is to be brought to th:; neotas, and the seven
neotai allotted to supervise the market-place are to givejudge
ment after swearing an oath. The one who gets the majority
18 Other minor officials, as well as the organisation of the Coan army
and navy, are discussed in Sherwin-White 1978, esp. 209-220.
19JG P, 1453, 4, 5, 10,,13. Translation: TestNum 78.
20 The decree is published in Hesperia 1974, 157-188. Translation:
TestNum 9 1 .
21 Aristophanes, Ecclesiazusae 81 5-822. Translation: TestNum 88.
22 CID II, 75 (col. 1), lines 52-54. The text is reproduced in TestNum
2!2.
z;SEG 33, 1039, lines 5 1-59. Translation: TestNum 312.
Boreas 28
94 Hakon Ingvaldsen
of their votes, after they have sworn, will be the winner, and
when they have secured [the fine} from the loser, they are to
give half to the winner and half to thepolis.24
Clearly we can see here that, in the official language of the ad
ministration ofthepolis, the regulation, not surprisingly, and the
issuing of coins, both bronze and silver, are considered directly
subordinate to the decisions ofthe ekklesia. The function of the
neotai is uncertain, but they obviously held a controlling posi
tion on the market.25 Nothing implies a connection between the
neotai and the practical or administrative aspects of coinage.
In a treaty between Mytilene and Phocaea, the subjec'l: is organ
ising the striking of gold (i.e. electrum) coins in the two cities:
The one who mixes the gold is to be legally responsible in
both cities. As judges there are to be, for the one who mixes at
Mytilene, more than half ofthe officials [ ctpxo:t<;;] at Mytilene,
and at Phocaea more than half ofthe officials at Phocaea, and
an audit is to take place when a year has ended, within six
months; and if anyone is convicted of willingly mixing the
gold too weakly, he is to be punished with death, and if he is
found not guilty of willingly [mixing the gold too weakly}, let
the court decide what is a fitting penalty for him to suffer or
pay, and the city is to be guiltless and free from penalty. The
Myti!enaeans draw by lot the right to strike first, ["-).2!'
The judicial concerns mentioned in the treaty will naturally
not be a part of the mint organisation in an ordinary po!i's. The
main purpose of the treaty is to grant each of the two poleis
freedom from legal responsibility towards the other. The regu
lation transfers the responsibility from the administration of
the poleis down to the persons involved in the coin-making.
Interestingly, the right to mint first is settled by lot. This may
imply a certain expectation ofincome generated from the future
administration of the coinage.
A decree from Magnesia honours Moschion, who has
served in financial matters:
[---) and in addition becoming president of the festival, and be
coming treasurer [ctpyupoto: fav], also becoming president
of the epipegoi for n.vo years, and in addition being placed in
charge of the striking of the light bronze [coinage].27
It is worth mentioning here that the functions as argyro
tamiai and leader of the epipegoi are represented by specific
terminology, but to be in charge of striking bronze coins is
written in an explanatory way, without the use of a specific,
function-describing tenn. This decree has been discussed by
Nicolas F. Jones in his publication ofthe coinage ofMagnesia.
He claims that the verb xa.b'Lotflf..l.t can be interpreted as a
technical term for the appointment of a person to a liturgy. The
word may also have been used in this way, but the content of
the term can be interpreted in a variety of ways. In my opin
ion the meaning of the word is too general to be specifically
interpreted as meaning "placing someone into liturgy" if this
is not explicitly stated in the text.28
A decree from Sestos has also been used in attesting a
Boreas 28
monetary liturgy, although there is little consensus concerning
the interpretation.29 The relevant text is:
And the demos, having decided to use its own bronze coinage
in order that the type of the city be recognised and the demos
receive the profit which results from such income, and having
elected men who would piously and justly maintain the tmst
placed in them, Menas, chosen along with his fellowappointee,
applied the appropriate diligence, as a result of which the
demos, on account of the men'sjustice and zeal, uses its own
coin. And in the other magistracies and liturgies [-].3
H von Fritze interpreted the decree to describe Menas' activity
as "dap dem Menas und einem zweiten Beamten die Sorge fUr
das Mtinzwesen als Kommissoriurn ohne Titel verliehen wurde
und zwar augenscheinlich fiir tangere Zeit. ".31 von Fri tze argues
that Menas held an official status connected with the coinage
mentioned in the text. There have been objections to this interpre
tation. There is, for example, no reason why one should interpret
the word epimeleia in any technical way. lt is probably used in its
conventional meaning of"'diligence" or "care". The constitutional
position associated with the epimeletes is widely attested in a
number ofpoleis. His duty varied according to time and space.
InAthens, where several epimeletai are attested, some maintained
the fountains, some supervised trade and others again had the
responsibility for religious festivals.32 However, nothing in the
text above indicates any connection between Menas' involvement
with the coinage and his having a public office in connection with
his duty in this area. In Jones' opinion such a connection can be
indirectly establiShed through the last phrase in the text.33 Joncs
claims that this phrase presupposes an earlier mention of liturgy
in the text, and that the only possible explanation is to interpret
the efforts of Menas and his colleague as officially designated
liturgy.:M But the statement may just as well mitror that his official
duties in general involved such a practise.
It is difficult to draw any decisive conclusions from the
earlier research and/or the written sources. Th'latter provide
us only with random glimpses of how the monetary system
could be arranged and are not sufficiently representative to be
used as a basis for a general understanding of the organisation
of coinage in the Greek poleis.
24 /Cr 4, 62. For the Greek text, see TestNum 334. A translation has
also been published in Amaoutouglou 1998, no. 5 1 .
15 Willetts 1954, 494--498.
26
IG XI12, ! . Translation: TestNum 348.
27 !.Magnesia 164, lines 10-14. Translation: TestNum 518.
2s Cf. Berg 1963; LSJ: liturgy i s not mentioned i n connection with
the word.
29 von Fritze 1907, 1-3; Robert 1973, 49-52; Gauthier 1975, 165-, 179;
Jones 1979, 84; Rebuftb.t 1996, 1 0 1 .
30 OG!S 339 (pp. 537-544). Translation from Jones 1979, 84.
31 von Fritze 1907,3.
32 Rhodes 1 981, 5 16, 579, 627, 636.
33 tv te to:'l ctAAo:i ctpxcd<;; xo:\ Aettoopyio:t<;; ('---], and ln the other
magistracies and liturgies [---].').
34 Jones 1979, 85-86.
 The Function and Meaning ofPersonal Names on the Coan Coinage 95

The general theories concerning the personal names can be Smyrna From c. 280: names (c. 301 to c. 280 no
summed up as follows: names)
Teos From c. 400: names (no names in
1 . Personal names represent one of the main archai in the Archaic period)
oinage
po!is. This is most likely the case when the name is accompa Chios From c. 410: names (no names in
demos
1aving
nied by the preposition Eili (during the time of) and the name Archaic period)
e tmst is given in the genitive case. The official represented may be a Oenoe No names (only bronze coinage)
Samos From 394: names (479-394 no names)
:intee, strategos, an archon, a prostates or a prytanes. In some cases,
h the the name is used as an eponym, thus giving an indication of
: own
yearly (or longer/shorter period) issues or at least that it was Caria
used for the purpose of dating during the time that it was used Alabanda From 197: names
Alinda No names (only bronze coinage)
vity as a means of payment. .
Antiocia ad Menander From 2nd century: names
dlir 2. The name represents a minor official with personal re Astyra No names (only bronze coinage)
sponsibility for the coinage. The office in question cannot be Caunus From c. 166: names (350-189: no
irde
ues identified in most cases, although we can find a certain ''techni names, only bronze coinage)
cal director" or "minting director" in the written sources. We Ceramus From 2nd century; names
ge Cnidus From c. 387: names (before c. 387: no
should assume that a certain degree of control lies behind the use
'te names)
ret ofnames in this context. We have no indications as to how these Evromus No names (only bronze coinage)
its officials were appointed or who they were subordinate to. Gordiuteichus No names (only bronze coinage)
3. The names represent nobles responsible for financing a Halicamasus From c. 360: names (before c. 360 and
ial on satrapal coinage: no names)
a specific emission through the system ofliturgy. A few, dubious
Harpasa From 2nd century: names
e. occasions appear in the written sources, but only concerning Iasus From c. 250: names (c. 394-390: no
bronze coinage from which a considerable profit was to be names)
'd
e expected. The theory of monetary liturgy must be considered Idyma (no names from c. 450-400)
highly hypothetical until further documentation is found. Mylasa No names (only bronze coinage)
e Myndus From 2nd century: names
4. The name may represent a tenant-a person who had
Orthosia No names (only bronze coinage)
bought the right to organise and administer the coinage in a Astypa!aea No names (onlY bronze coinage)
polis. This would include every aspect, from providing the Calymna Second half of 2nd century: no names;
necessary silver or bronze and the production of dies to the c. 201-200: names36

payment of mint workers. Cos Fmm c. 385: names (before c. 440: no

names)
Rhodus From c. 408: symbols, monograms,
At this stage, it may be appropriate to introduce another element initials; from c. 304: names
into the discussion. As mentioned above, the phenomenon of
placing personal names on the reverse of coin series appears
The significant pattern to be read from this survey is as fqllows
in large parts ofthe Greek world. The practice was particularly
(1) The practice of placing names on the coinage }Vas intro
widespread and much in use in Asia Minor, as this survey of
duced around 400.
coinages in Ionia and Caria will show:35
(2) Some cities used symbols or initials in the earliest period
Jonia of minting, but soon changed to using names. Cities in which
Clazomenae From c. 390: names
Colophon From c. 390: names
Ephesus From c. 400: names
Erythrae From 480: symbols; from late 4th 35 The survey is mainly based upon SNG Copenhagen, 5: Ionia, Caria
century: names andLydia; BMC.Caria; BMC !onia; SNG Finland, 1 : Karia; SNG
Heraclea ad Latmum From c. 190: monograms Deutschland, Universitiit TUbingen: Mysien-!onien; SNG von Aulock:
Larissa No names (only bronze coinage, mono Karien; SNG von Aulock: Jonie'n. The survey is far from complete or
grams from c. 300) accurate in details. The dating ofseveral coin series is not yet established.
Lebedus 266-203 (under the Ptolemies): PtoleM The presentation of this list pretends only to illustrate a point in my
maion; after c. 200: names discussion and it will not be used as a basis for further argumentation.
Leuce From c. 350: names (uncertain) 36 An issue of silver coins without names was introduced on Calymna
Magnesia ad Macandmm From c. 350: names in the second century. At the end of the century, probably in 201-200, a
Metropolis From 1st century: names limited series ofcoins with names was minted. The coinage ofCalynma
Miletus From c. 350: names must be interpreted in the light ofneighbouring Cos. Oilynma was incor
Myus No names (only bronze coinage) porated in the Coan state in the second half of the third century, and the
Naulochus No names (only bronze coinage) nameless coinage probably belongs to this period. In 20 l-200'Calymna
Phocaca From 3rd centmy: names (no names in enjoyed a short period of autonomy. As suggested by K. HOghammar
Archaic period or 4th century) (unpublished manuscript) the short-lived Calynmian coin series with
Phygela From c. 400: symbols; from c. 350: names personal names is most likely belonging to this period. Cf. Ingvaldsen
Priene From c. 330-320: names 2002, hoard 27; HOghammar 1 993, 88-93; Robinson 1 936, 190-1 94.

Boreas 28
96 Hakon Ingvaldsen
the coinage was initiated at a later stage all used names from
the very beginning.
(3) An issue of silver coins without names were issued on Ca
lymna in the second century. At the end ofthe century, probably
in 201-200, a limited series of coins with names were minted.
(4) Cities which issued both silver and bronze coinages used
names on the latter. Cities in which only bronze coins were
issued omitted the use of personal flames.
On the basis of this pattern, it is tempting to argue that
the use of personal names on coins must be interpreted as a
phenomenon reaching above the level of decision ofeachpolis
itself. Some sort of control or administration was not neces
sarily forced upon the cities, but there was a general way of
organising each city's coinage in agreement with other cities to
which it was geographically or otherWise attached. The use of
personal names reveals a selfexplantory practice, a practice
probably rooted in a traditional way oJorganising coinages in
the variouspoleis. The explanation ofthe use ofnames should,
then, not be looked upon as a particular arrangement, which
varied from city to city. The best documented and most often
cited example of such a specific arrangement is the so-called
"New-style" tetradrachms of secondcentury Athens.37 These
coins contain no less than three personal names, in addition to
several symbols and monograms. The sheer numbers ofnames,
symbols and monograms on the Athenian issues reflect great
complexity in the minting organisation, compared with the
smaller poleis in the previous periods: If the minor states had
a system similar to the intricateAtheriian organisation, it is not
in any way attested. We can hardly fmd any reasons why the
averagepolis should have such an adVanced system to ensure
a cash flow in the state. Most of the mints operated in fits and
starts, and to make such huge efforts to ensure this elaborate
way of organising a mint must for them be considered a waste
of resources.
In the search for a general explanation for the names, we
drift towards the field of speculatiori. We have seen that the
names came into use in Asia Minor around or shortly after
400. Furthermore, only the cities which minted both silver and
bronze used names on the bronze coinage, and it appears that
names were largely used independently of political organisa
tion or status (alliances, synoecisms, etc.).38 In general, one
is forced to assume that the use of names could have either a
positive or a negative function (besides the neutral, the official
eponym used for dating purposes):
Negative Positive
- To control silver content, - Liturgy
weight, volume
- To trace the responsible person - Metal supplier
if improprieties were detected
- Euthyna - Euthyna
The name can also be viewed from .two different perspec
tives:
Boreas 28
Issuer Receiver
- Polis - Warranty
- Demos - To trace the responsible person
- Political body if the currency was rejected
- Control - Information about the promoter
- Promotion
Each city apparently had some responsibility for the coinage
issued in the name of the demos of the polis. It is impossible
to say whether or not this also included some kind of war
ranty. Anyhow the ethnic name placed on the coins must be
interPreted as the prime official sign of approval of a coin, and
also as the promotion of thepolis and demos itself. If a receiver
had a complaint concerning a certain coinage, for example, if
a dokimastes in another city refused to accept a certain coin or
coinage, he would certainly address someone with some sort
of official position and not the individual whose name was
represented on the coin/s, which could have been issued sev
eral years earlier. Another possible explanation for the use of
names is the customary practice ofeuthyna.39 Every citizen who
had served as an official had to give an account of his duties.
Besides an oral public hearing, the account was inscribed and
publicly displayed. Could the name on the coins in fact be the
representation of an account made by a person responsible for
the minting of an issue? The coins bearing the actual person's
name would by themselves attest his material contribution, and
the name would certainly be displayed in public. An examina
tion of the use. of euthynaleuthynai in literary texts does not
yield any support for this assumption. This result is, however,
not surprising, given the absence ofinformation in the sources
in general concerning the practical organisation of coinage.
The names can also be examined from another perspec
tive: the relationship between thepoleis in Asia Minor ap.d the
multitude of coinages evolving in the fourth century arid later.
The Athenian hegemony in Asia Minor obvio,u'sly had some
influence, although we do not know to what extent, on the coinw
ages in the different cities (cf. the so-called "Athenian coinage
decree" mentioned above). After the King's Peace in 386, all
remaining restrictions on coining were removed. Could the
cities of Asia Minor possibly have been in need of a visible
sign on their new coinages to make them easily recognisable
. and accepted by the other cities and peoples within or even
outside Asia Minor? With a variety of new currencies, it could
be a difficult task to keep them apart and to keep a survey of
weight standards, new types contra old types, etc. Maybe a
_
umform, and thus familiar, way of organising and controlling
the different coinages was adopted to ensure the validity of
each city's coinage outside its own borders? If one received
37 Thompson 1961.
38 Although it appears that the cities that minted only bronze coins
.
wtthout names were mostly dependencies at the time of minting.
39 The idea of exploring a possible connection between coinage and
euthyna was suggested by Professor Vincent Gabrilsen, Copenhagen
 The Function and Meaning ofPersonal Names on the Coan Coinage 97

a Coan tetradrachm outside (or, of course, inside) Cos, one Deppert-Lippitz B. Deppert-Lippitz, Die Miinzprdgung Milets vom
would instantly recognise the ethnic and personal name, and 1984 vierten bis ersten Jahrhundert v. Chr.
(Typos, 5), Aarau 1 984.
thus know that this particular coin was the product of the
von Fritze H. von Fritze, 'Sestos: die Menas-lnschrift und das
Coan mint, a product of official recognition and (possibly) 1907 Mtinzwesen der Stadt', Nomisma 1 , 1907, 1-3.
warranty and the result ofwell-known procedures, administra Furtwi:ingler A. Fumvangler, 'Griechische Vieltypenpri:igung und
tion and control concerning the metal source, purity, weight 1982 Miinzbeamte', SNR 6 1 , 1982, 5-24.
Gauthier 1 975 P. Gauthier, 'L6gendes mon6taires grecques',
and validity.
Numismatique antique:problmes etmithodes (Etudes
This briefexamination has revealed traces ofa general pat d'arch6ologie classique, 4), eds. 1.-M. Dentzer & T.
tern in the use of personal names on coins in Asia Minor. The Hackens, Nancy & Louvain 1975, 168-179.
use of personal names was introduced shortly after 400, and it Gerassimov T. Gerassimov, 'The Alexandrine tetradrachms of
1958 Cabyle in Thrace', Centennial publication of the
was adopted by all the cities in Caria and Ionia in the centuries
ANS, 1958, 275-280.
to come, whether they minted continuously from thArchaic to Herzog 1928 R. Herzog, Heilige Gesetze von Kos (AbhBerl, 6),
the Hellenistic period or introduced coinage as late as in the 2nd Berlin 1 928.
century. The common assumption that the monarchos was the Hornb!ower S. Homblower, Mausolus, Oxford 1982.
person represented on the Coan coinage must be rejected. As 1982
HOghammar K. Haghammar, Sculpture and society: a study on the
a result of this, all dating of coins and historical events based
1993 connection between thefree-standing sculpture and
upon this assumption must be reconsidered. society on Kos in the Hellem:<>tic andAugustanperiods
(Boreas. Uppsala studies in ancient Mediterranean and
Near Eastern civilizations, 23), Uppsala 1993.
Hilkon Ingvaldsen IGCH An inventory of Greek coin hoards (Published for
University Museum of Cultural Heritage
the International Numismatic Commission by the
University of Oslo
American Numismatic Society), eds. M. Thompson,
Postbox 6762, St. Olavs plass
' 0. M0rkholm & C. M. Kraay, New York 1973.
N-0 130 OSLO
!.Magnesia Die Jnschriften van Magnesia am Maeander, ed. 0.
hakon.ingvaldsen@ukm.uio.no
Kern, Berlin 1900.
Ingvaldsen H. Ingvaldsen, Cos-coinage andsociety. The chrono
2002 logy and.function ofa citystate coinage in the Clas
sical and Hellenistic periods, c. 390 to c. 170 B. C.
(Acta Humaniora, 149), Oslo 2002.
Jones 1979 N.F. Jones, 'The autonomous -wreathed tetradrachms
Bibliography of Magnesia-on-Maeander', ANSMN 24, 1 979,
63-109.
A1fo1di 1 978 M.R. AlfOldi, Antike Numismatik (2 vols.), Mainz Kraay 1976 C.M. Kraay, Archaic and classical Greek coins,
am Rhein 1978. London 1976.
Amaoutouglou I. Amaoutouglou, Ancient Greek laws: a sourcebook, Kro11 1 964 J.H. Kroll, 'The late Hellenistic tetrobols of Cos',
1998 London 1998. ANSMN 1 1 , 1 964, 81-119.
Ashton 1986 R. Ashton, 'Rhodian bronze coinage and the Kroll 1993 J.H. Kroll, The Athenian Agora XXVI: The Greek
earthquake of229-226 B.C.', NC 146, 1986, 1-18. coins, Princeton 1993.
Ashton 1992 R. Ashton, 'A third century B.C. hoard of coins LGPN A lexicon of Greek personal names, ,Vol. 1: The
of western Asia Minor', Classical Numismatical Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica, edS. P.M. Fraser
Review 17:3, 1992, 3-4. & E. Matthews, Oxford 1987.
Ashton 1996 R. Ashton, 'A board ofCoan coins', NC 156, 1996, Mi!ne 1 9 1 2 J.G. Milne, 'Two hoards of coins of Cos', NC 12
278-279. (4th series), 1912, 14-20.
Ban:on 1966 J.P. Barron, The silver coins of Samos, London Mi!ne 1941 J.G. Milne, Kolophon and its coinage: a study (ANS
1966. Numismatic notes and monographs, 96), New York
Bellinger 1958 A.R. Bellinger, 'The first civic tetradrachms of 1941.
llium', ANSMN 8, 1 958, 1 1-24. Mrkholm 0. M0rkholm, Early Hellenistic coinagefrom the
Berg 1963 C. Berg, GrceskDansk Ordbog (3rd ed.), Copen 1991 accession ofAlexander to the peace of Apamea
hagen 1963. (336-/88 B.C), Cambridge 1991.
Boehringer C. Boehringer, 'Etappen derGottinger UniversitatsMUnz OGIS W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci inscriptiones
1995 samm1ung', in Wissenschaftsgeschtchte der Nu selectae, Leipzig & Berlin 1905.
mismatik, eds. R. Albert & R. Cunz, Speyer 1995, Paton & Hicks W.R. Paton & E.L. Hicks, The inscriptions of Cos,
184-195. 1891 Oxford 1 89 1 .
BMC Caria B.V. Head, A catalogue of the Greek coins in the Pugliese G . PuglieseCarratelli, 'Gli Asclepiadi e i J sine
British Museum. Greek coins ofCaria, Cos, Rhodes Can:atelli 1957 cismo di Cos', PP 12, 1957, 333-342.
etc., London 1 897. Rebuffat 1996 F. Rebuffat, La monnaie dans l'antiquite, Paris
BMC !onia B.V. Head & R.S. Poole, A catalogue ofthe Greek 1996.
coins in the British Museum. Greek coins oflonia, Regling 1 927 K. RegHng, Die Miinzen von Priene, Berlin 1927.
London 1892. Requier 1 996 P. Requier, 'Les premiers tetradrachmes hellCnis
CID Corpus des inscriptions de Delphes, Paris 1 977-. tiques de Cos', SNR 15, 1996, 53-64.
CH Coin hoard. Royal numismatic society. London Rhodes 1 9 8 1 P.J. Rhodes, A commentary on the Aristotelian
1975-. Athenaion Politeia, Oxford 1 9 8 1 .

Boreas 28
98 Hlikon Ingvaldsen

Robert 1967 L. Robert, Monnaies grecques, Geneve & Paris of the International Numismatic Commission and
1967. the Union AcadCmique Intemationale.
Robert 1973 L. Robert, 'Les monetaires et un dCcret hellenistique TestNum J.R. Melville Jones, Testimonia numaria: Greek
de Sestos', RN 15, 1973, 43-45. and Latin texts concerning ancient Greek coinage
Robinson E.S.G. Robinson, 'British Museum acquisitions for l , London 1993.
1936 the years 1933-34', NC 1 6 (5th series), 1936, Thompson M. Thompson, The new style silver coinage ofAthens
169-201 . 1961 (NS, 1 0), New York 1961.
Sherwin-White S.M. Sherwin-White,Ancient Cos.An historical study Wal\ace 1950 W. Wal!ace, 'Some Eretrian mint magistrates',
1978 from the Dorian settlement to the Imperial period Phoenix 4, 1950, 21-27.
(Hypomnemata, 5 1 ) , GOttingen 1 978. Willetts 1 954 R.F. Willetts, 'The neotas of Gortyn', Bermes 82,
SNG Sylloge nummorum Graecorum. Collections of 1954, 494-498.
Greek coins published according to the guidelines

Bortas 28
 Dimitris Bosnakis
Zwei Dichterinnen aus Kos *
Ein neues inschriftliches Zeugnis uber das offentliche Auftreten von Frauen
Abstract
The unpublished honorific inscription presented here was
discovered recently on Cos (Inv. No. E 157), in a short distance
from the archaeological site of the Agora. It consists of ten lines
inscribed on the front, concave side of a trapezoidal plinth of white
marble, probably a part of a semicircular exedra.
The name of the honorand is unfortunately not preserved. The
description of the honorand as a poetess is followed by a word
beginning with the letters KO- and with space for the restoration
of about six letters. If the different kinds of poetry known to us,
the obvious candidate is comedy. Although there is no reference
in either ancient literary sources or inscriptions that there were
women writers ofcomedy. There is an even greater obstacle to this
attractive hypothesis, however, in the following word Ctpxc.das:
that we have to assume that the otherwise unattested poetess not
only wrote comedy, but ancient comedy. Despite the obscurity
shrouding the nature of the poetry, it is certain that this woman
took part in a series of public competitions, in which she was
victorious .
The clarification in the penultimate line of the inscription,
that the eikon, probably a bronze portrait statue, on the pedestal
is that not of the aforementioned poetess but of another poetess,
an elegeiographos, Delphis daughter ofPraxagoras, is surprising.
Since the name Delphis is rare, and since she was a poetess from
Cos, it seems logical to assume that Delphis Praxagora is to be
identified with the poetess Delphis mentioned in an old epigram
from Asklepieion, dated with some reservation to the late 3rd
century BC. The question arises, however, as to why reference
is made to this earlier poetess beneath an honorific inscription of
the 1st century AD.
This new inscription affords the first epigraphic confirmation
that women took part at sacred games, particularly poetry
competitions, a valuable evidence for the status and public life of
women during the early imperial period.
Die vorliegende unpublizierte Ehreninschrift wurde kiirzlich
bei Kanalisationsarbeiten in der Stadt Kos unweit von der
Antiken Agora gefunden (Inv. n. E !57) (Abb. 1). Sic besteht
aus zehn Zeilen und ist auf einem trapezfOrmigen weiBen
Marmorblock mit konkaver Vorderseite eingemeiBelt.
MaSe: Hohe 0,54 m, Breite von 0,975 m (Vorderseite)
bis I ,03 m (RUckseite), Dicke von 0,36 m (links oben) bis
0,38 m (links unten).
Auf der oberen Seite befindet sich eine rechteckige
Vertiefung, die mit einer Uinge von 0,55 m, einer Breite
Ftir Loula Anagnostaki
IIottptiXV veou eAAT)VtKOU 8e&rpou
von 0,06 m (rechts) bis 0,08 m (links) und einer Tiefe von
0,035 m (links), 0,05 m (in der Mitte) und 0,03 m (rechts)
erhalten ist. An der linken oberen Kante ist der Einschnitt
ftir die Verbindung durch eine il-Klammer (erhalten auf
einer Uinge von 0,7 m) zu erkennen.
Auf der linken Seite des Blocks ist Anathyrose (in
Form eines L) erhalten. Die Unterseite der Blocks ist
leicht geglattet, im Gegensatz zur Rtickseite, die nur grob
bearbeitet ist. Der Block ist an der linken Seite schriig
abgebrochen, wobei jedoch ein kleiner Teil in der Niihe
der untcren Ecke vollsttindig erhalten ist. Aufgrund des
Bruches und der Beschii.digungen auf der Oberfliiche sind
die letzten Buchstaben der sieben ersten Zeilen nicht
erhalten. Ein schriiger Spalt erstreckt sich etwa von der
Mitte der filnften Zeile- dort ist er am stiirksten ausgepriigt
- bis zu den letzten Buchstaben der neunten Zeile.
Die Buchstaben sind sehr sorgfliltig au$gef'iihrt und
weisen relativ groBe Apices auf. Die Buchstaben der
ersten Zeile sind etwas hoher (H. 0,04 m) als die der
folgenden acht Zeilen (H. 0,032 m). Die Buchstaben der
Zeilen neun und zehn sind wesentlich kleiner. nui etwa
halb so groB wie jene der Zeilen davor (c. 0,02-0,024 m).
Was die Schriftform betrifft, so stammcn jedoch alle aus
der gleichen Zeit. Das Alpha wird mit einem gebrochenen
Mittelstrich, das Pi mit einer rechts noch etwas verktirzten
Haste wiedergegeben, wahrend Omikron und Omega gleich
hoch wie die anderen Buchstaben sind und letzteres mit
einem geschlossenen Kreis wiedergegeben wird. Aufgnmd
des Buchstabentypus und der inhaltlichen Kriterien wird
die lnschrift in das 1 . Jh. n. Chr. datiert.
* Die Publikationserlaubnis und die Anregung zur Beschaftigung mit
den koischen Inschriften verdanke ich dem Vorstcher der Ephorie der
Dodckanes, Dr. I. Papachristodoulou. Mcin besonderer Dank richtct sich
dabei an K. HOghammar, S. Aneziri, A. Matthaiou und Ch. Kritzas, die
mir in Gesprachen ihre persOnlichcn Beobachtungcn tmd Ansichten zu
den verschiedenstcn Aspektcn der Arbeit mitgetei!t haben. Herrn Dr. K.
Hallof danke ich fUr die kritische Durchsicht des Manuskripts, dcssen
Hilfe mich vor manchen Irrungen bewahrt hat. Fiir die deutsche Dber
setzung des Aufsatzes bin ich M. Oettli zu Dank verpflichtet.
Boreas 28
100 Dimitris Bosnakis
Abb. I .
Der Text lautet:
Q(o)af!Os tttf!M [tV 0tva)
An oUwvfou Ai.eav[opioa]
xo:l KWtav rcotij--cptav xw[flcpOfa.;?]
&pxaLw; vetx&oo:aav tO: [--- :Ee]-
5. cwt& ' O!cuf!ma xai tO V ev [flepy&]
flWt xot v6v Aa(cu; xcd &AAoU<; i[e}
poD.; &yWvo:c; O:pe1:Ca; fvexo: x[a:l]
eVvo(ac; t&c; eic; o:lrr&v.
& eixWv L\e<pfOoc; -r&c; IIpo:ay6pa KWtcu; tAetyewyp4-
10. <pou.
Bemerkungen
Z. I : Die Jnschrift ist im dorischen Dialekt gcschricben. AIs erster
Buchstabe der Zei!e ist trotz dcr Bcschadigung der Oberfhiche cin
Omikron zu crkennen. Derzweite Buchstabc ist v611ig unkennt!ich,
er kannjedoch mit Sichcrhcit als Delta erganzt werden. Der Name
der gechrten Person ist !eider nicht erhalten.
Z. 2-3: Da in derdritten Zeiledas Ethnikon KWto:v angegeben wird
und die Zcilcn m it der Konjunktion Ked vcrbundcn sind, Wf3t sich
in der zweiten Zei!c das Ethnikon ' AAeav(OplOa]1 ergtinzcn.
z. 3-4: Die Ergfinzung des lctzten Wortes dcr drittcn Zcilc, von
Borea.\' 28
dem die ersten zwei Buchstabcn KQM crhalten sind, wirft vicle
Fragen auf, auf die spiiter eingegangen werdcn soli.
Z. 45: Nach dcm Partizip vtx&acwav istcin.Tau erhalten und
die linke Haste eines Alpha zu erkennen. Nach dcm Atiikel
't' & besteht Raum fOr etwa vier bis flinf Buchstaben; auf der
Grundlage der ersten Buchstaben der flinften Zeile HH3t sich
rtX [-- L:eJPaor& ergiinzen.
Z. 5- 6 : Nach dem letzten unbeschtidigten Buchstabcn
der flinften Zcile ltif3t sich mit Sichcrheit f:.v [ITepy&]iJWt.
crgtinzen.
Z. 6-7: Ebenfalls sichcr kann das Wort zwischen der sechstcn
und sicbtcn Zeile zu i[e]poUc; crganzt werden.
Z. l 0: Es fli!lt auf, daB die Buchstaben nicht am Beginn sondcrn
gcgcn Ende dieser Zcile eingemeiHe!t sind, genau unterhalb
des Wortes, dessen letzte Silbc sic bi!den.
1 Vgl. Paton & Hicks I g9 1 , 152; Frascr 1 972, 345f., I ! 1 1 6 mit AnnL
24; Bcrgcs ! 986, 195, Abb. I 9 (= SEG 36, 1986, 759); idem 1 996, !4,
Siehc auch Delia 1 99 \ , 2, 7, 1 5 , 23f.

Abb. 2.
Kommentar
Z. 2-3: Die geehrte Dichterin ist die Tochter eines
Apollonios. Der Name Apollonios ist in Inschriften aus Kos
von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zur rOmischen Kaiserzeit
anzutretfen2 AuBer flir BUrger von Kos ist der Name auch
fur viele Fremde bezeugf. In Verbindung mit dem Ethnikon
' AAeavOpeU<; findet man den Namen Apollonios in
einer alphabetischen Epidosis-Liste aus der Mitte des 3.
Jahrhunderts, die kiirzlich verOffentlicht wurde4; sie bezieht
sich auf den Kult des Asklepios und insbesondere auf das
Fest mit den gymnischen Agonen und eiWahnt den Namen
' AnoUwvta]<; Awpiwvo<; ' A.Aeavlip[eu<;]. Dieses Zeugnis
ist von besonderer Bedeutung, da man demselben Namen,
jedoch ohne das Ethnikon, in der Inschrift der Synodos der
Osiriasten5 aus dem 2./1. Jahrhundert. v. Chr. begegnet. Falls
es sich bei der jtingeren Inschrift urn einen Nachkommen
der in der Epidosis-Liste ftir Asklepios erwalmten Person
handelt, so muf3 die bestehende Meinung Uber die Herkunft der
Mitglieder der Synodos wahrscheinlich neu Uberdacht werden.
Falls diese Interpretation korrekt ist, so besteht vielleicht auch
eine gewisse Verwandtschaft zwischen der geehrten Dichterin
und dem Mitglied der Synodos. Erwahnenswert ist weiter,
daf3 laut einer Inschrift aus dem benachbarten Rhodos6 ein
'AnoAA.wvta<; ' AnoAA.wviou [ ' AA]eavlipeu<; im 2./1.
Jahrhundert die intOcq.tfa von Rhodos erhielt; mit demselben
Namen, wiederum ohne Ethnikon, ist ein weiteres Mitglied
derselben Synodos der Osiriasten in Kos bezeugt.
In Inschriften aus Kos steht Apollonios als Patronym
bei einigen Frauennamen, wobei sich jedoch daraus keine
Verbindung mit der Dichterin ableiten Hi.J3t1.
Wenngleich die Dichterin aus Alexandria stammt, wird
sie zusatzlich als KWta bezeichnet. Wie sich aus zahlreichen
Inschriften8 ergibt, waren vor allem die Techniten des Dionysos,
Zwei Dichterinnen aus Kos 101
Abb. 3.
die sieh in Wettbewerben ausgezeichnet haben, in der ROmerzeit
oft BUrger zweier oder mehrerer Stadte. In bestimmten Fallen
ist eine Person sogar nicht nur BUrger einer sehr gro!3en Zahl
von Stadten, sondern es wird noch der Ausdruck xal &AAwv
n6Aewv noAAWv noAettT} hinzugefligt9
An dieser neuen Inschrift ist jedoch interessant, daB es sieh
dabei mOglicherweise urn den einzigen Fall eines auswartigen
Ktinstlers handelt, er als BUrger der Stadt Kos bezeichnet
wird10, und bei dem es sich zugleich urn eine Frau handeltn.
2 Shetwin-White 1978, Onomastikon, s.v.; LGPN s.v. Nr. 332-365;
Segre 1993, ED 174 A, Z. 25 (aus dem 4. Jh v. Chr.), BD 184, Z. 4,
ED 37 A, Z. 3, ED 72, Z. 14, ED 198, Z. 13, ED 228, Z. 3.1. 32-33,
EV 193, Z. 4.
3 VgL Paton & Hicks 1891, 210 ( 'AAo:Po:vOeti;), 194 ( ' AnwxeU<;),
224 (Elp), 341 (KtPupa''), 190 (Mayv,). Segre 1993, EV 192,
Z. 10 (Mtl.oto,).
' Hallof, Hallof & Habicht 1998b, 149, Nr. 24 B, Z. 5.
5 Paton & Hicks 1891, 54; Segre 1993, EV 375. Zur Frageder Herkunft
der Osiriasten siehe zu!etzt Bosnakis 1994-- 1995, A 57, 69, 7 1 .
6 Maiuri 1925, 8 11, Z . 7-9; ProsPtol l 5747 .
7 Paton & Hicks 1 89 1 , 1 0 A, Z. 37 (<PtAi"twv, 200 v. Chr.),
184 (N11otti<;, 2./1. Jh. v. Chr.); Maiuri 1925, 591 (= LGPN s.v.
' AnoAA.Wvto;, Nr. 403: . A<ppoOtoia a xa\ KAwOia, Kaiserzeit);
Segre 1993, ED 72, Z. 1 1- 1 2 (&m:tpo:, 2. Jh. v. Chr.).
' Vgl. dazu Stephanes 1988, Nr. 24, 66, 82, 120, 200, 230, 270,475,
480, 5 1 5 , 521, 856, 994, 1041, 1097, 1 147, 1306, 1385, 1476, 1548,
1554, 1612, 1759, 1979, 2007, 2048, 2121, 2164 ' 2182,2215, 2250,
2252-2253, 2263, 2268, 2439, 2479, 2576, 2622, 2679.
9 Stephanes 1988, Nr. 501, 825, 1219, 2649.
10 Segre 1993, EV 261: AAeo:vOpo<; . . . ;eo:\ ' E<pow<; xo:\ .
&A.[A.wv noAAWvJ n6Aewv n[oAh11<;], 2. Jh. n. Chr. Vgl. auch Hal
lof, Hallof & Habicht 1998a, 104.
n Vgl. FdD IU 4, 79; Stephanes 1988, Nr. 491: AO<ppia - -vl),
tyxwJ..noyp&q)O<; (?), 2. Jh. n. Chr. Ihr wurde in Delphi das Biirger
recht verliehen. Ebenso an die EpendichterinAristodama aus Smyrna,
sieheAnm. 14.
Boreas 28
,..
102 Dimitris Bosnakis
Z. 3-7: notij't"ptav KO-- &pxaiac;: Nach der Charakteri
sierung der Geehrten als n:on)Tpta folgt ein Wort, das mit
den zwei Buchstaben KQ- beginnt; danach besteht Raum fUr
weitere sechs Buchstaben und es folgt das Adjektiv &pxcdac;.
Die Ergiinzung an dieser Stelle scheint auHerst schwierig.
Wieuns aus dem Wettkampfprogramm verschiedener Stadte
bekannt ist, nahmen die Dichter daran entweder als 7tOtYj-cal
n:pooootou oder notT}'t"ctl i:-rtWv teil12 Die letzteren preisen mit
ihren Epen die BvOoa 'tf1c; n:6Aewc;13 Ein gutes Beispiel dieser
Gattung ist die Dichterin Aristodama aus Smyrna14, die 2 1 8/7 v.
Chr. Vortriige in zwei aitolischen Stiidten, Lamia und Chaleion,
nep{ te toU BfJveo[c;] tWv Ai1:wAw[v xal t]Wv npoy6vwv
toO O&j.LOU hielt. Basierend aufden beiden ersten Buchstaben
KO- :fiihrt ein erster Gedanke zu einem entsprechenden Bezug
aufdie Stadt Kos; eine befriedigende LOsung in diese Richtung
ist jedoch nicht mOglich.
Es ware logisch, daB nach dem Wort not.r)tpt.a die Gattung
der Dichtung angegeben wird; in diesem Falle bietet sich
zuallererst das Wort XWJ..!.<.pota an. Auch wenn weder in antiken
Quellen noch in lnschriften Frauen als KomOdiendichterinnen15
erwiihnt werden, so ware dies eine verlockende Hypothese,
die jedoch durch das folgende Adjektiv itpxatac; erschwert
wird. Denn in diesem Fall miiBten wir nicht nur von einer
nirgendwo bezeugten KomOdiendichterin ausgehen, sondern
au/3erdem von einer Dichterin XWfJ.<pOfac; D:pxcdac; im 1 .
Jahrhundert n. Chr.
Bekanntlich weist Ctpxata xw-tt:pOfa auf die Einteilung
der alexandrinischen Philologen hin, die mit diesem Begriff
die frilhe Epoche der KomOdie bezeichneten, deren wichtigster
Vertreter Aristophanes war; der Begriff &.pxafa XWJ.l.Ofa
ist in lnschriften, die sich auf die Aufftihrung dieser frlihen
KomOdien in spateren Zeiten beziehen, jedoch nicht be
zeugt. Dort herrscht vielmehr der Begriff naAat& XWf,L<.pOfa
vor, der im Zusammenhang mit lmoxpt -ea( oder XW-tt:pOo(
verwendet wird, die altere Werke auffiihrten. Dabei umfaBte
dieser BegritT nicht nur die Werke der aristophanischen Zeit,
sondern auch jiingere Werke wie jene des Menander, die
gemaB der Einteilung der Philologen der ,Neuen KomOdie"
zuzurechnen sind.
Eine Ausnahme bildet eine kaiserzeitliche lnschrift aus
Aphrodisias16, in der eine &.px[cd]a XWf.L<pO{a bezeugt ist,
wornit nach Ansicht des Herausgebers ein Werk gemeint ist, das
bereits eirunal aufgefU.hrt worden war, im Gegensatz zur xo:t.vi]
XWfJ.<.pMa, womit die Erstauffiihrung eines Werks bezeichnet
wird. Aber auch wenn diese Interpretation richtig ist, kOnnen
wir die Erganzung notr)tpt.av xw[!J.<pMac;] itpxatac; nicht
vorschlagen, da dies keinen Sinn ergibt17
Weiterhin kOnnte man annehmen, da/3 mit n:ot.r)tpt.a
vielleicht nicht die Autorin, sondern die Regisseurin gemeint
ist; es ist jedoch bekannt, daB nach 380 v. Chr. die Rolle des
not rttrlc; und des Ot.O&axaAoc; vOllig voneinander getrennt
waren18 Das Problem, welche Art von Dichhmg19 sie schrieb,
wird insofern noch grOBer, als in der Folge im Text ausdrticklich
etwiihnt wird, daB die Dichterin an Offentlichen heiligenAgonen
Boreas 28
teilnahm, aus denen sie auBerdem als Siegerin hervorging.
Durch dieses sehr wichtige und unbestreitbare Zeugnis, daB
eine Frau an Wettbewerben teilnahm, wird zum ersten Mal
inschriftlich eine Tatsache bezeugt, die bis jetzt unseres Wissens
nach nur zweimal in der Literatur etwahnt wird.
Plutarch20 erwahnt die Ependichterin Aristomache aus
Erythrai, die zwei Mal an den Isthmischen Spielen gewann
(Emx n:Ot.r)f,L<Xtt Olc; "Icrfrf.Lt<X vevt.xytxuia). Das goldene
Buch, das sic dem Sikyonerschatzhaus in Delphi weihte, sah
der Perieget Polemon (3./ 2. Jh.), so daB man Aristomache in
das 3 . Jh. v. Chr. datieren kann. Aufgrund des Fehlens anderer
Zeugnisse21, und trotz der Tatsache, daB die Teilnahme von
Frauen an gymnischen und hippischen Wettkampfen22 als
sicher gilt, wurde filr diesen speziellen Fall die Ansicht
vorgeschlagen, daB es sieh urn einen Anachronismus Plutarchs
handelte23. Immerhin lieB man damit die MOglichkeit offen,
da/3 KUnstlerinnen in der Zeit Plutarchs an Wettbewerben
teilgenommen haben.
Die zweite und wichtigere Information findet sich in
der Chronik des Iohannes Malalas2\ der beziiglich dcr
Neuorganisation der Olympischen Spiele in seiner Heimat
Antiochia zur Zeit des Commodus (1 80-192) folgendes
schrieb: aav &e xo:\ napb'Bvot. x6pat qnAooo<poUoat xal
XIX't& t<iY!J.<X OW<f>pom.JvT'jc; tpx6fJ.eVCX.t. xa\ itywvt.(6!JeVO:t
xal naAa(ouaat. fJ.et& Pof.!.Pwvap(wv xa\ tpxouoat xo:l
tpo:y<pOoUoat xa\ Aiyoucrat. Uf.!.vouc; nv&c; EAAytvtxoUr;
aht vEc; yuvaixec; -tet& yuvatx&v Efl&xono Ctywvt.(6!Jevo:t.
mxp&c; xa\ nep\ t& naAa{OfJ.<Xt<X xa\ nep\ -coVe; Op6fJ.ouc; xo.:\
tO <pWVT'jf..LIX. Trotz der richtigen Ansichtvon L. Robert25, daB das
Wort Ctywvf(OfJ.<Xt. in den Ehrendekreten nicht notwendigerweise
auf eine Teilnahme an Wettkampfen . hinweist, sondern auf
individuelle bnOefet.c;, geht unserer Ansicht nach aus dem Text
des Malalas hervor, daB die beschriebenen Tatigkeiten Teil des
u WOrrle 1988, 227ff., 23 1-233, 249.
13 Vgl. Robcrt 1983, 163 mitAnm. 35.
" /G IX 2, 62 (= Sy/1.' 532); IG IX I', 3, 740 (= FdD lll 3, 145); vgl.
Guarducci 1926, 639, 655656 XVII; Chaniotis 1988, 338ff., E 56;
Stcphancs 1988, Nr. 326.
15 Vgl . Kasscl & Austin 1983-.
16 CJG 2759; Rouech6 1993, 173-174, Nr. 53.
17 Einc MOglichkcit ware, dem Wort O:pxcdct eine andere Bedeutung
beizu!egen. Vgl. z. B. die Charakterisierung O:pxawAOyot; fiir einc
spezielle Katcgorie von Mimen (Robert 1 936, 235-237).
1 Ghiron-Bistagnc 1976, 1 3 1 , 133f., 301 f.
19 Vgl. Chaniotis 1990, 89ff.
20 Quaest. Conv. 675. Guarducci 1926, 639. Pomeroy 1977, 55 mit
Anm. 37.
21
Amandry 1 992, 307ff., sicht Frauen innerhalb des Programms dcr
Pythia.
22
Moretti 1953, 167ff. Nr. 63; Pomeroy 1984, 43; Arrigoni 1985,
95ff., 208.
23 Aneziri 1997, 210-2 1 1 .
" X!l 378-379.
25 Robe1i 1929, 38-39; idem !936, 241 f.; idem 1938, 12; Anezirl 1997.
209 mit Anm. 99.

sing. Wettkampfprograrnms der Olympischen Spiele von Antiochia
daB waren. Malalas' Text ist jedoch, abgesehen von der erwi:ihnten
Mal Teilnahme von Fmuen an den Olympischen Spielen seiner
sens Heimatstadt, noch aus einem weiteren Grund von Bedeutung.
In den Wettki:impfen, an denen nur Frauen teilnahmen, werden
aus unter anderem yuvaixe<; "t'paycp()oUoat bezeugt.
ann Als K6pl) 1:payc.p56<; bezeichnet der KommentatorAthenion,
i.ene die Protagonistin eines Epigramms des Dioskorides (AP V 138),
sah der im 3. Jh. v. Chr. in Alexandria lebte26 Der vorherrschenden
e in Meinung zufolge handelt es sich dabei nicht urn eine Schau
:rer spielerin27, sondern urn eine Si:ingerin, die Ausschnitte aus dem
IOU Equus Troianus des Livius Andronicus gesungen habe28 In einer
als spateren lnschrift (3. Jh. n. Chr.) aus Dura Europos29 wird ein
oht Sangcr von einer Frau, die als Un:o1:pay<p06<; bezeichnet
:hs wird, begleitet: ' Aop6!.t' 6 <pa(y<pl\6') ' Pw11avo' <J>
m, E>eoOWpa Un:o1:p(ay({)Oet). Die Personen dieser Inschrift
en wurden eher als ,duo lyrique"30 gedeutet. Jnteressant daran
ist, daf3 der Vortrag nicht an einem Offentlichen Ort stattfand,
in sondern privat, im Haus eines Reichen. All diese Zeugnisse
er scheinen - trotz dt;r geringen Zahl - in gewissem Orad auf
at eine protessionelle"Beschaftigung der Frauen mit dem Drama
" in Offentlichem oder privatem Rahmen hinzuweisen. Allerdings
,, geht nirgends hervor, urn wieder auf die lnschrift aus Kos
:t zurilckzukommen, daf3 Frauen Dramen geschrieben oder in
:l diesen als Schauspielerinnen gespielt hatten31 .
Es ist jedoch bekannt, daB sich in der Kaiserzeit die
Bedeutung vieler Begriffe des Theaters geandert hat und daf3
die AuffUhrung alter Werke oft dem neuen Geschmack des
Publikums angepaf3t wurde32 So berichtet zum Beispiel Dion
von Prusa33, daB im Theater Ausschnitte iambischer Teile der
TragOdien vorgetragen,jedoch die lyrischen Teile weggelassen
wurden. ln einer anderen Inschrift aus dem 2. Jh. n. Chr., die in
Isthmos gefunden wurde34, wird Offentlich C. Aelius Themison
geehrt, der Srticke aus den TragOdien des Euripides, Sophokles
und aus den Gedichten des Timotheos in eigener Komposition
vorgetragen hat35 (n:p&nov EU pe t n f0l) V I .Eo<(JoKAia xal
Teq.t6freov I Ecw1:<{> !J.EA.onotijoav't"a). Entsprechende freie
Interpretationen oder Adaptionen alterer Dramen sind seit
der heltenistischen Zeit zu beobachten, wie dies zumindest
aus einer Inschrift36 aus dem 2. Jh. v. Chr. auf dem Sockel
einer Statue in Delphi hervorgeht, nach der der F!Otenspieler
Satyros aus Samos ein 4cr!J.o: !J.HiX xopoi) mit Dionysos als
Thema und xtfr&ptoJ.LO: fK Bo:xxWv EUptnfOou prasentierte.
All diese Zeugnisse vermitteln einen Eindmck davon, welch
tiefgreifende Veranderungen sich im Bereich des Theaters seit
der Zeit der gro.f3en Dramendichter vollzogen hatten.
Eine andere denkbare ErganzungsmOglichkeit fi.ir die
problematische Stelle der Inschrift aus Kos ware notij'tptav,
x<u(J.LcpOOv] &pxa{a<;; danach dem Wort &pxcda<; ein Substantiv
benOtigt wird, muf3 auch dies ausgeschlossen werden.
Die Frage nach der Erganzung muf3 folglich often bleiben.
Z. 4-5. Die ersten Spiele, bei denen sie gesiegt hatte, werden
2Jepaa'tcX OAVJ.Lnta genannt. Spiele mit einer solchen Be-
Zwei Dichterinnen aus Kos I 03
zeichnung sind sonst nirgends bezeugt, und es ist ferner nicht
klar, welche Stadt diese organisiert hatte. Diese Unsicherheit
verhindert auch jeden Versuch, den vollstandigen Namen der
Spiele mit Sicherheit zu erganzen, da, wie bereits erwahnt, auf
der lnschrift Raum fUr etwa vier Buchstaben besteht; Nia ware
eine MOglichkeit, ' Iepci eine andere. A us den vorhandenen
Zeugnissen sind uns mindestens 33 Stadte bekannt, in denen
lokale ,Olympische Spiele" veranstaltet wurden; bei den
meisten handelte es sich urn Spiele, die in der rOmischen
Kaiserzeit einsetzten.
Da wir flir die Inschrift eine Datierung ins 1. Jh. n. Chr.
vorgeschlagen haben, bleiben von den 36 Stadten 14 iibrig,
die wahrend dieser Zeit ,Olympische Spiele" organisierten.
Mit relativer Sicherheit fanden solche Spiele vor dem l . Jh.
n. Chr in den folgenden Stadten statt37: in Athen (6. Jh. v.
Chr.; sie wurden jedoch unter Kaiser Hadrian 1 3 112 wieder
aufgenommen), in Dion (420-400 v. Chr.), in Aigai (335 v.
Chr.), in Thessalia (mindestens seit der Mitte des 2. Jh. v. Chr),
in Tegea ( I . Jh. v. Chr. oder frtiher), in Antiochia (27 v. Chr.
oder 14 n. Chr.), in Damaskus (nach 27 v. Chr.) und in Tyros
(Neuorganisation im Jahr 27 v. Chr. oder spater?). Seit dem
I . Jh. n. Chr. oder etwas spater gab es OJympische Spiele in
Adana, in Anazarbos , in Ephesos, in Epidauros, in Prusa ad
Hypium und in Tralleis (seit 60 v. Chr.).
Von all den lokalen Olympischen Spielen ist nur fi.ir die
Spiele von Damaskus eine i:ihnliche Bezeichnung wie auf der
Inschrift aus os bezeugt: ' OAUIJ.n:ta .EeP&o!J.ta38 Eine
26
Gow & Page ! 965, 1, II 1471- 1475 undAnm., II comm. 237 (2. H.
des 3. Jh. v. Chr.); ProsPto/ 16977; Stephanes. 1988, Nr. 72.
27 Rostagni 1 956, 386; Webster 1963, 539. Beide halten es mOglich,
dass Frauen in A.gypten an Dramenaufftihnmgen teilnahmen.
28 GhironBistagne 1976, 4; Aneziri 1997, 2 1 1 mit Anm. 204: ,Voll
kommen gesperrt filr die Frauen scheint das Gebiet der Auffiihr
ungen griechischer Dramen zu sein: sic tratcn nie als Schauspicler
griechischer Dramen oder als Chorlehrer aut".
29 Parenti 1961, 229a; RE Suppl. X ( 1 965), 949, Nr. 1 6 i; Stephanes
1988, Nr. I 148 (0eo0Wpa, Un:o-rpay<:JM,;, 3. Jh. n. Chr.).
30GhironBistagne 1976, 124: ,Nous comprenonscette association, soit
comme un duo lyrique, Theodora donnant la rCplique, soit comme un
canticun a la maniere de Livius Andronicus, Asbolis chantant et Theo
dora rnimant". - Zu cpay. 'Pw1J.av6,; vgl. C!G II 2758 1I 3: notTjc'fi
Pw1J.lK0, was aufDichtung in lateinischer Sprache bezogen wird.
31 Wilhelm 1 980, 73 ff. Nr. 96 (SEG 30, 1378), erwog, ob die Frau in
einem Grabepigramm aus Teos ( 1 . Ha!fte/Mittc des 2. Jh. v. Chr.) zum
Kreis der Tcchniten gehOrte. - Zu den kaiserzeitlichen Vereincn der
Frauen, die sich mit Musik und Dramen beschaftigten (sociae mimae);
CIL VI 10109 (ILS 5217), vg!. Ausbilttei 1982, 42; Eichenauer 1988,
60-76; Leppin 1992, 1 1 0, 1 1 2 f.
32 GhironBistagne 1976, 123-124; Gentili 1 979, 30ff., 45; Le Guen
1995, 59-90; Schouler 1 987, 277-280, 282-284.
33 Or. 19.5.
34 SEG 1 1 , 52 C, Z. 21 5--216; Broneer 1953, 192; Stephanes 1988, Nr. 1 132.
35 Lattc 1954, 125-127.
"FdD \ll 3, 128 (Sy/1.' 648 B);IG X1 1079 (Sy/1.' 648 A); Sifakis 1967,
96f.; Stephanes 1988, Nr. 2240; Chandezon 1988, 33-58.
37 Farrington 1997, 32-42.
38 Saulcy 1874, 5 1 , Nr. 8, 53, Nr. 6; Moretti 1953, 209; Farrington
1997, 38.
Soreas 28
I 04 Dimitris Bosnkis
Koexistenz gymnischer und musischer Wettldimpfe ist nur fur
die Olympische Spiele vonAntiochia39 undmit Vorbehalten filr
jene von Aigai40 iiberliefeft'. Als epao1:& werden Spiele in
Byzanz, Neapel und Alexandria bezeugr'2 Auf einer einzigen
Jnschrift, allerdings erst aus dem 2./3. Jh. n. Chr., werden
' OA.Unux AoxA.rlneta Ko!J.f160eta epaot& xotv& die eiKWv, also die -wahrscheinlich bronzene53- Bildnisstatue
' Aaia<; erwahnt, die von Pergamon43 organisiert wurden.
Da die Spiele der :Eepaot& ' OAUf.Lnt.a am Beginn unserer
Inschrift aufgeftihrt werden, kann man davon ausgehen,
daB diese mOglicherweise von grOBerer Bedeutung als die
nachfolgenden waren.
,;
Z. 56. Die Wettkampfe des Koinon vonAsien44 in Pergamon,
die in einer frliheren Phase als ' PwJ.aia :EePu<n& aus
agonistischen Inschriften bekannt sind, werden unter anderem
auch in einer koischen Inschrift eines Athleten bezeugt, der
im Jahre 5 n. Chr. im Pentathlon siegte45 Es ist bekannt,
daB Pergamon eine der drei gro/3en SUi.dte war, welche
die bedeutendsten Wettkampfe des Koinon organisierten
(die anderen zwei Stadte waren Smyrna und Ephesos). Die
Spiele fanden in jeder Stadt aller vier Jahre statt und wurden
auf3erdem auch in fiinfkleineren Stiidten veranstaltet (Kyzikos,
Philadelpheia, Laodikeia, Sardeis, Tralleis).
z. &-7. Der gangige Ausdruck Ka\ &AAouc; iepoUc; .y&vec;
bestii.tigt klar und deutlich die Teilnahme der Dichterin auch
an weiteren, weniger bedeutenden Spielen.
An dieser Stelle ist noch etwiihnenswert, daB reisende46
Dichterinnen bereits seit der hellenistischen Zeit bekannt
sind, wie die schon oben etwiihnte Ependichterin Aristodama
aus Smyrna, die in Begleitung ihrer Brtider Vortriige hielt und
daflir in Lamia mit Proxenie, Euergesie und BU.rgerrecht ge
ehrt wurde, und in Chaleion ein Honorar von 100 Drachmen
erhieltl7 Ein weiteres Beispiel istAlkinoe aus Thronion48, die
etwa gegen Ende des 3. Jh. auf Tenos flir ihre bnOeietc;
Ehrungen erhielt, auch wenn Zweifel bestehen, ob es sich bei
ihr wirklich urn eine Dichterin handelte49
Z. 7-8. Der Demos ehrte die Dichterin .pe-r&c; Bvexa xa\
eUvo{ac; -r&c; eic; aUt&v. Diese Fornmlierung wirft Fragen
auf, da der tibliche Ausdruck in Ehrenschriften xa\ eUvo{ac;
-riic; eic; aU-r6v lautet und auf den vorher genannten OiilJ.oc;
Bezug nimmt.
Ausnahmen bilden Inschriften, in denen &. PouA& xa\ 6
0&-toc; gemeinsam die Ehnmg aussprechen. In einer Inschrift
aus Kos aus dem 1 . Jh. n. Chr.50, wird eine Frau geehrt &.pe-r&c;
Bvexa xa\ eUvoto:c; 't'&c; eic; aUt&v, wonach sich eic; aU-r&v nur
auf ix PouA& zu beziehen scheint. Eine gleichzeitige Inschrift
fUr einen Mann lautet dagegen O:pe-riic; Bvexa xa\ eUvota<;
-r&c; eic; aUt6v51. SchlieBlich ist die gleiche Formulierung
auch in einer lnschrift aus dem Jahre 82 v. Chr. aus Karien52
anzutreffen, wo der Demos Polla Terentia &pe-rflc; xa\ eUvotac;
Bvexev TTjv Eic; aU-rrlv ehrt. Wenn es sich nicht urn einen Fehler
des Steinmetzen handelt, was eher unwahrscheinlich ist, ist
Boreas 28
die Frage berechtigt, ob in der neuen Inschrift aus Kos nicht
vielleicht aufn6Atc; Bezug genommen wird.
Z. 9-10: &. elxwv llecpioo<; t&<; Ilpaay6pa Kwta<;
i:Aeyetoyp&q>Ou. Erstaunlichetweise erfahren wir bier, daf3
auf der Basis, sich nicht auf die zuvor genannte Dichterin
bezieht, sondern auf eine andere namens Delphis, Tochter des
Praxagoras. An dieser Stelle sollte, wie es bei anderen Inschriften
aus Kos der Fall ist, der Name der Person stehen, aufderen Kosten
die Statue aufgestellt wurde54 Die Fonnulienmg des letzten Satzes
laBt jedoch keinen Spielraum fur eine derartige Aus!egung. Die
MOglichkeit, dafi es sieh urn ein und dieselbe Person handeln und
daB der zuerst erwahnte Mann ihr Gatte und der zweite ihr Vater
sein kOnnte, scheint in diesem Fall aufgrund der Fonnulienmg an
den entsprechenden Stellen nicht zutreflf:nd. Folglich mu/3 nach
einer zweitenPerson gesucht werden, und in diesem Fall ist danach
zu fragen, in welcher Beziehung die beiden Frauen zueinander
standen, damit unter der Ehreninschrift einer Frau etwa zeitgleich
die eikon einer anderen Frau bezeugt wird.
Abgesehen davon ist es offensichtlich, daB es sich in
beiden Fallen urn Dichterinnen handelte. Letztere wird als
,Elegiendiehterin" (eicqewyp&cpo<;) bezeiehnet, ein Begrifl;
der in antiken Schriftquellen nur selten vorkommt55
19 Farrington 1997, 33.
40 Arr. ;
anab. I 1 1 I; Farrington 1997, 42 Taf. 2.
41 Siche XWfl<.pOO OAu.rrn,oveix'rj in einem Ehrendekret ausAnkyra
(2. Jh. n. Chr.), SEG 6, 59; Buckler & Keil 1926, 246; Stephanes
1988, Nr. 2080.
42 Byzanz: Moretti 1953, Nr. 90; Stephanes 1988, Nr. 825. - Neapel:
Moretti 1953, 175-176, 204, Nr. 65, 67-70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 8 1 ,
84, 86-90; Stephanes 1988, Nr. 82, 200, 480, 56lo, 680,.825, 1066,
1 1 47, 1480, 2 1 2 1 , 2 1 64, 2734, 3009, 301 1 , 3016, 3021. -Alexandria:
JG XIV 1 1 12 b; Moretti 1953, 176, Nr. 84. - Sihe auch Ephesos
(Na epao-rcX): Didyma, 183; Stephanes 1988, Nt. 2820; Pergamon
(MeycXAa ePao-r& ' Aod.ijn:ew): Boehringer et. al. 1966, 457;
Stephanes 1988, Nr. 1 10, und Mi1et (Ev MtA:r)np ePo:o-rCt b.tOUfleto:):
1. Jasos, l l O, Stephanes 1 988, Nr. 2459.
43 FdD lJI 1 , 5 5 1 ; I.E"phesos, 2070-207 1 ; Stephanes 1 988, Nr. 236.
44 Moretti 1953, 154; idem 1954, 276-289; Daux 1971, 368; Amold
1972, 20; Campanile 1994, 1 3-17. Zu den musischcn Wettkampfen
, innerhalb der Koina Asiens vgl. Moretti 1953, 2 1 5ff., Nr. 74; Amold
1972; Rigsby 1988, 146 mitAnm. 93.
45 Paton & Hicks 104; Moretti 1953, 157, Nr. 60.
46 VgL Chaniotis 1990, 95-97.
47 SieheAnm. 14.
48 IG XII 5, 812 + Suppl. p. 134; Guarducci 1926, 640, Nr. XVIII;
Stephanes 1988, Nr. 1 4 1 .
49 Bouvier 1980, 36--38 (SEG 30, 1066). Vgl. Bulletin epigraphique
1981, 362.
so Maiuri, NS, 461; Pugliese Carratelli 1994, 543-544.
51 Segre 1993, EV 224; Pugliese Carratelli 1994, 543.
52 LeBas& Waddington 1870, Nr. 320; Cousin 1898, 374, Nr. 1 4 ; 1LS
8773: Tuchelt 1979, 146 L 14.
53 Tuchelt 1979, 68-7 1 ; HOghammar 1993, 68-70.
54 SieheAnm. 50. Maiuri 1925, 462.
ss Anthologia Palatina, IX, 248: Bm)frou toli i:Aeyewyp&tpou; Ps.-

nicht Der ungewOhnliche Name Delphis ist auf Kos in einer
Weihinschrift aus dem 3 . Jh. v. Chr.56 mit dem Patronym
Mnesianax anzutreffen. Mit dem gleichen Namen ist jedocb
0ta auch eine Dichterin aus Kos auf einer (heute verlorenen)
. daB Inschrift aus dem Asklepios-Heiligtum bezeugt57. Diese
tattle Inschrift in Form eines Epigramms wird, unter Vorbehalten,
terin ans Ende des 3. Jh. v. Chr. datiert. Die Person dieser Inschrift
r des wurde zunachst fur einen Mann gehalten, aber meiner Ansicht
'iften nach hat die jiingste Forscbung zu Recht in dem Epigramm
>sten eine Dichterin erkannt
:ttzes
Die ou ovov [itfric<p!X<; Ctf'Uf']Ov,, w xpuoe Kw, anderen Werksttick horizontal verbunden war. Die geringe
tmd u[]iv o[u]x [Meporro, cpiot]f'o' olxo, exet,
Tater qU toe x\ 0[v v - it]oilitfLO' &qe itve<etAe
g an Aeiccpi,, erre\ Mou[o]&v [illjr]a[<]o ' OAufLm&owv
mch xa\ O[.][v v - v v - v v - v v-] oKpa <e<eu<x>e
1ach P
- - - - ------
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - --
- - - - - -
1der
eich "Nicht nur untadelige Athleten, o goldenes Kos, hat :fur euch
das gliinzende Haus des Mcrops bereit, sondern siehe! sie auch
1 in wuchs (bier) heran, die berUhmte Delphis, da sie bertihrte die
als olympischen Musen und ... verfertigte ...
:iff, Die Ergiinzungen stammen Z. 1 von Paton (der auch
an ['"' xi]ova, denkt), Z. 2 von Herzog; Z. 3 erwog Peek
zuniichst fr[<XUfL<XO<o,, spiiter das Patronym (z. B. 0[<XUf'ivou).
Z. 5 dachte Herzog an "A]axpa, doch ist diese Ergiinzung
metrisch bedenklich.
Trotz der in der Vergangenheit untemommenen Versuche, im
yra
nes Athleten Philinos den Vater der Dichterin des Epigramms zu
erkennen58, glauben wir,daB die neue Inschrift diesesProblem in
let: einem neuen Licht erscheinen W.Bt. Da der Name Delphis relativ
81,
ungewOhnlich ist und da es sich urn eine Dichterin handelt, ist
66,
ia:
es unserer Ansicht nach logisch, die Dichterin des Epigramms
;os mit der Delphis, Tochter des Praxagoras, gleichzusetzen. Der
:on Name Praxagoras ist aufKos vom4. bis zum Ende des 3 . Jh. v.
7; Chr. anzutreffen lllld wird mit der bertihmten Familie des Arztes
x): Praxagoras in Verbindung gebracht59 Ein weiterer Nachkomrne
wahrscheinlich derselben Familie wird nach dem Jahr 242 v.
Chr. auf Kalyrnnos60 geehrt lllld der Inschrift zufolge sollte ihrn
die Ehre wiihrend der Dionysien aufKos verliehen werden. Die
fragliche Datierung des heute verlorenen Epigramms allein
nach dem Majuskelabdruck bei Paton erlaubt uns nicht, das
verwandtschaftliche Verhaltnis der Dichterin zu irgendeinern
Mitglied dieser Familie mit Sicherheit festzustellen.
Es stellt sich nun die Frage, weshalb unter einer
Ehreninschrift des l . Jh. n. Chr. diese offenbar altere
Dichterin erwahnt wird. Der Grund dafur liegt darin, daB
-vorausgesetzt, daB es sieh in beiden Inschriften um dieselbe
Delphis handelt - zumindest auf Kos die Erinnerung an die
Dichterin lebendig geblieben ist und mOglicherweise sogar eine
iiltere Bildnisstatue von ihr erhalten war. Die Frage jedoch,
weshalb die Erwahnung ihrer Statue unter der Ehreninschrift
einer anderen Dichterin eingemeif3elt ist, bleibt lUlbeantwortet.
Zwei Dichterinnen aus Kos I 05
Die Tatsache, daB es sich urn eine Dichterin handelte, die vor
relativ langer Zeit lebte, rechtfertigt mOglicherweise diesen
Ausdruck von Patriotismus seitens der Koer, da die Angabe
des Ethnikon auf einer in Kos aufgestellten Basisinschrift fur
eine einheimische Kiinstlerin iiberfl.Ussig ist.
Zum SchluB sollen einige Bemerkungen Uber die Statuenbasis
gemacht werden.
Unter Beriicksichtigung der Details des Marmorblocks,
aufdem die erhaltene Inschrift eingemeif3elt ist, wird deutlich,
daB der Block durchAnathyrose und n-Klammer mit einem
Dicke des erhaltenen Steines und die schmale, rechteckige
Vertiefung erlauben aber keine Aufstellllllg einer Bildnisstatue.
Am wahrscheinlichsten ist es, daB dieser Block zum Basisschaft
mit BekrOnung einer etwa halbkreisfOrmigen Exedra61 gehOrte,
auf der die Statue aufgestellt war.
Auch wenn in der lnschrift nicht erwahnt wird, womit
der Demos die Tochter des Apollonios ehrte, muB jedoch
in Anlehnung an andere Inschriften aus Kos logischerweise
angenomrnen werden, daf3 es sich dabei urn eine Statue
handelte62 Aus diesem Grund wurde als Basis flir die Statuen
der Typus der Exedra gewi:i.hlt, da diese Form fUr dieAufstellung
homogener Gruppen bestimmt war63 Unklar ist jedoch, wer
die Aufstellung der Statue der Delphis veranlaf3te.
Herod. Ili 2, 529, Z. 14: KaJ.J.ivot; ton &e Ovo11a ' Ecpeotou nvOt;
t.Aeyewyp&<pou, 7. Jh. v. Chr. Zur Elegie, vgL Bowie 1997, 969-973.
56 Segre 1993, EV 235; Sherwin-White 1978, Onomastikon s.v.;
LGPN s.v. Nr. 2.
57 Paton & Hicks 1891, 137; JGRR IV 1 068; Peek 1932, 235, Nr. 1 3 ;
HOghammar 1993, Nr. 60, die S. l29f die Auffassung von P. D . Nigde
lis akzeptiert, in Delphis eine Frau zu erkennen (so tibrigens schon
Peek). Vg!. aber Sherwin-White 1978, Onomastikon s.v. (Llf!A$tt;);
LGPN s. v. LlCA$tt;, Nr. 2.- Peek vermerkt iibrigens aufseiner Schede
(im Archiv der /G): ,Nach Aussage van Herzogs altcm Phylax von
jenem nach Istambul gebracht".
58 HOghammar 1997, I29f. will auch in der Inschrift Paton & Hicks
1891, IOc, Z. 35-36: LleA$tt; <PtMvou eine Frau (Llei\$(t;) erkennen.
Dagegen masc. At:AcPu; Sherwin-White 1978, Onomastikon s. v. und
LGPN s. v. Nr. 3.
59 Sherwin-White 1978, 1 02-,103 mitAnm. 102 und Onomastikon s.
v.; LGPN s. v. Nr. 8-l l . - Zum Werk des Praxagoras IT siehe Steckerl
1958: Scgrc 1993, EO 2 1 7 B , Z. 17, EO 32, Z. 10; Hallof, Hallof &
Habicht 1998b, 1 53-154.
ro Tit. Cal. XIII (s. Nikarchos, 242-205).
61
Vgl. Jacob-Felsch 1 969, 80-8 1 , 96 mitAnm. 302; Thtingen 1994,
5-6 Nr. 1 04, 1 3 1 , 135 (Beispiele verschiedener Typen aus dem 1. Jh.
v. Chr.-LJh. n. Chr); Schmidt 1995, 1 0 1-123, 472-488.
62 Vgl. C!G 2504; Paton & Hicks 1 16; HOghammar 1 993, Nr. 1 8 .
63 Schmidt 1995, 123.
Boreas 28
I 06 Dimitris Bosnakis
Zusammenfassung
Die neue Inschrift aus Kos stellt ein neues, wertvolles Zeugnis
fUr die Stellung und das Offentliche Auftreten der Frauen in
der frtihen Kaiserzeit dar.
Die sichere Teilnahme und der Sieg einer Frau an heiligen
Agonen und insbesondere an musischen Wettbewerben scheint
den allgemeinen Veranderungen insbesondere dieser Zeit zu
folgen, einer Zeit, in dervonAlexandria, der stid6stlichen Agiiis
bis nach Kleinasien eine Erweiterung des Offentlichen Lebens
der Frauen zu beobachten ist64 Wahrend dieser Zeit iibernehmen
Frauen unter anderem das Amt des Gymnasiarchen65 und des
Agonotheten66. Letztere Tatigkeit ist besonders interessant, da
zu den Aufgaben eines Agonotheten auch die Organisation von
musiscben Wettbewerben gehOrt67
Was Kos betrifft, so werden auf Inschriften keine derartige
Amter von Frauen tiberliefert. Es scheint jedoch, daB Frauen
von der hellenistischen Zeit an die finanzielle M6glichkeit
batten, Offentlich als Sponsoren aufzutreten und die Kosten fur
die Errichtung einer Weih- oder Ehrenstatue zu i.ibemehmen68.
Eine solche Offentliche Ehrung von Frauen durch eine Statue ist
bislang ftir die Zeit vordem Jahr 30 v. Chr. nicht bezeugt, wie K.
HOghammar bei ihren Untersuchungen zu Inschriften aufSockeln
von Statuen feststellte. Vier der acht Frauenstatuen, die vom
Demos zwischen 30 v. Chr. und 15/20 n. Chr. aufgestellt wurden,
repriisentieren Koerinnen und weitere vier ROmerinnen69
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Dimitris Bosnakis
Kos Museum
GR-853 00 KOS
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Beitriige zur archiiologischen tlberlieferung aus der
Zeit der Republik unddes Au1:,rustus, T. 1 . Roma und
Promagistrate (lstMitt-BH, 23), Tiibingen 1 979.
Webster 1 963 T.B.L Webster, 'Alexandrian epigrams and the thea
tre', in Miscellanea di studiAlessandrini in memoria
di Augusto Rostagni, Torino 1963, 53 1543.
Wilhelm 1980 A. Wilhelm, Griechische Epigramme, eds. H. Engel
maml & K. Wundsam, Bonn 1980.
WOrrle 1988 M. WOrrle, Stadt undFest im kaiserzeitlichen Klein
asien, Mtinchen 1988.
 Susanne Carlsson
Koan Democracy in Context*
Abstract
Greek democracy is foremost associated with the Classical period and
Athens. The subsequent period has, in the shadow of the Hellenistic
kingdoms, been considered as an era of political and cultural decline
with dependent and subdued Greek cities. However, the difference
of the degree of autonomy of the individual citystate between the
Classical and Hellenistic periods seems not to have been considerable.
An example is the Hellenistic polis of Kos which had a developed
democratic constitution and held a strong position in relation to the
world around.
Modern conceptions of Hellenistic
democracy
JohanGustaf Droysen in Geschichte der Diadochen ( 1836),
called the period between 323 and 30 B.C. "Hellenismus". He
. saw this period as a Graeco-Oriental cultural fusion and, as such,
a forerunner and a requirement for the spread of Christianity.
Subsequent Classical scholars used the word "Hellenismus"
with another import. They considered the period between 490
and 323 as the Golden Age and the period that followed was
viewed as a period of decline, the conquest of the Greek world
by Rome was therefore a natural consequence. This negative
image has never been completely changed.1 This is in part a
methodological problem. The sources concerning Classical
Athens are outstanding in their abundance and Athens is the
only city-state in which the sources are sufficiently plentiful
to allow us to reconstruct the constitution in its entirety. But
it may also be a matter of attitudes. It seems to me that we are
more ready to accept the sources that treat the Classical period
than those concerning the Hellenistic.
The literature dealing with Athenian democracy is abun
dant, but what may be more surprising, is to find that even
literature which is said to concern Greek democracy deals al
most exclusively with the Athenian case. James O'Neil, who
has written The origins and development of ancient Greek
democracy,2 and Eric Robinson, with his The first democra
cies: early popular government outside Athens3, are the only
scholars, as far as I know, who have devoted monographs to
Greek democracies outside Athens and in periods other than
the ClassicaL As well as presenting, an on the whole, Athe
nocentric view of ancient Greek democracy, the majority of
modern scholars also assert that Greek democracy began to
decline with the beginning of the Hellenistic period.4
These notions are clearly present in our two great ency
clopaedias of ancient history, The Oxford Classical Dictionary
. . .... --- --------__,.,..-.
(1996) and Der neue Pauly (1997), even though they present
partly different views of post-Classical democracy. In The
Oxford Classical Dictionary, Athenian democracy is said
to have been almost forgotten between 322 B.C. and c. AD.
1850. After the Macedonianvictory in the Lamian war, it came
to an abrupt end, although democracy was restored for short
periods during the Hellenistic age. 5 Concerning non-Athenian
and post-Classical democracy, we are informed that ''Even in
the Hellenistic period ... there was ... more democratic life in
Greece (Athens included) than often is realized."6 The latter,
more nuanced view ofthe survival of democracy after the Clas
sical period, has not, as yet, made any marked impact. Derneue
Pauly, for example, states that "In hell. Zeit behielt der Begriff
d. zuweilen, aber l}jcht immer, seine eigentliche Bedeutung.
... Einige Texte bezeichnen mit dem Wort d. einfach eine
verfassungsmaBige, nicht notwendigerweise demokratische
Regierungsform . ."7
.
Among modern studies, de Ste. Croix' work, The class
struggle in the ancient Greek world, has attracted much at
tention. de Ste. Croix proposed that, early in the Hellenistic
' I am very grateful to Ms Jenny Wallensten, Lund, and Mr Hans Lej
deg&!'d, Uppsala, who patiently corrected my Engfish in some eadier
drafts. I am also very much obliged to the participants of the weekend
seminar The Hellenisticpolis ofKos, May 2000, who contributed valu
able points of view. Last, but not least, I want to thank my tutOr, Dr.
Kerstin HOghammar, who gave me the opportunity and ericouraged
me to participate with this paper.
1 Cartledge (1997, 2f.) discusses this and gives references to previous
and recent opinions. In A history ofthe ancient world ( 1991 ), Chester
Starr has devoted a chapter to 'End of the golden age', 339-356.
2 O'Neil l995.
3 Robinson 1997.
4 de Ste. Croix 1981, 300-326,passim, although he is not completely
Athnocentric in his approach; Jones 1940, 168, 170; Fin!ey 1985,
140; Gruen 1 984; 1 32-142; O'Nei!, 1995, 1 03-120; Austin, 1981,
53, n. l; Burstein 1985, 16, n. 5; Morris 1992, 148: " ... in Athens
by growing popular power, . . . Such democratisation may have been
less important elsewhere"; Green 1990, 632, on the late Hellenistic
period: "Democracy once taken for granted as an inalienable civic right
. . . , now seemed little more than a quaint historical memory amid the
universal bureaucratic rule of autocratic monarch, oligarchic group,
or business consortium." See page 746, n. 19, for references to a dis
similar view. Lately, some scholars have been drawing attention not
only to the Athenocentric, but also to the prevailing hel!enocentric
view of the emergence and existence of democracy. See Homblower
1993, 2; Robinson 1997, 1 6-25; Schemeil 2000.
s Hansen 1996.
6 Homblower & Spawforth 1996.
7 Rhodes 1 997a.
Boreas 28
1 10 Susanne Car!sson
period, the political power became more and more concentrated
in the hands of the rich and that this development was not
completed when the Roman period began. His opinion is that
democracy was gradually destroyed from the beginning of the
Hellenistic period, but it did not disappear completely until
the third century A.D.s James O'Neil discusses briefly Hel
lenistic democracy. He claims that deniocracy did not survive
in its proper sense after the death of Alexander, and, even if
democracy was occasionally formally _revived, as in Athens,
the popular pa1ticipation was low and pOlitics were dominated
by a rich elite.9 One problem in considering these claims by
0 'Neil is his unfortunate lack ofreferences. Michel Austin and
Stanley Burstein have each edited a collection of translated
sources from the Hellenistic period. They are in every respect
most valuable editions, but in some ofthe translated documents,
mentioning democracy, they tell us in footnotes, but without
a word of further explanation or discussion, that by that time
the word democracy had lost its meaning. 10
The late David Lewis discussed the epigraphic evidence
for democracy in the Hellenistic period. He agreed with the
common opinion that the Greek states in this period claimed
to be democratic and began their decrees with democratic
fonnulae, but that these were decrees formulated by a limited
number of persons to which the demos only gave its consent.
Lewis admits, however, that there has been no close analysis
of this matter. ln his work, he raises a very important question,
which I consider central to the issue ofdemocracy in Hellenistic
Greece; if the democratic formulae in the Hellenistic period
concealed the domination of the few, how can we know that
this was not also the case in earlier periods? 1 1
Christian Habicht stresses that the difference between the
Classical and the Helknistic periods was not as distinct as
is usually proposed. He claims that even in Classical demo
cracy, politics was dominated by an elite and that education
and property played important roles in the possibilities of
participation.12
In The Cambridge history of Greek and Roman political
thought, recently published, David Hahm states that one of
the changing political conditions in the Hellenistic period
was the disappearance of the distinction between democracy,
aristocracy and oligarchy. Basing his case on O'Neil, he claims
that democracy remained as a political institution in some city
states, which were nevertheless dominated by a rich elite.13 In
the same volume, Paul Cartledge gives Athens the credit for
the invention of democracy, 1 4 disregarding Robinson's conclu
sions. In his study, Robinson has identified seventeen early
Greek democracies outside Athens, several of them antedating
the Athenian demokratia. 1 5
As we see, the opinions of scholars of Greek history,
in this case non-Athenian democracy, differ. It seems, not
surprisingly, as if the conceptions of Greek democracy are
a matter of different models. It may in some degree also be
a question of definitions. What do we mean by the word
democracy? Do we live in a democracy? To complicate the
Boreas 28
problem further, Peter Rhodes considers that there was a
tendency outside Athens for the word democracy to be un
derstood as freedom or autonomy and to signify constitutional
government, in contrast to the rule of a tyrant or control by
an outside power. 1 6 Furthennore, he states that it is not obvj.
ous that a state, which used the word demokratia, was more
democratic than a state that did not and that states which
did not use the word when expected were not necessarily
less democratic.17 Aristotle tells us something similar in his
Politics ( 1292b 11-17): "There are, then, this many kinds of
oligan;hy and democracy, But it should not be overlooked
that it has happened in many places that, although the regime
insofar as it is based on the laws is not a popular one, it is
governed in popular fashion as a result of the character and
upbringing [of the citizens]. Similarly, it has happened else
where that the regime insofar as it is based on the laws tends
toward the popular, but through the [citizens'] upbringing
and habits tends to be oligarchically run. "18
A short glance at some of the ancient sources will suffice
to support my thesis on Hellenistic democracy. A passage in
Polybios is of interest. He was aware of the three kinds of
constitutions, which he referred to as basileia, aristokratia and
demokratia. He thought that a combination ofthese three would
be the best constitution and he took the Lykurgan constitution
to be the first example of such a combination. All three fOrms
have their degenerated counterparts due to natural changes.
The term ochlokratia, the power ofthe mob, was coined in the
Hellenistic period. 19 The word appears in Polybios and he uses
it to describe the degenerated form ofdemokratia, which is the
consequence when the whole crowd of citizens are free to do
what they want, contrary to demokratia, i which people revere
the gods, respect the elders and obey the laws according to the
tradition (Polyb. 6.4.1-1 1).20 His pronouncement is, I think, an
indication that some sort of popular participation was still a
reality. Concerning the Achaean League, Polybios (2.38) lets
us know that the Pe!oponnesians have adopted-'the constitution
3 de Ste. Croix 1 9 8 1 , 300f.
' O'Neil l 995, 103-120.
_l<l Austin 1981, 53, n. l; Burstein ! 985, 16, n. 5.
1 1 Lewis 1997, 57f. Earlier published in The 8th Epigraphic Congress 1,
1984, 55. For a discussion conceming the existence of a ruling elite in
Athens, see Obcr 1989, 14-17, 334f.; Habicht 1995, 87-92.
12 Habicht 1995, 87-92.
13 Hahm 2000, 457.
14 Cartledge 2000, 2 1 .
1 5 Robinson 1 997.
1 Rhodes 1997b, 6 1 .
1 7 Rhodes 1997b, 534f.
18
Lord 1984.
19
de Ste. Croix 1 98 1 , 322 (614, n. 50), 6 1 1 , n. 1 6.
2 Cicero has a similar passage in De Re Publica ( 1 .44.68), where in
the spiritofPlato, he lets Scipio state that an excessive freedom among
the people, where libertas passes into licentia, leads to the opposite,
in this case servitude.

of the Achaeans, because nowhere else is there a constitution
in which equality, freedom of speech and genuine democracy
are more perfect than among the AchaeansY
Payment, misth6s, for attending the assembly is a phe
nomenon which in my opinion is a strong indication of a
functioning democracy. Aristotle regards it as a normal feature
of final democracies and payment is one of the components
in his fourth classification of democracy. He states that "A
fourth kind of democracy is the one that was the last to arise
in the cities. For on account of cities ' having become much
larger than they originally were and having available abundant
resources of revenues, all share in the regime of account of
the preeminence of the multitude, and atl participate and
engage in politics, as even the poor are able to be at leisure
through receiving pay" (Pol. 1293al)Y Payment for attend
ing the assembly or the council is attested at Athens (Xen.
[Ath.Pol.] 1 . 16; Thuc. 8.69.4; Arist. Ath.Pol. 24; 41 .3), lasos
(SEG40), Rhodes (Arist. Pol. l340b27; Cic. Rep. 3.35.48) and
in Boiotia (Hell.Oxy. 19.4; Polyb. 20.6.2)23 and probable in
Syracuse.24 Presumably payment existed also in other places,
but the evidence is scarce. Some scholars interpret this absence
of testimony as an indication that state pay was uncommon
outside Athens. However, Aristotle's notions about state pay
do not all refer to Athens.25 Although the rates of pay were
low, it must have been a strong reason for the poor citizen to
attend the assembly. This is, to my mind, an indication that
those city-states which provided pay did so with the intention
of stimulating wide participation and thus were not merely
democracies in name only.
Even in the time of the late Roman Republic, we have
indications of contemporary Greek democracy. Treating the
Roman view of Greek democracy, Cosmo Rodewald refers to
a speech ofCieero (Flac. 1 6-19), in which he talks negatively
about public meetings and impulsive mobs in the cities ofPhry
gia and Mysia. Rodewald concludes that many Greek poleis,
at least from this region, were still democratic.26 According to
Dio Cassius, Augustus was advised by Maecenas in 29 B. C.,
concerning the Greek cities under Roman control, to abolish
completely popular participation, so that the populace should
have no authority in any matter (Dio. 52.30). This advice, given
by Maecenas, seems not to have been followed. Rodewald states
that"Numerous surviving documents show that down to his (i.e.
Dio's) time there continued to be at least some show ofpopular
participation in some of the Greek poleis within the Empire.
Decrees, for instance, still open with the formula 'Resolved
by the Council and the People"'.27 In a decree from Chalkis,
recording a dedication, dated as late as the third century A.D.,
both council and demos are mentioned. The people are asked
by the general to vote yes by raising their hands if they agree
with the decree already passed by the council. The decree was
ratified by the people.28 The Roman period may be outside the
scope of an article focusing upon the Hellenistic, but I think it
is worthwhile to consi<Jer some ofthe indications ofcontinuity
in Grek political life within the Roman Empire.
Koan Democracy in Context Ill
The autonomous city-state
Closely connected with the question of constitutions in the
time ofthe Hellenistic monarchies is the issue ofthe independ
ent city-state. The extreme positions may have been held by
Heuss,29 who denied formal subordination of the cities, and
by Orth,3 who asserted that the polis was defenceless in
relation to the kings. The prevailing opinion among schol
ars is that the Greek city-states lost their independence and
importance with the establishment of the Hellenistic mon
archies and the basis for democracy was thereby lost.31 The
Macedonian suppression ofAthens is often taken as modeL32
According to this reasoning, autonomy is also regarded as
a prerequisite for the existence of the polis, W.G. Runci
man adheres to this opinion and states that "a polis must be
juridically autonomous in the sense of holding a monopoly
of the means of coercion within the territory to which its
laws apply . . . and the social organisation must be centred
on a distinction between citizens and noncitizens."33 If these
criteria are not fulfilled, there is no polis. According to him,
then, the poleis, which after,all did survive into Hellenistic
and Roman times, were poleis only in name. 34 Peter Green
states that "Autonomy was indeed synonymous with polis
rule' and a vital condition for its survival. "35 In contrast to
these scholars, Philippe Ga'\lthier takes an opposite view of
the Hellenistic citystate. He asserts that it is wrong to think in
terms of political degeneration after the Battle ofChaironeia
and that we should (Hstinguish the early Hellenistic period,
ending c.150 B.C., from the late. He has made an analysis of
honorary decrees to politicians and benefactors from the Hel
lenistic period and argues that political life Changed but that
citizens continued to act politically and even democraticall
2 1 Austin 1 98 1 , 53.
22 Lord 1984.
23 Rhodes 1997b, l4f., 509f., 535; O'Neil l995, 86f. Appendix 2.
24 O'Nei1 I995, 74f, 178.
25 O'Neil i 995, 175.
26 Rodewald 1974, l 1 8f
27 Rodewald 1 974, 122.
2s Sy!J.3 898; Rodewa!d 1974, 123.
29 Heuss 1937.
30 Orth 1977.
31 For example Murray & Price 1 990, vii and Green 1990, (see for
instance 25-28, 55, 80), have focused on the autonomous city-state.
Green states that the city-states in the Hellenistic period had lost their
independence and had an illusory freedom but a lack of real political
power; Finley 1 9 8 1 , 4f.; Ehrehberg 1974, 97: "In the fourth century
B.C., and even more in the Hellenistic age, we meet with two new
phenomena; in a world of large monarchical states the Polis lost in
political power, and its society, more and more under the influence of
economic motives, tended to disintegrate."
32 Cartledge 1997, 8f.
33 Runciman 1990, 348.
34 Runciman 1990, 348.
3s Green 1990, 25.
Boreas 28
1 12 Susanne Carlsson
all the way into the first century B.C.36 Peter Rhodes has a
similar idea of the Greek cities in the Hellenistic period. He
thinks that it made no difference to the small city-states if
they manoeuvred between the more powerful city-states, such
as Athens and Sparta in the Classical period, or between the
Hellenistic kings and that self-government was still possible.
The Hellenistic kings did not interfere particularly often or
in any serious way. The true change came when Roman rule
was consolidated and liberty ofactionamong the Greek states
was much reduced.37
The Copenhagen Polis Centre (CPC), under the leader
ship of Mogens Herman Hansen,. has since 1992 been mak
ing an inventory of the Greek city-states during the Archaic
and Classical periods. The investigation indicates that the
number ofpoleis during the period examined was as high
as 1400.38 The focus is on Archaic and Classical sources,
and Hellenistic and Roman sources are used only if they
are retrospective, that is, if they give an account of the time
between 600 and 323.
An important difference between ancient and modern
democracies, according to Hansen, is that in a modern de
mocracy both territory and constitution are ranked over the
people, but in an ancient democracy the body of citizens
was placed first in order of precedence.39 Independence as a
criterion for the existence of the polis has no support in the
ancient sources, according to him. Nor has the opinion that
every polis wanted to be autonomous any support. Hansen
states that already by 350 B. C. a large number ofpoleis were
dependencies40 and that in the Hellenistic age a city-state
could either be ruled by a king or dominated by a hegemonic
polis and be regarded as autonomous. Both dependent and
independent poleis could be sei:f-governing city-states.41
Hansen has earlier pointed out that autonomy, in contrast to
domination by others, was esteemed not only by democracies,
but also by oligarchies in the Classical period.42 However,
the main interest ofHansen and the CPC in autonornia is in
whether it has any importance for the existence of thepolis as
such, not its significance for the form ofgovernment. Hansen
adheres to the prevalent opinion, that the import ofautonomia
after the Classical period was watered down to mean only
self-government in local affairs.43
Turning to the ancient sources, Alexander the Great was
said to support democracies in the Greek cities ofAsia Minor.
The cities in the area were often administered by oligarchies
or tyrants supported by the Persians. Arrianos, a late source
and an admirer of Alexander, tells us that Alexander ordered
the oligarchies everywhere (in Asia Minor) to be overthrown
and democracies to be established (Arr. Anab. 1 . 1 8.2). In an
inscription found on the island ofChios, dated to 332, Alex
ander orders the return ofthe Chian exiles to their city and the
establishment of a democratic constitution. The laws should
be looked over and corrected, so that nothing would conflict
with the democratic government, .and then submitted to Al
exander for ratification.44 There is no doubt that Alexander
Boreas 28
interfered in the internal affairs ofthe Chians, and democracy,
in this context, should probably be considered as a contrast
to the Persia-oriented oligarchies. NeverthelesS, democracy
may very well have had some significance in its proper sense
and at least be associated with freedom.
The successors of Alexander continued to promise free
dom and autonomy, frequently underwriting the autonomy of
the Greek states. An example is Antigonos Monophthalmos,
who in a letter concerning the peace treaty of3 1 1 , although of
short duration, between the diadochoi (except Seleucos) to the
city of Scepsis finished the letter (53-55) with the clause that
all Greeks should swear to help each other to preserve their
:freedom and autonomy.45 As a response to this letter, the city
of Scepsis offered religious honours to Antigonos, establish
ing a cult with an adhering sanctuary to him.46 Of course, the
Greeks, in return, had to support Antigonos in a new war, and
it has been held that freedom and liberty were used as slogans
by the diadochoi.47
John Ma writes in Antiochos Ill and the cities of Western
Asia Minor about the relations between Antiochos during
his reign (223 to 187 B.C.), and the Greek cities. From this
period and area, there is a relative richness of evidence. Ma
thinks that the initial conquest was a violent affair but that
many cities in the area became fortified, which, together with
their military strength, was decisive of whether they could
initially resistAntiochos or not.48 The following consolidation
of power was, however, a matter of reciprocity and the cities
were not powerless but capable of resistance and manipula
tion. Ma asserts that the words autonomia, demokratia and
eleutheria, frequently appearing in decrees from Greek cities,
were used synonymously, indicating free government, but that
this freedom was granted by the king, a privilege that could be
withdrawn.49 There are no threatening letters from the kings,
but Ma considers that the language of royal euergetism was
used to disguise their power as benefaction:50 Violence did
36 Gauthier 1985; Gauthier 1993, 2 1 1 -3 1 .
37 Rhodes 1 993, 173f. ; Rhodes l997b, 533, 542.
38 Oral information from M.H. Hansen during a session at the "Seminar
on ancient Athenian democracy and modem western democracies".
South Stockholm University College, September 8-10, 1999.
39 Hansen 1993, 7-9.
4a Hansen 1 993, 22.
41 Hansen 1995, 40-41, 43.
42 Hansen 1989, 1 1 .
43 Hansen 1995 , 4 1 .
44 Tod 1948, 192; Austin 1 98 1 , 5.
45 WeUes 1934, 1; Staatsvertriige 1 969, 428; Austin 1981, 3 1 .
46 OG!S 6 ; Austin 32.
47 Gruen 1 984, 1 33-142.
48 Ma 1999, 2, 16. Concerning fortification, see McNicoll 1997.
He distinguishes between fortifications bttilt by the kings to defend
themselves from other kings and "democratically" fortifications built
by the city itself.
49 Ma 1999, 160-162.
" Ma 1999, 235f., 237f.

constitute power in the long term and the granting of
nri11i!eges pc1rsuad<'d the subject city to accept the structures
ofeo1otr<oL" Ma's thorough study shows that there was not a
of eitheror, but a complex system of interdependent
and taking.
we have seen, it still seems to be more or less taken for
that democracy lost its importanc and that the Greek
lost its socalled independence in the Hellenistic pc
' citv-sta te
But if the democracies were democracies only in name
the Macedonian conquest, why bother to claim to be a
democracy? Both Alexander and his competing successors
stressed their support for freedom and democracy certainly
because they had reasons to contrast the Persian preference
of regimes from which the Greeks were now "liberated".
The .situation after the Battle oflpsos was, however, different
and it has been suggested that the kings preferred oligarchic
regimes in the Greek cities, because they would have been
easier to control. In general, the evidence from different cities
in different periods under different rulers is often used to make
generalisations for the period as a whole, but a closer examina
tion of the nature of the relation between the individual cities
and the individual hegemonic powers is still to be made. If for
the time being we accept that the issue of independence was
not of essential importance for the political life of the Greek
cities, this argument for claiming that democracy declined in
the Hellenistic period is not valid.
Modern definitions of democracy
In antiquity, democracy was hotly debated and criticised.
Democracy today is a positive conception and almost every
state declares itself to be democratic; the word has a wide and
fluid signification, often confused with subjective opinions.
The word democracy is mostly laden with positive values
and can, for example, be defined as "good" or "just" and this
makes it more difficult to reach a consensus as to whether
something is democratic or not. 52 The literature concerning
the concept of democracy is comprehensive and democracy
can be defined in several ways. It is therefore necessary to
define the term democracy in a modern sense. Procedural
theory defines democracy as a set of institutions that together
result in a democratic form of government. Normative theory
perceives democracy as a set of ideals or principles, which
guides the procedures in a certain state. 53 I have chosen to use
a definition by the An1eican political theorist Robert Dahl. He
uses the Athenian democracy to construct an ideal, procedural
definition of democracy. His model, already used by Eric
Robinson,54 can therefore be helpful to identify and define
democracies in ancient Greece. Dahl sets out five criteria, by
which we can distinguish the features of a democratic process
and evaluate how democratic a society is. 55 The more ofthese
Koan Democracy in Context 113
criteria that are fulfilled, the more democratic the government
is. These criteria are as follows:
I. Effective participation: "Throughout the process of making
binding decisions, citizens ought to have an adequate opportunity,
and an equal opportunity, for expressing their preferences as to the
final outcome. They must have adequate and equal opportunities
for placing questions on the agenda and for expressing reasons
for endorsing one outcome rather than another". 56
2. Voting equality at the decisive stage: "At the decisive stage
of collective decisions, each citizen must be ensured an equal
opportunity to express a choice that will be counted as equal in
weight to the choice expressed by any other citizen. In determin
ing outcomes at the decisive stage, these choices, and only these
choices) must be taken into account".57
3. Enlightened understanding: "Each citizen ought to have ad
equate and equal opportunities for discovering and validating
(within the time permitted by the need for a decision) the choice
on the matter to be decided that would best serve the citizen's
interests".58
4. Control of the agenda: "The demos must have the exclusive
opportunity to decide how matters arc to be placed on the agenda
of matters that are to be decided by means of the democratic
process".59
5. lnclusiveness: ''The demos should include all adults subject to
the binding collective decisions of the association".w
Dahl thinks that it is sufficient to have the first two criteria
fulfilled, to have a democracy, but then in a narrow sense. The
first four criteria are required for a fully democratic process in
relation to the demos.61 The fifth criterion concerns the problem
ofwho has the right t be included in the demos. A state can be
fully democratic in the process but exclude a large proportion
of the inhabitants. Ancient Greek democracy is often criti
cized, because women, slaves and aliens were excluded from
participating in political life, but we do also eXclude people.
In Sweden, universal suffrage was not introduced until 1919,
a mere 80 years ago, and today, resident aliens are still not
allowed to vote for the Swedish Parliament. To be brief, in
Sweden, citizens who have come of age are allowed to vote,
and the same applied to ancient Greece. The difference is the
definition of who is a citizen of age.
5 1 Ma 1999, 170-17_1.
52 Dr. Mats LundstrOm, Dept. ofGovcmment, Uppsala University, has
kindly discussed these complicated questions with me, introducing me
to the more important works on this subject, including his own.
53 Robinson 1 997, 1 3 .
54 Robinson 1997, 13-16.
55 Dahl l989, 106-- 1 3 1 . Dahl does not think that Classical democracy
is possible in large political units. He uses the tenn "polyarchy" to
refer to the democratic form of government in modern states (see
Dahl l97!).
56 Dahl 1989, 109.
57 Dahl 1989, 109.
58 Dahl 1 989 1 1 2
:
59 Dahl l989 1 1 3:
"' Dahl l989, 120.
61 Dahl l989, 1 10, 1 14.
Boreas 28
 114 Susanne Carlsson
Koan democracy
Kos is one of the few ancient -Greek cityMstates, that provide
an abundance ofinscriptions. The Koan inscriptions, however,
have not been fully published and the collection Jscrizioni di
Cos, published almost fifty years after the death ofMario Segre,
is not easy to use for the non-specialist on Koan history and
epigraphy. It has been pointed out that Segre's volume cannot
be used without the essential review articles by Habicht and
Gauthier.62 A careful survey of the material relevant to this is
sue, i.e. Koan democracy, remains still to be made.63
In her thorough study of ancient Kos, Susan Sherwin
White has dealt with the Koan constitution and I shall touch
only briefly upon a few matters, which have later been dis
cussed by other scholars. She associates the outbreak of civil
war in 366/65, reported by Diodoros (15.76.2) and Strabon
(14.2. 18-19, C657), with a democratic revolution, the sub
sequent synoikism and foundation of the new capital ofKos.
She argues that the unification of the island was a requirement
for the creation of the democratic institution of Hellenistic
Kos.64 Aristotle mentions Kos in a passage in the Politics
( l 304b21-35) when he discusses why democracies undergo
revolution. "At Cos the democracy underwent revolution
when vicious popular leaders arose there, for the notables
revolted."65 Unfortunately, Aristotle gives us no date for this
event. Sherwin-White is of the opinion that the oligarchic
revolution must have taken place after the synoikism, that is,
after 366, because there must have been a central government
to revolt against.66 The earlier opinion among scholars was that
Kos was a political unity even before 366 B.C., i.e. one single
polis. Gary Reger discusses this and, relying on epigraphic
as well as numismatic evidence, he concludes that "Kos was
at least Oi'noAt<,; before 366 B.C.".67 Concerning the earlier
periods, Sherwin-White points out that there is a scarcity of
Koan inscriptions before the late fourth century,68 i.e. we do
not know anything certain about the forms of Koan govern
ment before that period.
Eric Robinson asserts that a democracy could very well
have existed in Kos before 366. He bases his view on Herodotos
(7.164), who reports that Kadmos from Kos, voluntarily and
only owing to a sense ofjustice, left his autocratic power to the
Koan people. Herodotos (6.43.3) also reports that Mardonios
was installing democracies in the Greek cities of Ionia in the
same period, i.e. the 490s. According to Robinson, this could
mean that a democracy was instituted on Kos,69 but the quota
tions taken from Herodotos do not provide a basis finn enough
on which to argue plausibly for such an early democracy.
Concerning Sherwin-White's standpoint on the synoildsm as
a requirement for the emergence ofa democracy on Kos, Robin
son makes the following objection. He stresses that Herodotos
referred to the Koans as first being ruled by a tyrant and then
by the demos itself and that the form of arrangement would
not have been of essential importance for the emergence and
existence of a democratic constitution.70
Boreas 28
L
Before turning to the Hellenistic period on Kos, it is worth
while making a short return to the question of the impact of
the Hellenistic kingdoms. i.e. autonomy as a requirement for a
democratic constitution. In The administration ofthe Ptolemaic
possessions outside Egypt, Roger Bagnall has focused on the
Greek cities within the Ptolemaic control and operation of the
Empire. He has studied the documents which regulated the
administration in the cities concerned, and thereby indirectly
the interference from the Ptolemies in the internal affairs of
the Greeks.7 1 With reference to Kos, he concludes that the
Ptolemaic relations with Kos were cordial and long-standing,
reflecting no control ofKos by the kings, although, according
to Bagnall, some influence or even control may have been
exerted, particularly in the reigns of Ptolemy II Philadelphos
(283-246) and Ptolemy IV Philopator (222-204):" The exist
ence or non-existence of local civic coinage is an indication
of the degree or character of independence that a city had in
relation to the hegemonic king. The ideological value of issuing
coins is well known and must not be underestimated. Concern
ing the coinage under the Ptolemies, the Greek areas, i.e. Asia
Minor, Greece and the Aegean, had autonomous coinage in
contrast to Cyrene, Cyprus and Syria, which had royal coinages.
Prosperous cities like Kos and Kalymna coined autonomously
in silver and bronze, with local options and convenience.73 All
cities were not rich enough to afford to mint their own, and
the question is whether the economic welfare of the cities was
connected with the degree of freedom or not
62 Segre 1993. For reviews and discussions., see G. Reger, AJA l 00,
!996, 622-624; C. Habicht, ZPE 1 12, .1996, 83-84; P. Gauthicr, BE
108, 1995, no. 448; SEG 43, 1993 [ 1 996], no. 549; M. H. Jamcson,
CP 94, 1999,32 1-324.
63 Regarding Kos, inscriptions have since 1998 been published and
republished in Chiron, thoroughly gone through by-Charles Crowther,
Christian Habicht, Klaus Hallof, Luise Hallof, Dirk Obbink and Robert
Parker. Inscriptions from, for instance, Kos are also available on the
CSAD's (Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents) home page,
www.csad.ox.ac.uk/CSAD/Aegean and www.csad.ox.ac.uk/Kos/
Lettering/
64 Sherwin-White 1978, 43f., 65f.
65 Lord 1984.
66 Sherwin-White 1978, 65f.
67 Reger 1997, 454f. For further references, see 383f. nn. 2632.
Reger concludes that the people in Kos had a pre-existing identity as
Koans, i.e. as islanders, which contributed to a successful synoiki.wnos
(477f).
6S Sherwin-White 1978,44.
69 Robinson 1997, 103f.
70 Robinson 1997, 104. In Pornoboskos, the second mime by Hcrondas,
seton Kos in the middle of the 3rd century B.C., Charondas, a lawgiver
living in the 6th century B.C., is given the credit for the democratic
constitution on Kos; Welles 1934, 25, n. 4, 28, n. 18, refers to the "fa
mous constitution ofdemocratic Cos"; Sherwin-White 1978, 175, n. 2,
discusses the probability of Charondas as the legislator on Kos.
71 Bagnal\ 1976, 1-3.
72 Bagnal\ 1976, 103-105.
73 Bagnall, 1976, 176-212, spec. 196, 2 1 0 .

Sherwin-White identifies the Koan constitution in the Hel
lenistic period as a democracy that was based on three criteria
of Greek democracy which were fulfilled: (a) inclusiveness,
that is all male citizens above a certain age, regardless ofclass;
(b) sovereignty of the demos with the :final decision on policy;
and (c) popularly elected magistrates. The decree-making lan
guage in thepolls of Kos indicates a democratic government.
The motion formula began with Oe06x8at tCn O&f.I.UH and the
enactment formula with tOoe -c-ih pouAih xo:t tWt O&wvt.74
In the volume entitled The decrees ofthe Greek states, Peter
Rhodes has also discussed the question ofKoan democracy. He
has collected evidence of decree-making language and decree
making procedures in the Greek world. The period covered is
from the seventh century B.C. to the third century A.D. The
main part of the book consists of a catalogue of epigraphic
and literary texts in abbreviated form from the Greek states,
omitting Athens. He agrees with Sherwin-Whites' opinion that
Hellenistic Kos was democratic by all these three criteria, but
he claims, in accordance with the traditional view of Hellen
istic democracy, that this was no obstacle to the domination of
politics by the wealthier citizens.75 This presumed and probable
domination is, however, no obstacle to the fulfilment of the
three criteria stated by Sherwin-White and is not in conflict
with a democratic government as such.
As mentioned earlier, David Lewis was ofthe opinion that
the democratic formulae ofstates such as Kos in the Hellenistic
period concealed the domination ofthe few and that the decrees
were formulated by a limited number of persons. In considering
the decision-making process at Kos, he questioned some of
SherwinMWhite's conclusions. She had pointed out that there is
a special, rare fonn ofdecree, from Kos and elsewhere,76 which
is proposed by prominent individuals and that these motion or
enactment formulae do not mention the boule at all, but only
the demos. She designates them ""demosdecrees". In addition
to this type, there are two other categories of decrees, accord
ing to her. Firstly, decrees proposed by individuals through
the council and, secondly, decrees proposed by the prostatai
through the council or, more seldom, through the assembly.
After studying the demosMdecrees in their historical context,
she concludes that they represent a radical form ofdemocracy
with the right of legislation directly in the assembly without
the normal procedure of probouleusis.71 Lewis called this in
question and pointed out that similar cases from Athens have
shown that aprobouleuma had taken place without leaving any
traces in the formulae. In those cases in which the proposer
was an individual, Lewis stressed that we cannot know what
kind of man he was and, whenever we do have info1mation, it
has been shown that the proposer was a wealthy man.78 This is
certainly true, but even in democratic, fifth- and fourth-century
Athens, wealthy and well-educated men must have had greater
opportunities than the common citizens to make their voices
heard. SherwinM White has not denied that the proposers were
prominent men. Her point is that the assembly had the right to
make proposals and to make political decisions. However,pro-
Koan Democracy in Context II5
bouleusis was the normal and legal procedure, and in Athens,
according to Aristotle (Ath. Pol. 45.5), the omission of it led
to graphe paranomon. Concerning the Koan demos-decrees,
Rhodes points out that the council is always mentioned in
the enactment formulae but never in the motion formulae. He
thinks that we are dealing with various degrees of completeness
in the public versions of different decrees and not of different
kinds ofprocedures. He stresses that Sherwin-White identified
two prominent men among the proposers ofthe demos-decrees,
but he thinks that, if it had been possible to by-pass the normal
procedure of probouleusis, the proposers would rather have
been holders of high-ranking office. His conclusion contra
SherwinM White is that there is no reason to think that the
council was by-passed. 79
One example of the indications that Kos was a democracy
is the letters of Antigonos to the Teans. These letters are dated
to c. 306-302 and regulate the projected synoikism between
Teos and Lebedos. Antigonos has consulted both cities for a
law code to be used temporarily and they accept the laws of
Kos. He makes arrangements for obtaining the laws from Kos
and for drawing up a definitive code for the united city. In the
first letter, it is ordered that the demos is to ratify the new laws,
which are agreed on. This indicates that Teos was a democracy
and the laws ofKos would have fitted the newpolis well.80
There are also some references to damokratia in thirdM
century inscriptions from Kos. A document, which explicitly
speaks of democracy, is the inscription concerning the homo
politeia between Kos and Kalymna dating to the end of the
third century, when the polis ofKalymna was incorporated as
a deme in the Koan state. The inscription presents the oaths of
loyalty to the homopoliteia, the established democracy, and the
ancestral laws of Kos. Furthermore, democracy is contrasted
with both oligarchy and tyranny, and the only accepted form of
constitution is democracyY In a decree voted after the defeat
of the Gauls in central Greece in 278 B.C., the Koan people
gave thank-offerings in return for the repulse of the invaders
and the saving of Delphi. The sacrifice to Pythian Apollon is
resolved by the demos and prayers should be made for the
prosperity of the people of Kos and the homonoia of their
democratic government.82
During the war between the Cretan states and Rhodes, to
which Kos was allied, many Koan inscriptions concerning the
defence of Kos are preserved. One decree from that period,
74 SherwinWhite 1978, 176.
15 Rhodes I997b, 237f.
76 The other places are Zelea, Oropos, Miletos, Ithaca and Corinth.
Sherwin-White 1978, 179, n. 20.
77 SherwinMWhite.1978, 177-180.
78
Lewis 1997, 57f.
79 Rhodes I997b, 237.
so
Welles 1934, 3f.; Sy/J.3 344; Austin 1981, 40.
81 Staatsvertriige 1969, 545; Austin 1981, 133.
82
Sy!f.l 398; Austin 1981, 48.
Boreas 28
116 Susanne Carlsson
published by Paton and Hicks, belongs to the demos-decree
group.83 This inscription, dated to c. 202/201 B. C., is discussed
by Sherwin-WhiteS4 and more thoroughly by the Canadian epig
rapher Leopold Migeotte.85 The text concerns a subscription by
the people ofKos for the common security. The proposer is the
general Diodes and, without passing the council, the damos has
the authority to vote in each case on the acceptance or rejection
ofthe gifts. Even more interesting is that the citizens who were
demanded to contribute gifts included, besides the "normal"
male citizens, also citizen-women, nothoi,paroikoi andxenoi,
i.e. the whole of the people, except slaves. The subscribers,
including even children, who were accepted by the damos,
had, according to this inscription, their names engraved on
three stelai to be put up in a public space. The total amount of
the gifts was high, although, even without full political rights,
most of the people had the opportunity to participate and the
responsibility to contribute to the common security in a time
of national emergency.86
This and other evidence for democracy on Kos, discussed
above, however, seems not to be sufficient enough to convince.
We turn all the time back to the same question; what function
had these decrees if their contents were only nominal? The
question about the domination of politics by a rich and well
educated elite is interesting and worth a closer examination
but should not be restricted merely to the Hellenistic period.
Kos had good relations with the Ptolemies and seems to have
possessed some independence, expressed, among other things
in the autonomous coinage. With the establishment of the Ro
man province ofAsia, Kos had status as a civitas libera and was
not incorporated until the reign of Augustus. Kos was indeed
prospering economically and culturally in the Hellenistic period.
There was a famous school ofmedicine, the Asklepieion, which
became one of the greatest healing sanctuaries in the Greek
world; the Koan wine, widely known because of its high quality,
was exported in large amounts to the whole Mediterranean and
as far as the Black Sea area. Economic welfare is also one of
the requirements for internal political stability and democratic
governing, but it was probably more advantageous for the he
gemonic powers to maintain cordial relations with such cities,
letting them mind their own business. It is not unlikely that
this prosperity contributed to its relatively free and privileged
position. In general, it must have been much more profitable
to have loyal allies with their social organisation on which the
ruler depended than unwilling subjects ready to revolt.
Conclusion
Belief in the existence of democracy during the Hellenistic
period is not very strong, although opinions differ. There are
two main arguments against its existence. Firstly, after Alex
ander, the cities' autonomy was lost and thereby the possibili
ties of a sovereign governing. Secondly, there was no wide
popular participation; politics were dominated by an elite and
Boreas 28
democracy was thereby only nominaL These two arguments
are waiting for re-examination. The same source material is
interpreted in various ways, but it seems that a great deal ofthe
discussion is circular reasoning. Do we have to call for stronger
evidence to prove that democracy was still a constitution in
use in the Hellenistic period, than those scholars who present
the opposite view? There are, of course, serious problems to
consider, such as the changing import of terms, the fact that
not only democracies, but also oligarchies and subject cities
had decision-making bodies, and the explicit fact that liberty
was granted by the mler. But the judgement must emanate
from the scarce and often chronologically unevenly distributed
sources we have and with new questions they might give us
alternative answers. Occasional statements cannot be taken
ad notarn. Strabon 's pronouncement that "The Rhodians are
concerned for the people in general, although their rule is not
democratic; still, they wish to take care of their multitude of
poor people" ( 14.2.5, C652-3),87 has been taken as evidence for
a non-democratic constitution on Rhodes. This, even in spite of
all other indications of the opposite condition. The Hellenistic
period was indeed a time of thorough political change, but the
relations between the Hellenistic kingdoms and the Hellenistic
poleis may certainly have included more reciprocity than is
usually assumed. The old Greek world was not taken in pos
session in a modern sense, as, for instance, Eastern Europe
was, but had still the possibility to act politically.
Susanne Carlsson
Dept. Archaeology and Ancient History
Uppsala University
S:t Eriks Torg 5
SE-753 10 UPPSALA
E-mail: Susanne.Carlsson@antiken.uu.se
83 Paton & Hicks 1891, 10.
84 Sherwin-White 1978, l79f.
ss Migeotte 1992, 50.
6 Recently published research has focused upon marginalized groups in
the population in antiquity. Epigraphic evidence shows that the borders
between the different categories were not static but fluid and that both
women and metics possessed more influence in public life than is usu
ally admitted. See, for instance, Jones 1999; Cohen 2000.
87 This statement is taken literally by, for instance, Green 1990, 37.

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Boreas 28
ed.),
)JS.,
Ons Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras
ris
en
New Epigraphical Evidence on the Cults
of Ancient Halasama in Cos
Abstract
Among the most important finds of the excavations in the Apollo
sanctuary at ancient Halasama (modem Kardamaina) in Cos are the
inscriptions. The two presented here, arc sacral documents dating to
the 3rd centU!y B.C.
The first, inv. no. E 1 79, is a decree of the middle of the 3rd cen
tury B.C. It is unique in its content prescribing a VCJY high penalty, it
forbids the priest, and all others from borrowing or lending money on
a pledge of the sacral vessels of the sanctuary.1
The second inscription, inv. no. E 178, is a sacrificial calendar
of the end of the 3rd century B.C. The calendar stipulates the annual
sacrifices to be performed by the priest of Apol!o, presented in the
order from spring to autumn. It lists seventeen sacrifices to divinities
worshipped at Halasama-including ftve divinities previously unat
tested for Halasama, and several with epithets first recorded here-and
includes detailed instructions regarding date, type of victim and pro
cedure for distribution to the pmticipants.
The most important finds ofthe excavations conducted over the
last thirteen years by the University ofAthens at the Sanctuary
of Apollo in ancient Halasarna (modern Kardamaina) in Cos
are the inscriptions, so far sixteen in number.2 Most of them
were found in secondary use in the Early Christian strata of
the excavated area and they offer valuable information on the
public and religious life of the Halasarnitan deme, the second
most important deme of ancient Cos. Here two decrees will be
presented, both of which shed important light on the religious
life and cults of the deme ofHalasama.
The first decree is inscribed on a marble stele with a crown
ing moulding (Fig. 1). The stele is preserved intact, now in the
Cos Museum, inv. no. E 179. Height: 79.4 cm; width: 40 cm;
thickness: 4.5-5 cm. Letter height: 1-1.2 cm.3
"Eooe rwt O&f\wv Zuftftaxo' xa\
'Apw"'to<p&v11c; vo:noicn einav f lfl
i:ia"tw tCn iepei fl11M -cote;
ttfl&xotc; Oave{aaaitat i:nl tote;
5. TIO't''ll PLotc; 1-L'Il&i: 'tote; &A.Aotc; axeVeat
't'Otc; Un&pxouat ev 't&t iep&t 't'OU
'A1t6Uwvo, . f\OE oave((ev f\iltva
n1 -roU1:otc; napeupiaet fl110eflt&t
et oe t{c; XO: Oo:vefarp:at tl Oo:vda'll t
10. naptX 1:tX yeypt'Xf.Lf.Livo:, Cmo-rna&-rw
Exaa-roc; 't&v o:b:iwv Opaxfllh; nevta
xtoxtA{ac,; iep&c; 1:oU ' An6AAwvoc; xo:l
& Unofrrlxa &xupoc; Ea-rw xo:l. EvfrUf.ttoV
Eo1:w -c&t Oaveioo:vtt xal. 1:&t Oavewa -
15. flVUH We; &OtxeUvn -rOv {}e6v er xa 1-Lfl
Oavet(wv-rat 1:01 Oo:f.t6-ro:t oic; f.ti"teon
"'tOU iepoU xa-rtX $&qnaf.La vacat
vacat 0,027 ft.
-rO oe W&<f>taf.LO: -r60e O:vaypalj!&V't'W eic;
a-r&Aav Atfr{vo:v xal. O:va{}iv-rw
20. Be; -eO iep6v. vacat
It is a decree in twenty lines concerning the use of sacred ves
sels and dated on the basis ofletter forms around the middle of
the 3rd century RC: The decree was proposed by the napoiai
Symmachos and Aristophanes, two men who are otherwise
unkown, though both names were common in Cos around the
end of the 3rd century B.C.'
The decree forbids the priests and the magistrates to borrow
money by pledging either the wine cups or the other vessels cif
the sanctuary ofApollo. It also forbids anyone to leryd money
by pledging the above items on any occasion; and i;n: the event
that anyone, in breach of the provisions of the decree, receives
or grants a loan, it stipulates that each of the defaulters shall pay
5,000 dr. to be sacred to Apollo, and that the pledge be consid
ered as null and void; and that the accusation that the god has
1 l would like to thank Angelos Matthaiou wmmly for his invaluable
help in the study of this material and Dr. Nike Makri as well as Dr.
M. D. Richardson for their help in the translation of the text and the
inscriptions.
2 All this material is under publication by the author as a monograph
with the title 'Altiaapva I. Oi bnypa(jli; to be printed as an
, extra volume of the Greek epigraphical periodical Horos. About the
excavations in ancient Halasarna (modem Kardamaina) in Cos see the
most recent publications: Kokkorou-A!evras et al. 1998, 3 1 3-335 with
references to previous preliminary reports. Kokkorou-Alcvras 200 1 ;
Kalopissi-Verti & Panagiotidi 200 1 .
3 For more details and the philological commenta1y see the publication
of the inscription in Kokkorou-Alevras in press, N.E. 5.
4 SherwinWhite 1978, Onomastikon.
Boreas 28
120 Georgia Kokkorou-Alevtd
Fig. I . Jnv. no. E 179 (Cos Museum).
been wronged is to burden the conscience ofboth the lender and
the borrower, unless citizens who have the right to participate
in the sanctuary are in receipt of the loan by virtue of a decree
moved on an ad hoc basis. The decree is to be inscribed on a
stone stele and to be erected in the sanctuary. Translation:
"Resolved by the people. The napoiai Symmachos and
Aristophanes made the motion: that it be forbidden for the
priest and the magistrates (timachoi) to borrow moneys by
pledging either the wine cups or other vessels, which are in
the sanctuary ofApollo. That it also be forbidden to anyone
to lend moneys by pledging the above items on any pretext.
In the event that anyone receives or grants a loan, in breach
Boreas 28
ofthe provisions ofthe decree, each ofthose culpable shall
pay 5,000 dr. to be consecrated to Apollo, and the pledge
shall be considered as null and void. The accusation that
the god has been wronged shall burden the conscience of
both the lender and the borrower, unless citizens who have
the right to participate in the sanctuary are in receipt of the
loan in accordance with a decree (i.e. a decree moved on
an ad hoc basis). This decree is to be inscribed on a stone
stele and is to be erected in the sanctuary."
This decree regulating the use of sacred vessels is of great sig
nificance in spite of the fact that similar decrees forbidding the
removal or misuse of such items are known from the 6th, the 4th,
the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C.,5 for this is the only instance ofa
reference to the pledging of sacred vessels of a sanctuary.6
Also unique is the excessive penalty amounting to 5,000
drachmas, the highest penalties previously known being from
Mylasa in the I st century B.C. and from lasos in the Roman
period amounting to 3,000 drachmas.7 The excessive penalty
may imply either the high value of the sacred vessels or too
frequent a practice of pledging. Higher than these are only
the penalties imposed in cases of violation of a treaty, e.g. of
arrmesty and of cancellation of debts, such as we find in an
early 3rd century B. C. inscription fromAlipheira which refers
to a penalty of l 0,000 drachmas '
Especially interesting and rare is that the decree itself
introduces an exemption from its provisions with respect to
the citizens who had the right to participate in the sanctuary
(ll. 15-17). However, even in such a case a new decision is
required on an ad hoc basis (I. 17). A similar kind of exemption
is provided in a Coan sacred law, which forbids the cutting of
the cypresses of the sanctuary ofApollo and Asclepius unless
a public or sacred building is to be erected:
... at Xct f.Lil ExxAf]cr(cn aoet i:c; aaf.L60toV pyov 9
and:
[---cti xa ] exxA.aiat [Mt Kaoaxpiiatlat] ets n
tWv ie[pWv E:pywv xa\ Oaaov] n( t&t ExxA11[atat
Emxupwbflt]10
We may assume therefore that in the case of our inscription ex
emption would have been granted in similar cases ofpublic inter-
5 Argos: Sokolowski 1 962, no. 27, 11. l0-13, Chios: Sokolowski 1962,
no. 24, 11. 3-4, Epidaurus: Sokolowski 1 962, no. 1 1 7, !. 8 and Kyrene:
Sokolowski 1969, no. 1 16, ll. 22-25.
6 Cf. The Coan decrees in Segre 1993, ED 196, 237, with closely
similar wording but without any connection to the pledging of sacred
vessels.
1 Sokolowski 1955, no. 62, I. l , Sokolowski 1955, no. 60 A I. 7, B
I. 7.
8 Thilr & Taeuber 1994, no. 24, I. 13. Cf. ibid. no. 16, I. 4.
9 Sokolowski 1 969, no. 150A, 11. 6-7.
10 Sokolowski 1 969, no. 150 B, 11. 13-19.
 New Epigraphical Evidence on the Cults ofAncient Halasarna in Cos 121

;;::::::
in warl!rne A similar instance is known from the
; son ofAglaos, in which the timber
i of the stoa was used for war purposes. 1 1
Furthermore, we happen to know from the inscription
& Hicks 1891, 367+368 Pugliese Carratelli 1 963-64,
Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K. 16 the names of the
who had the right to participate in the sanctuaries of
and Heracles by reason oftheir membership in the tribes
DJirnlmes moa Hyue:tS, two ofthe three Dorian tribes of Cos, as
suggested. Only a few members of the third tribe, the
:. Pamnlhyl<ll, had this right." The question posed by S. Sherwin
i.e. whether we are dealing with a decree regarding the
thre e Dorian or just the local tribes of the Halasarnitan deme,
has yet to be answered. 13
Another noteworthy aspect of our decree is the fact that
it is proposed by only two as opposed to the three napoiai
fmmd in other decrees of the deme e.g. the decree in honour of
Theukles, son ofAglaos, 14 magistrates who, as is known, had
mainly administrative duties in the sanctuaries but also politi
cal and managerial ones. In the case of the Fasti of Halasarna
the decree is proposed by Aristion, the son of Chairippos, the
napoia in charge, without mentioning the exact number of the
napoiai. 15 The number of the napoiai of our new inscription
seems to suggest that these two napoiai belonged to the two
tribes, the members of which, as mentioned above, had the
right to participate in the sanctuaries of Apollo and Heracles
at Halasama. The fact, however, that the two napoiai jointly
propose the decree may suggest that only one sanctuary, that
of Apollo, existed, and that it was in this same sanctuary that
Heracles was also worshipped.

The second inscription is a pedimental marble stele broken

at the bottom, found in secondary use in an Early Christian
building in the area of the sanctuary of Apollo; today in Casa
Romana in Cos, inv. no. E 178 (Fig. 2). Preserved height: 90
cm; maximum preserved width: 36 cm; thickness: 9 cm. Letter
height: 1.5 cm.16

T&Oe Ctveypcnav ol & vOpe<;

tol aipetJeve<;, NtxOJ.Laxo<;
TtJ.Latv1:ou, 'Ap(aatXJ.LO<;
Apw<apxilla, Xatpioao'
5. LlaJ.Loq>Wvto<;, & frUet 6 LepeO<; Fig. 2. Inv. no. E l78 (Casa Romana, Cos).
toU ' An6AAwvo<; xafr' E:xao1:ov
tvwu6v. Mf!VO<; ' Yat:tv{Hou v
OuwOexchat ' Iot(at q>aJ.LCat oiv
f;poeva, 1:oUou Omocpop& vvvvvv
10. t<; ttJ.Laxeiov yuvativ oUx O<u> 11 Syl/.3 569, 11. 35-36. For more bibliography see: Kokkorou-Atevras
ma: ' An6AAwvt iepeiov eAewv in press, A.K. 4.
12
' Iatlat TtJ.Laxetat i.epeiov: tv&tat Pug1iese Carratelli 1963-64, p. 155.
13 Sherwin-White 1 978, 157, n. 26.
npO ix&Oo<; ' An6AAwvt 1:0.ewv 14 Sylf.J, 569.
xal. uAeav taUta Otatpeitat v 15
Herzog 1901, 483-492, no. 4 ; Kokkorou-Aievras in press, A.K. 17.
16 Formore details and the philological commentary see the publication
of the inscription in Kokkorou-A!evras in press, N.E. 6.

Boreas 28
122 Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras
1 5. -rot<; Oaj..1.6tcnc; 1t&otv: AwaK6potc;
oiv Epoevu: 1.\tt Zwtf]pt oiv f:poeva.
Kapvefou Ev&tat i.o-rcq.tvou vvv
A<ppoOL'tcn aiya: OtXO!-lflV(cn ' Apt&
flttt ' Aypotpat i.epe<i>ov: ' Ex&tat v
20. :E-r[p]a't'(cn o:iya -reAdav: ExxatOe
x&cn 6.11 IloAtei Ev ' Aypon6A.t oiv
tAewv ' AiMvcn IIoAt&Ot oi v v
't"E:Aefav 1t<Xp Bvtau-rOv Exatpun
tWv tteWv tmh:wv oUx imo<pop&
25. ix&Ot Ex&-rcu MeAHeivcn iepe'iov.
8eu0caa(ou Exxat.Oex&tat. An:6).J,w
vt tAewv xal teAefav: Aa"toi iepe-
[iov, ' Ap<&?]l!\ !Iufrtjlilt olv <eiceiav Ll.t
['i .Ec.mipt, ' AM] vat .Ew<e(pat I
30. [- - - - - - - - - - - - - -JWI)][- - - - - - - - -l
It is a sacrificial calendar concerning the sacrifices that the
priest of Apollo was to perform on an annual basis. For its
recording three men were elected, namely Nikomachos, son
ofTimenaitos,Aristaichrnos, son ofAristarchidas, and Chaire
damos, son of Damophon. Of these men only the last one,
Chairedamos son ofDamophon, can be identified, as the father
of Damophon and Theudoros, sons of Chairedamos, who are
known to us from the inscription Pugliese Carratelli 1963-64,
!Xa, L 54. 93 dated recently to around 200/l75 B.C. "The ftoruit
of Chairedamos, son of Damophon, should be placed before
200/175 B.C., the time period when his sons were active, in
the last quarter of the 3rd century B.C. Translation:
"The following were inscribed by the elected men,
Nikomachos, son of Timainetos, Aristaichmos, son of
Aristarchidas, and Chairedamos, son of Damophon, that
is, which victims are to be sacrificed annually by the priest
ofApollo. On the twelfth ofthe month Hyakinthios, a male
sheep is to be offered to Hestia Phamia and to be carried
oVer to the Timacheion. It is not permitted that parts of
the sacrificial victim be distributed to women. Apollo is to
receive a full-grown victim, Hestia Timacheia is to receive
a victim. On the nineteenth ofthe month a full-grown male
and a fullgrown female victim is to be offered to Apollo;
these are to be distributed to all the citizens. To the Diosk
ouroi a male sheep is to be offered; to Zeus Soter a male
sheep. On the ninth of the month Karneios a goat is to be
offered to Aphrodite; in the middle of the month a victim
to Artemis Agrotera; to Hekate Stratia a full-grown goat.
On the sixteenth (of the same month) a full-grown sheep
is to be offered to Zeus Polieus on the Acropolis, and a
full-grown ewe to Athena Polias. These sacrificial victims
for each of the gods are not to be carried away from the
sanctuary every other year. On the twentieth ofthe month a
victim is to be offered to Hekate Meliteine. On the sixteenth
ofthe month Theudaisios Apollo is to receive a full-grown
male and a fultgrown female victim; to Leto a victim is to
Boreas 28
be offered; to Artemis Pytheis a full-grown female sheep;
to Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira . . . "
The anagraphe (recording) of the sacrifices begins with the
month Hyakinthios (L 8), modern May-June'" on the twelfth
of which a male sheep was to be sacrificed to Hestia Phamia,
a Doric form of Hestia <t>rn.tia. 1 9 To begin the sacrificial ritual
with a victim to Hestia was a common and ancient practice in
antiquity, attested as early as in the Homeric Hymn to Hestia no.
29, in which it is mentioned that the libations must begin with a
libation to ths goddess. The initiatory libation belonging to this
deity is also attested in Schol. Aristophanes, Vesp. 846: Ev 1:0:'i
anovoais a<p ' ' Ea<ias &pxonat, by Plato, Krat. 401 D:
1:0 yiJ..p npO n<ivnuv iJeWv 1:TI ' Ea't'(TI npW1:n npob"Vetv, and
Pausanias 5, 14,4: frU oum. OE ' Ea1:(q; j.LEv npW1:n, Oeun5p<.p
Ot 't' ' OAup.n(<p !ut.. . .
Reference to Hestia as Phamia <Pru.t(o: is not previously
=
known, and the adjective <l>rlflw/<l>T]jl(O: is rarely used; apart
from Cos, we know it only from an inscription from Erythrai of
the 3rd century B. C. referring to Zeus as <I>r]p.w and to Athena
as <l>T]jlfcx.20 In Cos this is the second inscription providing
evidence on the cult of Hestia as Phamia, i.e. with oracular
or prophetic properties.21 The same name is given to this god
dess on an inscribed base from Cos of the 2nd-1st centuries
B. C., a dedication to Hestia by Zopyrion, son of Herakleitos,
published by D. Bosnakis.22 According to his interpretation of
the evidence, Hestia was most probably worshipped in Cos
only as Phamia and qot as Tamia, as was commonly thought
until now, on the basis of an erroneous reading of two Coan
inscriptions, one of the city of Cos and the other of the deme
oflsthmos.23 IfBosnakis is right in his assumption, it follows
that the worship of Hestia as an oracular or prOphetic goddess
was present in the whole island of Cos. In any case, the worship
of Hestia must have been very important in Halasama, since
this goddess was worshipped there also as Timacheia', as we
shall see further on.
Most interesting with respect to the worship ofthis goddess
in Halasama is that it is stipulated in the inscription that the
parts of the sacrificial victim were to be brought over to the
Timacheion, that is, to the building which was the seat of the
n;wuxot n&xot the magistrates (L I 0). A building by
that name is known from an inscription of Kyrene, which is
11
Habicht 2000, 321, 326.
18
Segre 1952, 170; Samue1 1 972, l l l - 1 1 3; Herzog 1928, 49-50.
19
Buck 1955, 265; Bechtel l923, 32. AboutHestia's cult, see Roscher 1:
2, 2605-2653, s.v. Hestia (A. Preuner); Fame11 1896-1909, 5, 345-365,
csp. 348-350: Suss 1912: UMC VI ( 1990), 407-412, s.v. Hestia (H.
Sarian); Vernant, 1965, 96-143; Simon 1998.
20 Sy!l. 3, 1014 = Sokolowski 1955, no. 25, 11. 27, 32. Enge!mann &
Merke!bach 1973, 3 1 8-323, no. 20lc, I. 48.
21 Chantraine 4, 1 195, s.v. Pbamia; Guarducci 1 95 1 , 349.
22 Bosnakis 1999, 1 89-200.
23 Paton & Hicks 1 89 1 , no. 37, L 29; no. 401, I. 9.
 ,
New Epigraphical Evidence on the Cults ofAncient Halasarna in Cos 123

le sheep;
dated to the 2nd century B.C.24 and probably from two other We shall say more below about such prohibitions concerning
inscriptions of the same city, one from the 4th and one from victims sacrificed to chthonic deities.
the 3rd century B.CY The word Tq.t.oUxwv with that same The connection between the cults ofHestia and Apollo Py
with the
meaning is to be found in an inscription of the first half of the thios is evident in Delphi, where Hestia "administrates the sacred
' twelfth
3rd century B.C. from Priene.26 The Timacheion of ancient temple of Apollo at the divine place ofPytho"36 and in Delos.37
Phamia,
Halasarna must have been connected with the cult of Hestia Particularly relevanthere is the infonnation found in Athenaios
ial ritual
Timacheia which is mentioned in our calendar in line 12. The (4. 1 50 a) on the celebration of Hestia's birthday at Naukratis
1ctice in
presence of the cult ofHestia in this building is not surprising in during the feast ofApollo, the principal deity ofNaukratis.38
estia no.
view of the fact that this goddess is worshipped in other Greek Back to our sacrificial calendar: the record of sacrifices in
n with a
cities (Syros, Lesbos, Sinope: 1st century B.C.) as Prytaneia, the month Hyakinthios continues with sacrifices ofa full-grown
S to this
Prytanitis, and Boulaia, her cult having been present in public male and a full-grown female sheep on the ninteenth of this
v tetl<;
buildings such as prytaneia and bouleuteria of cities and sanc month in honour ofApollo (1L 12-15). Parts of these sacrificial
1 D:
tuariesY There is also explicit testimony inAthenaios (4. 1 50 a) victims are to be distributed to all citizens.
lv, and
on the worship ofHestia in the Prytaneion ofNaukratis.28 On the same day, the ninteenth of Hyakinthios, a sacri
unp0
Even more interesting is what follows in the text of the fice of a male sheep is ordered for the Dioskouroi: ll. 15 16:
sacrificial calendar: in lines 10-11 one reads that it was pro Awax6potc; otv E:poevo:. The cult of the Dioskouroi in Cos
iously
hibited to offer parts ofthe sacrificial victim ofHestia Phamia is attested only as a private cult, and not in Halasarna. Also
apart
to women: yuvat\v oUx O<u><na, probably a mistake for attested in Cos is the cult of Korybantes, deities akin to the
trai of
oUx Oaux. Such prohibitions of women's participation in cult, Dioskouroi and Hekate.39 Further on (I. 16) a male sheep is to
thena
especially of male deities, is known from other sacred laws, be ofthed to Zeus Soter on the same day. The cult ofZeus Soter
iding
for example from nearby Lindos of the 4th and 2nd century in Cos is well attested, and is further attested in our calendar in
cular
B. C. (cult ofZeusAmalos and ZeusApotropaios and ofAthena lines 28-29, where sacrifices are ordered to take place in honour
god
Apotropaia), in which we have more or less the same wording.29 of Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira in the month Theudaisios,
ries
A similar prohibition is found in a sacred law ofMyconos con modern OctoberNovember. Cults of these deities are attested
itos,
cerning the worship ofPoseidon Phykios: 't"fp, aUtflt f.LE!pat in the city of Cos and in the deme of Phyxeotae or Pyxeotae
nof
IIoaetOWn cl>uxfun <X!-!vOc; AeuxOc; tv6px11c; yuvcnxl oU from the 3rd century B.C.4o
Cos
b'E!f.Ltc;/0 and elsewhere.3 1 With line 17 of our sacrificial calendar begin the sacrifices
ght
In our casethe prohibition is probably due to the connection which are to be perf{)rmed by the priest ofApollo in the month
oan
ofthe cult ofHestia Phamia with the timouchoi, as the transpor Kameios, modern September-October. On the ninth of this
:me
tation of the sacrificial victim to the Timacheion indicates. The month the sacrifice of a goat to Aphrodite is ordered. That the
'WS
Timoucheion was the seat of the timouchoi, magistrates who importance of this goddess' cult was great jn Halasarna can
ess
were exclusively men, since it was only priestesshoods that were be deduced from the sacred law dated around 200 B. C. found
lip
assumed by women. 32 Athenaios' testimony (4.150 a) is particu
.CC
larly informative in that respect, referring to the prytaneion of
ve
Naukratis where Hestia was worshiped as Prytanitis: 24 SEG 9, no. 5. Cf. LSJ Suppl., s.v. timacheion.
yuvmxl OE oUK eeanV ei<Jl,Ev cn. ei<; tO npu-raveiov 11 25 SEG 9, nos. 18, 33.
<<> Hillcr von Gaertringen 1906, no. 12, I. 4.
ss
f.LO vo v -cTI aUA1)-rp(0t.
IC 27 Fame\! 1 896-1909, 5, 347-62; SUss 1912, 1287, 3; Despinis 1965,
The priest of Apollo is to offer a full-grown victim to
e 1 3 1 ; Merkelbach 1980, 77-92.
28 See below.
Apollo and also a victim to Hestia Timacheia on the same
e
day: Io<iat Tq.Laxeiat \epeiov (L 12). This adjective 29 Sokolowski 1 962, no. 88 a, L 4; no. 88 b, I. 6; no. 89, 11. 5-6.
y
attributed to Hestia is unknown, it is the Doric form of Hes >o syu. 3, 1024, n. 8-9.
31 Parker 1983, 84-85.
tia Timoucheia. Aphrodite was worshipped as Timouchos in
32 Turner 1983, 383-412.
Delos and in Paros.33 This epithet should be associated with " JG XI, 4, 1 146; JG XII, 5, 222.
the protection of the Timouchoi.34 Similar must be the cult of 34 J. & L. Robert, Bulletin ipigraphique,1959, 229, no. 325. For
Hestia Timoucheia, which corresponds to her cult as Prytaneia, Timouchoi, see Gottlieb 1967, 3, especially for the worship of
Prytanitis and Boulaia, known from many sources.35 However Aphrodite as Timouchos, p. 46. Rev. by L. Robert, Gnomon, 1971,
39-4L
it is curious that in this case it is not ordered for the victim to
35 SUss 1912, 1283-1286.
36 Homeric Hymn to Hestia no. 24. See also Audiat 1932, 299--3 12:
be brought over to the Timacheion, as one would expect in the
case of a protector-goddess of the magistrates. This order is Hellenistic, inscribed in the Treasury of the Athenians; Vernant 1965,
carried out instead, as we have seen, in the case ofthe sacrifice 148-149, no. 6.
in honour ofHestia Phamia. This unexpected regulation could 3'1 Si.iss 19!2, 1289.
3s Fameli i 896-1909, 5, 348.
be explained on the grounds that Hestia Timacheia may have
39 Famelt 1921, 1 87-188; Pugliesc Carratelli 1963, 162-163,4 = Segre
had a chthonic nature, in which case the transportation of the 1993, EV 1 8 a, 4; Sherwin-Whitc 1978, 324 with nn. 3 1 3-316; 363.
victim to the Timacheion would certainly have been prohibited. 40 SherwinWhite 1 978, 294.

Boreas 28
124 Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras o
in Kardamaina, probably very close to the place where the
sanctuary ofApollo has been excavated (Paten & Hicks 1891,
369; KokkorouAlevras in press, A.K. 19). The proximity can
be inferred from the findspot of that inscription in the house
of a potter and from the fact that the sanctuary ofApollo lies
in a place called Tsoukalaria, i.e. the potters' quarter, named
after the many potter-workshops which were located there until
1990. The inscription records the dates of performance of the
various sacrifices in honour ofAphrodite to be catTied out by
the priest ofApollo and by the lessors of her sacred garden and
bath. In this case too the sacrificial animal for Aphrodite is a
goat, specifically a kid.
Another inscription belonging to the early 2nd cenhlfy
B.C. from Halasarna41 concerns a votive offerring toAphrodite
Epekoos (Attentive) dedicated by military officers who seem
to have served in Halasama during the Cretan War (205-201
B.C.). A cult ofAphrodite connected with a bath, like the one
in Halasarna, is also epigraphically attested in Isthmos.42 Even
better attested is the cult ofAphrodite as Pandemos and Pontia
in the city ofCos.43
On the fifteenth of the same month a sacrifice to Artemis
Agrotera is ordered (IL 18-19): litxo;;viat ' Apt&;nn
' Aypo1:pat iepetov. These lines constitute evidence of an
other cult ofArtemis in Cos in addition to her known cults as
Lochia, Toxitis and Pergaia, while another unspecified festival
of Artemis is attested in a sacred grove of the city of Cos.44
The ancient cult ofArtemis in H8.lasama is evident also in the
dedicatory inscription of the Roman period in which Julia, the
daughter ofAugustus and wife ofMarcus Agrippa, is honoured
with a statueidentified asArtemis.45 On the same day, that is, on
the fifteenth ofthemonth Karneios, a sacrifice is to be performed
in honourofHekate Stratia, the goddess of war (IL 19-20). This
cult is evident in Halasama in a munber ofdedicatory inscriptions
with a standard wording.46 It is very well attested in the epigraphi
cal sources that under this epithet, Strateios/Strateia, Zeus and
Aphrodite are worshipped in Caria mainly in the Hellnistic
period. Zeus was also worshipped as Strateios in other placesY
Furthermore according to literary sources Ares is worshipped
as Stratios and Athena and Isis as Stratia.48
The worship ofHekate Stratia in Cos is most probably due
to influence from Asia Minor and specifically from Caria. It
has rightly, I think, been assumed that the prominence of the
warrior aspect of this goddess' cult in Halasarna towards the
end of the 3rd century B. C., should be attributed to the so-called
First Cretan War (205-201 B.C.). In any case, the cult of this
goddess as a goddess of war seems to have been the principal
cult in Halasarna together with that of Apollo Pythaios or
Pythaeus, on the evidence of the large number of inscriptions
refferring to these gods. Moreover, the fact that the majority of
these inscriptions was found in the Patem-Tsagarouli plot, on
the one hand confirms the identification of this area with the
sanctuary of Apollo and on the other suggests that the centre
of the Hekate cult was most probably in that same place. This
centre could perhaps have been a temple or a peripolion which
Boreas 28
existed in Halasama, although the latter's type and form is not
known. In any case, the peripolion, probably a fOrt, was accord
ing to epigraphical evidence very closely connected to Hekate:
[---MJ en DE xa't 't"OV Kafrexaa't"[ov tvtau't"O]v yetV6fJ.VOV
iepta 1:f!c; ' Ex&1:11c; xa't"aAtyetv tx 1:Wv tv 1:0 rceptrcoAL
tf!c; -b'eoU----.49 Be that as it may, it seems certain that the Ha
lasarnitai though ofDorian descent, had adopted cults ofAsia
Minor-Hestia Phamia and Hekate Stratia-evidently because
of the proximity of Halasarna to that area and also because of
her prehellenic-Carian inhabitation.
On the sixteenth day of the same month, every other year,
sacrifices of a full-grown male and female sheep to Zeus PoM
lieus and Athena Polias, respectively, were to take place (11.
2 1-23). The cult ofZeus Polieus andAthena Polias is very well
attested in Cos, especially in an important sacred law recording
detailed regulations of the cult of both of these gods, among
others.50 It should be noted though that these cults are attested
here for the first time in Halasama.
Particularly significant is the information on the cult of
Zeus Polieus "on the Acropolis". We read on the stele "h
'Aypo1t6l.t" (L 21), presumably an inscribing ofthe letter x
to y. This possibility seems more likely than the connection
of this cult with the agrarian nature of Zeus Polieus attested
in other inscriptions.51
41 Maiuri 1925, n,o. 675; SherwinMWhite 1978, 1 19, n. 1 92, 4;
Kok:korouMAlevras in press, A.K. 29.
42 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-64, 182, XXIII.
43 SherwinWhite 1 978, 304-305. AboutAphrodlte's cult on Cos, see
also Kantzia 1980, 4-5. Segre 1993, ED 149,A, H. 30-31 ( = Paton &
Hicks 1891, no. 36 = Herzog 1 928, no. 10); ED 178a (A) L 4, b (A) L
2. 30, b (A) L 1 1 ; ED 239, L 8; EV 259, L 2.
44 For the worship of Attemis as Agrotera, see Famell 1896-1909,
2, 431-434; RE IU ( 1896), 1378-1379, s.v. (K. Wemicke); LIMC
1 1 : 1 ( 1984), 6 18-753 (L. Kahil). For the cult of this gOddess in Cos,
SherwinWhite 1978, 303 with notes. Segre 1993, ED 25 B, I. 5; ED
55, B, l. 9; ED 236, l. 8; EV 179, 11. 3-4. See also the unpublished
inscriptions Segre EF 216, I. 9; EF 332, L l . Cf. Cucuzza 1997, 13-31,
esp. 13-19.
45 Herzog 1899, 229-230 no. 223; IGR 1095; HOghammar 1993, 55;
79 n. 351; 85; 188 no. 78; Kok:korou-Alevras in press, A.K. 42.
46 Kok:korouAlevras in press, A.K. 23-27.
4 E.g. Naxos: JG XII, 5, 50.
4s LSJ s.v. acp&:n::toc;/otp&tto<;. Kantzia 1 990, 1 50 with n. 35. For the
cult and the representations of Hekate, see Roscher I:2, 1885-1910,
s.v. Hekate (W.H. Roscher); Famell l 896-I909, 5, 50l-557, 596-602;
RE Vll (1912), 2769-2782, s.v. Hekate (J. Heckenbach); LIMC VI: I ,
985-988, s.v. Hekate (H. Sarian); West 1 995, 188-325, esp. 228-23 1 ;
Neuer Pauly 5 ( 1998), 267-270, s.v. Hckate (S.I. Jobnston).
49 Soko1owski 1955, 69, ll. 15-16; lnschriften von Stratonikeia 11.1,
no. 1 101, IL 15-16.
50 Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 37 = Sylf.3, 1025 "" Herzog 1 928, no. 1 =
Sokolowski 1969, no. 1 5 1 . Sherwin-White 1978, 293-294. See also
Segre 1993, ED 55, A, 3, ll. 4-5. 7 (""' Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 40
= Herzog 1928, no. 5); EV 226, ll. 5-6; Kokkorou-Alevras in press,
En:iJ.l. I, 6.
SI
Scullion 1994, 76- 1 1 6, esp. 8 1-86. I owe this reference to Prof.
Robert Parker.
 New Epigraphical Evidence on the Cults ofAncient Halasarna in Cos
tot One can infer tfom this information that Halasarna may
d- have been a large urban centre and that the cult ofZeus Polieus
:e: was located on the Acropolis which is identified with the hill
IV ofTholos exactly above the sanctuary ofApollo, where our in
"' scription was found. 52 Reference to the Acropolis ofHalasama
,_ exists in the sacred law about the cult ofAphrodite, mentioned
a above (Paton & Hicks 1891, 369, I. 13; Kokkorou-Alevras in
e press,A.K. 19). Unfortunately the part ofthe inscribed surface of
f the stone containing information about the Acropolis is not well
preserved. Zeus and Athena are worshiped as Saviours of the
deme, an epithet which some centuries later was to be granted
by the Halasarnitai toAugustus identified with Apollo.53
In line 24, we read that the transportation of the meat of
sacrificed animals in honour of these two gods was prohibited
every other year. Such prohibition of the transpottation of the
parts of sacrificed animals away from the sanctuary or beyond
the boundaries of the city of Cos is known from the worship of
Zeus Polieus as well as from the cults of Dionysos, Demeter
and other gods.54 The case is the same with the cult of Zeus
Polieus, and also that of other gods, in other cities. 55 In general,
such prohibitions have been interpreted by S. Scullion56 as the
result ofthe chthonic character ofthesedeities. The chthonic and
eueteric character ofthe cult ofZeus Polieus andAthena Polias is
proposed by the above-mentioned scholar57 on the basis ofliter
aryand epigraphical evidence. Taking into account this particular
aspect of these deities, it may seem curious that the parts of the
sacrificial victims are ordered not to be carried away from the
sanctuary only every other year. However, the chthonic aspect of
Zeus Polieus andAthena Polias may not have consistently been
the dominant element of their cult at Halasarna. Their worship
should also have taken account oftheir Olympian aspect, perhaps
in alterration with the chthonian every other year.
The next line, 25, mentions one more sacrifice to Hekate,
as Meliteini on the twentieth of the same month (Karneios):
ix&Ot ' Ex&'tat MeAtn{vat iepeiov, thus emphasising the
significance of this goddess in the deme of Halasarna. No
cult of Hestia as Meliteini is known from other sources. This
euphemistic name, J.LEA.e{n vo, -Yj, -ov is one who is made
of honey or who tastes like honey,58 is probably attributed to
Hestia because of her dark side, which frightened the people.
Similar are also the adjectives Melinoe, Kalliste, Eukoline59
attributed to the same goddess. Furthermore it is worth noting
that a cult ofHekate Soteira existed in Halasarna in addition to
the cults ofHekate Stratia and Meliteini. This cult is attested in
a dedicatory inscription by an army officer (Aoxay6) record
ing Hekate Soteira, dated to around the beginning of the 2nd
century B.C.60 The initiation ofthis cult at Halasarna has been
connected by Maiuri6 1 with the help that the goddess offered
to the people ofHalasarna in particularly difficult times during
the First Cretan War (205-20 I B.C.) and the war against Philip
V that followed it (201-200), but S. Sherwin-White suggests
a later date for this inscription.62
In the last lines of our inscription, sacrifices of a male and
a female full-grown sheep to Apollo on the sixteenth of the
125
month Theudaisios (modern October-November) are ordered.
A sacrifice of an animal to Leto, as well as a sacrifice of a full
grown ewe to A1temis Pytheis: [ ' Apc&?]iH63 IIuitT]tOt (1. 28),
are also to be perfOrmed on the same day. The cult ofLeto is well
known in Cos, especially in connection with the cult ofApollo
Dalios, The tradition about the birth ofLeto in Cos suggests that
her cult must have originated in very ancient times.64
In addition to the cult ofArtemis Agrotera mentioned above,
our new inscription infonns us aboutArtemis' cult as Pytheis,
which was unknown, though it must have had a nature similar
to that of her cult as Pythia, found in two inscriptions ofMi!etos
of the Roman period.65 In any case, the fact that Apollo was
worshipped in Halasarna as Pythios, Pythaios, or Pythaeus66
would confirm a cult of Artemis under this name. In general
the cult of the Apolloneia Trias in a sanctuary of Apollo is not
surprising.
Finally this calendar stating sacrifices to be carried out by
the priest of Apollo informs us in lines 28-29 about the sacri
fices which are to be performed in honour of Zeus Soter and
Athena Soteira, deities whose worship, as we have seen, is well
established in Cos. Indeed, .it is the second sacrifice recorded
in the calendar to be performed by the priest ofApollo to Zeus
Soter in Halasarna in the same year.
The mention of these sacrifices ends our new document,
since the lowest part of the stele is not preserved, though it
seems from the dimensions of the stele that only a few lines
must be missing.
In conclusion, I would like to summarise the new information
obtained from the new sacrificial calendar of Halasarna. Ac
cording to the preserved text, the sacrifices are to be perfonned
during three months, Hyakinthios, Karneios, and Theudaisios,
which follow the order from summer to winter; from lJept vei to
xeq.tept V& f!&jlfl VO, that is from Spring to autumn; and from
the beginning to the end of each month. However, it seems that
not all sacrifices performed by the priest ofApollo are reported,
n About the location oftheAcropolisofHalasama on the hill ofTholos,
see Maier 1959, 173-178, pis. 26 (58, 59) and 30 (66); Hope-Simpson
& Lazenby 1962, 171-172 n. 166; Sherwin-White 1978, 61-62.
53 HOghammar 1993, 190, no. 80; Kokkorou-Alevras in prcss,A.K. 4 1 .
54 Sokolowski 1969, no. I 5 1 A ll. 54--55, 57-58, 60, B 1. 4 , 8 , 24.
55 Scullion 1994, 104--105.
56 Scullion 1994, 98-1 I 2.
n Scullion 1994, 81-89, esp. 86.
58 LSJ s.v.; Bechtel l 9 1 7, 494.
59 LSJ s.v.
60 Maiuri 1925, no. 676; Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K. 28.
61 Maiuri 1925, 467.
62 Sherwin-White 1978, 321.
63 For the very rare form of [ 'Ap-c&f.L]t, see Schwyzcr 1923, nos. 88
(Argos), 670, 1.1 (Lousoi). f owe this reference to A. Matthaiou.
64 Sherwin-White 1978, 300-301 with bibliography.
65 C!G 2866 (= Milet I, 7 no. 302.1 = lnschriften von Mile!, no. 302);
2885.
66 Kokkorou-A1evras in press, A.K. 11 = N.E. 4, l. 2.
Boreas 28
126 Georgia Kokkorou-Aievras '
since sacrifices known from other inscriptions are missing. For
example, the sacrifice to Aphrodite on the 7th and the 9th of
the month Panamos (modem June-July) and on the 20th ofthe
month Dalios (modern JulyMAugust),67 which were performed
by this same priest, are not included. Moreover, the sacrifices,
which were most probably performed by the same person in
honour of Apollo and Heracles in the month Dalios (modern
July-August), during which the festivals Pythaia andHerakleia
were celebrated68 are ommitted. The same is the case with sacri
fices to Asclepius, who had a temple in Halasarna according to
an inscription of the Roman period.69 It should be pointed out,
though, that the latter were not necessarily performed by the
priest ofApollo. In any case, the criteria applied for the selection
of the sacrifices recorded and the reason why this infonnation
was recorded remain obscure. Still, the number of sacrifices
to be performed by the priest of Apollo in honour of other
Halasamitan deities is impressive; this fact is indicative of the
prominence ofApollo and his sanctuary in ancient Halasarna,
known from many other epigraphical sources.
Though a significant number of such sacrificial calendars
containing substantial amounts oftext are preserved in Cos, still,
the new sacrificial calendar from Halasama is very valuable
because it infom1s us about a great number oftmknown cults of
the deme ofHalasarna. The unknown cult ofHestia as Phamia
and Timacheia, as well as the existence in Halasarna of a build
ing-the Timacheion-which was the seat of the magistrates,
constitute important infonnationon the public life ofthe deme.
Moreover, the cult ofZeus under the epithets Soter and Polieus,
ofAthena under those ofPolias and Soteira, ofArtemis as Agrot
era and as Pytheis, ofHekate and as Meliteini, of the Dioskouroi
and of Leto in addition to the already known cults of Apollo,
Hekate, Stratia, Heracles, Asclepius, and Aphrodite, constitute
a pantheon with a distinctly Dorian overtone but including ele
ments of cults originating in Asia Minor, specifically, Caria.
All these cults seem to suggest strongly the existence of
more than one temple in this deme and most probably in the
same area, i.e. in the area of the sanctuary of Apollo. To all
these deities the priest ofApollo, as the first among the priests,
has to perfonn sacrifices of certain victims on given dates. It
could certainly be argued that the fact that the sacrifices to all
these Halasarnitan deities were to be perfonned by the priest of
Apollo works against the hypothesis ofthe existence of more
than one temple. But it should be noted that the priest ofApollo
is also responsible for the perfonnance of sacrifices in honour
ofZeus Polieus who was worshipped on theAcropolis, located
right above the sanctuary ofApollo. Inscriptions dated to the
Roman period mention a temple ofAsclepius, as we saw above,
a cult of Serapis and a Gymnasium, 70 as well as a little temple
(Capelle) ofGaius Julius,7 1 and more evidence has come to light
from recent excavations. Thesehave revealed, apart from three
monumental buildings, also architectural members belonging
to two more buildings. 72 One should relate here Herzog's re
ports, mentioning two buildings .of different orders, one of the
Ionic, seen by him when he first visited Halasarna, and one of
Boreas 28
the Doric order, excavated by him when he visited Halasama
for the second time.73 Important is also Hertog's note, in his
unpublished diary, of a circular building which housed two
inscribed bases mentioningAugustus and Titus.74
Finally, the theater, excavated by L. Laurenzi in 192875
and located at the northeastern side of the monumental build
ing C of our excavation and at the southwestern side of the
Early Christian basilica of Agia Theotes, in addition to the Ti
macheion, mentioned in the new inscription, fill out the picture
of an important religious and political centre of the deme of
Halasarna situated on, but also below and around, the ancient
Acropolis at the Tholos hill, so named after two unexcavated
barrell-vaulted graves which exist there.
The excavations in this area, which will certainly continue
for a while, will shed important light on these matters by means
of new finds. But even on the basis ofthe evidence at present, it
may be concluded that the sanctuary ofApollo was the largest
and most important centre of the religious and political life of
ancient Halasarna and a very prominent centre for the whole is
land ofCos. This centre most probably included all the religious
buildings of the Halasarnitan deme, and it is there also that the
cult of the Roman emperors and their families was situated by
reason of the continuity of the cult of the Halasarnitan deities.
These conclusions may be inferred from epigraphical evidence
found in the area by Herzog, either published or mentioned by
him. 76 Such religious centres bearing also a political character
are common in the Hellenistic period. It is even more common
that the agora, being the centre ofpublic and political life, also
acquired a religious character evident :i'h the erection of reli
gious buildings within its boundaries.77 But for the time being
we cannot claim with certainty that the sq.nctuary coincided
with the agora of ancient Halasarna.78
Georgia KokkorouAievras
University of Athens
Department of Archaeology and History of Art
University Campus
GR-157 84ATHENS
E-mail: galevras@arch.uoa.gr
67 Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 369, ll. 2-3, 9; Kokkorou-Alevras in
press, A.K. 19.
68
Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 367 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-64, XXVI,
=
I, IL 4-6; IV 447, I. 58; KokkorouAlevras in press, A.K. 16.
M Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 371; Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K. 50.
70 Paton & Hicks 1891, no. 371; Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K. 50.
71 Herzog 1899, 229, no. 222; Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K. 44.
n About these buildings see the bibliography in n. 2.
73 Herzog 1901, 470, n. 3; Herzog 1903, 4.
74 Kokkorou-Alcvras in press,A.K. 4 1,A.K. 49a. I would like to thank
Dr. Kl. Hallof, who kindly provided me with a copy of the diary.
75 Laurenzi 1931, 625, fig. 14.
76 Herzog 1 90 1 , 470-494. Cf. Kokkorou-Alevras in press, A.K.
41-A.K. 50a.
71 Felten 1996, 148 and n. 32 (with previous bibliography).
78 For a more detailed discussion of all these parameters see Kokkorou
Alevras in press.
 New Epigraphical Evidence on the Cults ofAncient Halasarna in Cos 127

Kantzia 1990 C. Kantzia, 'Toiep6-couAnOAAwvo: O'CTJV AA&oapva

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Boreas 28
 Victoria Georgopoulos
The Archaeological Evidence of Coan Amphorae from
Kardamaina (Ancient Halasama)
Abstract
Kardamaina (ancient Halasarna) located on the middle of the south
ern coast of Cos island was one of the six demes of ancient Cos. The
excavations carried out by the University of Athens have brought to
light many Hellenistic buildings (sanctuary ofApollo). The presence
of Coan amphorae predominates among the number of pottery finds.
Most ofthe ceramic fragments are amphora feet ofthreedifferent types:
(a) a simple knob toe dated to the first half of the 4th century B.C., (b)
an amphora toe with the shape of an inverted cone dating to the first
ha\fofthe 3rd century B. C. and (c) a ring toe dated to the second half
ofthe 2nd century B.C.
Kardamaina is a seaside village on the south coast ofthe island
of Cos. It is situated at about the same place as ancient Hala
sama, which was one of the six demes of ancient Cos. 1 The
archaeological research at Kardamaina was started in 1902 by
R. Herzog, who is believed to have found under the foundation
ofthe basilica of Hagia Theotis the ruins ofthe Apollo temple. 2
According to a number of inscriptions (many of them come
from Kardamaina), the sanctuary ofApollo at Halasama seems
to have been a very important centre for Coan religious life. A
few days later, Herzog gave up his campaign at Kardarnaina
after having discovered the Asklepeion.
During the Italian occupation, Kardamaina attracted the
attention of the Italian archaeologist Laurenzi, who excavated
in 1928 the Hellenistic theatre on the eastern slope of the
Tholos hill.'
In 1982 a salvage excavation carTied out by the Archaeo
logical Service of the Dodecanese at the Patera Tsagarouli site
at Kardamaina boosted archaeological interest ofthe site.4 Since
1985 the University ofAthens Faculty ofArchaeology has been
carrying out excavations at Kardamaina in co-operation with
the Archaeological Service of the Dodecanese. The excavation
has brought to light the remains of an Early Christian settlement
founded on Hellenistic monumental buildings.
Among the finds of the excavation (architectural remains,
inscriptions and very little sculphtre), the pottery predominates,
dating back to the Archaic, Classical, mostly Hellenistic, Roman
and Early Christian periods. The preliminary study ofthe pottery
attests to the trade relations of Halasarna with the important
pottery centres in mainland Greece (Corinth, Athens), as well
as on the neighbouring islands, and in the coastal cities ofAsia
Minor, Syria and Palestine.5 The Hellenistic pottery finds include
sherds of mouldmade bowls, shallow bowls with iridescent
black glaze imitating the Attic production, Knidian-Coan cups,
chytrai, lekanai, etc. 6 The handles, pointed bases and sherds of
Coan amphorae constitute most of the ceramic evidence.
Only very recently has there been a more exhaustive study of
Aegean amphorae, as they reflect the trade transactions of the
ancient world more than any other category of ceramic. Many
amphora-producing centres have been located, but very few
have been studied.7
Cos was one of the Greek city-states which produced and
exported amphorae. It is known that, owing to its volcanic
origin, the many water springs and its good climate, the island
of Cos was very fertile and its economy was ba.c.;ed mainly on
the rich agricultural production. Wine-growing must have been
a widespread agricultural activity. The wine trade must also
have been an importan't source of income.8
Coan amphorae are mentioned in the ancient literary
sources. In Demosthenes' forensic speech in Lacritum (35.32,
34), dating to the second half of the 4th century B.C., we are
infonned of the use of Coan amphorae as wine containers and
of the Coan wine trade in the Black Sea and the Crimea. Coan
wines had a high reputation in the ancient world. The varieties
of Coan wine are also attested in the ancient literary_iources.
According to Athenaeus ( 1 .32e), there was a white wine,
"AeuxoxWoc; o{voc;", a sweet wine, to which sea-water was
added as a preservative, "tefro:Acxaow!livoc; o(voc;", suggested
by the Hippocratics as a digestive aid and laxative. There is
also a dry, black, Coan wine, which was used as a tonic. A third
I would like to acknowledge the help of Professor G. Alevras, Pro
fessor E.Vladyca-Papuci, G. Finkielsztejn and the Foundation of the
Hellenic World in my study. This paper is a preliminary presentation
of the Coan amphorae from Kardamaina. A more exhaustive study is
beeing carried out in my doctoral thesis.
1 Kokkorou-Alevras et al. 143, n. 7.
2 HerLog 1901.
3 Laurenzi 1931, 14.
4 Kantzia 1990.
5 Kokkorou-Alevras et al. 1998, 3 1 3-326.
6 Mr Potsi is studying the Hellenistic pottery from Halasarna.
1 Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 10.
8 Sherwin-White 1 978, 228, 231 .
Boreas 28
130 Victoria Georgopoulos
variety is attested as "nteAeanx6c;" or" Hippocoum vinum"
from the ancient deme ofHippia in Cos.9
The archaeological evidence has made possible the identi
fication of the Coan amphoraw and during the last decade the
Coan wine trade emerges as dynamic. Cos seems to have been
an important wine-producing centre of the ancient world. 1 1
The archaeological data concerning the amphora production
ofthe island is vexy limited. In 1991 the remains of an amphora
workshop dating from the first half ofthe 4th century B. C. were
located in the city ofCos. This amphoraworkshop seems to have
been active also in the 5th centuty B. C. Three types ofamphorae
and nine types of stamps were identified. The clay for all three
types of Coan amphorae is the same: red or reddish-buff with
more or less inclusions of golden mica, sand and white or dark
bits. The surface is often covered with a light coating of stip.12
Type I refers to the Coan amphora with the characteristic, dou
ble-barrelled handles, slightly disproportionate. The amphora
of this type has a broad, projecting, ring-shaped rim. At its at
tachment with the neck, a shallow groove is shaped. The neck
is short, slightly bulging in the middle, and tapers downwards.
The ovoid body reaches its maximum diameter very high un
der the rounded shoulder, resulting in a very disproportionate
shape. The body of the amphora ends in a knob without the
interposition of a short stem. The knob forms a sharp angle at
its periphery and is slightly concave underneath.13
Type 11 refers to the Coan amphora with single handles of
elliptical sections. A thumb-print is formed at the lower part
of the attachment. The rim of the amphora is the mushroom
one, known in the literature as "col de cygne", "dachartigen
Mtindung" or "avmxpoax;w ico6to xeiico<;", a
very common type of rim for the amphorae ofthe 4th century
B.C. The production centres have been located in the south
eastern Aegean.14 It should be noted that the mushroom rim
is not an exclusive characteristic of type II amphorae but that
Coan amphorae with doublebarrelled handles also have this
type of rim. The neck of this type is tubular and higher, com
pared with type I. The body of the amphora is ovoid and its
maximum diameter is located at the height of the shoulder, so
that the upper part of the amphora is very accented. The body
ends in a knob like that of type I which is a little bigger and
more concave underneath. 1s
Type IJI refers to a very popular shape of amphora dating
from the 4th century B.C and is geographically attributed to
the northern Aegean. The Coan amphorae of this type have a
small, triangular lip, banded, S-shaped handles and a thumb
print at the lower attachment The very angled belly is the main
characteristic, along with the high foot like a long stem, which
flares into a toe, bearing a circular depression on the underside.
This type of amphora seems to have had a short life, mainly
during the 4th century B.C.16
Boreas 28
The Coan type I amphora seems to have developed in the
tradition of the Ionian-Milesian amphora workshops of the
Archaic period. The doublewbarrelled handles are not an in
vention of the Coan potters but a kind of decorative "loan".
The doublewbarrelled handles are first seen on the Milesian
Archaic, trade amphora which may be considered as th
ancestor of the Hellenistic Coan amphora.1 7 The Milesian,
Archaic amphora has a very distinctive rim known as an
echinus rim and at the join with the neck one or two shallow
grooves are shaped. The neck is short and it tapers slightly and
an edge is shaped at the join with the shoulder. The handles
are either double barrelled or single with an elliptical section
or a combination of both, as shown by the amphorae from
Aegina18 and those from Camarina in Italy.19The body of the
amphora is ovoid and ends in a ring foot.
A number of amphorae of this type have been found in the
Archaic tombs of Cos. These amphorae are considered to be lo
cal products. The only published amphora from Cos combines
both the double-barrelled and the single handles and it was used
forthe burial of an infant.20 The closest parallel to this amphora
is a Milesian amphora dated to 560-500 B.C.21 Both amphorae
have the echinus rim, which forms grooves at the join with the
short neck. The distinctive edge is also shaped at the bottom
of the neck. Unfortunately, we do not know any more about
the production of the Archaic amphorae on Cos, as no kiln
has been found attesting such a production. If these amphorae
are Coan then the amphora production on Cos followed the
"koini" of shape of the Archaic, east Greek trade amphorae.22
Consequently, the hypothesis that these amphorae contained
wine and were exported does not sound very arbitrary. Perhaps
Cos participated more in trade activities during this period than
is generally acknowledged.23
The imitation of the Coan amphora with double-barrelled
handles forms a very important part of Coan Amphora stud
ies. The Coan potters first copied the shape of th,e Archaic,
Milesian, trade amphora with the double-barrelled handles
and in time they established this shape as the Coan one. In
90n the varieties of Coan wines, cf. Kantzia 1994, 324, n.l3; Chatz
ivasileiou 1 990, 125.
10
Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 22; Grace 1949, 1 8 1 , n. 28; Maiuri
1925, 245-249.
11
12
Finkie!sztejn 2000, 209.
Kantzia 1994.
13
Kantzia 1994, 332-335.
14 Empeureur & Picon 1986, 1 12.
15 Kantzia 1994, 335-337.
16 Kantzia 1994, 337-342.
17 Cook & Dupont 1998; Kantzia 1994, 335, n. 38.
18 Johnston 1990, 49, no. 107, fig. 7, 10.
19 Pe1agatti 1976-77, pi. 76, 12.
2
Kantzia 1990, 505, pL 258.
21
Cook & Dupont 1998, 174.
21
Cook & Dupont 1998, 145.
23
For the detennination ofthe provenance ofthese Archaic amphorae,
samples of clay are being chemically analysed by Dr. V. Kiligoglou
 The Archaeological Evidence of Coan Amphorae from Kardamaina (Ancient Halasarna) 131

whitish or yellowish slip is sometimes like a very thick coat

in the
and flakes off easily or it is very faint or does not cover the
of the
amphora at alL
an in
loan".
The first type of amphora foot is the simple knob toe. The
esian,
body of the amphora seems to end in a simple knob without
IS the
Fig. l . Amphora foot, type la. Fig. 2. Amphora foot, type lb. the interposition of a short stem. The knob has a sharp edge
esian,
at the top and is slightly concave underneath (Fig. 1). There
as an
bibliographical references, these imitations will be iOund un are some variations in the shape of the knob. Sometimes the
>!low
der the names Dressel 2-4 and Dresssel 4. Sub-Coan or Coan periphexy of the knob is not as angled but more curved and
y and
types are simply listed as amphorae imitating the Coan ones. there are soe differences in the concavity (Fig. 2). This type of
1dles
Chronologically, this phenomenon emerges at the end of the foot is a sort ofkoini for the amphorae of the 4th centuxy B.C.,
:::tion
2nd century B. C. 24 The phenomenon of imitating an amphora like the koini ofthe mushroom-rimmed amphora of the same
from
shape calls into question the theoretical idea that every city had period. We have the same knob in the Solocha I amphora group.
fthe
its own shape. Unfortunately, we do not have any evidence, The Solocha I amphora type was identified as the Peparithos II
literary or epigraphic, suggesting the existence of a Coan pe amphora type produced at Skopelos.8 The closest parallel to
1 the
raia, a territory outside the island of Cos, on a neighbouring this amphora foot comes from the amphora workshop on Cos
e lo
island or on the opposite mainland in Asia Minor, where the and dates from the first half of the 4th century B.C."
ines
Jsed potters could move freely according to the demand for work
or the availability of clay deposits and could manufacture the The second type of amphora foot has the shape of an inverted
tora
Coan amphora with the double-barrelled handles, using differ cone. This type indicates that the amphora has become taller
1rae
ent fabrics.25 We know, for example, that Rhodes possessed a because of the interposition of a short stem before the knob.
the
peraia, where the habitants were considered Rhodian citizens The under surface of the cone forms a concave, circular
om
and some ofthem produced Rhodian wine shipped in Rhodian depression. The cone is sometimes bigger and higher. The
out
amphorae.26 upper part of the cone is more or less angled and the concavity
:iln
The elegant shape ofthe Coan amphora with the double-bar is deeper or shallower (Fig. 3). All these variations can be
:ae
relled handles, which break the monotony ofthe common trade simply attributed to different potters and do not necessarily
:he
:,22 amphora, is not enough to explain its wide imitation. Moreover, indicate any chronclogical differences. The closest parallel
ed the manufacture of this type ofCoan amphora needs more skill
ps and takes more time, considering that instead of making two
ln simple, single handles, the potter had to make two pairs of bar
relled handles. In this case, we should not focus on the shape
:d of the amphora but on its contents. Perhaps the shape of the
l- amphora was more related to the wine it contained than to the
city that produced the amphora. It would be very interesting to
'S combine the archaeological evidence of the manufacture ofDr.
n 4 on Rhodes, Knidos and Myndos during the 1st century B.C.
with the texts ofAthenaeus (1.32 d-e and 1 .33), who mentions
that Cos, Myndos, Halicarnassus and Rhodes produced the same
variety of wine, the sea-waterfl.avouredoneY Perhaps this vari
ety ofwine was identified with a specific shape ofamphora and
why not with the Coan one with the double handles?

The amphora material from Kardamaina is very rich, but un

fortunately the continuous settlement of the site has resulted Fig. 3. Amphora foot, type 2.
in a disturbance of the strata, which cannot provide us with
closed deposits. For these reasons, the date of the amphora
material from Kardamaina is based on well-dated, published at the Nuclear Research Centre Demokritos in Athens. The results
parallels. In this paper a preliminary study of different, Coan, are soon expected.
amphora feet dating from the first half of the 4th century B.C 24 Empcreur & Hesnard 1987, 23.
25 Sherwin-White 1978, 31 ff.
to the 2nd century B. C. is presented.
26 Empereur & Tuna 1 989, 288.
The clay used for all four types ofamphora feet is the local 21
Empereur & Picon 1986, 109.
Coan one, red or reddish-buffwith more or less inclusions of 28 Doulgeri et al. 1 990, 386-387.
golden mica, sand and white or dark bits. The characteristic 29 Kantzia 1994, 333, figs. 5, 6.

Boreas 28
 132 Victoria Georgopoulos
Fig. 4. Amphora foot, type 3.
comes from the .Ptolemaic Camp on the Koroni Peninsula and
dates to the first half of the 3rd century B.C. 30
The third type of foot is the ring toe. From the ring, which is not
always well formed, a spherical knob is more or less projected.
Bibliography
Chatzivasileiou V. Chatzivasi!eiou, Iar:op{a rrJr; NrjuovKw,I990
1990.
Cook & Dupont R.M. Cook & P. Dupont, 'Archaic east Greek trade
1998 amphoras', in R.M. Cook & P. Dupont, East Greek
pottery, London 1998, 170-177.
Doulgeri et al. A. Doulgeri-Intzessi!og!ou, Y. Gar!an & M. Picon,
1990 'Vin et amphores de PCparCthos et d'Ikos', BCH 1 14,
1990, 361-393.
Empereur& J.-Y. Empereur &A. Hesnard, 'Les amphores hel!C
Hesnard 1987 nistiques', in Ciramiques hellinistiques et romaines
Il (Anna!es littCraires de l'UniversitC de Besanyon,
331. Centre de recherches d'histoire ancienne, 70),
Paris 1987, 9-54.
Empereur & J.-Y. Empereur & M. Picon, 'A la recherche des tOurs
Picon 1986 d'amphores', in Recherches sur les amphores
grecques. Actes du Co!loque international organise
par le Centre national de la recherche scientifique,
l'Universiti de Rennes If et l 'Ecole franqaise
d'Athenes, Athenes 10-12 septembre 1984 (BCH
Suppl., 13), ed. J.-Y. Empereur, Paris 1986, 103-126.
Empereur & J.-Y. Empereur & N. TWla, 'HiCrote!es, potier rhodien
Tuna 1989 de la PCrCe', BCH, 1 13, 1989, 277-299.
Finkie!sztejn G. Finkielsztejn, 'Amphores importCes au Levant a
2000 l'Cpoque he!!Cnistique', in E ' Emur:1JJ.lOVlxrj
.Evvtivrr,a7] y1a 'f1JVEJ.J.1]vwnxrj
KepaJ.l Dtrj (Xa vld, 6-12 AnptJ.. wr; 1997),
IlpaxnKJ, Athens, 2000, 207-220.
Grace 1 949 V.R. Grace, 'Standard pottery containers of the an
cient Greek world', in Commemrotaive studies in
honor of Theodore Leslie Shear (Hesperia Suppl.,
8), Athens 1949, 175-189.
Grace 1979 V.R. Grace, Amphoras and the ancient wine trade
(Excavations of the Athenian agora, Picture book
no. 6, 2nd ed.), Princeton 1 979.
Herzog 1901 R. Hcrzog, 'Das Heiligtum desApollo in Halasama',
SBBer/ 1901, 470-493.
Johnston 1 990 A.W. Johnston, 'Aegina, Aphaia-Tempel 1 3 . The
storage amphorae', AA 1990, 37-64.
Boreas 28
This type of foot imitates the Knidian amphora foot (Fig. 4). A
similar Coan amphora with double-barrelled handles and the
same foot was found in the Athenian Agora and dates from the
second half of the 2nd century B.C.3 1
The preliminary study ofthe pottery material from the excava
tion at Kardamaina presents a typology ofCoan amphora feet,
the thorough study of which, along with the study of the rims,
handles and body sherds, will provide a clearer picture of the
typology of the Coan amphora, which had a long history of
production.
Victoria Georgopoulos
Lykourgou 8
GR-174-55 ATHENS
E-mail: vickygeo@hotmail.com
Kantzia 1990 C. Kautzia, 'To Iep6 tou Arc6AAwvo: atl)v
AAti o a p v a t'J)t; Kw. To t o t o p L x 6 !J. t&<;
Kataa1:po<p*', ArchDelt 39, 1984 (pr. 1990),
140-162.
Kantzia 1994 C. Kantzia, 'Eva x e p ct ll t x 6 e p y a o -r ij p t o
a!J.<popiwv tou npW-rou r.nooU -rou 4u o:t. rc.X.
a-r11v Kw', in F'EnL07:1Jf.l.OVLxrjl:uvdvT1]0rJ yza
r1JV EJ..1ryvranxrj KepajJtKrf, XpovoJ..oy7]f).iva
oVvo1a, epyaaTrjp la, ?4-27 l:e TCUJ.l{Jptov
8eaaaJ..ov(X7] 1991,Athens 1994, 323-354.
Kokkorou G. Kokkorou-Alcvras, S. Kalopissi-Verti & M. Pana
Alevras et al. yotidi, ' Excavations at Kardamaina (ancient
Halasama), Kos', KU)axd5, 141-184.
Kokkorou G. Kokkorou-A!evras, S. Kalopissi-Yerti & M. Pana
Alevras et al. yotidi, 'Excavations at Kardamain3. (ancient Hala
1998 sama) in Cos' ,Archaiognosia9, 1995-96 (pr. !998),
3 1 3-334.
Laurenzi 1931 L. Laurenzi, 'L'odeion di Coo', Historia 5, 1931,
592-602.
Maiuri 1925 A Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrafica di Rodi e Cos,
Florence 1925.
Pelagatti P. Pelagatti, 'L'attivit!l del!a Soprintendenza alle anti
1976-77 chita della Sicilia orientate, I ' , Kokalos 22-23,
1 976-77, 5 1 9-550.
Shetwin-White S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos: an historical study
1 978 fYom the Dorian settlement to the imperial period
(Hypomnemata, 5 1), GOttingen 1978.
Vanderpoo! E. Vanderpool, J.R. MacCredie & A. Steinberg,
et al. 1962 'Koroni: a Ptolcmaic camp on the east coast ofAt
tica', Hesperia 3 1 , 1962, 26-6 1 .
10 Vanderpool et al. 1962, 33, no. 6, p!. 19. New, unpublished material
from the town of Cos dates this type a littk earlier.
31 Grace 1979, fig. 56, second from the right.
A
e
e Hans Johnsson

The Export of Koan Wine to the South-eastern

Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period

Abstract context of other known relations between Kos and the south
A compilation of published findings of amphora material of Koan eastern Mediterranean area during the Hellenistic period.
provenance in Palestine, Cyprus and Egypt from the Hellenistic period
was made, and 68 recovered stamped amphora handles are described
in the catalogue and outlined in the tables. The majority ofthe stamped
amphora handles were recovered in Egypt, and the majority ofthe very
few handles dated within !50 years originated in the period 1 50-1 Method
B.C. The fmdings from each area are presented in the context ofother,
known contemporary links with Kos. In consideration of newer find
Findings of Koan amphorae or amphora fragments, mainly
ings from the island ofKos that indicate that a significant propottion
of the amphorae produced on the island was unstamped, an attempt at stamped amphora handles, were collected from reports of ar
a crude estimation of the relative size of the Koan wine export to the chaeological excavations and collections of stamped amphora
area vis-21-vis that from Rhodes is also made. handles. To find these reports. the yearly compilations in the
SEG1 and the compilations covering 5-year periods in the RE(Jl
published in 1986 or later, were used. The original publica
tions, except a few that were not assessable, were then used to
Introduction
collect the material. Some earlier reports referred to in these
publications were al&o used, but the search was mainly limited
This report is based on a tem1 paper that I prepared, with Kerstin
to the period after 1 960, since there is often a large degree of
H6ghammar as my tutor, during my third-semester studies in
uncertainty regarding the Koanprovenance ofamphora material
the Classical Archaeology and Ancient History section of the
in earlier reports. Literature concerning general facts about wine
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History of Uppsala
production, the wine trade and amphorae dUring the ancient
University in the spring semester of 1999. The purpose of my
period was found by searches in the DYABOLA database and
work was to try to assess the extent of the wine export from
listings at "The amphoras project".3
Kos to the south-eastern Mediterranean area during the Hel
An attempt was made to assess the importance andthe rela
lenistic period, and possible temporal variations, by making
tive extent of the Koan wine export to the area, ba'ed on the
a compilation of published findings of amphora material. The
compilation, and other facts found in the literature.
rationale behind the geographical limitation was that the in
All dates in the report are B.C., unless stated otherwise.
vestigated area was thought to contain enough dated amphora
material to make such an assessment possible. The temporal
limitation was based on the fact that most of the of dated,
Koan, amphora material was produced during the Hellenistic
period, but the few specimens supposedly produced before or
Koan wine production and trade
after this period that emerged during the investigation were
In this section, some facts about the wine production and trade
also included in the report.
during the Hellenistic period are discussed, mainly on the basis
After an outline of the method, some facts about the wine
of evidence from ancient authors and inscriptions.
production and trade on Kos are discussed. This is followed by a
Kos is a fettile island, and agriculture constituted the eco
briefsection about the relation between Kos and the south-east
em Mediterranean area. The different types of Koan amphorae nomic basis ofKoan society through the whole of the ancient
period. The main crops were oats, olives, wine, fruit, and veg-
produced, their fabric and the stamping practice are described in
the next section, followed by a summary of the amphora mate
rial. The report is concluded with a section in which an attempt
' SEC 36-44, 1986-1994.
at assessing the extent and importance of the Koan wine export 2 Empereur & Garlan REG
is made, in conjunction with an attempt to set the result in the 3 http://www.chass.utoronto.ca/amphoras/project.html

Boreas 28
134 Hans Johnsson
etables, and there was also stock-farming. The majority of the
population was ofnecessity, as in other pre-industrial societies,
engaged in agriculture in order to produce enough food. The
main form of agricultural production was subsistence farming
practised by free families, resulting in no or very little surplus.
A few affluent landowners probably owned more substantial
areas, where large-scale farming with slave labour was prac
tised and where a surplus was produced. A trade surplus was
also created, mainly through wine export. The surpluses were
converted into resources and used partly to pay for architec
tural and sculptural works.4 The harvest during good years was
probably sufficient to feed the population, but in years with less
favourable outcomes outside supplementation was necessaty.
Cereal imports are mentioned several times in sources from
the late fourth and third centuries. 5
Slaves trained for wine production are mentioned in an
inscription on Kos, dated to the late second or the early first
century.6 Koan wine production and wine export were noted
by ancient authors. Strabo mentions that the Koan wine was
of a fairly good qualityJ From inscriptions on Delos from the
early second century recording wine purchases for the Posidea
festivals, it is evident that Koan wine was 25-50% cheaper than
wine from Knidos.s Both Athenaeus and Pliny mention that
Koan wine was usually mixed with seawater, and the latter also
adds that a method of making wine resemble Koan had been
developed in Italy.9 From inscriptions on Kos, it is apparent that
there was a special tax on a certain type of Koan wine.Hl
Demosthenes refers to Koan wine exports to the Black Sea
area, and Varro mentions thatwine was imported into Italy from
Kos and Chios. 1 1 The extent of the area receiving Koan wine ex
ports has been estimated by the findings ofstamped amphora han
dles. It includes, besides the inunediately surrounding area, the
Black Sea area, Athens, and the eastern Mediterranean area, and
to some extent also the western Mediterranean area. The distribu
tion of the export volumes are not readily assessed, something
which will be further discussed in the last section of this report.
The bulk of the export, especially during the second century, is
usually thought to have been destined fOr Alexandria. 1 2
The wine export from Kos has often been supposed to have
commenced after the new capital was fOunded in 366. 1 3 A recent
discovery in Kos Meropis of the dump from a pottery engaged
in the production of amphorae during the late fifth and early
fourth centuries, however, indicate an earlier start. 14 Favourable
conditions for the export trade were created by the prosperity
in Alexandria, by the close contact between Ptolemaic Egypt
and Kos, and by the political stability on Kos. 1 5
Koan ties with the south-eastern
Mediterranean area
In this section evidence of ties, other than that of wine trade,
between Kos and the south-eastern Mediterranean area is
Boreas 28
described. The major part of this is connected with religious
practice.
Sherwin-White states that eastern cults never appear to
have been of much significance in Koan religion. The cults of
]sis and Serapis were the only Egyptian and the only eastern
cults to be incorporated into Koan civic religion. The earliest
evidence of the cult of Isis is a late Hellenistic dedication. 16
Other eastern cults in Kos are attested by bilingual, Greek-Se
rnitic dedications of a private character found on the island. A
bilingual inscription, in Greek-Phoenician, dated to 325-300,
is dedicatpry, a votive offering to Aphrodite, the Phoenician
Astarte, "for protection of the mariners" ("on behalf of the
mariners") by the son of the king Abdalonymos of Sidon. 1 7
An altar is inscribed with a Greek-Palmyrene dedication by
the Palmyrene Rabbel to the main god Bl!l of the Palmyrene
pantheon. 18 In a Greek-Nabataean inscription, provisionally
dated to A.D. 9, the Nabataean AwsalHih dedicated an altar
to the Semitic god Ba'a/ (Aphrodite in the Greek part)." The
temples of Aphrodite Pandemos and Aphrodite Pontia have
been discovered in the city of Kos, occupying a very central
position between the harbour and the agora, which indicates
that this cult, mainly embraced by traders and shipowners, was
of a central importance to the community.20 The importance of
Koan trade is also indicated by the letter ofZiaelas ofBithynia
in 242 guaranteeing the safety ofKoan seafaring citizens.2 1
There was also a Jewish conununity and Judaism was prac
tised on Kos from the second century onward, as described
in the Book of Maccabees and as evidenced by four extant
inscriptions.22 During the late first century, Herod the Great
donated funds to the gymnasium on KosP In an inscription
found in the city of Kos, dated to 18-12, 'tJ:le damos honour
king Gaius Iulius Herodes for its arete and eunoia towards
it".24 In another inscription, on the base of a statue, also found
in the city of Kos, dated between 4 B.C. and A.D. 39, Philon
4 HOghammar 1993, 34-36.
5 SherwinWhite 1978, 228.
6 Sy!P, no. lOOO, referred to in HOghammar 1993, 34.
' Strabo 14.1.15, 2 t 5-217; 14.2.19, 287-289.
s Kent 1953, 128.
9 At)1., The Deipnosophists 1.32-33; Plin. HN 14.10.
1 0 Sherwin-White 1978, 231.
11 Dem., Against Lacritus 35; Varro, Rust. 2.3.
12 HOghammar 1993, 35; SherwinWhite 1978,226 and 240.
13 Sherwin-White 1978,225.
14 HOghammar 1994, 1; Kantzia 1994, 325; PapuciWiadyka 1997, 48.
1 5 Sherwin-White 1978, 225f.
16
SherwinWhite 1978, 370.
17 Sznycer 1986, 17-30; Kantzia 1986, 16.
18
Levi delta Vida 1939, 883-886.
19 Levi della Vida 1938, 139-148.
20ED 178
21 Sherwin-White 1978, 243.
"2 Sherwin-White 1978, 138, 249, 37L
23 Joseph., BJ 1 .423-424, 201.
24 HOghammar 1993, 123, no. 13, fig. 6.
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period
us is said to have commissioned the statue of his guest and friend
Heredes, son of king Heredes, the tetrarch.25
to Koan tombstones from the Hellenistic period also indi
of cate the presence of foreign nationals on the island. Funerary
m inscriptions of two Alexandrians and one Sidonian, dated ap
st proximately to the second century, have been preserved.26 In
16 addition, one extant tombstone in the city ofKos, dated to the
:- Augustan period or later, bears the name ofthe son or the father
ofMiltiades, the Laodicean, from Phoenicia.27
I, Royal cults became customary on Kos during the last part
1 of the third and the second centuries. Since Kos was independ
ent during this period, the practice has been interpreted as an
expression of the regard for the cult beneficiaries or as aimed at
maintaining friendly relations, for both political and economic
reasons, with foreign countries. The establishment from time to
time of the cult ofthe Ptolemies themselves and their spouses is
attested epigraphically on Kos. In the reign ofPtolemy II Phila
delphus, born on Kos, the cult oftheaArsinoa Phi!ade!phus was
established as a civic cult and granted a temenos.28
The close relations between Kos and Philadelphus and his
successors is amply documented. Fragmentary Koan decrees at
test to Egyptian corn sent as a gift to Kos in time ofshortage and
praise a Koan doctor inAlexandria for securing the king's good
services for Kos. A partially preserved letter from Philadelphus
to the Koans attests to the king's patronage of a Koan festival
for Asclepius.29 There were also many links between individual
Koans and Ptolemaic Egypt, especially during the third century,
by which Kos contributed both as a literary and as a medical cen
tre to the development ofAlexandrian science and literature.30
Koan amphorae
Amphorae of different types were produced on Kos. In this
section some characteristics of the main types are discussed,
followed by some data regarding the clay composition and the
practice of stamping amphorae on Kos.
During excavations in the city ofKos (Meropis) in 1990,
amphorae with a terminus ante quem in the year 366 were
discovered.3 1 Three basic types (each with derivative forms)
were distinguished by Kantzia, as follows.
KOS I. Thinwalled amphoras characterized by an offset at
the shoulder, a peg toe, and double-barrelled handles. Initially,
this type was classified as Dressel 4, but a Koan origin was sug
gested by Maiuri in 1925, a suggestion which was later supported
by other evidence.n The thinness of the wall can be illustrated
by the low weight, usually below 20 kg, ofthese vessels, while
amphorae from other states could weigh as much as 30 to 35
kg.33 The clay is typically finegrained with a buff ground sur
face after firing, but a heterogeneous collection of fabrics has
been recognized.34 This type was produced during the whole
Hellenistic period, but the proportions ofthe shape changed, so
that the amphorae gradually became taller and leaner.
135
In excavations outside Kos, amphorae of this type are,
with few exceptions, those classified as having Koan prov
enance. However, in excavations on Kos only 42-45% of the
handles found have come from this type of amphora. During
the excavations at Halasarna on the island's southern coast in
the period 1985-9, 47/104 (45%) of the handles recovered (all
undated) were of this type, and of these only 5 ( l l%) were
stamped. In excavations in the city of Kos, which yielded
233 dated, stamped amphora handles from lhe late Classical
period, 99 (42%) were of type J.35 The majority of amphorae
of this type .were probably produced on Kos, but Empereur &
Picon concluded, after a comparison of a chemical analysis of
the fabric of 85 amphorae of this type (origin and dating not
stated) and samples of clay from the island, that only 23 ofthe
amphorae were definitely made on Kos. Another 23 amphorae
were classified as of probable Koan origin. The remaining 39
amphorae were attributed to Rhodes, Knidos or Myndos.36
On the other hand, Whitbread in a petrological analysis of 20
stamped Koan handles (nine single- and eleven double-barrel
led) from the Athenian Agora, concluded that, except for two
handles (one fiat and one double-barrelled) whose fabrics were
too fine grained to be attributed to any source by petrography,
all could have had their origin on the island ofKosY It is also
known that this type of amphora has been produced in other
locations, especially during the first century, for example, on
Crete and in present-day Spain, [taly and France.38
KOS II. Amphorae characterized by a rim with a "mush
room lip", and a flat single-barrelled handle with a "finger-print
impression" at the lower point ofattachment. In the excavations
at Halasarna, 2!11 04 (20%) ofthe handles were ofthis type, and
of these only 2 ( 10%) were stamped. Of the stamped handles
found in the city ofKos, 1 011233 (43%) were of type !!.39 On
Delos, a flat handle stamped with "Dios . . . " and a lyre has been
found; it was probably made on Kos, since this stamp hwf also
been fmmd on type I, Koan, double-barrelled handl,es.40 Other
stamps have also been found on both types of handles, and the
25 HOghammar 1993, 126, no. 16.
26 Sherwin-White 1 978, 246.
27 Herzog 1 899, 7 1 , no. 42; HOghammar 1 993, 132, no. 22.
28 Sherwin-White 1 978, 368; Bosnakis 1998,74.
29 Sherwin-White 1 978, 99-100.
30 Sherwin-White 1 978, 102.
3 1 HOghammar 1 994, l-2; Kantzia 1994, 255-260, 332-342.
32 Several amphorae of this type can be seen in the Museum of Kos,
and many fragments of this type have been found on the island: Maiuri
1925, 245-246; Empereur & Picon 1986, 109; Grace 1 962, 1 19.
33 Tchernia 1986, 33.
34 Sztety!lo 1 983, 20; Whitbrcad 1995,85.
3 HOghammar 1 994, 2.
J6 Empereur & Picon 1986, I 09-112.
37 Whitbread 1995, 98.
33 Hesnard 1 979, 669; Empereur & Picon 1 986, 1 10; Empereur &
Hesnard 1987, 23; Tchemia 1986, 32.
39 HOghammar 1994, 2.
40 Empereur & Hesnard 1 987, 13.
Boreas 28
136 Hans Johnsson
petrographic analysis of the handles from the Athenian Agora
revealed that differences in fabric (both in composition and in
texture) were related to different stamp groups, not to the dif
ferent handle shapes.41 Amphorae belonging to the Nikandros
group have this shape and are now generally attributed to Kos.42
It is possible that amphorae of type II were produced from ad
ditional clay sources to those of type I. A re-firing test made on
four Koan handles found in Athens, three double-barrelled and
one flat, detected a different clay colour in the single-barrelled
handle after re-firing.43
KOS Ill. Amphorae ofthis type are characterized by their
'"halfsize" and their fiat, single-barrelled handles. One amphora
of this type was found in the Antikythera shipwreck (dated to
80-50).44 During the excavations at Halasarna, no fragment of
this type was found. Ofthe stamped handles found in the city of
Kos, 33/233 (14%) were oftype 111.45 The clay ofthe amphorae
of this type found in Kos is stated to be bright red-orange with
mica and sand and other contaminants.46
During the excavations at Halasama, fragments from one
additional type of amphorae, with cylindrical, single handles,
were found. Of the recovered handles, 4/104 (4 %) were of
this type. None of these were stamped. The clay composition
was not reported.47
The geological composition of the island of Kos is very
complex.48 At least four types of fabric have been identified in
Koan amphorae by petrological analysis: ( 1) coarse, volcanic
material, (2) phyllitic material, (3) well-sorted quartz sand, and
(4) a fine fabric with sparse inclusions.49 A chemical analysis by
neutron activation analysis of 14 stamped amphora handles at
tributed to Kos (type not stated), of a total of69 handles analysed
(dating and origin not stated), revealed that the majority (12)
consisted of a distinct fabric, while the other two were made of
a different fabric.50 A similar analysis of three double-barrelled,
stamped handles oot of a total of 18, found at the City ofDavid
in Jemsalem and attributed to Kos, revealed a similar composi
tion of two of the handles (Cat. Nos. 1 and 2; S 458 and S 459),
while the third (Cat. No. 6; S 463) had a different composition,
also found in a group of six Hellenistic braziers thought to be
have been made somewhere in the Aegean. A fourth handle
(Cat. No. 7; S 457), attributed to Chios during the excavation,
was found to have a similar chemical composition to the two
Koan handles and a Hellenistic Koan cup found at Tel Anafa,
suggesting a Koan origin. The fabric of one of the two handles
with a similar composition (Cat. No. 1; S 458) is described as
dark pink with a grey core, with many small grits and mica, and
a buff surface. The fb.bric of the handle with a different composi
tion (Cat. No. 6; S 463) is described as dark pink, with white and
black medium grits, small grits of mica, and a buff surface.51 A
re-firing test made on four Koan handles found in Athens, three
double-barrelled and one fiat, all stamped with "b.to<;" and a lyre,
revealed that the double-barrelled handles after re-firing consisted
ofyellow clay, while the colour of the clay ofthe fiat handle was
red. A petrological analysis of the four handles could not detect
any difference in the structure of the fabric between them.52 The
Boreas 28
fabric of all three types of amphora dated before 366 found in
the city ofKos was identical: bright red-orange clay with golden
mica, sand, white particles, and other contaminants under a rather
thick, whitish or yellowish surface layer ("engobe").53
Unlike the practice in some other states, for example,
Rhodes, only a limited proportion of the Koan amphorae
were stamped, usually on one of the handles. The practice
of stamping Koan amphorae originated in the fifth century,
increased during the third and second centuries, and then
gradually declined during the first century.54 Many of the
stamps consist of a name, generally assumed to be the name
of the potter, but whether this really is the case is not entirely
clear. 55 In contrast to the practice of some other states, only a
few, Koan, stamped handles contain a direct indication of the
origin, through an ethnic Kwwv (before c. 200) or Kw (after
c. 200) 56 More common is the use of one of the official Koan
.
symbols, the crab or the club (ofHerakles).57
A count in 1993 identified a total number of c. 3,000
stamped amphora handles attributed to Kos. More than 2,000
of these had been found on the island itself. Only c. 385 were
dated, more than 200 to the period 200-l 08 and the rest mainly
to the period 108-50. The majority of the dated handles had
been discovered in Athens or in Alexandria. 58 However, the
work at present being undertaken by Dr. Georgopoulos will,
of course, change these figures.
A large part ofthe Koan amphorae appears not to have been
stamped. A preliminary evaluation of the findings from the
excavations at Halasama in the years 1985-1987, 104 amphora
handles, corresponding to at least 56 amphorae (26 of type I,
1 2 of type I!, two with cylindrical, single-barrelled handles,
and 1 6 ofunspecified type), concluded thatthe handles ofonly
seven of the amphorae had been stamped. This corresponds to a
frequency ofstamping of 12.5-17.5% (7/56 or 7/40, including
or excluding the amphorae of unspecified type).-59
41 Whitbread 1995, 97.
4Z Empereur & Hesnard 1 987, 23.
43 Whitbread 1986, 97.
44 Grace 1965, 5-6, fig. I .
45 HOghammar 1 994, 2 ; Kantzia 1994, 332-342.
46 Papuci-Wiadyka 1997, 48; Kantzia 1994, 332-342.
47 HOghammar 1994, 2.
4S Whitbread 1 995, 83-85, fig. 4.6.
4 Whitbread 1 986, 96.
50 Slusallek et al. 1983, 261-276.
51 Ariel 1 990, 85, 89-93.
s2 Whitbread 1 986,97.
53 Papuci-Wladyka 1997, 48.
54 Sztetyllo 1983, 20.
55 Empcreur & Hesnard 1987, 15.
56 Grace 1965, 10.
57 Grace 1965, 10; Whitbread 1 995, 8 1 ; Empereur & Picon !986.
109.
58 HOghammar 1993, 35.
59 One investigation ofsurface findings revealed an even higher propor
tion of unstamped, Koan, amphora handles (Empereur 1982, 226).
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period
The Koan amphora material in the
south-eastern Mediterranean area
In this section, amphora material attributed to Kos, found at
excavations or in collections in Palestine, Cyprus or Egypt,
is described. In addition, the stamped amphora handles are
described in detail in the catalogue, and the finds are sum
marized in the tables. In the tables, finds that have only been
outlined in publications are also included. Finds of some other
amphora material than stamped handles will also be discussed.
To standardize the terminology, the term "Dressel 4" have been
replaced by "type I".
Palestine (Cat. Nos. 1-37)
FromAkko-Ptolemais, Finkielsztejn has described six amphora
ftagments of probable Koan provenance, three of type I and
three belonging to the Nikandros group, in an unpublished
report. One of the type I fragments is stamped, the other un
stamped. None of the fragments are dated. The third, type I find
is a complete, unstamped amphora dated to 50-1. The Nikan
dros group fragments all have stamped handles. One is dated
to c. 130-115, the other two are undated. The total number of
discovered amphora fragments is not stated.60
In Jerusalem (City ojDavid) (Cat. Nas. J-7), six stamped
amphora handles attributed to Kos have been found.61 The
context did not permit any more precise dating than that pre
viously known for any of the starnps.62The dating of three of
the six handles was considered certain, and two of these were
dated to after 150, i.e. from a later period than the majority
of the imported handles.63 With reservations for the very few
specimens involved, this may indicate that the import ofKoan
wine became more important during the later half of the Hel
lenistic period. The chemical composition of the fabric of 18
stamped handles, three of which were Koan (Cat. Nos. 1, 2
and 6), was studied, using neutron activation analysis. Two of
the Koan handles (Cat. Nos. 1 and 2) were found to be made
of an almost identical material, that was also found in a handle
(Cat. No. T) that from the !om1 and from the name of the stamp
([<PtA]w-reu<;) was classified as Chian during the excavation.
Ariel only remarks on a possible Koan provenance, founded
on the chemical analysis, but has kept the stamp in the Chian
section of his report.64 The fabric of the third Koan handle was
of a different composition.6s That Koan amphorae were made
from different clay sources is known, as discussed previously
in this report.
Nineteen unstamped fragments of amphorae were also clas
sified as having a certain or probableKoan provenance.A total
of "more than a hundred", unstamped, amphora fragments that,
on the basis of form and sometimes the fabric, were supposed
to originate from imported amphorae. Only some of these frag-
137
ments are described in detail. None of them were dated. The
Koan fragments consisted of nine double-barrelled handles
and ten base fragments. "Most" of the handles are stated to
have the characteristic light buff or greenish surface, as did
nine of the ten base fragments. The tenth and an unspecified
number of other base fragments had a similar profile but lacked
the light surface and were thought to be from either Koan or
pseudo-Koan amphorae.66
A total of 476 stamped imported amphora handles was
found during the excavation; Most of them were attributed to
Rhodes (450). The eontext was the Hellenistic and the early
Roman periods (A.D. c. 33!-70), with the majority of the finds
from the early Hellenistic period (c. 260-!50). Ariel remarks
that the temporal distribution of the amphora finds would be
altered if the unstamped fragments could be dated.67
An account of the excavations in Jerusalem (Ophel Hill)
published in !926, reported the finding of 450 stamped amphora
handles from the Hellenistic period. All but six were attributed
to Rhodes.68 In a re-evaluation of the finds, published in 1992,
15 handles were given non-Rhodian provenance, and one of
these was classified as Koan.69 Which handle in the original
publication this refers to is not entirely clear. Probably one of
the six handles originally classified as non-Rhodian is intended.
This handle is double-barrelled and was stamped with OIIO:E
'
(?) (Cat. No. 8). 70
In an unpublished manuscript by Finkielsztejn from
Marissa, 71 amphorae and amphorae fragments of probable
Koan provenance are reported. Forty-six of these are classified
as type I, two as type I half-size, and 23 as belonging to the
Nikandros group. In _addition, two "Koan-related" fragments
are reported. Three ofthe type I fragments weFe stamped. Four
are dated, two to the period !50-lOO, one to c. !50, and the
fourth to c. 130-I IS. Three of the fragments of the Nikandros
group were stamped. All the fragments of the group were"dated
to the period 130-IIS. The half-size and "Koan-related" am
phora fragments were not dated. The total numbei of finds is
not stated.71 Thus, in this material, counting amphorae and
6 Finkielsztejn 1999a, 61-62.
61 Arie! 1 990, 75-76.
62 Ariel 1 990, 2 1 .
6> Aricl l990, 20-21 .
{>4 Arie1 1990, 89-93.
65 Ariel 1990, 92. The same chemical composition has, according to
Arie1, been found in six braziers from the Hellenistic period. Their
origin is unknown, but they were probably made somewhere in the
Aegean area: cf. J. Gunneweg & I. Perlman, 'Hellenistic braziers from
Israel, results of pottery analysis', !EJ 34, 1984, 224--238. (Referred
to in Arie\ 1990.)
66 Ariel 1990, 82-83.
67 Arie\ 1990, 19.
6& Macalister & Duncan 1926, 1 88-212.
69 Finkielsztejn 1992, 160.
70 Macalister & Duncan 1 926, 210.
71 Finkielsztejn l 999b, 1 10-118.
Boreas 28
138 Hans Johnsson
amphora fragments together, 6.5% (3/46) oftype I and 13.0%
(3/23) of the Nikandros group were stamped.
In another unpublished manuscript, Finkielsztejn has re
ported the finds in Maresha. The total number of finds is not
stated, but 1 1 % of the total number of amphorae and amphora
fragments are reported as being of Koan provenance (type I,
7.8%; Nikandros group, 0.9%). A similar proportion of the
complete amphoras, 1 0%, was attributed to Kos (type I, 6.4%;
Nikandros group, 3.9%), while only 2% of the stamps (type I,
1.2%; Nikandros group, 0.9%) were of Koan origin. All the
Koan amphorae of type I that were complete enough to be
datable are dated to the period 150-100.72
lnNessana (Cat. Nos. 9-28), 20 stamped amphora handles
ofKoan provenance have been found.73 Grace notes that data
concerning the fabric of l l of these were not available to her,
and these could possibly have been produced elsewhere. For
the remaining nine handles, the dominant clay is stated as being
reddish, with more or less mica, white bits and dark bits, under
a greenish buffsurface.74 Two of the Koan handles75 are dated
by their context to 150-1, the remaining handles are dated by
comparison with finds from other locations to after 150 (2)76
or to the first century(1 6)."
A total of38 stamped amphora handles were fmmd, all dated
to the period c. 1 50-50. Most of these were attributed to Kos
(20), 13 to Rhodes. Nessana was a halting place on a desert route,
and Grace presumes that many of the amphorae found had been
shipped to Gaza or Egypt with their original contents and then
re-used to hold water or a variety of goods. This presumption
is supported by extant Egyptian papyri, and also by the writings
ofHerodotusJ8 The Koan amphorae were light because oftheir
thin walls, as discussed previously, and this may explain why
they were preferred to amphorae from other states. The re-use of
amphorae may also imply that the handles dated by their context
might have been produced at an earlier time.
In Samaria (Cat. Nos. 29-34), 23 stamped handles of
certain or probable Koan provenance have been found.79
Descriptions of the individual handles are available only for a
part of the total finds, 950 stamped handles from the excava
tions between 1931 and 1 933.80 Of.these, five were classified
as probably, and one as possibly Koan. All these handles were
double-barrelled. The fabric is not described. The handles
were not individually dated, but the context was that of the
period 33 !-c.I08/l 07." The majority of the 950 individually
described handles were attributed to Rhodes (899). It is also
stated in the report that c. 550 handles without legible stamps
were discovered.82 In an unpublished report by Finkielsztejn,
9 stamps attributed to Kos are described.83 Four of these seem
to be identical with stamps published by Crowfoot (Cat. Nos.
29, 31, 33 and 34). Five of the nine stamps (including Cat. Nos.
29, 31 and 33) are dated to the period 300-100 by comparisons
with finds at other locations, and four are undated.
In Tell Anafa, three unstamped amphora fragments have
been attributed to Kos. 84 All were dated by context. One of
these, dated to 98-75, is an almost complete, amphora profile
Boreas 28
with a doublebarrelled handle. The fabric is buff with a grey
core and small white inclusions. The second Koan fragment,
dated to A.D. 1-50, consists of a double-barrelled handle
of pinkish-buff fabric with many large, white, medium and
small grey inclusions and a gray core, under a greenish-white
surface. The third fragment, dated to between the end of the
first century B.C. and the beginning of the first century AD.,
consists of about one-quarter of the neck and rim. The fabric
is described as micaceous light brown with many small and
fine and some medium-rounded white and grey inclusions,
under. a thick, creamy, yellow-white interior and exterior
surface. 85 Fragments corresponding to a total of 46 amphorae
(with or without stamped handles) are reported. Five of these
amphorae are attributed to Rhodes, while 28 have an unknown
provenance. In a table, the total number of amphora handles
found, 304, are accounted for. Of these, 247 have flat and 57
(19%) double-barrelled handles, which Berlin appears to as
sume have a Koan origin.86 The 57 double-barrelled handles
were found in contexts from !25-75 (!), 125-98 (I), 98-75
(5), late first century B.C. to early first century A.D. (6), early
first century A.D. (32), early middle first century A.D. (3),
and the ninth century A.D. onwards (9) 87 Of the 304 handles,
136 carried stamps.88 Most of these ( 130) were attributed to
Rhodes, none to Kos. Berlin considers the contemporaneity
of the amphoras with the site's late Hellenistic occupation,
and the careless method of their disposal, as indications ofthe
amphorae having arrived at TelAnafa containing their original
72 Finkielsztejn 1999c, 199-207, figs. 7 and 8..
73 Grace 1962, 1 1 8-126.
7'1 Grace 1962, 1 19.
75 Cat. Nos. 21 and 22.
76 Cat. Nos. 16 and 19.
71 Cat. Nos. 9-15, 17, 18, 20 and 23-28.
n Grace 1962, 107-108; Hdt. 6.227.
7 Grace 1962, l 06. A total of2,077 stamped, Greek amphora handles,
all from the Hellenistic period, have been found. Most of these have
been attributed to Rhodes ( 1 ,978). The total number is described by
Grace as the sum of published and unpublished material.
so
Crowfoot 1957, 385-386.
81 Samaria was founded by Alexander in 33 1, and destroyed c. 1 08-107
after a long siege led by Aristobulos and Antigonos, sons of the high
priest Hyrcanos; Crowfoot 1957, 4 .
s2
Crowfoot 1 957, 379.
83 Fin.kielsztejn 1990, 1 17-118.
M Berlin 1997, 163.
ss
Berlin 1997, 163.
86Berlin 1997, 161, note 338: " . . . the number ofstamps may represent
only a very small percentage of amphoras and reflect a good many
more. The complete absence ofKoan stamps along with the quantity
of Koan handles found at Anafa supports such reasoning."
87 Berlin 1997, 161, n. 338. No explanation to the presence of am
phora handles in the most superficial layer is offered, but on page 163
the practice of dumping amphorae over the side of the city wall is
described, a practice that may have caused the mix of materials from
different eras in the excavated layers.
88 Ariel & Finkielsztejn 1994, 183.
 The Export ofKoan Wine io the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period
content. Ifthe amphorae were reused, they would represent a
value even when empty, in which case they should have been
better cared for.89 It is notable that so many double-barrelled
handles were found in a Roman context (50/57, including the 9
from later deposits). Kos' good relations with Palestine during
this period are also attested by the donations by king Herod the
Great to finance the gymnasiarchos on Kos.<}()
In Tell Keisan (Cat. Nos. 35-37), three stamped amphora
handles attributed to Kos have been found.91 The Koan handles
are not individually dated. A total of I 06 stamped handles
has been discovered (26 found in 1935-6, and 80 found in
1971-6). The majority were attributed to Rhodes (87). Two
Rhodian stamps were dated to the end of the fourth century, and
another two to the period 175-150. All the remaining stamps
are dated to the third or the beginning of the second century. A
base fragment with a brown surface and white clay with mica
is also attributed to Kos, after comparison with a similar find at
AshodY2 No date is suggested for this fragment, but, according
to the figure, it appears to be similar to a base fragment from
Ashod (see below) dated to 250-150/100.93
During other excavations in Palestine, occasional un
stamped amphorae or amphora fragments of probable Koan
provenance have been discovered. In Ashod, a base fragment
and one complete amphora with a button on the toe have been
found, supposed to be of Koan origin.94 The fragment was
discovered in a context dating from 250-100. The complete
amphora in Ashod was dated by comparison with similar finds
in Athens and Antikythera c. 125-75. In Akko, an unspeci
fied number of broken Koan amphorae has been found in a
context from c. I 00.95 In Jaifa, two double-barrelled handles
attributed to Kos and dated to the end of the first century have
been found.96 In the picture, one of the Koan handles has a
rectangular stamp with illegible text. Only two handles with
readable text were found, one Rhodian and the other belonging
to the Nikandros group, now commonly considered to be of
Koan origin. In Nessana97 and Jerusalem (Bishop Hi/1),98 one
base fragment found at each site has been re-evaluated by Ariel
and considered to be of Koan provenance.99
Summary
In Palestine, 37 stamped, Koan, amphora handles from the Hel
lenistic and early Roman periods havebeen found (not counting
the unpublished material made available by GCrald Finkielsz
tejn). For the stamps that have been dated by context, only a
relatively wide (100-150 year) time span has been established.
However, the dating of some stamps has been more exact, ow
ing to comparisons with other finds. One of the handles from
Jerusalem and all the three handles discovered at Tel Keisan
were dated to the period 300-150. Two of the three stamps in
Jerusalem with a certain dating and all the 20 handles from
Nessana are dated to after 150, 1 6 of the latter from the first
century. The 57 unstamped, double-barrelled handles found at
139
TelAnafa were all found in contexts datedafter 125, 32 of them
in the context of the first century A.D. This pattern is in good
agreement with the declining practice from the first century
onward of stamping Koan amphorae, discussed previously. It is
noteworthy that many Koan amphora handles found in Palestine
remain to be published. From Samaria, for example, only five
of23 stamped handles of certain or probable Koan provenance
have been individually described in published reports so far.
The unpublished amphorae ffagments preliminarily described
by Finkielsztejn attest to this, and also to the large proportion
of unstamped Koan amphorae. In his material, the majority
of the dated amphorae and fragment are placed in the period
1 50-100. Thus, his material does not seem to alter the general
picture drawn from the limited number of the stamps included
in the catalogue, but the forthcoming addition ofa large number
of Koan amphora fragments will undoubtedly refine it.
In Nessana, where supposedly many amphorae arrived with
a secondary content, the Koan handles constituted a majority of
the finds, while at the other sites they made up only 0.6-2.9%
ofthe total number of stamped handles. Ifthe summary reports
are included, the Koan stamped handles constitute 1.8% (55/
3004) of all the stamped handles found in Palestine (Table 1).
However, the Koan proportion of unstamped amphora frag
ments was considerably higher in the two reports in which they
were described. In Tel Anafa, none of the stamped handles
were Koan, but 6.5% of the amphorae were attributed to Kos,
and 19% of the total number ofhandles were double-barrelled
and assumed to be ofKoan provenance. In Jerusalem (City of
David), only 1.2-1 .4% of the stamped amphora handles were
ofKoan origin, while c. 19% of the unstamped amphora frag
ments had a certain or probable Koan proveQance.
Cyprus (Cat. Nos. 38-51)
In tombs in Amathos, four almost complete amphorae have
been discovered, one of which is of the Koan type from the
first century A.D. This amphora is 97 cm tall, with a maximum
diameter of25 cm and double-barrelled handles.100
89 Berlin 1997, 163.
90 Joseph., BJ 1.423-424, 20 l .
91 Halpem-Zy!berstein 1980, 243-255.
92 Briend 1980, 1 12, pl. 15.23; Reference is not made to a specific
fragment from Ashod.
93 Dothan & Freedman 1 967, 23, fig. 3:3.
94 Dothan & Freedman 1967, 23, fig. 3:3; Dothan 1971, 49, fig. 1 3 . 1 ,
pi. !5.6.
9 5 Dothan 1976, 3 1 .
96 Rowe 1952, 249, pi. 4.
91 Baly 1962, 296, no. 126.3, pl. l .
98 Hamilton 1935, 142,pl. 6.12.
99 Aricl l990, 83.
100 Empereur 1 987, 44, pl. 26.
Boreas 28
140 Hans Johnsson

Table I . Stamped amphora handles found a t sites i n Palestine

Stamp Beth Shean City ofDavid Gezer Marissa Nessana Samaria Shikrnona Tel Anafa Tell Keisan Total
provenance Grace Ariel Grace Grace Grace Grace Landau Berlin Halpem- Zylberstein
1962 1990 1962 1962 1962 1962 1974 1988 1980

Kos 0 6 1? 3 20 23 0 2 3 58

Chios 5 4 6 2 1 18
Knidos 2 3 1 4 3 2 15
Rhodos 33 450 621 300 13 1 ,978 16 117 87 3,615
Thasos 3 1 12 4? 20

Latin 2 1? 2 4 9
Zenon group 1 1
Pontic 6 7
Samos 2 2
Pamphylia 1? I
Kouriaka 1? 1? 2
Others 18 2 43 6 69
Unclassified 10 3 9 8 30

Total 33 476 653 308 38 2,077 18 139 105 3,847

In Kition-Bambou!a (Cat. Nos. 38-40), three stamped,
amphora handles of Koan provenance have been found, all
of them double-barrelled. The fabrics of the handles are
described as light yellow with a pink surface, red with a
grey core and a yellow surface, and red with a beige surface,
respectively. Two of the handles are not dated. One handle is
dated by its context to c. 350. Calvet remarks that this maybe
a spurious dating, since most of the dated, stamped handles
from Kos have been assigned to a considerably later period. 1 0 1
However, during excavations in Kos, many stamped handles
from this time have been found.102 Demosthenes (384-322)
also refers to the contemporary, Koan wine export.103
During the excavations in 1976-8 1 , a total number of 141
stamped handles was found. The majority ofthese were attrib
uted to Rhodes (1 02). The excavations included deposits from
the Archaic to the Byzantine period. Unstamped fragments
from 63 amphorae were also recovered, all dated to before 400.
No unstamped fragment was attributed to Kos.104
In Nea Paphos (Cat. Nos. 4/-48), eight stamped, amphora
handles ofKoan provenance have been found. In addition, one
handle was attributed to the Nikandros group. All the Koan
handles appear to have been double-barrelled. The fabric is not
reported. Three ofthe handles (Cat. Nos. 40-43) were dated to c.
69. the beginning of the first century, and c. 88-69, respectively,
by comparison with similar finds from Delos. The remaining
five handles were assigned to the Hellenistic period, without any
further specification. The excavations took place in 1965-89,
and included mainly deposits from the Hellenistic and early
Roman periods, but many amphora handles were recovered
without any datable context. A total number of 630 stamped
handles was found; the majority were attributed to Rhodes
(588). Unstamped fragments were not reported.105
In Salamis (Cat. Nos. 49-5/), three Koan, stamped amphora
handles have been found. All three were double-barrelled. The
fabric is described as pink, pink with a ground, whitish-green
surface, and sandy rust-coloured, respectively. Two of the han
dles (Cat. Nos. 50, 51) were dated by context to 400-1 50 and the
first cenhtry, respectively. The third was not dated. One of the
stamps (Cat. No. 51) has a Latin text.106 This may indicate that
the wine was produced by a Roman producer on Kos, supposedly
a participant in the Roman settlement on the island that began
at the end of the second cenhny. 1 07. The excavations included
deposits from the fifth to the first century. A total number of222
stamped handles was recovered, ofwhich 171 could be assigned
to an origin. The majority of these handles_ wefe attributed to
Rhodes (141 ). Unstamped fragroents were not reported.
Summary
In Cyprus, 14 stamped, Koan, amphora handles have been
found. Eleven of these were dated. Those dated by context are
assigned to a fairly wide time interval (100-350 years). while
some stamps have been more precisely dated by comparisons
with similar finds at other locations. The assigned dates were c.
1a1
Ca!vct 1 982, 39-40.
102
HOghammar 1994, 1-2; Kantzia 1994, 323-354.
103
Dem., Against Lacritus 35.
104
Johnston 1981, 37-44.
105
Sztety!!o 1976, 98; Sztcty!lo 1991, 94.
106
Calvet 1 972, 45-46; Calvet 1978, 222-234.
107
SherwinWhite 1978, 139.

Boreas 28
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period 141

350 ( 1 ) , 400-150 ( 1 ) , the Hellenistic period (5), the beginning Table 2. Stamped amphora handles found at sites on Cyprus.
of the first century (3) and the first century (1).
The Koan proportion of the total number of recovered, Stamp Kition Nea Paphos Salamis Total
stamped amphora handles is small, 1.4 % (14/993) (Table 2), provenance Bamboula
and only varies marginally between 1.3% and 2.1% at the dif Calvet Sztetyllo Calvet
ferent sites. It should be noted that the total number ofstamped 1982 1976, !991 1972, 1978
amphora handles found is smaller than the number found in
Kos 3 8 3 !4
Palestine (c. 25%), and considerably smaller than the number
recovered in Egypt (c. 1%). In only one report, the one from Chios 6 I 7
Kition-Bamboula, have unstamped amphora fragments been Knidos 20 4 24
Rhodos 102 558 141 801
included, without any fragment being attributed to Kos. How
Thasos 8 I 6 15
ever, in Amathos, an unstamped Koan amphora was one of four
recovered. A discussion ofthe finds at Nea Paphos and Salamis, Latin 12 2 14
mainly concerned with the dating of the Rhodian stamps and Zenon group I 1
the proportion ofRhodian finds in relation to Knidian, has been Pontic 0
Samos 5 5
published by Empereur. 108 Pamphylia 2 2
Kouriaka 14 7 21
Others 6 5 2 !3
Unclassified 8 17 51 76
Egypt (Nos. 52-68)
Total t4! 630 222 993

In Alexandria (Cat. Nas. 52-61), 1 0 stamped amphora handles
ofKoan provenance have been found during excavations. All
the Koan handles appear to be double-barrelled. The fabric is
not described The Koan handles are dated to the second century
(1), second to first century (4), first century (4), and c. 88-69
( 1 ), by comparisons with similar finds at other locations (6) or
by the appearance ofthe text (1 ). The basis for the dating of the
remaining three handles is unclear, but no handle seems to have
been dated by context. The excavations took place in 1961-87
and included deposits from the end of the fourth century to the
early Roman period. A total number of 646 stamped amphora
handles was found; the majority were attributed to Rhodes
(505). Unstamped fragments were not reported. 1 09
From Alexandria (the Benachi Collection), 1,480 stamped,
Koan, amphora handles have been reported. No individual de
scription or dating of the handles is presented. The material is
part ofthe large collection ofstamped amphora handles donated
by L. Benachi to the Museum in Alexandria. The handles were
collected during a period of over 40 years, and it is estimated
that c. 95% were recovered in Alexandria or in its immediate vi
cinity. All the handles are supposedly from the period from the
end of the fourth century to the first century. The total number
of stamped handles in the collection has been estimated at c.
9 1 ,136, the majority attributed to Rhodes (c. 80,000).'"
From Crocodilopolis-Arsinoe (Cat. Nos. 62-63), two
stamped amphora handles ofKoan provenance have been re
ported. Both are double-barrelled. The fabric is not described.
One of the Koan stamps is dated to the first century, the other
is undated. A total number of 95 stamped amphora handles
from two private collections is included in the report (6 from
Medinet-elFayum, and 89 from Kimiln Fares). The majority
% Koan 2.1 ! .3 1.4 1.4
amphora handles of possible Koan provenance are reported.
One of the handles is doublebarrelled. None of the stamps is
dated. The fabrics are described as beige (2), and greyish-pink
(1), respectively. A fotal number of25 stamped amphora han
dles is reported, all bought by the author and probably found at
K1mc1n Fares, near the location ofCrocodilopolis. The majority
of the handles are attributed to Rhodes (19). 1.12
In Tanis (Cat. Nos. 67-68), two Koan, stamped, amphora
handles have been found. Both are double-barrelled. The fabric
is not described. One ofthe stamps is dated by compm;isoll with
a similar stamp found at Delos to the second or first century, the
other stamp is not dated. The excavations took place from 1964
onwards and a total number of 37 stamped, amphora handles
was recovered, the majority attributed to Rhodes (24). Vu
stamped amphora fragments are not included in the report.113
Summary
In Egypt, 17 individually described, stamped, Koan amphora
handles have been published, 12 of which are dated, all to the
108
Empereur 1979, 22()-...223.
109
SztetyHo 1975, 226-227; Sztctyllo 1978, 304; Sztcty!lo 1990, 205;
Sztetyllo 1992, 217.
110
Grace 1966, 286-288; Fraser 1972, I, 165.
111

of the handles were attributed to Rhodes (91 ). I l l

Empereur 1977,230.
112
Melaerts 1994, 349-351.
113
From Medinet-ei-Ftiyum (Cat. Nos. 64-66), three stamped, Le Roy 1984, 312.

Boreas 28
142 Hans Johnsson

Table 3. Stamped amphora handles found at sites in Egypt.

Stamp Alexandria Alexandria Crocodilopolis- Medinet Tanis Total

provenance Arsinoe el-Fiiyum
Grace Sztetyllo Empereur Melaerts Le Roy
!966 1975, 1978, 1990, 1992 1977 1994 1984

Kos ! 480 10 2 3? 2 I 497

Chios !60 I 161

Knidos 6 860 39 I? 2 6 902
Rhodos 80 000 505 91 19 24 80 639
Thasos !90 7 197

Latin 980 14 2 997

Zenon group 4 4
Pontic 0
Samos 25 26
Pamphylia 650 650
Kouriaka 0
Others 59! 18 8 617
Unclassified 200 48 249

Total 9 1 136 646 95 25 37 91 939

% Koan 1.6 1.5 2.1 12.0 5.4 1.6

second or first century, six to the first century. Most ofthe finds,
in the Benachi Collection, have so far been only provisionally
described and have been dated only to within the Hellenistic
period. The proportion of Koan, stamped, amphora handles
is small. In the limited materials from Tanis and Medinet-el
Fayum, Koan stamps make up 5.4% and 1 2.0% respectively
(including the three handles with a possible Koan provenance),
while in the remaining reports the Koan proportion varies be
tween 1 .5% and 2.0%, constituting 1 . 6% ( 1,497/91,939) of
the total number of stamped handles found in Egypt (Table 3).
The large number of stamped Koan amphora handles found in
Egypt should be noted. They constitute c. one-third of all the
Koan handles recovered so far.
The export of wine from Kos to the
south-eastern Mediterranean area
Stamped amphora handles of probable Koan provenance have
been found at several south-east Mediterranean locations. Usually,
their numbers have been smalL Only in publications from some
excavations in Palestine, and occasionally from CypiUs, have on
stamped amphora fragments also been included in the report.
Obviously it is impossible tO translate the archaeological
evidence directly into a certain volume of exported wine, and
in this section only an attempt at: making a crude comparison
between the Koan and the Rhodian wine exports is made. To
be able to arrive at some sort of conclusion about this, three
important factors to be considered are discussed: the ques
tion of provenance (can a Koan origin be ascertained?), the
stamping practice, and differences in amphora volumes. This
discussion is then illustrated with an example in which the wine
volumes corresponding to the stamped amphora handles found
in the City of David excavations in JeiUsalem are calculated.
The section is then ended with a discussion of the possible
implications of the temporal and geographical distribution of
the Koan amphora fragments found in the area.
The majority of the stamped handles attributed.to Kos have
been ofthe double-barrelled type (I), while flat, single-barrelled
handles of type (ll), frequently encountered.on Kos, have only
rarely been attributed to Kos outside the island.114 Of the pub
lished material described in the catalogue, the report by Melaerts
from Medinet-el-Ffryum was published in 1994, the same year as
Kantzia's article describing the other types ofKoan amphorae;
all the other reports are earlier. None show any impact of the
new findings. Thus, future re-evaluations will probably reveal
that some of the stamped handles that were originally classified
as being of unknown provenance are in fact ofKoan origin. On
the other hand, it is also well documented that amphorae of the
Koan type (I) with double-barrelled handles were also produced
at several locations outside the island. 1 15
In comparing the volume ofthe Koan wine export with that
from other states, the fact that Koan amphorae usually had only
one of the handles stamped, while in several other states, for
114 HOghammar 1994, 3.
115 Grace 1965, 10; Tchernia 1986, 32.

Boreas 28
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period 143

example, Rhodes, both handles were usually stampedl must be

considered. In statistical evaluations oflarge, unsorted materi
als, the assumption that a stamped Koan handle corresponds
to one amphora, while a Rhodian amphora correspond to two
stamped handles can be used. 1 1 6
It is also important to stress that only a minority of the
Koan amphorae produced during the Hellenistic period
seem to have had any stamp, while almost all contemporary
0 0
amphorae from Rhodes seem to have been stamped. In the
excavations at the City ofDavid in Jerusalem, only six out of
476 stamped handles were attributed to Kos, while of "more
0 0
than a hundred" unstamped,,amphora fragments, 1 9 were
N
of probable Koan provenance. 117 In the material from Tell
N N Anafa, no stamped handle was ofKoan origin, while three of
46 unstamped fragments in the catalogue were attributed to
Kos, and 57/304 (19%) of the unstamped handles (reported
0 0 only in a table) were double-barrelled and supposedly from
Kos. The unstamped, double-barrelled handles at Tell Anafa
were found in contexts from 125-75 (7) and late first century
M N 0 0 B.C. to middle first century A.D. (47), and in a secondary
context from the ninth century onwards (9). 1 1 8 The declining
0 0
Koan practice of stamping amphorae during the first century
onwards, probably explains why only unstamped, Koan, am
phora handles were found in the layers from the early Roman
0 period, in which the majority of the handles were discovered.
It is conceivable that the Roman take-over ofKos in some way
0 0 altered the basis for the stamping of amphorae, maybe through
changes in taxation.
0 0
In assessing the relative volume of the Koan wine export,
the capacity of the amphorae must also be considered. There
0 was a great variation between different types of amphora,

0 0
0
while the capacity between different specimens of the same
N type differed only slightly. During the Hellenistic period, the
common Koan amphora could contain a volume of41-45 litres,
0 0
considerably more than for example, the standard Rhodian am
phora, which could contain only 25-28 litres. The finding of a
Koan amphora thus signifies a proportionately larger, imported
0 0
volume of wine than that of a Rbodian amphora. 1 19
The combination of these circumstances tends to lead to
0 0
an underestimation of the volume of Koan wine exported. If,
for exmple, only the number of stamped amphora handles
found at the City ofDavid in Jerusalem (the majority dated to
0 0
the period 260-150) is considered, the impression is that most
ofthe imported wine was Rhodian (450 handles), while only a
0 0 marginally small proportion was ofKoan origin (six handles,
corresponding to 1.3% of the number of Rhodian handles) . 120

116
Empereur 1982, 226.
117
Arie! 1990, 13-24, 75-88.
11s
Berlin 1997, 160-166; Ariel & Finkielsztejn 1994, 183.
119
HOghammar 1994, 2-3; Grace 1949, 1 80-1 8 1 ; WaUace 1986,
87-94.
120
Ariel 1990, 14.

Boreas 28
144 Hans Johnsson

Table 5. Chronological distribution of stamped amphora handles in the catalogue dated within ISO years (36/67).

c. 350 299-150 210-150 199-100 150-125 150-50 150-l 99-51 99-l A.D.l to A.D.99 Total

PALESTINE
Jerusalem (City ofDavid) l
Nessana 2 16 20
Samaria 0
Tell Keisan 3 3
Total 0 3 0 2 0 16 0 24

CYPRUS
Kition-Bamboula l
Nea Paphos 3 3
Salamis l
Total 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 5

EGYPT
Alexandria 2 3 6
Crocodilopolis-ArsinoC l l
Medinet-el-Fiiyum 0
Tanis 0
Total 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 0 7

GRAND TOTAL 3 2 5 20 36

Period No.
c. 350 l
299-150 4
199-100 l
150-l 29
A.D.1 toA.D.99 l

If, instead, an attempt is made to calculate the correspond
ing volumes, using correcting factors for the proportion of
unstamped amphorae found on Kos ( 17.5%), 1 2 1 the difference
in amphora capacity and the practice of stamping one or both
handles, the resulting Koan volume of 1 ,406 1itres (6117.5%
x 41) equals c. 25% of the Rhodian volume of 5,625 litres
(450/2 x 25). Similar calculations can be made for the rest
of the published excavations. Garlan has from a similar basis
estimated that the 1,480 Koan amphora handles in the Benachi
Collection in Alexandria could indicate a wine import from Kos
ofthe same magnitude as the import from Rhodes, despite the
the period 300-150 (4), and finally to have soared during the
period 150-1 (29). (In addition, one stamp is daterl 199-100,
and one A.D. 1-99.) (Table 5) This pattern is most distinct
in the Palestine findings but can also be seen in th,e findings
from Egypt, and to some extent even in the small number of
dated findings from Cyprus. In addition, the finding of a large
'
number ofunstamped Koan amphora fragments at Tell Anafa
indicates a continuation of the wine export during the early
Roman period.
The oldest, dated, stamped, Koan amphora handle, from
c. 350, was found on Cyprus. It is possible that the turbulence

fact that the Collection contains c. 88,000 stamped Rhodian
amphora handles. 122 Since the Rhodian wine export during
the Hellenistic period was considerable according to several
sources, these calculations indicate that the wine export from
Kos during the same period to the southMeastern Mediterranean
area was also significant.
Since most ofthe stamped Koan amphora handles are still
only crudely dated, it is hard to draw any certain conclusions
from the present material as to possible variations in the ex
port volume during different parts.ofthe Hellenistic period. If
only the 36 handles in Table 4 with a reasonably narrow datM
ing (within 150 years) are considered, the Koan wine export
to the southMeastem Mediterranean area seems to have been
small during the fourth century (1 ), to have increased during
during the conquests ofAlexander, and the subsequent struggle
for power between his successors, limited the possibilities for
export to Egypt and Palestine during the fourth century. An
inscription on a statue base found in the Askleipieion on Kos
and dated to the Augustan period or later honours the Roman
proconsul of Cyprus for his protection of Koan sacred and
public land in Cyprus. 123 No other remains of ties between Kos
and Cyptus during this time has been found so far, but Cyprus
12 1 HOghammar 1994, 2.
122 Garlan 1983, 28-29; The estimation is based mainly on differences
in the frequency of stamping.
123 HOghammar 1993, 167 (no. 57).

Boreas 28
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period
was part of the Ptolemaic realm and was known to have had
many close ties with Kos.
If the total number of stamped Koan amphora handles
found in the south-eastern Mediterranean area is considered,
the great number found in Egypt ( 1,497) predominates sub
stantially over the number of findings in both Palestine (58)
and Cyprus (14). This probably reflects the close ties between
Ptolemaic Egypt and Kos during the greater part of the Hel
lenistic period. This connection included, besides trade, both
scientific and cultural exchange. Kos had probably a recurrent
need ofcereal imports, a commodity that Egypt could provide,
and the wine export could provide the means to pay for this.
Some of the Koan handles found in Palestine, i.e. those in
Nessana, may also possibly reflect a primary Koan wine export
to Egypt, and a subsequent secondary use of the amphorae to
provide water for the desert ganison. However, other finds in
Palestine are probably remnants ofthe Koan wine export to the
excavation sites. Other ties, besides trade, between Palestine
and Kos are known from the Roman period-the donations
made by Herod the Great, and the presence of a Jewish corn
munity on Kos. Several bilingual inscriptions found on Kos
attest to the links between the island and areas in the vicinity
of Palestine (Nabatea, Palmyra and Sidon).
The profits from the export of wine were probably a sig
nificant source of income, and thus for the prosperity of Kos,
during the Hellenistic period. As estimated from the scanty ma
terial presented here, the period with the largest export volume
to the south-eastern Mediterranean area seems to have been the
later half of that period. It is conceivable that the wine export
during the early half of the Hellenistic period constituted a
comparable volume, but directed to other areas.
Bans Johnsson
Dept. of Archaeology and Ancient History
Uppsala University
S:t Eriks Torg 5
SE-753 ID UPPSALA
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Boreas 28
146 Hans Johnsson
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Finkielsztejn G. Finkielsztejn, unnamed (Maresha), unpublished
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Boreas 28
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Catalogue
Descriptions of stamped amphora handles ofdefinite, probable
or possible, Koan provenance found in the literature. The desig
nation ofeach handle in the original report (missing in the reports
from Ophel Hill and Samaria) is shown within parentheses after
the catalogue number. References to other publications in the
original reports have been included. The name of E. M. Staer
man has been differently transcribed from Russian in different
papers, while in this catalogue only this fonn is used.
147
Palestine
Jerusalem (City of David)'24
l . (S 458) Lltoooto
Ariel 1990, 75. Unclear device. One similar stamp known: Pridik
19!7, !42, no. 35, pl. !H.
2. (S 459) Aoxo[v] (retrograde)
Ariel l 990, 75. Dated from later than c.l50 (Ariel l990, 19). Ninety
two examples of stamps with this name are known, of which three
are retrograde: Grace 1962, 1 2 1 , no. 19, pl. 37 (Cat. No. 14 in the
present catalogue).
.
3. (S 460) Aoxo[v] (retrograde)
Adel 1990, 75. Dated from later than c.l50 (Ariel 1990, 19). See
comment above (Cat. No. 2, S 459).
4. (S 461) . . . t1t1tOV
Ariel 1990, 76. Unclear device. One similar stamp from Samaria,
with a "squamous" club as a second device, is now in the Rockefeller
Museum (excavation no. Q88, P.A.M. 33.2382).
5. (S 462) upper rib: :Ewn:a't'pou; lower rib: A
Ariel l990, 76. Dated to 37, 1st century A.D. The most common name
on Koan stamped handles: Grace 1962, 123-124, no. 24, pl. 38.
6. (S 463) (no text)
Ariel 1990, 76. Not dated. Originally a double handle. According to
the published picture, the preserved part of the stamp consists of two
almost parallel lines crossed almost at right angles by a vertical line.
7. (S 457) [<l>tlc]wteu<
Ariel l990, 75. Five similarstamps, ofprobable Chian provenance, are
known: Grace 1965, 167, no. 199. One of the handles described by Grace
was dated with terminus post quem 183 in the Middle Stoa in Athens.
Instrumental neutron activation analysis showed a chemical composition
of the clay similar to that of two Koan handles (Ariel l990, 91).
Jerusalem (Ophel Hill)"'
8. OIIOJ; (?)
Macalister & Duncan 1926, 210. Double handle. Undated. Originally
classified as "not Rhodian". In a re-evaluation ofthe finds it is reported
that one of the stamps found at Ophel Hill had a Koan origin. 126 Which
stamp this refers to is not explicitly stated, but this stamp appears to
be the one indicated.
Nessana127
9. (!4) Llail"
Grace 1962, 120. Double-barrelled handle according to picture. Six
double handles with this name exist in a collection in Alexandria;
one was found in Naukratis, and one in Delos (TD 1 1 1 6). The Delian
stamp is dated by comparison with findings at the Athenian Agora to
the I st century.
124 Ariel l990.
1 2s Macalister & Duncan 1926, 188-212.
1 26 Finkielsztejn 1992, 160.
127
Grace 1962.
Boreas 28
 148 Hans Johnsson
10. (15) Ll<wvo,
Grace 1962, 120. Not dated. Eight other examples of this type are
known, from Athens (?), Delos, Alexandria, and Kerch. The four from
Kerch have been published, without illustration: Skorpil l 904, 1 17,
no. 495 (2 ex.), and 45, no. 637 (2 ex.).
1 1 . (16) Ll[w]p<wv?
Grace 1962, 120. Undated. Double-barrelled handle, according topic
ture. The reading ofthe name is not quite certain. Five double handles
stamped with this name, with slight variations of die, have been found
in Naukratis (1 ex.) and Alexandria.
12. (17) Epjlt, 2nd row: a (retrograde)
Grace 1962, 120-121. Double-barrelled handle according to picture.
Five double handles stamped with this name, in various dies, have
been found in Kos, Athens, Alexandria and Samaria. On two more
stamps found in Athens, the name has been combined with that of an
eponym, Atoyev'fl, and one of them (SS 4593) has been dated to not
earlier than the l st century.
13. (18) Eu[ (retcograde)
Grace 1962, 121. Not dated. Double-barrelled handle, according to
picture. Grace is aware ofthirteen different names beginning with Eo,
found on double handles, none ofwhich was made with the same die.
Names with Eu in them were also investigated without success.
14. (19) [Ao]xou
Grace 1962, 1 2 1 . Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. The
addition ofthe two initial letters is supported by a similar stamp in the
Benachi Collection (Ko ABC 637), possibly made with the same die.
The name is, after I:wnacpo, the most common on double handles,
92 examples having been counted, mostly from Alexandria, but in
smaller numbers also from Kos, Athens, Palestine, Naukratis, and two
sites on the Black Sea. In Athens, a stamp (SS 14252) of this type has
been fOund on a partly preserved amphora, dated to the end of the
1st century. Published examples of the name, in a retrograde type:
Macalister 1901, 133, no. 220 (corrected); Skorpil l904, 147, no. 645;
Staerman 1951, 41, no. 127. It is not certain that the first and third of
the stamps listed as published are on double handles.
15. (20) Mevwxou
Grace 1962, 122. Not dated. Eight other examples have been found,
in two or more die variations. One, in Kerch, has been published:
Skorpil 1904, 147, no. 651.
16. (21) Opo<wv
Grace 1962, I 22. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. About
25 double handles bearing this name are known, in one of which the
name is in genitive (Fabricius & Schuchhardt 1895, 423-499, no.
1 3 1 1 ). The handles have been found in Athens, Dc!os, Alexandria,
Naukratis, Pergamon,and two sites on the Black Sea. Published exam
ples: Skorpil 1904, 147, no. 656; Marti & Skorpil l910, 41, no. 254;
Staennan 1951, 41, no. 1 19; Grace 1952, 539, no. 36.
The chronology ofthe jars stamped with this name is not entirely clear.
The stamp found in Pergamon comes from a deposit of c. 220-180.
However, that deposit also contained a Knidian stamp datable in the
last quarter of the 2nd century. The only example from the Athenian
Agora (SS 6581) was found in a context which suggested a date c.
150-125. The example published from Delos is on a large fragment
which preserves the whole handle with rim and attachments and the
connecting piece ofneck and shoulder, that cannot be dated before the
year 100. In summary, Grace believes there was more than one potter
of this name, active during different periods.
17. (22) [ O]poptwv (retrograde, with some letters forward)
Grace 1962, 123. Doublcbarrellcd handle, according to picture. See
Boreas 28
comment above (Cat. No. 16). The stamp is of a small size, probably
from a half-size or smallerjar. One other stamp in Alexandria (Ko ABC
379) is known to have been made with the same die.
18. (23) [Z:nx]ou, device
Grace 1962, 123. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. The
addition of the four initial letters is supported by a well-preserved stamp
in the Benachi Collection (Ko ABC 40). There is a second example in
the same collection, and two have been found at O!bia, and one at Tyras:
Staennan 1951, 40-41 , no. 97, fig. 5 (wrongly restored, 39).
19. (24) :Ewna1:pou 2nd row: an epsilon, reversed, with an extension,
right, of the central horizontal line, giving the effect ofa short-handled
trident
Grace 1962, 123. Double handle. A similar example from Alexandria
(AVG 989) was probably impressed with the same pai!' of dies. The
name Zwnatpo is the most common of all on double handles, 125
or more examples being on record, mostly from Alexandria, but also
from Athens, Kos, Naukratis, Samaria, Cyprus, Rhodes, Samos,
Delos, Abdera and Tyras: Maiuri 1925, 248, no. 10; Reisner et al.
1924, 316, nos. l , 2 and 7; Dumont 1871, 323, no. 175; Staerman
195 1 , 41, no. 98.
A majority of the stamps naming I:wn:acpo appear on handles of
which the second rib bears a letter or simple mark. The known let
ters are A, r, E, A, E, II, and X, the most numerous being A. There
is considerable variation in the name stamps. Dating is unsure. Four
ffagments with this name found in Athens (SS 12223, 12380, 12382,
12532) have been dated by context to the early 2nd century or earlier,
but these four handles have each only one stamp, in which the name is
accompanied by a club as device. No other handle in Nessana has been
dated before 150. In view of the relatively large total known, Grace
guesses that there were at least two potters with this name, who may
have lived during different periods..
20. (25) l.:wa<w(
Grace 1962, 124. Not dated. Double-barrelled handle, according to
picture. Only one other handle stamped with this name (SH 65),
found at Kourion in Cyprus in a HellenistiC context, is known. The
stamp on the Kourion handle has the name in smaller, cursive letters,
accompanied by a club as device, and is perhaps of an earlier period:
McFadden 1946, 449-489.
2 1 . (26) [Tcx]vwv*]
Grace 1962, 124-125. Dated by the contextofstamp Cat. No. 22 (27)
in Nessana to the late 2nd or 1st century. Doublebarrelled handle,
according to picture. The restoration is based on a better-preserved
stamp on a double handle in De!os (TD 3022), which seems to have
come from the same die. Nine other double handles stamped with this
name are on record, from Athens (2), Alexandria (6) and Kerch (1):
Marti & Skorpil 1910, 41, no. 257.
22. (27) [Tcxv]wvos
Grace 1962, 125. Dated by the context in Nessana to the late 2nd or lst
century. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. See comment
above, stamp Cat. No. 21 (26).
23. (28) No reading is proposed
Grace 1962, 125. Not dated. Double-barrelled handle, according to
picture.
24. (29) ]ta H (retrograde), 2nd row: club
Grace 1962, 125. Not dated. Double-barrelled handle, according to
picture.
25. (30) Cornucopia
Grace 1962, 125. Dated by context in Nessana to 150-50. Double-bar-
 The Export ofKoan Wine lo the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period
relied handle, according to picture. A handle in Alexandria (Ko ABC
63) is from the same or a closely related die. Two more handles with
the same, but more carefully made, device are known fromAthens (the
National Museum, Ko EM 59), and Naukratis (the British Museum,
inv. no. 1955, 9-20, 124).
26. (31) Hard to read.
Grace 1962, 125. Doublebarrelled handle, according to picture. Pos
sibly a crude rendering of .6.o::Oa; see Cat. No. 9 above.
27. (32) No reading is proposed for this stamp.
Grace 1962, 125. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture.
28. (33) Hard to read.
Grace 1962, 125. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. An
epsilon (?), with traces of another letter or a device. Stamps on Koan
handles are very rarely impressed on the point of division between
the two parts.
Samaria128
29. APrHOJ;
Crowfoot 1957,385. Undated. Double handle.
30. APXIIIAMOJ;
Crowfoot 1957,385. Undated. Double handle.
3 ! .EYNOJ;
Crowfoot 1957, 385. Undated. Double handle.
32. ti]HMH (?)
Crowfoot 1957,385. Undated. Double handle.
33. KOPIN00l;
Crowfoot 1957, 385. Undated. Double handle.
34. A long leaf
Crowfoot 1957, 386. Undated. The provenance is suggested to be Koan
since it was fOund on a double handle.
Tell Keisan'"
35. (89) Al;KA[H, 2nd row: club (?).
Halpem-Zylberstein 1980, 252. Rectangular stamp on double-barrelled
handle. Dated by context to the 3rd or early 2nd century.
36. (90) APATI, 2nd row: elongated symbol (club ?).
Halpem-Zylberstein 1980, 252. Rectangular stamp on double-barrelled
handle. Dated by context to the 3rd or early 2nd century.
37. (91) ]!l;
Halpem-Zylberstein 1980,252. Rectangular stamp? Dated by context
to the 3rd or early 2nd century.
Cyprus
Kition-Bamboula130
38. ( 1 1 1 ) A pa1m 1eaf
Calvet 1982, 39. Rectangular stamp 2.3 x 1.2 cm, pale yellow (buff)
clay with a ground pink surface ("engobe"). Fragment of an amphora
neck with a double-barrelled handle. Undated.
149
39. (112) Monogram (an "M" with one horizontal and one vertical
line through the central point, the vertical line above the centre is
made into a "p")
Calvct 1982, 40. Rectangular stamp, 1.8 x 1.8 cm, on double-bar
relled handle, red clay with grey core and a ground yellow surface
("engobe"). V. Grace has suggested, according to Calvet, that the
monogram should be interpreted as a name beginning with Ml)-cp.
Dated to c. 350 by context.
40. ( l l3) n[--]o[-]?
Calvet 1982,40. Rectangular stamp, 4.5 x 1 cm, on double-barrelled
handle, red clay with a ground beige surface ("engobe"). The stamp
is mostly unreadable but is attributed to Kos on account of the form
of the hand!C and the quality of the clay. Not dated.
Nea Paphos'"
4 1 . (368)' Excm:([Wu] (retrograde)
Sztetyllo 1976, 98. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture.
Rectangular stamp. The name is read as Hekataios or Hekatodoros.
The second name is known from a couple of Koan amphorae found
at Delos, dated to c. 69: Grace & SavvatianouPetropoulakou 1970,
no. E 240.
42. (369) . . 6" .
Sztetyllo 1976, 98. Oval stamp. The name could be read asAdaios or
Dada. Especially the second name is common on Koan stamps dated to
the beginning ofthe 1st century: Grace & Savvatianou-Petropoulakou
1970, nos. 236-239.
43. (370) . . . 1.0. 2nd row: Ao . .
Sztetyllo 1976, 98. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture.
Oblong stamp in two rows, partly preserved with an effaced surface.
Koan stamps in two rows are very rare, according to SztetyUo. One
example, with the names ofthe eponym and the potter, has been found
at Delos, and dated by V. Grace to c. 88-69: Grace & Savvatianou
Petropoulakou 1970, no. E 241.
44. (217) 'AnoU(wvwu)
Sztetyllo 1991, 93. Surface finding. The name is read as Apollonios
or Apollonidas. Dated to the Hellenistic period.
45. (218) ' A"u'
Sztetyllo 1991, 93. The name is read as Atys. Dated to the Hellenistic
period.
46. (219) Ko"e[u']( ?)
Sztetyllo 1991, 93. Surface finding. The name is read as Kotes (?).
Dated to the Hellenistic period.
47. (220) Kupou
Sztetyl!o 1991, 93. The name is read as Kyros. Dated to the Hel
lenistic period.
48. (22 1) ]cq1.rnou; club
Sztetyllo 1991, 94. Rectangular stamp, 4.1 x 0.9 cm, placed on a
double-barrelled handle. The name is read as Lampitos or Dampitos.
Dated as probably Hellenistic.
128
Crowfoot 1957.
129
13
Halpem-Zylberstein 1980.
Calvet 1982.
131
Sztetyllo 1976; Sztetyllo 1991.
Boreas 28
150 Hans Johnsson
Salarnis132
49. (93) Ovaot() (lunar o)
Calvet 1972,45. Rectangular stamp, 2.4 x 0.9 cm. Pink clay. Double
barrelled handle with a diameter of2.3 cm x 2. Undated.
50. (94) All
Calvet 1972,45. Oval stamp, 1.9 x l cm. Pink clay, white-green ground
surface ("engobe"). Doublebarrelled handle with a diameter of 2.3
cm x 2. Dated by context to 400-150.
5 1 . (95) [----]SVD (with a bow above the V)
Calvet 1972, 45. Only the right pmt of the stamp is preserved, height
1.5 cm. The clay is sandy, rust-coloured. Double-barrelled handle with
a diameter of2.4 cm x 2. Found together with a Roman lamp dated to
the 1st centuryA.D. There is one handle stamped with "PLO.CA.SVD"
(with a bow above the V) in the Musee Epigraphique de Cos (no. 69)
that is identical with this one, according to Calvet. The interpretation
of the text is unclear.
Egypt
Alexandria133
52. (262) Jlanou; Jl (?)
Sztetyllo 1975, 226. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture.
Dated to the 2nd century. The potterPapas is also known from stamps
found at Tyras: Staerman 1951, 41, no. 179, fig. 5.
53. (263) :Ewno:-rpou
Sztetyl!o 1975, 226. Double-barrelled handle, according to picture. The
lunar form of the sigma and the omega is taken to indicate a dating to
the 2nd or lst century. The potter Sopatros is also known from stamps
found at Tyras: Staerman 195 1 , 41, no. 98, fig. 5.
54. (264) Ql;AY
Sztetyllo 1975, 226-227. Double-barrelled handle, according to
picture. No reading of the name is proposed. According to Sztetyllo,
the appearance ("agencement") of the inscription indicates a dating
to the 2nd or 1st century.
55. (99) Aax!o[
Sztetyllo 1978, 304. Rectangular stamp with rounded corners on a
double-barrelled handle. The surface is effaced with scratches in the
upper border region. The inscription is in one row, made in full relief.
The sigma has a lunar form. The name is read as art abbreviation of
Asklepios or Asklepiades. Dated to the 1st century.
56. (140) Bowxou
Sztetyi!o 1990, 205. Rectangular stamp. Double-barrelled handle,
according to picture. The name is read as Boiskos. Dated to the 2nd
or lst century.
57. (141) l;aoup[ou]; club.
Sztety!lo 1990, 205. Rectangular stamp. Double-barrelled handle, ac
cording to picture. The name is read as Satyros. This stamp resembles
another that cannot be older than the end of the 2nd century: Staerman
195 1 , 41 , no. 100, fig. 5.
58. (142) Llaoa
Sztetyl!o 1990, 205. Rectangular stamp. Doublebarrelled handle,
according to picture. Dated to the lst centmy. The name is tentatively
read as Dadas: Grace & Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1970, 364, no. E
Boreas 28
237-239; Empereur 1977, 197-233, no. 92.
59. (143) Monogram (anA with a vertical line from the middle ofthe
horizontal part. At the top left of the A is a semicircle)
Sztetyllo 1990, 205. Oval stamp with a monogram. No reading is
proposed. Dated to the 1st century.
60. (58) Apt
SztetyUo 1992, 217. Oval stamp on a double-barrelled handle, 5 x
.
1 cm. Dated to the beginning of the 1st century (?). The name is
tentatively read as Arlsteides: Staerman 1951, 40, nos. 143 and 145
fig. 5. One stamp with the name Aristeides, found in Alexandria, ha
been published by Breccia 1920, 50. Sztetyllo does not exclude the
possibility ofanother reading (Aristippos?): Paris 1914, 380-389, nos.
130-131 and Breccia 1920,50.
61. (59) [ ' Ep]ou
Sztetyllo 1992, 217. The end part of a rectangular stamp with sharply
rounded edges, 2.2 x 0.6 cm. The name is tentatively read as Hermias, a
name known from another stamp found at Delos, which also contained
the name of the eponym Diogenes and was dated to 88-69: Grace &
Savvatianou-Petropoulakou 1970, 363, no. 241. The name Hermias
is also known from Tyras: Staerman 1951, 40, no. 169, fig. 5. There is
also another stamp with this name in the National Museum in Warsaw:
Sztetyllo 1983, 174, no. 354.
Crocodilopolis-Arsinoe'"
62. (92) Llaoa
Empereur 1977, 230. Rectangular stamp on a double-barrelled handle,
2.1 x 1 cm. Dated to the 1st century. This potter is known from several
published stamps found at Delos: Grace & Savvatianou-Petropou1akou
1970, 364, nos. E237-E239, pi. 61. Another example from Egypt has
also been published: Botti 1893, 168, no. 143 SB 2794. The name
=
is discussed by Robert 1963, 518, no. 4.
63. (93) [Il]ooeto[---J
Empereur 1977, 230. Rectangular stamp on a double-barrelled handle,
2.3 x l cm. Dating uncertain. The name of the potter can be completed
in two ways, following the linguistic usage on Kos: IIooetCnn:n:o or
IIooeOwvto, names that have been attested by Herzog 1889, 1 1 8,
no. 175, line 23.
Medinet-el-Fayum'35
64. (20) OIA.6..A; bucranium
Melaerts 1994, 349. Rectangular stamp, 1.5 x 3 cm. The clay is beige.
Undated. The provenance is probably Koan. The name is tentatively
read as an abbreviation of Ot<vt>o:Oo:, a name associated with Ka
lymnos. On the other hand, a stamp with the name Otvw:Ot} has been
found on Kos; cf. Sliftund 1980, no, 3 1 .
65. (21) JIOCEILI (retrogcade)
Melaerts 1994, 349. Fragment ofa rounded handle. Rectangular stamp,
0.9 x 2.8 cm. The clay is greyish-red. Undated. The stamp is possibly
from Kos, and in that case the name could be read as : IIoaetOtnnot;
132 Calvet 1972.
m Sztetyllo 1975; Sztetyllo 1978; Sztetyllo 1990; Sztetyllo 1992.
134 Empereur 1977.
1 35 Melaerts 1994.
 The Export ofKoan Wine to the South-eastern Mediterranean Area during the Hellenistic Period !51

or TioaetOwvto, names that have been found on double-barrelled han
dles: Empereur 1977, 230, no. 93 (Cat. No. 63), and Levi & Pugliese
Canatel!i 1961-62, 619, no. 70. On Sicily, another amphora handle
with a retrograde inscription IIO:EEI, transcribed as IIooet[O . . . }, has
been found: JG 2393, no. 431 .
66. (24) [square pattern: three vertical and three horizontal lines, the
2nd vertical line off-centre] 1
Melaerts 1994, 351. Rectangular stamp on a double-barrelled handle,
0.9 x 3.9 cm. Dating uncertain. Beige clay. An almost identical stamp
has been published: Breccia 1907, 86, no. 41 and pi. IV. Also, cf. Cat.
No. 68 (Le Roy 1984, no. 26).
TanisD6
67. (25) Llweov
Le Roy 1984, 312. Rectangular stamp on a double-barrelled handle.
Dated to the 2nd or 1st century. Ct: Kent, 1953, 133-134, no. 14.
68. (26) Ll[ ]I
Le Roy 1984, 312. Rectangular stamp on a double-barrelled handle.
Other unpublished stamps with the letters and I, together with a
cornucopia and a trident, have been found at Crocodilopolis-Arsinoe
(Fayoum), no. KF 818-819.
Bibliography to the catalogue
Botti 1893 G. Botti, Notice des monuments exposes au Musee
grtico-romain d'A1exandrie, Alexandria 1893.
Breccia 1907 E. Breccia, 'La necropoli de l'Ibrahimieh', BSAA 9,
1907, 35-86.
Brcccia 1920 E. Breccia, Rapport sur la marche du service du
Musee pendant l 'exercise 1919-1920, MunicipalitC
d'Alexandrie 1920.
Dumont 1871 A. Dumont, Inscriptions ctiramiques de Grece, Paris
1871.
Grace 1952 V. Grace, 'Timbres amphoriques trouvCs a D6los',
BCH76, 1952, 5 1 4-540.
Grace 1965 V.R. Grace, 'The Canaanitejar', in The Aegean and
Grace & V. Grace & M. Savvatianou-Petropoulakou, 'Les tim
Savvatianou bres amphoriques grecs', in DJ1os XXVII. L 'i/6t de
Petropoulakou la Maison des Comediens, Paris 1970, 277-382.
1970
Levi & D. Levi & G. Pug!iese-Carratelli, 'Nuove iscrizioni
Pugliese di 1asos', ASAtene 39-40 (N.S. 23-24), 1961-1962,
Carratelli 573-632.
1961-62
Macalister 1901R.A.S. Macalister, 'Amphora handles, with Greek
stamps, from Tel Sandahannah', PEFQ 1 90 1 : 1 ,
25-43.
Marti & Y.Y. Marti & V.V. Skorpil, 'Pottery inscriptions in
Skorpil 1910 the Melek-Chesman mound in Kerch', Memoirs
of the Imperial Historical and Antiquarian Society
ofOdessa 28, Odessa 1910, l-49 (reprint in Rus
sian).
McFadden 1946 G.H. McFadden, 'A tomb in the necropolis ofAyios
Ermoyenis at Kourion', AJA 50, 1946, 449-489.
Paris 1914 J. Paris, 'Timbres amphoriques de Rhodes', BCH
38, 1914, 300-326.
Pridik 1917 E. M. Pridik, lnventmy ofthe stamps on handles and
necks ofamphoras, and on bricks, ofthe Hermitage
collection, Petrograd 1 9 1 7 (in Russian).
Reisner et al G.A. Reisner, C.S. Fisher & D.G. Lyon, Harvard
1924 excavations at Samaria I908-I910, Cambridge
1924.
Robert 1963 L. Robert, Noms indigenes dans 1 'Asia Mineure
grrico-romaine, Paris 1963.
Fabricius & E. Fabricius & C. Schuchhardt, Altertilmer von Per
Schuchhardt gamon 8:2. Die Inschriften von Pergamon 2. ROmi
1895 sche Zeit. !nschrijienaufThon, ed. M. Friinkel, Berlin
1895.
Skorpi1 1904 V.V. Skorpil, 'Pottery inscriptions acquired for the
musium ofKerch', Bulletin ofthe imperial Archeo-
logicalCommission, St. Pctersburg 1904, 19-166 (in
Russian).
Staerman 1951 E.M. Staerman, 'Pottery stamps .in Tyras', in Brief
communications of the Institute of the History of
Material Culture, Academy Nauk 36, 1951, 3 1-49
(in Russian).
Si:iflund 1980 M.L. Siiflund, Labraunda. Swedish excaviJtions
and researches II:2. Stamped amphord handles,
Stockholm 1980.

the Near East, studies presented to Hetty Goldman

on the occasion ofher 75th birthday, ed. S.S. Wein
136
berg, Locust Valley 1965. Le Roy 1984.

Boreas 28
 Gerald Finkielsztejn
Koan Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant
in the Hellenistic Period
Abstract
The Dressel 4 amphoras-typical ofthe island ofKos in the Hellenistic
period-and the "Nikandros group" ones-attributed to Ephcsos by
M. Lawall after this article was written-found on various sites of
the southern Levant (today Israel and the Palestinian territories) are
analyzed to try to draw some conclusions on the trade, but also on
some characteristics of the Koan production. The volume of trade in
Koan amphoras in the second half of the znd century BC is second
to that of the Rhodian one, but far more modest. Measurements of
the proportions of the Dressel 4 are suggested in order to try to date
fragments. A list ofstamps is provided, and it is suggested that they are
endorsed by makers--on the basis ofcomparative prosopography-and
that the stamping may have controlled the standardization ofthe vessels.
Historical contexts are also taken into account to try to explain the
pattern oftrade in the late Hellenistic period and the later adoption ofthe
Dressel 2-4 form in the Roman empire from the I st century BC. on.
Introduction
This article deals with the finds of amphorae considered to
be of Koan origin, uncovered in Israel and the Palestinian
territories. Before presenting some of this material, it seems
necessary to list the problems facing the scholars involved in
the research on Koan amphorae, also addressed here by both V.
Georgopoulo and H. Johnsson. Then we shall see how I myself
can contribute to the matter by analysing the evidence from
various archaeological contexts of the southern Levant.1
The vessels
The typology. Establishing the typology consists in identifying
the forms and fabrics of amphorae supposedly made in Kos or
in areas possibly under its influence, political or commercial.
Although the best condition for such an attribution is to un
cover kilns or-as is more often the case-their refuse dumps,
including misfired fragments, this is a rare occurrence. The
geological study of the clay beds and the comparison of their
composition with that of the vessels may also provide some
clues.2 However, it is on the basis of some of their stamps that
the amphorae with double-barrelled handles-generally des-
ignated as "Dresse1 4"-and the so-called "Nikandros Group"
amphorae-with single strap-handles-were first identified as
Koan.3 Some other forms have already been attributed to Kos,
and other areas of production ofthe Dressel 4 form have been
located, already in the Hellenistic period.4 In the Roman period,
the latter form-and its variants the Dressel 2 and 3-were
produced in various areas ofthe Mediterranean. The detection
of these imitations-or,-rather, "adoptions"--of Koan fonns
is also part of the inquiry into all the aspects of the trade. In
any event, this phenomenon is evidence of the wide success
of a fairly original vessel.
The dating ofthe various forms. This may be achieved when
the vessels are found in contexts, well dated either by coins
or by better-known cries of amphorae, such as the Rhodian
one. Such an ideal situation appears to be quite a rare
occurrence.5
The standards ofvolumes. These data can be eValuated only on
complete vessels or when the whole profile can be graphically
restored from enough recovered shards. Such finds are, again,
rather rarely uncovered.
The content. Ifwine was most probably the product transported
in these vessels-as evidenced by written sources-did the
different, actual, Koan amphorae forms transport the same
brand? And was it really only wine? It should be noted that,
contrary to most wine amphorae, the neck of the Dressel 4
form is proportionally short and the body tends to be globular,
features that rather fit oil amphorae. However, on the latter
1 Fora definition ofthe area ofthe "southern Levant" in the Hellenistic
period, see Finkielsztejn 2000a, 207, n. l .
2 Whitbread 1995, 81-106.
1 Maiuri 1925; Grace & PCtropoulakou 1970, 365-367, pis. 61-62. Just
before the present contribution was submitted for final proofing, Mark
Lawall presented evidenCe for an Ephesian origin for the amphorae
of the "Nikandros Group". His demonstration shall appear in Lawall
2003. Of course, his conclusions could not, unfortunately, fully be
taken into account here (but see n. 28, below).
4 Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 23.
5 See, for example, Grace 1979, figs. 56-60. Seen. 8, below.
Boreas 28
 !54 Gerald Finkielsztejn
vessels, the transition between shoulder and body is normally
very rounded, sometimes to such a point that the shoulder
cannot be clearly delimited. This is not the case of the Dres
sel 2-4 vessels, and I would surmise-without being able to
elaborate further here-that the peculiarities of the fonn may
be explained by a fermentation of the Koan wine more fully
achieved than in other wines when embarked on ships for
export (see below).
The stamps
As noted above, the stamps allowed suggesting the identifica
tion of two main Koan fonns of amphorae. However, they, in
themselves, raise various problems, not easy to solve.
The devices. Symbols are comparatively rare, and generally of
a '"nationalistic" nature, including Herakles' club and the crab,
both appearing on coins,6 or a palm leaf. The "ethnic"-KWlov
or KWlo-appeared mainly at the beginning of the stamping
but also later, albeit rarely.7
The prosopography. Listing all the names appearing on Koan
amphora stamps is not an easy task, as they are often abbrevi
ated and their origins are not always obvious.8 Identification of
females or metics thus seems impossible. This has a bearing on
the understanding of the function(s?) of the persons named.
The stamping !>ystem. This question addresses (a) the meaning
of the (irregular) use of "associated" stamps, but mainly (b)
the ratio of stamping, relatively low, as compared with what
is observed for the other main series. This has, of course, a
bearing on the prosopography, and on the understanding of
the organization of the workshops and the production as a
whole. It should be recalled that the stamping of amphorae, in
general, was recognized as being a . /ocal matter. It was aimed
at controlling the production ofthe vessels and had nothing to
do with export. 9 As a consequence; the most accurate evalua
tion of the ratio of stamping should be obtained by collecting
handles from refuse dumps of workshops in Kos itself and in
areas understood to be tmder its influence, political or com
mercial. This necessitates first the identification ofthe relevant
sites by a systematic survey.
The "informal" survey published by J.-Y. Empereur in
1982, and the counting of the handles from the Greek excava
tions in Halasama, most probably provide us with the results
closest to the average actual ratio of stamping. However, di
viding the total number of handles collected by two, in order
to evaluate the percentage of stamping, does not seem to be
fully appropriate, as it cannot be demonstrated that they were
all paired on amphorae. Actually, the contrary is most prob
ably true for Empereur's sample, dispersed on the coast. An
average percentage between the count on the total and that
Boreas 28
--- - ---------
on the half may be closer to the truth. For Empereur's count
ing of double-barrelled handles, the average ratio would be
[(2:176)+(2:88)]:2 1.7%. For Halasama, the average ratio
for all types attributed to the Koan production would be [(7:
104)+(7:52)]:2 10.1% (as far as I can judge from the data in
my possession). The discrepancy between the two samples is
quite "uncomfortable". In both cases, displacements occurred
that might explain the results. In any event, in both cases the
ratio is comparatively very low. I shall address the matter
further, below.
Trade
It is necessary to record the places of export, the quanti
ties-based on the counting of all relevant fragments, and
not only the stamped handles-and the proportions of the
imports, as compared with those of the other major, eastern
Greek productions, such as the Rhodian or Knidian ones. In
that respect-and on the basis of what is (not) known about
the stamping system of the Koan amphorae--it does not seem
justified to systematically divide by two the number ofRhodian
stamped handles and multiply that of the Koan ones by a ratio
supposed to be that of their stamping, in order to compare the
volumes of imports. However, this is the only way to draw a
(very) rough picture, showing that the trade in Koan wine was
somehow significant. The results concerning the trends deduced
by this method should be considered preliminary and should
constantly be updated on the basis of more accurate counts to
be made in the future.
All these aspects touching upon the tOpic ofKoan ampho
rae are represented among the evidence provided by the finds
from the southern Levant, presented here.
6 Grace 1979, figs. 58-59.
1 Kantzia 1994; Grace 1979, fig. 58, Kw(. I analysed the stamps re
producing coin dies from various eastern Aegean sites, such as those
presented by Kantzia for Kos (Finldelsztejn 2002). This study led me
to suggest the following relative chronology for the early types. Type
III, which I interpret as an adaptation of the Mandean form, with the
addition of some stamps inspired by coin dies-including the ethnic
KQION-would be the earliest. Type I seems to me a new local in
novation, with a different form using double-barrelled handles, bearing
stamps with the ethnic KQIO:E. The latter type was probably (partly?)
contemporary with Type Il, of the same form but with strap-handles.
Mark Lawall provided me with some useful comments on the manu
script ofFinkielsztejn 2002, but unfortunately, I was not able to take
them into consideration in the fmal version.
8 In Fraser & Matthews 1987, the names appearing on Koan amphora
stamps are identified by the entry "Kos*", and almost all of them are
dated in the 2nd or lst century BC. The listing is based on V. Grace's
file at the Athenian Agora. The corpus, for which M. Savvatianou
P6tropoulakou was responsible, was already announced in Grace
1962, 119.
9 See Oar!an 1993 for a synthetic analysis of the phenomenon.
 Koan.Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period
Evidence from the southern Levant
The main sites
As shown on maps presented during the conference at Chania
in 1997, amphorae from all over the Mediterranean world were
exported to the southern Levant in the Hellenistic period, es
pecially in the 2nd and lst centuries BC. 10 Among the main
excavated sites, Dressel 4 amphorae were found inAkko-Ptole
mais, 0 Tel Keisan, 12 Beit Shean-Scythopolis (Tel Istabah),13
Caesarea, 14 Samaria, 1 5 Ja:ffa, tQ JerusalemP Marissa1 8 and Nes
sana. 19 Nikandros amphorae were mainly found in Akko, Jaffa,
and Marissa (but see n. 3 on their probable origin).
Except for some very few exceptions--especially including
some recent excavations in Akko, Tel Istabah and Marissa
only stamped fragments were kept in the above collections.
Since it appears that only a small fraction ofthe Koan amphorae
were stamped, the loss of data seems clearly catastrophic in
most cases. The recent extensive excavations in Marissa, under
the direction ofA. Kloner, offer the best contexts for providing
relatively good evidence. This is due to the final abandonment
of the city in 108/7 BC, following the conquest of ldumaea
by John Hyrcanus L The population clearly fled from the city,
HA
X together may be of some help, but only if some data on the
HNR
HNR
V
H A!DA
HA -IHNR)/DA
Fig. I. Proportions of the Koan 'Dressel 4' amphora.
155
leaving amphorae in the storerooms oftheir houses or in refuse
dumps in underground caves. 20 The data gathered may be a
basis for ideas on the various problems listed above, without
solving them, far from it.
The "Dressel 4 " amphora
Virginia Grace has presented some examples of complete
Dressel 4 amphorae, drawing up a general chronological evo
lution of the form, from ..the 3rd to the 1 st century BC.21 As
is the case for most classes of Aegean productions, the body
tended roughly to get higher and slimmer with time. This can
be accepted, with the reservation that the detailed evolution
may not have been uniform in every workshop. Lacking good
contexts, or a stamp to rely on-the chronology of which is
far from being established, anyway----<>ne can try and date a
Koan amphora on the basis of its propoxiions (Fig. I). The
relevant measurements that seem to me useful are the height
of the whole vessel, HA, the ratio "whole height to maximum
diameter", HA/DA, and, even better, the same ratio limited to
the height of the body, (HA-[HN+R])/DA.
Unlike the Rhodian or Knidian amphorae, the profile of the
handles is of no use for most of the Hellenistic period Dressel
4 productions, down to the second quarter of the 1st century
BC. The profile ofthe neck and handle(s) completely preserved
chronology are known from the context.
I came to the rough conclusion that the characteristics ofthe
amphora of the middle of the 2nd century B are as follows:
HA= c. 0.80 m., HA/DA = c. !.9 and (HA-[HN+R])/DA = c.
1 Finkie!sztejn 2000a, 209-210, pls. 105-108, especially 106.
i t Finkielsztejn 2000b; Akko I ; Akko 2. I recorded all the collection of
amphora stamps of the Municipal Museum-about 400 items. Joseph
Zilbiger, will publish the stamps discovered during the late Moshe
Dothan's excavations-about 1500 items-under the supervision of
M. Artzy and A. Raban, of the Haifa University, and myself.
12 Briend 1980.
13 Finkielsztejn, Tellstabah 1 ; Te! lstabah 2.
'
14 My contribution to the catalogue of the exhibition on Caesarea
Maritima in the National Maritime Museum ofHaifa, IsraeL
15 Finkie!sztejn unpublished, Vol. 11.
16 Finkie!sztejn, Jajfa.
11 Arie! 1990; 2000; Finkielsztejn 1992; see also Finkielsztejn 1999.
I recorded the collection of amphora stamps in the Museum of the
Sainte Anne Church (Probatic Pool}-about 400 items, maybe not
all from Jerusalem.
18
Macalister 1901; Finkielsztejn, Marissa.
19 Grace 1962; Co!in Baly 1962.
2 Finkielsztejn 1998; Marissa. See the various preliminary reports of
the Marissa (Maresha) excavations by A. Kloner et al., in Hadashot
Arkheologiot and Excavations and Surveys in Israel.
2 1 Grace 1965, 10-17, fig. 4; eadem 1979, figs. 56, 57, 60.
Boreas 28
 !56 Gerald Finkielsztejn

.

. .
. ..
.

;.

Boreas 28
 Koan Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period
!57

1 .6. On the earlier amphorae, the parameters are lower, but

later on they are higher.
Here follow some dating suggestions for items published
by myself. One neck and handles from Marissa, bearing a stamp
' Aoxi.T]nt(, may be dated in the first half of the 2nd century
BC (Figs. 2:4, 3a-b).22 I would date two complete amphorae
from Marissa (Figs. 2:1, 4a, 5)-one unstamped and the other
bearing a stamp ' lmr{et (retrograde; Fig. 4b)--in the middle of
the 2nd century BC, the fonner earlier than the latter (75/41/13/
1.83/1 52, 81144/14/1 .84/1.52). From Tel lstabah-Scythopolis,
.

one amphora with only one unstamped handle may be dated in

the middle of the 2nd century BC (80/43/1311 .86/1 .56), and a Fig. 3. Top of a "Dressel
complete, unstamped, halfsized one in the second half of that 4" amphora (a, 1 :5)
from Marissa, and its
same century (75/37/12.5/2.03/1.69; Figs. 6, 7). The date of
stamp (b, 1:1).
the latter is confirmed by those of the Rhodian stamped am
phorae associated in the same storeroom, which cover the last
quarter ofthe 2nd century BC. Finally, a complete, unstamped
amphora from Akko fits in the middle of the 1st century BC
(93/34/16/2. 73/2.26; not illustrated).

The "Nikandros Group "

The Nikandros amphorae are relatively well represented on

the major sites of the southern Levant They are made of two
main fabrics, mostly light buff colours (Fig. 2: 3, from Marissa,
heavily restored), but one example (Fig. 2:2, from Marissa)
is made of a variant of the "typical" Koan dark-brownish-red
clay, with copper-coloured, shining particles ("mica"). In addi
tion, the proportions of the profile of the latter vessel are very
close to those of the Dressel 4. These data should be precisely
re-examined in view of the recent attribution ofthe production
of the Nikandros amphorae to Ephesos (see n. 3 here). Only
fragments of handles are stamped and none of the complete
vessels. Isolated bases, with the typical button toe--a short
cylinder topped with a cone-may belong to either of the two
classes (Figs. 2:6, 2: 7).
Fig. 4. "Dressel 4" am
phora (a, 1 : 10) from
Otherforms? Marissa, and its stamp
(b, 1 : 1).
On the basis ofthe fabric identified as "typical" of the Dre..">sel
4 amphorae (which is by far the most frequently represented),23
I suggest that two new forms-each represented in Marissa
only by one completely preserved top of amphora-should
be attributed to the Koan productions. The fabric is more or
less dark yellowish-red with some copper-coloured shining
particles. The surface is covered by a greenish-white slip. These
22
The amphora in Grace 1979, fig. 56, third from right, bears a stamp
reading AoxA'll [ , which may name the same person, dated in the 1st
Fig. 2. Some Koan amphorae from Marissa: l , 4, "Dresse1 4"; 2-3, half of the 2nd century BC. All the items, except Figs. 3 & 4, were
"Nikandros Group"; 5, form related to the "Nikandros Group"; 6-7, photographed by the author. All the illustrations are reproduced by
bases of probably "Dressel 4". Scales: l : l O for the complete vessels, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
1:5 for the fragments. 23 Described in Grace 1962, 1 19.

Boreas 28
158 Gerald Finkielsztejn
Fig. 5. Unstamped "Dressel 4" amphora
from Marissa ( l : 10).
Fig. 6. Unstamped "Dressel 4" amphora from
Scythopolis ( I : 10).
Fig. 8. Stamp ofa "Nikandros
Group" amphora ( 1 : 1).
tops are closely related to the Nikandros Group: short necks,
strap-handles and a body that seems to be globular (but see n.
3 here). However, the rim is either slightly folded but relatively
thick (Fig. 2:5), or a thickened band with a squarish profile.24
Again, only a systematic survey of the island, the surrounding
ones and the nearby coast of Asia Minor, aiming at identifying
workshops and their refuse dumps, could confinn these and
other attributions.
Stamps
A significant number ofKoan stamped amphora handles have
been uncovered in the southern Levant during various excavaM
tions, mainly, again, on the major sites listed above. They appear
either on double-barrelled handles of the Dressel 4 form or on
strap-handles ofthe Nikandros Group. Table ] lists some of the
names and/or devices of the corpus of stamps on Dressel 4 am
phorae (e. g. double-barrelled handles). The names are generally
Boreas 28
Fig. 7. Unstamped halfcapacity "Drcssel
4" amphora from Scythopolis (1: I 0).
Fig. 9. Stamp .of a "Nikandros Group"
amphora (! :\).
abbreviated or in the genitive, and their Dorian or Ionian nomina
tive may not have been securely deduced. However, I provide
also some full names either listed in V Grace's file (e. g. in Fraser
& Matthews 1987) or in the lists presented here by Chr. Habicht
(ofmonarchoi) and H. Ingvaldsen (of magistrates on coins), as
references for further studies (see comments below).
In addition, here are some names that appear on stamped
handles ofNikandros Group amphorae or have been identified
as such (only one ofthe complete or almost complete amphorae
ofthe group discovered in the southern Levant was stamped; for
the codes see Table I): ' Apxtorj[ (M); B(wv (retrograde; M; Fig.
8); MAavo, (M; Fig. 9); Mvo<fJ(t)i.(ou?) (A); Navto[ (A);
]opuK(i.)e(? (A); llat;tv( (retrograde; A); I:NE (?; monogram;
A); ]KOu (A); ]vou, (retrograde; A). See again n. 3 here.
As for the proportions of imports as compared with those
of the Rhodian or the Knidian, they can be evaluated only
when all the fragments have been counted. I did this only
24 Finkielsztejn 2000a, pL 109g.
 Koan Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period !59

Table I. Some stamps on Dressel 4 amphorae from the Southern Levant.

Stamp (reading) Sites* Date (BC)** Parallels***
"A]AUKO' I Club !Fiu. Jl:l) Sa b. !08 MSP; "AJ.uno, FM
Apao( [+ Club1 0 ? MSP
Aovnou (FiJr. 11:2) Sa b. !08 Aoviio' FM
'AptoTe[ I Club + Sw( M b. 1 1 2 ' Apw-r, 'Apw-n:.6.; FM
' Aodm( I Club A, J, M, TK, TZ lst halfofthe 'AoKAT}mliOTJt; FM
llnd c. BC; b. 145
i [Cmb] I ' AQ>poo( (FiR. 11:3) Sa b. 108 ' AQ>poOLowr; FM
Club I [Bn]o[r!.leioou J? b. 145? BaorJ.ei<ln, FM
Ain I Club El Jura (?) b. 172 (MSP: x2 in Aia<; FM
I mohora missing base) Middle Stoa fill)
A r(o)owpou A ? Ar6owpo, FM
' EKo:-rcdiou) Se b. 108 ' EKCt"!O:iOI; FM
EU6frou I Club? 0 ?
Euvo( or/and Euvou( (FiJ!. 11:4) Sa b. 108 EUvour; FM
Euwxr( A ? Eutuxr(<;) MSP; Eutuxion, FM; CH
Zrivwvor; (retrograde) A, J? b. 145? Znvwv FM
Zwnu[p A ? ZW n:up[ HI; Zwnup(wv; ZWnupor,; CH;FM
0eu0Wpou/ Club A ? EJeuowpo' FM; CH
Innia (retrograde) I Club M, A b. l l2 ' Inniac;;
KlaAinnou I Club (FiJ!. 11:6) Sa b. 108 K&AAtn:n:or; FM
KA.e&vlaK wr; M b. l l2 MSP; KJ.e&vn( FM
Kop(vOou (FiJ!. J1:5) Sa b. !08 K6prveo, FM
Aovtt' or Aeovno( (Fig, 11:7) Sa b. 108 AEovnr; MSP; FM; Aeov-rioKor; HI
AeGKor; A ? MSP; Ae6xt0c; FM
M npoun (retrograde) A ? McwoUar; FM
Mev(aKoo c ? (Grace 1 962, no. 20)
EevoKJ.(/ Club J? b. 145? EevoKAfJ.; FM
Opo[ A ? ' Opoiwv (Grace 1962, nos. 2 1-22)
f
IIAIIO ; !I or IIATO[u I !I or Se b. !08 ITem&.<; (Sztetyllo 1 975, no. 262);
IIPOTO u !ll IIpWco.; FM ,
IInU Aoo A, M b. 1 1 2 llnU Ao.; FM
Palm leaf(aneoigraphic; Fig. 11:8) Sa b. 108 Calvet 1 982, no. I l l
a (retrograde) Club D + Caduceus A ? MSP
1;ruw( or ?lot w( A ? 1;("wv FM
tvO[eu.; + Crab Club M b. 1 1 2 1;ivo<; FM

{
L.:wnch:p[ou + A (dies different from Ariel J? b. 145? l.:Wnacpo.; (See Grace 1 962, no. 24); HI
1 990, 76, S 462, the main die which is
identical to Grace 1962, no. 24
]<!>PI [ ? A ?

* A = AkkoPtolemais; C = Caesarea; J = Jerusalem; J? = Sainte Anne Museum in Jerusalem; M = Marissa; 0 = others; Sa = Samaria;
Se = Scythopolis; TK = Tell Keisan; TZ = Tell Zeror.
""* b. ""' before.
*** FM = Fraser & Matthews 1 987, s.v. 'Kos*'; MSP = reading M. Savvatianou-Petropoulakou, personal communication; CH = Chr. Habicht's
list of monarchoi; HI = H. Ingvaldsen's list of coins magistrates.

in the case of Marissa. For Tel Istabah-Scythopolis, the data
were gathered but have not yet been processed. However, a
rough appreciation shows that the results are similar on both
sites. The evidence I could draw concerns the last period of
occupation in Marissa. Among the good contexts, we have
the storerooms of dwellings abandoned shortly after 1 1 3/2
or in 108/7 BC, following the conquest by John Hyrcanus
I of Judea.25 A standard of volumes for liquids (sekoma),
dated in the year 170 SE ( 143/2 BC) by the inscription of the
agoranomoi who were responsible for its making, was found
still standing in one shop of an insula of the lower city.26 This
25 For the full analysis ofthe conquest ofMarissa in two stages by John
Hyrcanus I, see the relevant sections in Finkielsztejn 1998.
26 Finkielsztejn l 999a.

Boreas 28
160 Gerald Finkielsztejn
Amphorae from the last occupation level in Marissa (c
60 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
50
40
30
20 "
10
0
Rhodes Kos + Knidos Chios W Egypt W Dr. l A W Pamphylia
W Nik. W W W?
Fig. 10. Amphorae from the last occupation level in Marissa (c. 143/2-10817 BC).
evidence allows us to date more precisely the last phase of
occupation between 143/2 and 108/7 BC, at least The bulk of
the Rhodian amphorae from these contexts dates from about
30--35 years before the final abandonment. So the other classes
of amphorae associated in the same rooms or buildings can be
securely dated in the last third of the 2nd century BC. This is
the case of the Hippias' amphora, for example (Fig" 4)"
Fig. 1 0 displays the proportions of various amphora types
dated in that last phase of occupation, in percentages. It is
based on the counting of all the fragments and amphorae. The
fragments allowed me to establish the "minimum number of
vessels" in each context (M.N .V.) of the relevant level. That
level comprises all the excavated rooms of the buildings, the
ground floor and, sometimes, the upper floor too (generally
poorer in amphorae). Among the Aegean productions, the Koan
one (Dressel 4 and the Nikandros Group, but the latter seems
now Ephesian and not Koan: see n. 3 here) is second to the
Rhodian one, but represents only one-fifth (1 :5) ofthe latter, for
the whole level. It should be noted that we are dealing with a
period when the wine-trade market in the eastern Mediterranean
was divided between the Rhodian production, exported to the
East (Asia Minor and the Levant) and Egypt, and the Knidian
Boreas 28
. 143/2-108/7 BC)
Fragmen
-
-;;frm the enti; level (M.N.V.) -,1
J
DAmphorae from the entire level (vessels)
D Amphorae from the storerooms (vessels)
Ov.
0
Brindisi Rep.
0
Ps.-Nik. Mafia
0
Tubular
Cl!2 (?) (?}
one, exported to the West (as far asAthens).27 This explains the
very low level ofimports ofKnidian amphorae in Marissa, as in
the rest of the southern Levant. The Koan exports do not seem
to have been included in this new trend-which was probably
due to a Roman involvement in the trade, apoiit 80 years before
Pompey's arrival in the region. This see;rits to be confinned by
the prominent position of the Westerri productions-mainly
oil from southern Italy and North Africa-which augmented
during the last third of the 2nd century BC, as evidenced here.
If one considers the whole period-represented by fragments
and amphorae-these latter productions appear still relatively
modest. But when one considers only the amphorae-that is.
the complete later vessels, and especially those still in situ in
storerooms-the proportions are rather greater. The import
of oil from Brindisi represent more than two-thirds of that of
the Rhodian imports of wine and far more than the imports of
oil from Pamphylia. The imports of North African Mafia C l/2
vessels, the Sicilian (?) "Tubular" amphorae and the North
African and western Italian "Republican Ovoid'' amphorae
21
This phenomenon is analyzed in Finkielsztejn 200 l .
 Koan Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period 16 1

5 6

7 8 9

Fig. l l . Stamps on Dresse1 4 handles from Samaria (Finkielsztejn unpublished).

also appear to be quite substantial. However, Rhodes and, to a
modest extent, Kos remain the main source ofwine, with almost
no competition from the Italian productions-transported in
Dressel l A amphorae.
Even in these "ideal" conditions of counting the amphora
remains from a relatively rich town ofthe southern Levant, one
sees that the position ofKos remains modest, even when both
the Dressel 4 and the Nikandros Group are taken into consid
eration.28 This picture is roughly that of the various sites ofthe
southern Levant, in the 2nd century BC. This example warns
us against exaggerating the significance of amounts obtained
by multiplying the number of Koan stamps by any supposed
stamping ratio (from 1 .7 to I O . l %), and dividing by two the
number of Rhodian stamps.
Some general comments on the stamping of the
Koan amphorae
Prosopography. It is noticeable that almost none of the names
on stamps are represented in the lists presented here by either
Chr. Habicht (names of the monarchoi) or H. Ingvaldsen
(names ofthe magistrates on coins), as shown in Table 1. This
may indicate that the persons involved in the making of the
amphorae (or in the control of their production) belonged to a
different social group. Comparing all the known (restorable)
28 For more details of the various fOrms represented on the diagram,
see Finkielsztejn 2000a. Note the relatively significant group, which I
named ''Pseudo-Nikandros", on the basis ofthe general profile of the

Boreas 28
 162 Gerald Finkielsztejn
names on stamps with the two other lists should verify such an
impression. This may be done preliminarily by checking the
names listed under "Kos *"in Fraser & Matthews 1987, based
on Grace's file in the Athenian Agora.
This discrepancy-if confirmed-may indicate that the
names on stamps are those of "fabricants"- responsible for
the management of workshops-rather than those of control
lers. Although prominent male citizens were actually involved
in the productions of amphorae in Rhodes, Knidos or Thasos,
females and metics were also known to be fabricants. The
"secondary" or "associated" stamps, sometimes found together
with the main one on Koan double-barrelled handles, may bear
a signification similar to that suggested for the Rhodian ones.
In theIatter case, I would understand the use of "secondary"
. stamps as a control of the actual making of the vessels by the
individual potters, working in large workshops, as has already
been suggested by Russian scholars before me. J.-Y. Empereur
also briefly suggested the possible distinction between several
branches under the responsibility (and ownership?) ofthe same
fabricant. Both solutions may be suggested for the Koan pro
duction. The fact that only a device may sometimes be applied
on Koan amphora handles need not contradict the above theory.
It may also explain the low ratio of stamping.
The ratio of stamping and the control of the production of
amphorae. Whatever the exact ratio of stamping, it was notice
ably low in Kos, as well as in other production centres, such as
Chi os, Paros or the towns of Cyprus. I am convinced that the
control involved (a) checking the quantity ofvessels produced
and (b) checking the standard of the amphorae by measuring
their capacity. 29 The choice of a systematic stamping, eventu
ally made in Rhodes and Knidos, may be explained by the
large quantities produced and exported by these two centres,
which would induce the possibility ofother areas counterfeiting
them, as is already evidenced. But, for the controls, there is
no need for a systematic stamping. For the control of quanti
ties, it would suffice to stamp a given number of amphorae
produced-every hundredth or fiftieth or other interval-and
this could vary even according to workshop and not necessarily
town, as the different ratios noted in various workshops in the
island ofThasos may prove.
For the control of the accuracy of the standardization, I
would suggest the following procedure. The stamped ampho
rae would receive the stamp at random before firing, bearing
a distinctive sign of the workshop, generally the name of the
maker. The final volume to be checked would be obtained
only after drying and firing. In order to prevent fraud, only the
stamped vessels would be measured, by the official in charge.
Consequently, the latter-probably the agoranomos or the
astynomos-remains anonymous to us, except, maybe, in the
Black Sea region or in the Levant, where these two functions
are mentioned on the stamps.
Up to now, modern scientists have focused on measuring
the whole volume ofthe vessels in order to evaluate the capacity
Boreas 28
of amphorae and the standard used in a given town at a given
period in the Hellenistic period.30 Whatever the obvious skill
of the potters in making amphorae, it is impossible to obtain
exactly the same whole volume for each piece, and discrepan
cies of l to 3 litres seem quite acceptable. In addition, it is quite
probable that (a) the transportation on boats would require a
certain space in the vessel to let the liquid move about a little,
and (b) the fermentation may not have been fully completed
when the amphorae were filled with the wine. The first phe
nomenon would explain the use of a neck for amphorae for
both oil and wine. In the case of oil, the minimum height of
the neck would take into account the necessity for handles to
tie the vessels and handle them, and to easily close the vesseL
In addition, in the case of wine, by using a higher neck, the
producers may have taken the possibility of fermentation into
account, in most production centres. Describing a complete
Egyptian amphora in the GraecoRoman Museum, J.-Y. Em
pereur noted that its capacity was equivalent to "'a little more
than ten Attic choes".3 1 And it is this "little more "-which
makes the difference between the whole volume ofan amphora
and its standard capacity-that should be taken into account in
studying the volume of an amphora. In measuring the capacity
of an amphora, one should try to establish the actual volume
of the vessel, that is, the volume ofproduct it was supposed to
hold, based on the local standard. The "technical" discrepancies
in the whole volume between vessels, due to the hand-made
production, would not disturb a buyer, as we can judge by
ourselves today. When we contemplate a group of amphorae
of a same production centre at a given period, they indeed all
..look the same".
Preliminary conclusions
The adoption of the Dressel 4form. It should be recalled that
the fabricants ofRhodes definitely imitated-in the 2nd centwy
BC-the Dressel 4 fmm by using "pseudo double-barrelled"
handles for their smallest amphorae--probably one-twelfth
of the full-capacity vessel.32 They were stamped with clear
Rhodian devices-the "rose" or the head ofHelios-and this
vessels, the origin ofwhich 1 could not trace (Finkielsztcjn 2000a, 2 !3,
pl. l l la). The latter could be related with the unclearly defined Dresscl
24 the origin of which seems to be roughly the western coast of Asia
Minor. This may explain their association with Nikandros amphorae,
now attributed to Ephesos (see n. 3).
29 That the capacity of each fonn was known to the buyers seems to be
evidenced by the use of the ethnic to describe and count amphorae, as
recalled by J.-E. Empereur in Grace & Empereur 1981, 425.
o See Wallace-Matheson & Wa!lace 1982.
Jl Grace & Empereur 1981.
32 Dray & Du Plat Taylor 195 1 , 1 07-108, types 3-5, fig. 57, p!.
XXII,2-3; Benoit 1961, 29-3 1 , figs. 28-29.
1 Koari Amphorae Imported in the Southern Levant in the Hellenistic Period
adoption was probably due to the strength of this type ofhanM
dle, fitting better the small size of the vessels. K. HOghammar
has reminded us of the quality of the Dressel 4 form, with
the relatively thin walls of the body and the stronger, double
barrelled handles. This may explain the interest shown in the
fonn, which was also certainly adopted by Crete, at the time
of its conquest by the Romans, in 67 BC. At that moment, the
island increased its production ofwine, which became famous
in Rome. The Cretans also adopted the Nikandros form and,
to a less important extent, the Rhodian one:'3
Together with the technical advantages ofthe Koan Dressel
4, it is important to understand how much the political position
of the island-a constant ally of the Ptolernies, themselves
allies of the Roma.ns-initiated such a widespread interest in
adopting the vessel in the early period of the Roman Empire.
Future researches. The various contributions to the study of
the Koan arnphorae-V. Georgopoulos', R Johnsson's, K.
H6gharnmar's and mine-show that much work remains to be
done on all the topics related to these vessels and their stamps. I
shall not repeat them here as they are clearly emphasized in the
various paragraphs of this paper. These researches concern all
the participants in this seminar, as the history, the chronology,
the social composition and the commercial administration of
Kos have much to gain from a thorough study of the precise
identification, the production pattern, the location of the work
shops, the fabric and the stamps of the Koan amphorae. It is
to be hoped that cooperation will lead to progress significant
enough to reconvene this seminar and present to the scientific
world some new, solid data.
Ghald Finkielsztejn
Israel Antiquities Authority
Haifa University
POB 68141
JL-91680 JERUSALEM
Email: Gerald.finkielsztejn@fnac.net
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et des timbres amphoriques a types monCtaires', in
llpaxnKci r:ov LileBvoV.; EnUJ1:t]J.lOvtKoV Evp
n6awv O(vo.; naA.az6.; t]Ovn6r:o.;. To Kpt]r:tK6
Kpao( an6 r:a npofor:optKd w.; r:a ve6upa
xp6vta. Kodvaf)ot. Llrfpo.; ''N. Ka(avr(dKlS"
24-26 AnpzA.(ov 1998), Hcraklion 2002, 1 37-145.
31 Finkielsztejn 2002.
Boreas 28
 164 Gerald Finkielsztejn
Fraser & P.M. Fraser & E. Matthews,A lexicon ofGreekper
Matthews 1987 sonal names I. The Aegean islands, Cyprus, Cyrena
ica, Oxford 1987.
Garlan 1993 Y. Garlan, 'A qui Ctaient destines Jes timbres am
phoriqucs grecs?', CRAI J993, 181-190.
Grace 1962 V. Grace, 'Stamped handles of commercial ampho
rae', in Excavations at Nessana (Auja Hafir, Pales
tine) I, ed. H.D. Colted, London 1962, 106-130.
Grace 1965 V. Grace, 'The commercial amphorae from the
Antikythera shipwreck', TAPS 55, 1965, 5-17.
Grace 1979 V. Grace, Amphorae and the ancient wine trade
(Excavations of the Athenian Agora. Picture Book, 6)
2nd rev. ed., Athens 1979.
Grace & V. Grace & 1.-Y. Empereur, 'Un groupe d'amphores
Empereur 1981 ptolemalques estampillees', BIFAO 81 (Supplement
du centenaire), 1981, 409-426.
Grace & V. Grace & M. Savvatianou-PCtropoulakou, 'Lcs
P6ti'Opoulakou timbres amphoriques', in DJ!os XXVII. L 'flot de
1970 la Maison des comediens, ed. Ph. Bruncau, Paris
1970, 277-382,
Kantzia 1994 C. Kantzia, 'Evct x e p c q.n x6 e p y ctoc"ll p t o
O:tJ.cpopiwv cou npWcou f.(taoU cou 4ou ctt. n.X.
O"t"l)V Kw', in T' EmOT1JJ.lOVIX1} 1Jvvtin1]G1J yur
oryv EA...iryvtanxt] Kepaj.ltXr}, Xpovo...ioy1]f.liva
Boreas 28
'
"''
aVvola, epyaart]pza, 24-27 EenrctJ{Jpfov
8eaaaAov(x1J 1991, Athens 1994, 323-354.
Lawall 2003 M. LawaU, 'Archaeological context and Aegean
amphora chronologies: a case study of Hellenistic
Ephesos', in Transport amphorae and trade in the
eastern Mediterranean. Acts of the international
colloquium held at the Danish Institute at Athens,
26-29 September, 2002 (Monographs of the Danish
Institute at Athens, 5), eds. J. Eiring & 1. Lund,
Athens 2003 (forthcoming).
Macalister 1901 R.A.S. Macalister, 'Amphora handles with Greek
stamps from Tell Sandahannah', PEFQ 33, 1901,
25-43, 124-144, 394-397,
Maiuri 1925 A. Maiuri, 'Appendice I . Iscrizioni anforarie di Cos ',
in A. Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrafica di Rodi e Cos,
Firenze 1925, 245-249.
Sztetyllo 1975 S. Sztetyllo, 'Timbres amphoriqucs grccsdcs foui!lcs
polonaises \ A!exandrie (1962--1972)', EtTrav 8,
1975, 159-235.
Wallace P.M. Wal!ace-Matheson & M.B. Wallacc, 'Some
Matheson & amphora capacities', Hesperia 5 1 , 1982, 293-320.
Wallacc 1982
Whitbread 1995 l.K. Whitbread, Greek transport amphorae. A pet
rological and archaeological study, Athens 1995.
 Eirene Poupaki
Quarries of the Hellenistic Age on the Island of Kos and
Possible Uses of the Stones Extracted
Abstract
The main interest of the Koans in the exploitation of natural resources
during the whole Hellenistic period is reflected by the emergence of
local quarries of marble, travertine, granite and volcanic stones.
l . The Mt. Dikaios marble outcrops provided stone suitable for
architecture, sculpture, altars, inscribed material, bases and pedestals,
from the 5th century RC. onwards. Their exploitation was organised
in the 3rd century RC. and they remained in use until the late Roman
and early Christian period,
2. The travertine, extracted at Pyli, was mostly used in Koan ar
chitecture. The recently discovered quarry near Paliomylos Hill must
have supplied the material needed since the Classical period, but was
active in the Hellenistic times, too.
3. Little is known about the Koan granite, but its use is attested
in the Hellenistic architecture, Ptolemaic sculpture and the carving of
vessels. The location of granite outcrops in the mountain above East
Kardamaina is probable.
4. The volcanic stones from the Kefalos peninsula were mainly
chosen for the foundations of the Hellenistic buildings. Their use for
carving domestic implements and industrial equipment is also attested
in the same period.
The views expressed above are based upon observations and
bibliographical references. The sampling of stone from ancient quar
ries and archaeological finds, which is indispensable for chemical and
petrological analysis, is inadequate and does not permit any further,
permanent conclusions.
Introduction*
The archaeological research of the last century has brought to
light important evidence of the prosperity of Kos during the
Hellenistic period.1 The self-sufficiency of the island, the so
called 'odrnipxeto:', contributed largely to the stimulation of
the Koan economy, which was based on agriculture, husbandry
and trade. However, the native Koans managed, through the
exploitation of the island's poor mineral resources and its
great diversity of rocks, to reduce to some extent the import
of goods and to support the finances of their state, especially
after natural disasters had occurred, such as earthquakes, which
were frequent during the late Hellenistic period.
The lithic material used by the highly skilled Koan artists
or by just the simple craftsmen of the Hellenistic era and its
To my professor,
Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras
probable sources constitute the main topic of this paper, which
is part of a project organised by the Deptartment of History
andArchacology (Faculty ofArchaeology and History ofArt)
of the University of Athens and encouraged by Prof. G. Kok
korou-Alevras, to whom this paper is dedicated.
Quarries
Kos belongs to the active volcanic arc of the Aegean Sea,2 but,
unlike the other islands of the arc, it is predominantly non
volcanic.3 As a matter of fact, there is a wide variety of rock
formations and, consequently, a great number of quarries.
* I am grateful to Chatzikonstantinou Achilleas, the geologist with
whom I collaborated for morethan five years in the study ofthe ancient
quarries of Kos. His contribution to our knowledge of these quarries
is significant; he has provided an the geological information inchtded
in this study and revised the study itself. I also thank my tutQr, Prof.
G. Kokkorou-Alevras, for her constant encouragement duripg the re
search and for her efforts to secure financial support for the chemical
analysis ofthe stone material. I am also grateful to her for the informa
tion concerning the quarry of Ayia Eirene. My thanks are also due to
Dr. V. Kylikoglou, of the N.S.C.R. "Democritos", who conducted the
I.N.A.A. analysis of stone samples, to Dr. I. Basiakos for the analysis
of a sample of the iron wedge found in the Pyli quarry, to Profs. K.
Kyriakopoulos and M. Dermitzakis, ofthe Geological Department of
the University of Athens, who supervised the petrological analysis of
rock samples from the quarries, to the architect G. Antoniou for the
survey in the Kokkinonero and Vourinna area and for the architec
tural drawing of the building discovered in Pyli quany,to the military
staff of the camp of armoured vehicles, "Ioannis Makrygiannis" (the
Commander, Mr. M. Tzanakis, the Lieutenant, Mr. D. Felas and the
Cadet, Mr. An. Ravanos), and to NikosAntoniadis, who prepared the
photographs and the slides. I am also indebted to the KB' Ephorate of
Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities ofthe Dodecanese, who gave me
permission for this study and, especially to Dr. D. Bosnakis and the
archaeologist El. Skerlou, who allowed me to study the unpublished
manuscript of L. Laurenzi. Finally, I am also grateful to Dr. Katya
Manteli, who read through and corrected my English text.
1 SherwinWhite 1978, 224-229; HOghammar 1 993, 34-36.
2 Keller 1982 , 3 1 7-318,
3 Keller et al. 1990, 16.
Boreas 28
 166 Eirene Poupaki
Fig. I . Extraction site of Ayia Eirene. Photo G. KokkorouAlevras.
1. Marble quarries
The extraction of white, grey or colourveined marble from the
quarries of Mt. Dikaios (ancient IIptwv or Opof.!iOwv) made
an important change in the evetyday life of the Koans. The
mountainous bulk of Dikaios, consisting of volcano-sedimen
tary formations (phyllites, pc lites, sandstones, limestones and
marbles), dominates the north-eastern part of Kos.4
According to the archaeological reports of the last century,
the use ofKoan marble began in the 2nd century B.C., along with
the emergence of local marble quarries.5 As a result, the marble
ofthe Koan architectural or sculptural remains and other artefacts
dated before the 2nd centmy B. C. was thought to be imported/'
despite the lack of identification by the chemical analysis of
marble samples. Nevertheless, recent excavations have brought
to light many artefacts dated before the 3rd century, even in the
5th century B. C., made of marble comparable to that from the
Mt. Dikaios quarries. Despite the fact that neither petrological
nor geochemical analysis has been undertaken on them," it seems
probable that Koan marble was used since the late 5th cent. B. C.,
a date that immediately precedes the synoecism of Kos.8 How
ever, the emergence ofKoan marble quarries cannot be securely
dated earlier than the 3rd cent. B. C., since the primitive use of
Borea.\' 28
fig. 2. Extraction site of Ayios Georgios. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
Koan marble does not necessarily mean systematic quarrying
but only a tempormy search for suitable material.
There has not been any systematic study of the Mt.
Dikaios quarries whatsoever, since the exhaustive surveys
of lak . Zarraftis, Supervisor of Antiquities on the island, at
the beginning of the 20th century. He managed to visit many
sites on Mt. Dikaios and mcntioned9 a lot of"marb!e-quarries"
of white and colour-veined marble. However, as he failed
to distinguish the natural occurrences of marble, unsuitable
for extraction, from the rea! ancient quarries, as a matter of
fact his references on this point arc rather confusing.10 Since
I PoupHki & Chatikonstantinou 200 ! , 542.
' Morricone ! 956, 56; Laurcnzi ! 932, 67; Laurenzi !956, 395; Susini
1957, 35; LintCrt 1976, 8 1 .
1' Sherwin-\Vhite 1 9 7 8 , 3 7 .
" The only analyses undertaken or marble samples are the one o n the
marble of the Dionysus altar, which proved that it originated from the
Mt. Dikaios quarries. and another, from an earlier stele of an Athenian
monetary decree of the 5th century B.C.. which proved to be of non
Koan origin: Stampolidis 1987, 74; GcorgiadCs 1965.
Prcisshofcn ! 989, 1 8: Stampolidis 1987, 223.
'' Zarraftis 1 92 1 , 1 1 . 1 3- 1 5, 34-49, 90, !06.
111 A. Chatzikonstantinou and I had visited, in October 2000, the hunous
 Quarries of the Hellenistic Age on the Island ofKos and Possible Uses ofthe Stones Extracted
Zarraftis' time, only fragmentary observations have been
made on the marble quarries of Mt. Dikaios; the only extrac
tion sites ever to be visited are the easily reached ones close
to the sea, located on the south slopes of the mountain, near
Kardamaina 11 (Ayia Eirene (Fig. 1)),12 Marmara,13 Profetis
Helias), 14 or Central Kos (Ayios Georgios above Zia (Fig.
2)). 15 The contemporary quarries were active until the Second
World War or even later.16
The marble identified as Koan is usually white, thick
grained and, sometimes, bluish and grey-veined; its macro
scopic similarity with the marbles from Paros and Thasos is
clear. 17 These particular features are often traced even in the
architecture and sculpture of the island in the middle of the
5th century B.C. 18 and the late 4th century B.C.19 Especially in
architecture, marble was used on a small scale and was often
combined with travertine (for example, the Ionic colonnade of
temple B20 in the Asclepieion).
The beginning of the 3rd century B.C. was a turning-point
in the organised exploitation ofthe domestic natural resources,
including quarries and mines. The growing preference for local
marble is reflected in the first phase of the building activity in
theAsclepieion21 and the public buildings erected in the harbour
quarter,22 where the white marble was exclusively used in the
upper parts and alternated with rows ofbluish or greyish marble
and travertine in the lower partsY
The use oflocal marble in the sculpture of the 3rd century
and the early 2nd century B. C. is, also, very common.24 On
the other hand, the use of foreign marbles could not have been
avoided, owing to the attachment ofthe craftsmen and patrons
of the statues to the traditional, high-quality marbles, such as
the Parian, the Pentelic or the Proconnesian. However, the style
of sculptures remained Koan.2s
After the middle of the 3rd century B. C., the production
of sepulchral, round altars carved in marble flourished in Kos
and Rhodes26 and on the opposite Carian coastY The local Mt.
Dikaios marble was preferred forthe manufacture of the Koan
examples.28 The existence ofconsiderable quantities ofmarble,
suitable for sculpture, in Kos must have led to novel, artistic
approaches by the craftsmen, who should be considered as
pioneers in altar production.29 Koan marble altars were fOund in
many mainland cities across the Aegean, such as Iasos, Halikar
nassos, Keramos and Knidos, as well as in the neighbouring
islands, for example, Nisyros, Kalymnos and Delos or even
in remote ones, for example, Chios.30 Their large number and
dispersion suggest that organised marble workshops existed
in the vicinity of Mt. Dikaios quarries and produced not only
altars, but also statues, architectural parts and other artefacts,31
which could be exported abroad.
During the first half of the 2nd century B.C., Kos devel
oped a monumental character, praised by Diodorus (Bib!. Hist.
15.76) and Strabo (Georg. 1 4.657). The rebuilding of the town
and the reorganisation of the Asclepieion and Gymnasion
were encouraged by the Pergamene rulers and especially by
Eumenes 11.32 Such a building activity demanded large quanti-
167
marble quarry on Mt. Dikaios in the vicinity of the old church ofAyia
Pokou, known today as Plakeri, but no traces of ancient quarrying
were found.
11 GeorgiadCs 1965, 424. He does not mention the particular name of
the quarry site, but, from the description given, I suppose that it is the
one that Professors Alevras and Ka!opissi had visited in the summer
of'91 (see n. l2}.
1 2 Profs. Alevras and Kalopissi visited a quarry in the vicinity of
Kardamaina, at Ayia Eirene, but they did not observe any ancient
toolmarks.
13 Manuscript ofL. Laurenzi, with his personal notes and commentary
on Koan antiquities.
14 Sherwin-White 1978, 19-20, n. 47.
15 Nearby, the ruins of a medieval settlement and the late Byzantine
church of Ayios Georgios are still visible.
1 6 Stampolidis 1987, pl. 1 1 .
11 Kantzia 1986, 1 , n. I .
1 8 Preisshofen 1975, 3 1-35.
19 For example, a the colossal foot of a cultstatue from theAsclepieion
(Preisshofen 1 989, no. 45, see also pp. 82-83}, the sculptures of the
Asclepius altar (Preisshofen 1989, nos. 1-18), those of Demeter's
sanctuary at Kyparissi (Preisshofen 1 989, 3 1-35, n. 18) and Epicurus,
the so-called "Hippocrates", from the Odeion of Kos (Preisshofen
1989. no. 19. 79, n. 251; Bol 1975).
2 Kontes 1 956, 28; Herzog & Schazmann 1932, 36-37; Hoepfner
1 984, 358-361 .
2 1 Sherwin-White 1 978, 96. During that phase, the formation of the
Asclepieion levels took place, through the construction ofheavy sup
porting walls of travertine (see below) and the altar of Asdepius on
the second level of the Asclepieion was built (Herzog & Schazmann
1932, 25-29, 73-75; Sahin 1 972, 92-96, 1 17, 1 1 9).
2
2 The double sanctuary ofAphrodite Pandemos and Pontia was thought
to date from that period (Morricone, 67), though recently F. Sirano
has proposed a datingin the late 1st century B. C., based upon the ar
chitectural resemblance of the monument to the early Roman temples
in Rome (Sirano unpublished; Livadiotti 1996, 1 14). The sanctuary
of Herakles in the harbour quarter also dates from that period (Mor
ricone 1950, 63).
23 Morricone 1950, 66; Rocco l996a, 1 19.
24 A female figure (Kos Museum no. 13, earlier 69, Rhodes Museum
no. 1 3579; c. 280 B.C.; Preisshofen 1987, nos. 51, 85-90, 1 1 9-120,
233-236, for earlier literature), a female portrait head of natural size
(Kos medieval castle cat. no. PBE 505; early 3rd century B.C.; Pre
isshofen 1 987, no. 1 16, pp. 1 18, 320-32 1) and two male heads, all
discovered in the statuary deposit ofthe Roman Odeion (Kos medieval
castle cat. nos. PBE 500 & PBE 492, second half of the 3rd century
B.C.; Preisshofen 1987, nos. 1 10, 101-102, 3 14-31 5 and no. 78,pp.
102, 279-280, for earlier literature), the unpublished fragment ofa head
ofAthena or Aphrodite (Kos Museum no. 64; Preisshofen 1 987, 9 1 , n.
315). and the group of small statuettes from the sanctuary ofDemeter
in Kyparissi (Istanbul Mus. cat. no. 1 148; first ha1fofthe 3rd centmy
B.C.; Preisshofen 1987, no. 100, pp. 92, 306, for earlier literature).
20 Preisshofen 1987, 18, n. 26, pp. 90....94.
26
Berges 1 996, 66--67, 70-7 1 .
27 Fraser 1977,29.
28 Berges 1996, 24.
29 Berges 1996, 23-24, 45, 60, 70; Fraser 1 977, 30-31 .
30 Berges 1996, 43.
31 HOghammar 1999, 223.
32 Herzog & Schazmann 1 932, 72-74; HOghammar 1993, 25, n. 25
(for earlier literature); Stampolidis 1987 249, n. 901. However, the
extent of the financial contribution of Eumenes II to the rebuilding of
theAsclepieion and, especially, to the foundation of the Doric temple
of Asclepius (temple A) has recently been revised: Damaskos 1999,
1 ! 0, n. 222.
Boreas 28
168 Eirene Poupaki
ties of stone, which was provided by the Mt. Dikaios quar
ries, hence this period is called "periodo del marmo".33 The
local greyish or bluish marble was still combined with white
marble and travertine in the lower parts of the buildings, as
was also the case with the buildings of the early Hellenistic
period.34 The use of other stone material for the visible parts
of the buildings was generally avoided, but was preferred
for the foundations in order to reduce the cost. Sometimes
a local, black marble or hard limestone35 alternated in the
lower parts of the buildings with series of white or grey,
local marble, for example, in the early Hellenistic altar of
Asclepius in the Asclepieion,36 or was preferred for parts of
the building susceptible to damage through intensive use, for
example, thresholds.37
The architectural taste for marble during the 2nd century
B.C. is manifested in the monuments oftheAmygdalona quar
ter (the "temple ofAmygdalona"38 and the altar ofDionysus39)
and theAsclepieion40 (the Doric templeA ofAsclepius41 and the
perimetric stoa,42 on its third terra.ce), as well as in the renova
tion oftheAgora, where the interior of the perimetric stoas and
the central area were paved with marble slabsY
The sculptors ofthe first halfof the 2nd century B.C. con
tinued to extract marble from the Mt. Dikaios quarries.44 The
adoption ofKoan technique and perhaps Koan marble in the
manufacture of some statues in the vicinity of Kos enriches
our knowledge of Koan exports of such works, despite the
lack of chemical analysis. In fact, a group of statuettes found
in Alexandria (of the first half of the 2nd century B.C.),45
a torso of a young man from the pronaos of the temple of
Athena in Priene, now in the British Museum (no. 1 1 52),46
and the male torso from the theatre of Magnesia, now in the
Smyrna Museum (Izmir, no. 505) (of c. 150 B. C.)" are all
attributed to the Koan workshop and may have been carved
in Koan marble. Furthermore, fifteen altars, found in the
Lapidarium, and three more, found in the modem stadium
of Mandraki, on Nisyrus, are probably made of the same
material.48 The marble of the Amazonomachia Frieze in the
Halicarnassian Mausoleum was thought also to be Koan,49
but recent chemical analysis proved that a variety of marbles
had been used.5
During the late 2nd and 1st centuries B.C., the political
turmoil and the piratical invasions affected seriously the Koan
economy. Despite the lack of evidence of a cultural stagnation
during the late Hellenistic period, 51 few architectural works of
that period have been preserved. The most impressive were built
inHalasama: the temple A,52 the building B53 and the incomplete
stoa,54 all constructed of white and greyish-bluish local mar
ble.55 Local marble could have also been used for the luxurious
late Hellenistic, decorative pavement of the "Casa Romana".56
Koan marble was used too for the construction of the temple
ofZeus Alseios in Kos,57 but the dating of the monument in the
late Hellenistic period58 is not plausible.59 The general absence
of architectural activity in the late second century does not
necessarily mean that the local quarrying of marble halted. On
Borr:as 28
n Morricone 1950, 56. R. Herzog identifies the period 196-66 B.C. in
the building activity on theAsclepieion, as the "period of marble".
34 Morricone 1950, 56. The use of alternate rows of white/greyish
marble and black limestone on the altar ofAsclepius in theAsclepieion,
at the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. is comparable. This technique
was also applied to the architecture of other neighbouring areas, such
as the altar ofKnidos excavated by Love (Stampolidis 1987, 223, fOr
earlier literature).
35 L Zarraftis mentions that black marble was extracted below the
site of Chdstos of Dikaios. He calls the sites Skamni tis Drakissas
(= Shedragon's Stool) and Mauropetra (= Black stone) (Zarraftis
1921, 48-49).
36 Kontes 1 956, 28; Herzog & Schazmann 1932, 36-37; Hocpfner
1 984, 358-361.
37 Similar thresholds were used in temples A and C ofancient Halasarna
(Alevras, in this volume), and templesA (Herzog & Schazmann 1932,
3) and B ofthe Asclepieion. Schazmann thought that they were previ
ously used in another building (ibid. 37). The same material is attested
in the construction of a box, caHed "thesaurus", found in temple B of
theAsclepieion, too (ibid. 36; Herzog 1903, 190).
38 Rocco 1 996b, 122-125.
39 Stampolidis 1987. A reconsideration of the altar's dating had been
recently attempted by Damaskos 1999, 1 10, n. 220.
40 Preisshofen 1989, 124; Herzog & Schazmann 1 932, 3.
41 Kontes 1956, 28-29.
42 Kontes 1956, 29.
43 Morricone 1950, 72.
44 For example, the famous boxer's stele (Kos Museum no. 5, earlier
no. 77, Rhodes Museum cat. no. E 704, late 3rd to first half of the
2nd century B.C.; Preisshofen 1 989, nos. 20, 1 08-1 1 1 , 188-191, for
earlier literature), a torso ofAphrodite, in natural size (unnumbered,
first half ofthe 2nd century B. C.; Preisshofen 1989, nos. 64, 160, 260,
for earlier literatqre) and three male torsos and a male statue from the
Odeion (Kos Museum no. 1 1 , earlier no. 71, Rhodes Museum cat. no.
13619, 4/Kos Museum no. 4, earlier no. 78, Rhodes Museum cat. no.
E 26/Kos Museum no. 22, earlier no. 88, Rhodes Museum cat. no.
13619, 2/Rhodes, central atrium of the Grea.t Magister's Palace, no.
699, Rhodes Museum cat. no. 13578, beginning ofthe 2nd centwy B.C.
& c. 160-150 B.C.; Preisshofen 1989, nos. 23, 24, 32, 33, 126-127,
130-132, 136-137, 195-198, 205-2 1 1 , for earlier literature).
45 Adriani 1 946, 32, n. 17, nos. 2-6, 7; Linfert 1976, 77, n. 240;
Preisshofen 1989, 129, nn. 502-506.
46 Carter 1983, 278.
41 Magnesia, 208.
48 Berges 1 996, 43, n. 133.
49 Stampo!idis 1989, 45-49.
50 Walker & Matthews 1 997, 49-59.
51 Sherwin-White 1978, 1 38-140; Bemhardt 1985, 57; H6ghammar
1 993, 28-30.
. 52 The attribtJtion of temple A to Apollo was proposed by Ch. Kantzia
(Kantzia 1 990, 1 57-159), but it was rejected by Prof. Alevras, a
few years later, due to the new findings of the excavation (Alcvras
2001).
53 It has been suggested that it could be an altar or a ramp (Alevras et
al. 1985, 7; Alevras & Kalopissi).
54 Alevras & Kalopissi 1995, 1 5 1-154, no. 40 and 43.
$S Alevras & Kalopissi 1995, 157 (for earlier bibliography).
56 "ll mosaico piU antico e l'emblema con pesci in opus vermicu!atum
a\ centre del pavimento del vano XVII, databile ad eta tardo-ellenistica"
(Aibertocchi 1 996, 126, 1 28).
57 Morricone 1950, 244 (n. 58).
58 That dating is based upon the connection of its cult with the cults of
the Gymnasion, during the late Helienistic and early imperial periods
(Sherwin-White 1978, 295).
59 As a matter of fact, Morricone 1950, 244, proposed a dating in
 Quarries of the Hellenistic Age on the Island ojKos and Possible Uses of the Stones Extracted
the contrary, the marble workshops continued to manufacture
statues, altars and other sculptural artefacts. The peaceful co
existence of Romans and natives is attested by the erection of
their honorary statues, &Opt&vtet;;, standing side by side.60 Many
ofthese statues are thought to be oflocal marble.61
The Koan altar production boosted after the middle of the
2nd century B.C.,62 but did not manage to surpass the Rhodian
one.63 It declined after the end ofthe 2nd century B.C., affected
by the Mithridatic Wars and piratical attacks, and must have
vanished before 50 B.C.64
The use of local marble for the construction of simple,
inscribed stelae must have been inevitable, even before the
3rd century B.C. Unfortunately, the material of an inscribed
artefact, as well as its provenance, is often commented on
vaguely in the relevant publications. There are some excep
tions, such as the white marble used for the inscribed, bilingual
slab of "Abdalonymos" of the end of the 4th century B.C.,
that could have originated from the Mt. Dikaios quarries.65
The abundance of inscribed material in Kos presupposes the
existence of suitable lithic material, which would provide a
smooth surface, without crevices or depressions, and help the
engraver to produce a readable text. The best imperishable
material for such a use was marble66 and the most convenient
for a native was the Mt. Dikaios marble. Inscriptions are
often preserved on statue bases or pedestals, many of which
are made of marble. Such bases were frequent in the entire
Hellenistic period, and especially in the late 1st century B.C.
and the 1st century A.D.67 The marble workshops, located
probably in the vicinity of the quarries, produced all types of
objects carved in marble. Pieces of marble discarded after the
first detachment of a block from the quarry's face could be
easily used to form a stele or a base. The use of Koan marble
in the carving of vessels has not yet been confirmed by the
literary sources.68
The lack of marble sources in areas where important
schools of sculpture flourished suggests that in these areas
imported marble was used too. Could, for instance, the Rhodian
or Delian stone carvers import marble from a neighbouring,
marble-producing island,69 such as Kos? The strong affiliations
between the sculptural techniques of the Delian and the Koan
Hellenistic sculptors/0 the Koan stylistic influences on the
Rhodian7 1 and Delian altar production,72 and on the sculpture
discovered in the northern part ofLetoon in Xanthos73 and in
the western part of ancient Knidos,74 the probable Koan origin
of the marble used for some Rhodian sculptures and the fact
that certain sculptural fragments found on Kos fit together
with others found on Rhodes75 are some of the reasons for
believing that the island's craftsmen worked together76 or that
they travelled and worked for short periods in other areas,
usually not remote ones. So they suggested new materials for
carving and exchanged experiences and technical details. 77
Indeed, the idea of the coexistence and collaboration ofHel
lenistic sculptors agrees best with the social conditions of the
Hellenistic period.78
169
2. Travertine quarries
The travertine, known as 6:J.LuyOaA6netpa (= almond stone)
in Kos, is a porous and sometimes banded limestone, well
consolidated, ofwhitish or yellowish colour. It is a sedimentary
rock, owing its formation to a chemical process of soaking and
corrosion of calcareous rocks by sulphurous solutions, which
are contained in metallic spring water, sometimes related to
the 2nd century B.C., judging from the architectural details of the
monument.
ro Preisshofen 1 989, 125; HOghammar 1993, 84-85.
61 Such as the two female statues (Kos Museum no. 17, earlier no. 83,
Rhodes Museum cat. no. 13592 and Kos Museum no. 19, earlier no. 85;
second half ofthe 2nd century B.C. and 1st century B.C.; Preisshofen
1 989, nos. 57 and 60, 148-151, 155-156, 248-251 , 255-257, (for
earlier literature), the two colossal male statues (Kos Museum no. 12,
earlier no. 70, Rhodes Museum cat. no. 13619, 3, and garden of the
Great Magister's Palace in Rhodes, Rhodes Museum cat. no. 13619,
5; c. 150-140 B.C. and second half of the 2nd century B.C., Preiss
hofen 1989, nos. 35 & 40, 1 38-140, 213-215, 221-222, for earlier
literature) and a head of a male portrait (Rhodes, central atrium of the
Great Magister's Palace, no. E 694, Rhodes Museum cat. no. 13618;
Claudian period; Preisshofen 1989, no. 36, pp. 142, 2 1 5-217, for ear
Iier literature), aU from the Odeion, a late Hellenistic male head from
Antimachia (Kos MuseUm cat. no. 13, PBE 490; Preisshofen 1989,
nos. 1 1 1 , 163-164, 3 1 5-316), a fragmented female head (unnumbered;
Preisshofen 1 989, no. 94, pp. 175, 299-300, for earlier literature), a
male head in the Louvre, attributed to a son of Praxite!es (Paris, Lou
vre, cat. no. 850; beginning of the lst century B.C.; Preisshofen 1989,
no. 83, pp. 164-165, 286-287, for earlier literature) and another one,
now in Kos Museum (K.os Museum cat. no. 5, PBE 491, after 50 B. C.;
Preisshofen 1989, no. l l3, pp. 166-167, 3 1 7-318).
62
The multiple imitations and copies of the Rhodian profiles and
mouldings by the local workshops of Cyprus, Delos and Sicily, in the
course of the 2nd century B. C., indicate the Rhodian supremacy in
altar production: Berges 1996, 70-71 .
63 Berges 1996, 77-83.
M Berges 1996, 7 1 .
65 Kantzia 1986, 1 , n . I .
6 Most o f the inscribed material in the recent publication o f Koan
inscriptions after the death of M. Segre (Segre 1993) is of white or grey
marble. It would have been impossible and very expensive to import
all that marble simply for carving aU these slabs or stclae, The marble
was "a material locally at hand on Cos" (HOghammar 1997, 127).
7 HOghammar 1993, 107, 1 10.
68 Close similarities of the material of some of the vase fragments dis
covered during the excavation in Halasarna to the Mt. Dikaios marble
were observed, but those vases are dated in the late Roman and early
Christian period: Poupaki unpublished, 19.
69
Merker 1973, 6; Jockey 1998, 178; Stampolidis 1989, 45-49.
70 Jockey 1998, 183, idem 1 999, 3 1 0-313.
71 Berges 1 996, 70.
n Fraser 1 977, 29-31 .
n Davesnes & Marcade 1969, 140, 144-145.
74 Bruns-Ozgan 1997.
'15 Preisshofen 1 989, 17.
16 Preisshofen 1989, 17; Jockey 1998, 183.
17 Jockey 1998, 183.
73 Linfert 1976, 83. Independent schools of sculpture existed on the
islands of Kos and Rhodes (ibid. 67-82; Preisshofcn 1989; Merker
Boreas 28
170 Eirene Poupaki
Fig. 3. General view of the main quarry in Pyli. Photo Ach. Chatzikonstantinou.
volcanic activity. The particularity in the geological formation
oftravertine, observed even by Antigonus ofCarystos (Call.
I!, fr. 100 f. 35)79 at the end of the 3rd century B. C., prompted
the scholars80 of the last century to look for a quarry of a
similar rock in the area around the springs of Vourinna and
Kokkinonero, springs related to the cult of Asclepius.81 After
an intensive surface survey of the area around these springs,82
a low hill oftravertine was discovered, but no traces ofextrac
tion activity83 or related archaeological evidence of an ancient
quany, such as tool marks, chipped stone or potsherds.
According to the geology of the island, travertine forma
tions exist near the mountainous unit ofDikaios, specifically
to the north of the modern village of Pyli. This area had
been explored by I. Zarraftis,34 who had observed an or
ganised quany of travertine: "Llunx6-repa [of Mesovouno]
tnpoUvtat t0:1tf.:t v6-repa en netpWOTj UH.i>f.LO:'t"O:, t<p ' Wv
noAA& AeftJ.ro:v' iXpxo:Cwv <patvono:t. ' Ent tvO<; 0 -rmhwv
cpatvovto:t f.L&pf.Lo:pa Aeux6-rcno: jlf.:'t" ' lijluyOo:AoA({}ou,
<Xcp ' Wv <Xnex6n-rov-ro <XnO toUc; <Xpxo:touc; -r& Aeux6tccro:
tep.&xto: Ot ' ftyyeia xat liyaAf.L&na, xal t Cq..wyOo:At-rou
A&pvo:xec;". During our visit to the site mentioned, we discov
ered exactly the quarry described above. The quarrying traces
are still visible over an extended area, adjacent to the modern
road leading to the village ofPyli. The most impressive part of
the quarry, where the best quality oftravertine was extracted,
is situated on the hill north of Paliomylos, especially on its
western slope (Fig. 3). The stepped anaglyph of the hill was
fonned by the continuous extraction (Fig. 4). In its central part,
a path was discovered, bordered by pole-holes for the poles to
which the cords for the transfer of the extracted blocks were
attached. Chipped stone and cut blocks are scattered all over
the area of the quarry, while on the highest part of the hill there
are architectural remains of a building, consisting of three
Boreas 28
1973, 20, n. 2), during the entire Hellenistic period, but no features ofa
specific regional school have been observed in the Hellenistic sculpture
ofDelos (Marcade 1 969, 469-496; Jockey 1 998, 177). Some scholars
have been persuaded of the dependence of the Hellenistic Rhodian
school of sculpture upon the Koan one, because ofthe "political events
of modem times", according to G. Merker (Merker 1973, 5, n. 2).
In spite ofits important role in relation to the sculpture ofRhodes and
De!os, the HeUenistic KOan sculpture did not manage to avoid influences
(Linfert 1976, 82). Some scholars still support the idea that the Pergamene
influences (Susini 1957, 35; Laurenzi 1956, 59--60; idem 1959, 795-800,
s.v. Coo; Hansen 1971, 292; Stampo\idis 1987, 228-248; Preisshofen
1989, 17, 123-124; on architecture; Herzog 1903, 8- 10) were rather
stronger than the Rhodian ones on the Koan school ofsculphlrc. Although
Kos remained in the sphere ofRhodian commerce and the Koan coinage
was minted to the Rhodian standard, it was only in the period btWCen c.
!50 and 90 B.C. that Kos minted tetrobols adaptable to the RJiodian and
the Athenian standards, in order to facilitate its intemationaFirade (!<roll
1964, 8 1-86, Merker 1973, 20, n. 2, HOghammar \993, 36).
N Schneider 1873, 345-346.
80
Herzog 1899, 156-157; idem 1903, 5, 192-193; unpublished manu
script of L. Laurenzi.
Bl Antigonus thought that a quarry of big, porous blocks had been
found in the vicinity of these springs: " . . . On ex 'tOi.l6e 'tOi.l U6a'tO<;
oi K4)oL AHJou<; AawJ.n)oane<;; nw66rjoo:v 'tO bia-rpov" (Sch
neider 1 873, 345-346). The same point of view was expressed by
Goryeix (1897, 207-208), Herzog (1899, 1 57) and Laurcnzi (in his
unpublished manuscript). This piece of infOrmation was confirmed
by recent research conducted by the LG.M.R. (Greek lnstitttte of
Geological and Mineral Research), which located some marly and
travertinoid limestones, called pelsparites, east of Kokkinonero and
Vourinna (Triantaphyllis 1998).
82 Zarraftis (50) had seen, around the spring, low, porous hills, which
were quarried for the construction ofthe fountain ofVourinna (Herzog
1 899, 159-161, idem 1903, 8, 193). During our survey of that site in
the summer of 1996, we located a restricted and non-organised quarry
of greyish limestone, but not travertine.
83 The long bench at the foot of the hill was cut in order to widen the
modern road.
e4 Zarraftis 192\, I 09.
 Quarries ofthe Hellenistic Age on the island ofKos and Possible Uses ofthe Stones Extracted
l
Fig. 4 . Stepped anaglyph o fthe quarry i n Pyli. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
>fa
LrC
.rs
n the formation of that pattern to the manner in which every qua!'ry
s
Fig. 5. Modern iron wedge stacked inside a block oftravertine
in Pyli quarry. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
rooms.84a Inspite of its uncertain date,85 it should have been
used by the quarryrnen. The preserved tool-marks (the wedge
holes,86 continuous grooves around the traces of extracted
blocks87 and the absence of the a festoni technique88 on the
extraction fronts, thepointille technique,89 etc.) all suggest that
the quany was active mostly in the post-Classical period and
until the end of the Hellenistic era. Its contemporary use can
not be excluded, since we found indisputable traces of modem
quarrying implements.90 Indeed, a modern, intact, iron wedge91
was discovered, stuck inside a block oftravertine (Fig. 5). An
earlier extraction oftravertine from this quarry, even in the Ar
chaic period, is also probable, judging from a few tool-marks,
such as the wedge-holes and the pointilte technique.
The use of travetiine is attested in the Koan architecture,
mainly in the late Classical period and in the whole of the 3rd
century B.C.92 Later uses of travertine can also be observed,
mostly in the Koan architecture. Close to travertine was a
certain type of local white limestone, used in the Classical
sanctumy ofDemeter in Kyparissi, "che in bellezza non la cede
al marmo" Y The lack of references to the exact provenance
ofKoan limestone94 and the special features of the stone used
in Kyparissi, comparable in beauty to marble, enable us to
171
84' For the quarry of travertine in Pyli, see Chatzikonstantinou &
Poupaki 2002, 59-68 and Poupaki & Chatzikonstaninou in print.
There existed a military camp, which we explored after pennission
was given and with the collaboration of the officers. We came across
an extended quany of travcrtine, which was partially destroyed by
the modern military buildings on the east side of the hill. Among the
military buildings a huge accumulation ofcarved travertine blocks with
clear, ancient tool-marks was observed. I suppose that these blocks
were transferred there during the levelling of the ground before the
foundation of the modern installations. A contemporary quarry to the
north, is visible from the provincial road and dominates the summit of
the hill north of Paliomylos. It destroyed the highest part of that hill
and probably part of the ancient extraction front.
85 The lower parts of the walls were constmcted of mbble masonry; the
potsherds compacted in these walls were post-Roman. On the purpose
of similar buildings found in the vicinity of organised quarries, see
KoZelj & Wurch-KoZelj 1995; Bonias 1999.
86 The wedge-holes remind us of those from the Archaic quarries of
Naxos (Fant 1988, 105, fig. 14).
87 The technique ofthe continuous groove replaces the series of dense
wedge-holes in the quarries ofBelevi in the late Classical and Hellenistic
periods (Fant 1988, I05-l06; Alevras I992, 1 1 8-119, n. 54, fig. 14.
8 The a jestoni technique consists of the combination of diagonal
series of shallow carvings, created by the light quarry pick, in such
a way that they form a fish-bone pattern. This technique is dated
by some scholars between the Roman period and the Byzantine era
(Fant 1988, 97; Wae1kens et al. 1 990, 59), but M. Korres (personal
communication) rejects it as a chronological criterion and attributes
man works inside the elongated deep grooves around the block to be
extracted, regardless of chronological periods.
89 The pointilli technique consists of a series of dense point strokes,
which replaces the serieS of wedge-holes. That technique was observed
in the Pyli quarry. On that technique, which appeared after the Archaic
period (Hcrz & Waelkens 1988, I 7-18; Waclkens et al. 1990, 6465 and
Alevras 1992, 1 15. However, the Keilrinne or Keilgraben technique
(it is composed of a series of point strokes or wedgC-holes carved in
shallow trenches around the extracted blocks) is not attested in Pyli
quarry. On that technique, see ROder 1 957 and Kraus & ROdcr 1962.
That technique occurs, according to ROder, in many Imperial quarries,
but his chronological scheme does not apply to the quarries of marble
(Fant 1988, 104-105) or travertine.
9{l I noticed a few, cylindrical, vertical holes, all of the same size,
made by the pneumatic hammer, with the aid of hydraulic equipment
(compare with the extraction of granite in contemporary quarries:
Schumann 1994, 2 1 0).
91 The analysis of a sample from the metal wedge was undertaken by
the Archaeometrical Laboratory ofN .S.C.R. "Demokritos" and proved
that it was made of iron and that it was a recent metal mixture. For
a simiiar wedge, without the secondmy sheets ("napacr<pvta"), see
Chiotis & Papadimitriou 1995, figs. 3--4.
92 That is, since the fOundation ofthe newpolis on the north-east coast,
the Cape Scandario, and until the opening of the Mt. Dikaios marble
quarries, in 366 B.C. (Morricone I 950, 56).
93 Lamenzi 1931, 623.
94 I have not personally examined the material ofKyparissi's statues,
but I would think that the sculptor used a rock related to limestone.
As a matter of fact, the use of a local limestone is often attested for
various archaeological findings in the region ofPyli (tOr example, the
Charmy!eion limestone slabs used for the pavement ofthe upper room:
Schazmann 1934, I 13), but unfortunately no quarries producing that
material are mentioned there. Hence, I propose that travertine or a
related rock were alternatively used for the carving of these sculptures,
because the outcrops ofthese stones are tOund in the neighbourhood of
the sanctumy ofKyparissi. The only known limestone quarries arc those
Boreas 28
172 Eirene Poupaki
identifY that stone as the high-quality, non-porous travertine
from the Mesovouno quarry.
Towards the end of the 4th century B.C., travertine
was widely used in Kos, for example, for temple B of the
Asclepieion,95 the Agora,96 the renovation of the temple of
Demeter,97 the East Stoa of the harbour quarter,% the thea
tre,99 the stoa of tuff to the east of Cardo, 100 the seats of the
stadium101 and the oecus adjacent to the temple of Herakles
in the harbour quarter.102 Travertine was also widely used in
other Koan demoi, for example, in the Charmylos heroon in
Pyli combined with marble, 103 in temple C at Halasarna104
and in another monumental, neighbouring building, which has
not yet been uncovered completely, 1?5 ofthe early Hellenistic
period. The commonest architectural use of travertine in the
Hellenistic period was in the construction ofthe lower parts of
buildings, for example, in the double sanctuary ofAphrodite,
in the sanctuary of Herakles and in the neighbouring oecus,
in the harbour quarter, 106 as well as in the West Gymnasion 107
in the Porta Nuova quarter. The use oftravertine in the Hel
lenistic architecture ofKos was continued during the 3rd and
the 2nd centuries B.C. The stone was also preferred, from
the 4th century B.C. onwards, for massive structures, such as
fortifications. More specifically, it was used in the city walls,
combined with volcanic stones, Jos and in funeral architecture.
In the Propylaea of the Asclepieion dated in the Hellenistic
period, travertine was combined with marble.w9
Further use of travertine in the. Hellenistic period is sel
dom mentioned in the literature. The stone was unsuitable for
sculpture or for architectural ornaments. Only simple patterns
were carved on it, for example, simae or cornices. On the other
hand, Hellenistic vases oftravertine are not so rare.110 Inscribing
on travertine blocks was exceptionally difficult, owing to the
porosity of the material, which caused inevitable gaps in the
text. However, inscribed blocks oftravertine are documented
in recent literature and some of them are dated in the Roman
period.111 Two important inscriptions were found recently in
Halasarna.112 The stone was used for the carving of sarcophagi,
pedestals, statue bases or related objects, for example, a ped
estal for the erection of an honorary statue113 and a column
support of a basin or table114 from Halasarna.
3. Granite quarries
The use of granite is quite common on the island of Kos.
Granite is a well consolidated stone, consisting of white and
black grains; sometimes it gets a yellowish tint, because of its
chemical composition, which resembles the colour of rusty
iron. The exceptional toughness ofthis stone was a key feature
that attracted the Koan stone-carvers.
I. Zarraftis115 and L. Laurenzi11,6. believed that granite and
diorite were quarried at Elaionas, west of Mt. Dikaios; they
had seen plinths and columns of granite on the coast of Ayia
Boreas 28
Eirene, in the vicinity ofHalasarna, and thought that they had
been thrown away by the quarrymen of a neighbouring quarry
probably exhausted during the Roman period. Nevertheless,no
such quarry has ever been found. Geologically speaking, the
existence of granite in the southern part of Kos, as well as in
parts of Mt. Dikaios, is indisputable. 117 The occurrence of that !
I
stone in the medieval settlement ofPalaio Pyli is very conunon
and the natives know it as "lf'o:: pOne-rpo::" (= fishstone).
that Ach. Chatzikonstantinou and I visited on Cape Ag. Fokas, which
are not organised, with greyish (Aklafti 's quany) and purplish limestone
(Piperia's quarry) (Poupaki & Chatzikonstantinou 2001, 545-546).
95 Herzog & Schazmann 1932, 34--36.
96 In particular, it was used on the upper part of the Agora's external
walls, on the pedestal and on the Doric colonnade of its internal portico
(Morricone 1950, 71-72).
97 Limestone was replaced by local travertine in the temple ofDemeter
(Kantzia 1988, 1 80).
9s Morricone 1950, 64--65 ; Livadiotti 1996, 1 2 1 .
'>9 The East Stoa and the theatre were both constructed entirely of
travertine (Livadiotti 1996, 121, 158; Morricone 1950, 64-65).
100
It was built oftravertine and tuff (Morricone 1 950, 231).
1 0 1 Morricone 1 950, 223-224; Zervoudaki 1 977; Rocco 1 996, 152.
102 Rocco 1996, 1 17.
103
Schazmann 1 934.
104 Alevras 200 1 .
Jos Information from the report of the 1 998 excavation, conducted
by Prof. A!evras for the KB' Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical
Antiquities.
106 Morricone 1 950, 62-63, 66-67.
107 Morricone 1 950, 225; Rocco 1996, 145.
108 Morricone 1950,60, 220.
109 Herzog 1903, 195.
110 A bowl oftravertine was found in Halasarna, in.the fiUingoftemple
C: Poupaki unpublished, no. 5.
lll
Segre 1993, ED 2 1 0 (1st century B. C.), BD 232 (2nd century B. C.),
EV 127 (2nd century A.D.), EV 1 96 (after the 3rd century B.<;:.), EV
328 (6th-5th centuries B.C.), EV 330 (5th century B.C.), EV 331 (3rd
century B. C.), EV 332 (4th century B. C), EV 333 (5th century B. C.),
EV 335 bis (lst century B.C.).
112 Cat. nos. 1 1 & 15;Alevras, Emypacp
113 A three-stepped pedestal oftravertine was discovered near temple
C in Halasarna: (Alevras (in this volume)).
114
A support of a table or basin was discovered during an illegal dig
in Halasarna (Poupaki unpublished, no. 6).
115 Zarraftis 1921, 15, 3 1 , 37, 38.
116 Unpublished manuscript ofL. Laurenzi.
11 7 During our recent surveys on the north-eastern slopes of Mt.
Dikaios, above the village of Kardamaina, Mr. Chatzikonstantinou
and I came across an extensive rocky area, where plenty of rubble
blocks of a stone similar to granite or granodiorite existed. No sys
tematic extraction was noted there, owing to the huge quantity of
blocks scattered over an area ofmany square kilometres, which could
easily be taken away. The sites described by Zarraftis and Laurenzi
are situated on the eastern side of the modern village of Kardamaina
(known as Norida Hotel, but replaced by Mitsis Hotel recently),
where bl<lcks of granite rubble had slid downwards from the top
of Mt. Dikaios. This is a preliminary discussion of the site, which
will be published more fully in the future. The chemical analysis on
samples of that stone, undertaken by Prof. Ath. Katerinopoulos, in
the Geological Department of the University of Athens, proved that
the stone discussed is monzonite.
 Quarries ofthe Hellenistic Age on the Island ofKos and Possible Uses ofthe Stones Extracted
---
Fig. 6. Mortar of granite found in the surroun Fig. 7. Quany ofignimbrite on the cape Tigani, Kefalos Bay. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
dings of the medieval castle of Cos. Photo Eir.
Poupaki.
Koan granite was occasionally used in the Hellenistic
period, mostly in architecture, 118 but its use for sculpture was
rather rare. However, a portrait ofPtolemy carved in a "light,
grey coloured granite" with a "typical rose tinge" has recently
been republished.119 Arose tinge is typical ofEgyptian granite,
but it characterizes Koan granite too. Unfortunately, no Koan
granite quarries are known to us. The only granite attested in
Koan sculpture or architecture is thought to be of Egyptian or
Delian origin. 12 Further research will shed light on the hypoth
esis expressed above. According to Prof. Stampolidis,121 there
is some more sculpture in granite and basalt in the storerooms
of the medieval castle ofKos which could be associated with
the Ptolemies and their cult. The analysis of their material,
compared with the local granite, would clarify the extent ofthe
granite extraction in the Hellenistic period on Kos.
The stone was also used for the construction of heavy
vases in the Hellenistic period (Fig. 6) ; 122 mortars of granite
were found in the sanctuary of Halasama, 123 in the settlement
ofPalaio Pyli and in the medieval castle of Kos.
4. Quarries ofvolcanic stones
The islands of Kos, Nisyros and Gyali differ from the neigh
bouring South Sporades in geological formation, because they
are volcanic,124 although Kos is also rich in non-volcanic mate
rial. The volcanic rocks ofKos are found in the south-western
part of the island and especially on the Kefalos peninsula.
The diversity of volcanic stones and their close affiliation
has raised many questions ofidentification. Archaeologists chose
to classify them on the basis of colour, toughness and porosity.
173
(a) Welded ignimbrite or "tuff' or "nwpo<; Ke<j>&icou" or
"JlaAax6ne't'pa"
The commonest rock used by Koans is the welded ignimbrite
ofpurplish or greyish colour, known as "nWpot; Ke<f>&Aou" or
"JlaAaxOne't'pa" or "tl,lff'. The quarry of that stone is situated
on the site of Kamela ( camel) and on the Cape Tigani ( fry
ing-pan, their names derive from the shape), on the northern
part ofthe Kefalos Bay, near the sea (Fig. 7). The ncient quany
was known also to I. Zarraftis, 125 but was fully published by E.
Chiotis, geologist of the Institute of Geological and Mineral
Research. 126 The stone was extracted in large quantities and was
used, during the Hellenistic period, especially for founqfttions,
because of its high resistance to earthquake shocks.127
1 1 8 Columns ofloca! granite were discovered in the early Christian basilica
ofAg. Stephanos at Kefalos Bay (Balducci 1936). In the vicinity of the
harbour basilica in Kos, similar columns were found and probably came
from that building. Some ofthem had been reused in the Carmadino en
trance of the medieval fortifications of the town (Morricone 1950, 66).
H9 Stampo!idis 1997 (for earlier literature).
1 20 Zafeiropoulou 1983, 5, 7, 52.
12 1 Stampolidis 1 997, 142.
1 22 Their dating in the hel!enistic period is obvious, on the basis of the
similarity of their profiles to some Hellenistic examples from Delos:
Ddlos XVIII, 1 03-104, pis. 289-290, 292-293,Athens: Broneer 1938,
212, fig. 46; Knossos: Sackett & Cocking 1992, 392, 394, pis. 327, S
35 d; Cyprus: Hadjisavvas 1 992, 80, fig. 150.
1 2) Poupaki unpublished, 37 (no. 14).
124 Patmos is also a volcanic island, but its volcanism differs in date and
in chemical composition (Wyers & Barton 1986; idem 1987.
1 25 Zarraftis 1921, 17.
126 Chiotis 1 997 (for earlier literature).
1 27 Chiotis 1 997, 121-124.Although no further use of local ignimbrite
is mentiol).ed in the literary sources, I managed to observe bases or
Boreas 28
174 Eirene Poupaki
Fig. 8. Quarry of reddish rhyolite in Peleketa, Kefalos. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
Its use is quite common in the foundations of many Hel
lenistic buildings in Kos, such as the sanctuary ofAphrodite, 128
the oecus west of the sanctuary of Herakles,129 and, probably,
the sanctuary of Herakles in the harbour quarter, the Altar of
Dionysus130 in theAmygdalona quarter, as well as the colormade
of the Agora131 and that of the Gymnasion132 and the Stadium133
in the Porta Nuova quarter. The same material was also placed
in the foundations of the Hellenistic buildings elsewhere on the
island, for example, in the temples A and C and the stoa of the
Sanctuary of Apollo in Halasama. In addition, the same stone
was preferred in Kos for the construction of heavy structures,
such as fortifications, in combination with travertine or other
volcanic stones. For instance, a retaining, stepped, supporting
wall east ofCardo, 134 the city wall near the east entrance135 and
part of the wall to the south of the city, 136 all dated in the 4th
century B.C., were built ofignimbrite.
(b) Rhyolite or ''prasinopetra" or "sideropetra" or ""trachite"
L. Morricone137 called some volcanic stone prasinopetra (=
green-stone) or sideropetra (= iron-stone), but which of these
is the true petrological classification ? A recent ground survey
revealed organised quarries of a volcanic rock called rhyolite on
the Kefalos Peninsula. Rhyolite (=flow-stone) is a very compact,
fine-grained, volcanic rock of varying colours138 and of great
toughness. Quarries ofthat stone are situated in western Kos, on
the sites ofPeleketa, Kastelli and Pyrgi.139 Among them, Peleketa
and Kastelli are ancient quany-sites, which produced a rhyolite
ofreddish, greenish or greyish colour. The reddish rhyolite, usu
ally called red trachite, was long thought to be local, because
of its common use in the architecture of the ancient demos of
Isthrnos. 140 The greyish or greenish rhyolite, namedprasinopetra
or sideropetra, was also considered - a local product, mostly
used in the architecture of Kos.141
Boreas 28
The quany of Peleketa (Fig. 8),'" situated one kilometre
from Palatia to the south-west, covers a large area of more than
2 square kilometres (- 1 sq. mile) on both sides of the country
road leading from Kamares to Lathra. Reddish and greyish
rhyolites, petrologically and chemically analysed,143 have been
used in buildings close to the quany: the sanctuary ofDerneter, 144
below the By;zantine temple ofPanagia Palatiani, the sanctuary of
pedestals of that material, scattered all o.ver the modem town, that
may be of Hellenistic date.
128 Morricone 1 950, 62; Chiotis 1997, fig. 3.
129 Morricone 1950, 66.
uo Stampolidis 1987, 166.
1 3 1 Morricone 1 950, 72.
m Morricone 1950, 225.
m Morricone 1 950, 222.
L\4 Morricone 1 950, 230-231 .
os Morricone 1 950, 60.
n6 Morricone 1 950, 244.
m Morricone 1950, 56.
08 The younger rhyolites have a light white, grey, yellowish or reddish
colour, whereas the older ones have a darker appearance (Schumann
1994, 240).
09 Poupaki & Chatzikonstantinou 2001, 543-545; Poupaki 200 1 ,
6 1-65.
140 Herzog 1903,4.
141 Morricone 1950, 56.
142 Poupaki 2001, 59-76.
143 The petrological analysis was perfonned by the laboratory of the
Geological Department of the University of Athens and the chemical
one (I.N.A.A. method) in the Institute ofArchaeometry ofthe N.S.C.R.
"Demokritos". The latter was undertaken on samples ofrhyolite from the
quarries and many stone artifacts from the excavation in Halasama.
144 Modona 1 933, 96; Herzog 1903, 3-4. The orthostats ofthe Classical
sanctuary of Demeter were also of reddish rhyolite, whereas those of
the Hellenistic sanctuary ofAsclepius, Hygieia and Omoneia were of
grey marble. Sberwin-White ( 1 978, 19-20, n. 47, based on an infonna-
 Quarries ofthe Hel/enisiic Age on the Island ofKos and Possible Uses ofthe Stones Extracted
Fig. 9. Quarry of greygreenish rhyolite in Kastel!i, Kefalos. Photo Eir. Poupaki.
Asclepius, Hygieia and Omoneia143 and the theatre ofisthmos. 146
Until now, reddish rhyolite has been identified only at Isthrnos.
However, alreadycut blocks were found in Halasama. The temple
C was fmmded on blocks ofignimbrite from Tigani placed on top
tre of rubble masonry, including rubble rhyolites from Kefalos, and
tan in particular Peleketa.147 A similar foundation is also attested in
temple A, where the origin of the rubble rhyolites is uncertain.
Reddish rhyolite was probably in use in the Hellenistic
period for the construction of agricultural implements. 148
The use of the greenishMgrey rhyolite ofKaste1li was also
f common in the architecture of Kos. The rock was perfect for
invisible architectural parts, such as foundations or supporting
walls of Hellenistic buildings: for the southeastern part ofthe
city wall (of the 4th century B.C.),'" for the supporting wall
below the western and southern corners of the podium of the
sanctuary of Aphrodite, 150 for the interior of the orthostats of
the eastern stoa ofthe harbour quarter (ofthe 4thM3rd centuries
B.C.), 1 51 for the construction of a stoa east of Cardo (of the
4th century B.C.),152 etc. Rather common is the use of"tuff',
probably a type ofgrey rhyolite from Kefalos, below the founM
dations of some buildings in the Asclepieion, such as building
E,153 whereas it was observed below the threshold and the paveM
ment in the cella of temple A. 1 54 The orthostats of rhyolite in
temple B of the Asclepieion is rather a rare case.135
Apart from the temple ofAsclepius of the early 2nd century
B.C., the extended use of the grey "tuff' (Kefalos rhyolite?)
in the first phase of the building activity in the Asclepieion
(300-250 B. C.) is quite impressive. The use ofrhyolite in the
foundations or in the infrastructure of foundations is observed
in early Hellenistic buildings, whereas for the foundations of
the buildings of the late 2nd and 1st centuries B.C., ignimbrite
was preferred. In some cases, the combined use of both rhyo
lite and ignimbrite is also observed (for example, in temple
C at Halasama). Can we assume that the use of rhyolite for
foundations was an experimental technique to strengthen the
resistance of the buildings against earthquake activity? Had
the probable failure of this attempt or the easier extraction and
175
transportation of the much softer ignimbrite caused the entire
replacement of rhyolite in the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C.? A
positive answer cannot be excluded.
Finally, the quarry ofgreenish-grey rhyolite in Kastelli (Fig.
9) must have provided material for agricultural equipment in the
Hellenistic period, for example, the rotary quems ofHalasarna156
or the equipment of oil-Presses ofKefalos (Fig. 10).157
tion given by a guard ofthe Koan Museum) mentions that grey marble
was quarried at Kefalos. However, the geological structure ofwestern
Kos proves that nowhere on the Kefalos peninsula could marble be
extracted, since that part of the island is almost entirely volcanic.
145 Livadiotti & Rocco unpublished; Rocco 1996c, 71-173.
46
1 The Hellenistic theatre .of Isthmos, near the latest sanctuary, was
entirely constructed oflocal rhyolite, but its themele was made of white
marble (Morricone 1950, 328-9; Laurenzi 193 1 , 625--626).
147 Rubble used in the ancient masonries, amongst which was rhyolite
from Peleketa, was extracted during the illegal digging prior to the
archaeological research. This suggestion was confirmed by the results
of the l.N.A.A. analysis, undertaken by "Demokritus", on a sample of
a rounded block of rhyolite, which could have been used for crushing
salt grains in late antiquity (Poupaki unpublished, no. 76). This block
was discovered in the early Christian filling of temple C, but its origin
from the substmcture of the foundation of the building is obvious, as
similar rubble also existed in the foundation of the temple.
14g Equipment of an oilpress, made of the volcanic rock of Peleketa,
was found on the site ofPanagia Pa!atiani, but no chemical analysis has
been undertaken in order to confirm its origin (Poupaki 2001).
149 Carved blocks ofthat stone, preserving the ancient tool-marks, are
scattered across the archaeological site of the harbour quarter (Mor
ricone 1950, 60).
0
15 Morricone 1950, 62.
151 Morricone 1950,64.
152 Morricone 1950, 231.
1 53 Morricone 1950, 40-4 1 .
'1
1 5 Herzog 1903, 6. The foundations were of "wcichem Poros" and
"harterem grlinem Trachyt", which can be translated as "local ign
imbrite" and "Kefalos rhyolite".
155 Herzog & Schazmann 1932, 34-36.
1 56 Poupaki unpublished, 98.
157 Poupaki 2001, 63-64.
Boreas 28
176 Eirene Poupaki
Conclusions
In the course of this study, many questions presented them
selves, owing to the inadequate discussion ofthe lithic material
in most publications and to the misinterpretation of the stone
material of many archaeological finds. Future research will
confirm or reject the hypothesis set out above. At present, the
following conclusions can be drawn:
1 . The early use of marble in Koan sculpture and architec
ture may indicate that Mt. Dikaios has been under exploration
since the late 5th century B. C. Marble was extracted in small
quantities serving isolated customers and counterbalancing the
high cost of imported material. In the early and high Hellenistic
periods, local marble was mainly used for architecture and
sculpture, along with imported marbles. Although local pro
duction was enough to serve the needs, not only of the native
carvers, but also of those from neighbouring workshops, the
question of the export of Koan marble artefacts still remains
open, with a positive answer as the more probable one. Even
the growing Hellenistic taste for coloured marble was satisfied
by the local quarries.158 The exploitation of the Koan quarries
cannot be considered as "industrialised" before the Roman
,
period. The re-organisation and "industrialisation . of the Mt.
Dikaios quarries, toward the late 1st century B. C., was part of
a huge programme applied all over the Roman Empire.159
2. The extraction oftravertine on Kos was restricted to quan
tities enough only for local needs and not for export. The traver
tine of Hellenistic architecture differs from that of the modern
Italian buildings ofKos, the origin ofwhich may be Italian. The
best-quality supplies had probably been exhausted during the
Hellenistic period, after which the use oftravertine was totally
replaced by the use of marble. In my opinion, the 20th-century
use of travertine by the Italians in Kos can be regarded as a
deliberate attempt to preserve the local architectural tradition
and the special "flavour" of ancient Koan architecture.
3. The use of granite in the Hellenistic period, according to
the archaeological evidence quoted above, was experimental
and rather rare in architecture and sculpture. Its use became
common in the post-Roman period, when the extraction of
marble and of other decorative stones from quarries was
organised on the basis of the Roman marble-trade network.
The highest quality and the great diversity of coloured granite
originated from Egypt. 160 The extraction of granite in other
provinces of the Roman Empire followed the local needs for
hard stone. 161
4. The use of local volcanic stones in Kos should be con
sidered as an effort of the native carvers to meet local needs,
considerably reducing at the same time the import ofraw mate
rial, at least fOr the non-visible parts ofthe buildings. However,
the frequent natural disasters, such as earthquakes, prompted
the natives to test the antiseismic behaviour of some lithic ma
terial in order to strengthen the resistance of their buildings to
the destructive phenomena. Thus, for the strengthening of the
Boreas 28
Fig. I 0. Equipment from an oil-press: Orbis of a
trapetum, found in the archaeological site ofDemeter's
temple in Palatia-Panagia Palatiani, Kefalos. Photo
Eir. Poupaki.
foundations, they must have started to use the Kefalos rhyolite
and replaced it by ignimbrite, probably after the discovery of
the Cape Tigani quarries. As a matter of fact, a possible dating
of the ignimbrite quarries after the middle of the 2nd century
B.C. can be suggested. However, rhyolite remained in use for
the construction ofagricultural implements, a common practice
in the entire Hellenistic period.
Eirene Poupaki
Greek Ministery of Culture (YP.PO.)
General Directorate ofAntiquities and Cultural Heritage
Directorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities
Department ofArchaeological Sites, Monuments and Archaeological
Research
20-22 Bouboulinas Street
GR-106 82 ATHENS
158
They produced "XPWf.Lctnao6: xat nap0aA6: f.J,Ci:pj.tctpct" (Zarraftis
1921, 3 1).
159
The rebuilding ofKos was begun byAugustus after the catastrophic
earthquake of6/5 B.C. (Sherwin-White 1978, 148) and was completed
by Antoninus Pius after the earthquake of 139 A.D. (Robcrt 1978,
401-402). It required a massive production of building material, such
as marble. However, the high cost of erecting all these enormous build
ings led to the adoption of new, alternative, Roman techniques, such
as the opus caementicium (Morricone 1950, 56-57). For the Roman
marble trade, cf Dodge & Ward-Perkins 1 992, 23.
160 Quarries of granite were being exploited in thr eastern desert of
Egypt (Wadi Abu Maamel, Badia). Quarries of granodiorite or di
orite, similar to granite, are also mentioned in the same area (Wadi
Umm Balad, Wadi Qattar, Wadi Umm Shegilat, Wadi Barud, Wadi
Fatiri El-Bayda, Bir Umm Fawakhir) (Brown & Harrell 1995). For
additional Roman quarries of granite, cf. Dodge & Ward-Perkins
1992, 158-159.
161 Brown & Harrell 1995; Harrell, Brown & Lazzarini 1999.
(
I
!
Quarries ofthe Hellenistic Age on the Island ofKos and Possible Uses ofthe Stones Extracted
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Otxw11oU ot'l'jV KapO&Jlcttva (apx. AA&aapva)
t'l'j<; Kw. lAtx& xat npoAeoot1 1:oo.:; wnoAoyia
XCi.l xpovoAOy'l'jO'l'j, Me;:an;:oxtax1} epyaaia et '
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Boreas 28
.
----
.,.,.
 Indexes

1 . General Index

Abdalonymos of Sidon, 134, 169 Antigonos of Carystos, 170

Achaean League, 17, 110 Antikythera, 136, 139
Achaeans, 17, 18, 1 1 1 Antimachia, 23, 69-72, 83, 86, 169
Achaia Phthiotis, 13, 14, 16 Antiochia, 102-104
Achilles, 12, 13 Antiochis, 24
Acropolis, at Halasama, 122, 124-26 Antiochos III, 73, 74, 112
Aetolians, 16-19 Antiochos IV, 18
ajestoni technique, 171 Antoninus Pius, 176
Afrodision, 72, 74 Aphrodisias, 77, 102
Agora Aratos, leader of Achaean League, 17
at Athens, 91, 132, 135, 136, 147, 148, 154, 162, 168 Arcadia, 12
at Kos, 99, 106, 134, 172, 174 Archaic period, 95, 130
at Halasarna, 126 archon, 95
Aigeira, 16, 18 Argos, 12-14
Ainos (Thrace), 16, 17 Achaian, 1 3
Akarnania, 12 Amphilochian, 12
Akko (Pto1emais), 137, 139, 155, 157, 159 Pelasgian, 9, 12, 1 3
Alexander, 12, 110, 112, 113, 1 16 Peloponnesian, 12, 1 3
Alexandria, 1 1 , 12, 19, 101, 103-105, 107, 134-136, 141-144, argyrokopos, 93
147-150, 168 argyrotamias, 94
Alexandros of Korinthos, 17 Ariarathes IV, 24
Altars, 167 Aristophanes, 93, 102
export of, 69, 80 Arsinoe, 28
funerary, 69-80 Arsinoe III, 24
production of, 69, 76-80, 167, 169 Ashod, 139
Rhodian, 80 Asia Minor, 15, 17, 18, 20, 62, 89, 95-97, 112, 124, 126, 129,
Amathos, 139, 141 1 3 1 , 158, 160
Amphora, 129-132, 133-151, 153-164 Asklepieia, 9-15, 18, 23, 61, 62
chronology of, 148, 154, 156 Asklepieion, 9, 22, 23, 25-29, 83-85, 99, 167, 168, 172
devices on, 154, 158, 162 asylia, 10, 15-20, 23-28
Dressel 4, 135, 137, 153, 155, 157-163 Athenaios, 123
double-barrelled handles of, 136, 138, 153, 154, 158 Athens, 24, 75, 9 1 , 93, 94, 96, 109-112, 115, 129, 134, 136,
fabric of, 131, 133, 135-138, 140, 141, 153, 157, 162, 163 139, 147-149, 160, 173
fabricants of, 162 Attalid, 15
feet of, 1 3 1 , 132 Augustus, 61, 108, 111, 116, 124-126, 176
Nikandros group, 137-140, 153, 157, 158, 160, 161
Peparithos II, 131 Ber.eu.ike, 17
petrological analysis of, 135 Black Sea, 116, 129, 134, 143, 148, 162
proportions of, 153-155, 157, 158, 160 Boiotia, 1 1 1
refuse dumps of, 153, 154, 158 bou/e (bou/a), 92, 93, 115
Solocha I, 131 Brindisi, 160
stamping system of, 154
strap-handles of, 153, 154, 158 Caesarea, in Palestine, 155, 159
toe of, 129-132, 135, 139, 157 Cape Tigani quarries, 173, 176
Amphictyones, 93 Cardo, at Kos, 172, 174, 175
Amphipolis, 15, 19, 23, 61, 85 Caria, 17, 92, 95, 97, 124, 126
Amygdalona quarter, 168, 174 Carian, 17, 124, 167
anagraphe, 122 Chaironeia, battle of, 1 1 1
Antigonid, 15, 17, 19, 21 Chalkls, 17, l l 1
Antigonos, 24 Chios, 13, 14, 16, 80, 84, 95, 112, 120, 134, 136, 140-142, 162,
Antigonos Gonatas, 17, 19, 2 1 , 61 167
Antigonos Monophthalmos, 21, 1 12, 1 1 5 chthonian, 125

Boreas 28
182 Indexes
l
coinage granite, 165, 1 7 1 - 173, 176
circulation pattern, 89 Gymnasion, 167, 168, 172, 174
dielinks, 92, 93, 104, 120 Gyali, 173
drachm, 9 1 gyne, 73, 74
electrum coins, 94
hemidrachm, 9 1 , 9 1 Halasarna (Kardamena), 2 1 , 24, 28, 29, 63, 64, 69-75, 8 1 , 83, 84,
personal names on, 89-92, 95-97 1 19, 121-127, 129-132, 135, 136, 154, 165, 167-169, 172
plintophoric drachm, 9 1 Halasarnitan, 23, 69, 73, 74, 1 19, 1 2 1 , 126
Rhodian, 9 1 Halikarnassos (Bodrum), 23, 80, 167, 172
tetradrachm, 9 1 , 96, 97 mausolemn at, 168, 179
tetrobol, 170 hegemon, 17, 96, 1 12-114, 1 16
Corinth (Korinthos), 17, 1 15, 129 Herod the Great, 134, 145
Cretan War, 62, 124, 125 hiera, 6 1 , 74
Crete, Cretan (Kretan), 10, 23, 62, 74, 1 15, 124, 125, 135, 163 hieropoioi, 24, 74
Crimea, 129 hoard material, 89-91
CrocodilopolisArsinoe, 1 4 1 - 144, 150, 1 5 1 closed hoards, 90
Cyme, 93 cumulative hoards, 90
Cyprus, 1 14, 133, 137, 1 39-145, 148, 149, 162, 169, 173 Hecatomnus hoard, 89
Cyrene, 1 14 Pixodarus hoard, 89
Pyle hoard, 94
Delos, 1 7 , 62, 85, 123, 1 34 , 135, 140, 1 4 1 , 147-150, 167, 169, Homolion (Thessaly), 1 6
170, 173, 178
Delphi, 10, 1 1 , 17, 93, 101-103, 1 15, 123 Iasos, 1 3 , 79, 80, 104, 107, 1 1 1 120, 1 5 1 , 167
Delphian Amphictiony, 1 5 ignimbrite, 173-176
democracy, 109- 1 16 Ionic, 18, 126, 167
Demosthenes, 129, 134, 140 Istanbul, 22, 80, 167
Dik:aios, Mount, 166-172, 176 Isthmos (Kephalos), 24, 28, 30, 68, 72, 83, 84, 103, 122, 124,
dikerata, 77, 79 165, 173-178
Diodorus, 1 14, 167 Italy, 130, 134, 135, 160
Dion, 1 9 ltonos, 10-13
dokimastes, 93, 96
Dorian, 92, 1 2 1 , 124, 126, 158 Jaffa, 139, 155, 163
Jerusalem, 136, 137, 139, 142-144, 147, 155, 159
Egypt, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 150, 176 John Hyrcanus I, 159
ekecheiria, 1 5 Judaism, 134
ekklesia, 93, 94
Elea, 15, 85 Kalymnos (Kalymna), 23, 61, 63, 72, 74, 80, 83-85, 92, 105,
Elis, 10, 1 6 1 14, 1 15, 150, 167
Ephesos, 103, 104, 153, 157, 162, 164 Kamarina, 1 5 , 85
epidosis, 18, 29, 71-74, 86, 1 0 1 Kardamena (Kardamaina), see Halasarna
epimeletes, 94 karpologeuntes, 92
epipegoi, 94 Kassandreia, 15, 19, 23, 85
Epiros, 1 2 Kassandros, 1 8
Erythrai, 122 Kastelli, quarry at, 174, 175
ethnikon, 90, 100, 1 0 1 , 105 Keramos, 167
ethnos, 1 6 Kerch, 148
Eumenes 11, 24, 28 Kermeti, 76
rebuilding of Kos, 167 Kildara, 17
war of, 73, 74 KitionBamboula, 143, 144, 149
euthyna, 96 Knidos, 80, 1 3 1 , 134, 135, 140-142, 162, 167-169, 177
Knidian, 129, 132, 1 4 1 , 148, 154, 155, 158, 160
Pirst Cretan War, 124, 125 Knossos, 62, 173
:.'irst Gallic War, 73, 74 Koan altars, 69, 76, 79, 80
estivals export of, 80
Asklepieia at Kos, 9 size of, 80
Eleutheria at Plataia, 1 1 Koinon, 19, 25, 104
Itonia at Itonos, 1 1-13 Kom6die, 102
Ptolemaia at Alexandria, 1 1 Korinthos, see Corinth
Soteria at Delphi, 1 1 , 17, 2 1 , 23, 25 Korkyra, 15, 85
Soteria at Delos, 1 7 Koroneia, 1 1
titgarlands, 77, 79 Kouriaka, 140-142
Kugelvittae, 78
za, 138 Kyparissi, 167, 1 7 1
la, 16, 85 Kyrene, 122
rtyn, 62, 85, 93 Kyzikos, 1 9

as 28

j
 Indexes 183

Larisa, 12, 13 Philippi, 15, 19, 23

leaf-garlands, 77-79 Phocaea, 94, 95
Lebedos, 115 Phrygia, 1 1 1
Lesbos, 123 Phthia, 12, 1 3
Lindos, 123 pointilli technique, 171
Livius, 103 poletai, 92
lochagos, 7 1 , 74 Pontic, 140-142
prasinopetra, see rhyolite
Macedonia(n), 10-12, 15-17, 19, 6 1 , 109, I l l , 113 Priene, 95, 123, 168
Maecenas, I l l prostatlas, -ai, 26, 91-93, 95, 1 15
Magna Graecia, 15, 18 Prusias I of Bithynia, war against, 73, 74
Magnesia, 94 prytanles, -eis, 92, 95
Magnesia on the Maeander, 9, 20 Ptolemaic, 15-17, 19, 23, 26-28, 114, 132, 134, 135, 145, 165
Manschetten, 77-79 Ptolemaios,'brother of Euergetes, (son of Andromachos), 17
marble, 166-169 Ptolemaios/Ptolemy, 26, 173
export of, 176 I Soter, 21
Parian, 167 11 Philadelphus, 16, 17, 21, 28, 114, 135
Pentelic, 167 III Euergetes, 17-19, 23
Proconnesian, 167 !V, 28, 114
Maresha/Marissa, 137, 138, 140, 155, 157-160, 163 Pyli, 165, 170-173
Maroneia, 1 6
Medinet-el-Fa.yum, 141-144, 150 quarries, 165-177
Menander, 102 granite, 172, 173
Messene, 16 marble, 166-169
Miletos, 10, 115, 125 travertine169-172
Milesian, 10, 23, 62, 120, 130 volcanic stone, 173, 174
Minoa (Amorgos), 16
Mithridatic Wars, 169 Rhodes, 18, 73, I l l , 115, 116, 131, 133, 135-141, 143, 144,
monarch/os, -oi, 21-25, 61-67, 72, 73, 9 1 , 92, 158, 159, 161 148, 161, 162
Mylasa, 17 Rhodian, 18, 73, 80, 91, 116, 1 3 1 , 137, 139, 141-144,
Myndos, 95, 1 3 1 , 135 153-155, 157, 158, 160, 1 6 1 , 167, 169
Myia, I l l rhyolite, 174-176
Mytilene, 94 Roman period, 1 10, I l l , 124-126, 137, 139-141, 144, 145, 153
Rome, 16, 73, 109, 163, 167
Nabatea, 145
napoiai, 64, 75, 119-121 sacred vessel, 119, 120
Naukratis, 123, 148, 149 sacrificial (cult) calendar, 22, 24, 26, 119, 121-126
Naxos, 85, 171 Salamis, 140, 141, 143, 144, 150
Nea Paphos, 140, 141, 143; 144, 149 Samaria, 138-140, 143, 144, 147-149, 155, 159, 161
Neapolis, 15 Sarnos, 14, 73, 84, 85, 95, 103, 140-142, 148
neot/as, -ai, 93, 94 Samian, 24, 25
Nessana, 138-140, 143-145, 147, 148, 155 Samothrace, 10, 1 1 , 13, 14
Nisyros, 80, 167, 173 Scepsis, 112
nomothet/es, -ai, 93 sculpture, production of, 176
North Africa, 160 Seythopo!is (Tel Istabah), 155, 157-159
Seleukia, 17
oikos (oecus), 74, 172, 174 Seleukos
Olympian, 125 1, 23
Olympischen Spiele, 102, 103 11, letter of, 15-17, 23, 27
lll, 27
Palestine, 129, 133, 137, 139-145, 147, 148 Sestos, 94
Palmyra, 145 Sicily, 151, 169
Pamphylia, 140-142, 160 sideropetra, see rhyolite
panhellenic, 9-12, 15, 17, 18, 20, 23 Sidon, -ian, 135, 145
Paros, 123, 162, 167 Sinope, 27, 123
panhenoi, 73 Smyrna, -eans, 17, 18, 95, 101, 102, 104, 168
Patriotismus, 105 Sparta, 16, 75, 112
Pelasgian Argas, 9, 12, 13 Statue, 99, 103-106, 124, 134, 135, 144, 167-169, 171, 172,
Peleketa, quarry at, 174, 175 Statuenbasis, statue bases, 105, 172
Pella/Pellaean, 15, 16, 19 Strabo, 114, 116, 134
Pergamene, 24, 167, 170 strategos, 92, 95
Pergamon, 73, 74, 104, 106, 148 stone quarry,
peripolion, 124 chemical analysis, 166, 172
Philip V, 19, 63 petrological analysis, 165, 174
war against, 62, 74 syngeneia, 16

Boreas 28

-----'
. ,
 !84 Indexes

Syracuse, 1 1 1 timacheion, 122, 123, 126

Syria, 17, 114, 129 thracite, see rhyolite
TragOdie, 83, 103
taeniae, 11, 77, 79 travertine,165, 167-172, 174, 176
tamiai, 92, 94 tribe, 62-64, 92, 121
Tanis, 141-144, 151
Tel Istabah, see Scythopolis Varro, 134
Tell Anafa, 138, 143, 144 vittae, 76-79
Te1(I) Keisan, 139, 140, 143, 144, 149, 155, 159 volcanic stones, 165, 172-174, 176
Thasos, 140-142, 162, 167
Theater/theatre, 17, 129, 103, 126, 168, 172, 175 War of Laodike, 17
Thebes, 16, 1 8 Wettkampf, 102, 103
theorodoch!os, oi, 9 , 10 wine
theor!os, oi, 9-15, 17, 19, 23, 25 export of, 133-151
Thennon, 19 production of, 130, 132-134, 153-155, 157, 160-162
thesauros, 92
Thessalus, 13 Xanthos, 169
Thessaly, 11-14, 16
Thessalian, 11-13, 16, 25 Zenon group, 140-142
Thessalian League, 1 1 , 25 Ziaelas ofBithynia, letter of, 15, 18, 19, 134
Third Syrian War, 15, 17 Zipari, 69, 72
Tholos Hill, at Halasarna, 126, 129
Tiberius, 17

2. Index of Personal Names

A * after a name or before a page number indicates that it occurs on an amphora.

Spelling is according to the individual author. 'The reader is advised to check, for instance, both 'Filinos' and 'Philinos ' . Patronymics are
not listed per se. The provenance of non-Koans is given within brackets.

Afrod[, * 159 Aristandros, 91

Afrodisia, 101 Ariste[, * 159
Agesias, s. of Agesias, 72 Aristeides(?), * 150
Ainesidemos, s. of Simos, 72 Aristion, s. of Chairippos, 121
Alkinoe (from Thronion), 104 Aristippos, * 150
Althaimenes, 62, 63 Aristoboulos, s. of Ariston, 24
Althaimenes, s. of Androsthenes, 25 Aristoboulos, s. of Aristos, s. of Nosson, 86
A]lykos,' 159 Aristodama (from Smyrna), 101, 102
Anaxareta, d. of Filinneas, 72-74 Aristofanes, 119, 120
Anaxippos, 63 Aristomache (from Erythrai), 102
Androsthenes, s. of Althaimenes, 25 Ariston, 24, 62, 63
Apoll[,* 149 Ariston I, 23-25
Apollofanes, s. of Kapito, 72 Ariston II, 24
Apollonius s. of Apollonios, 101 Ariston, s. of Aristoboulos, 24
Apollonios, s. of Dorion, 101 Aristos, 7 1
Apollonios, s. of Herostratos, 72 Aristos, s. of Aisch[, 86
Aras[, * 159 Aristos, s. of Aristos, 72
Arati[, * 149 Aristos, s. of Theugenes, 72
Aration, 62 Aside[,* 149
Aration, d. of Gorges, 73 Asklepi[,* 157, 159
Aratos, 17, 91 Aschle[, * 150
Archias, 91 Astyno, 91
Archidamos,* 149 Atys (?),' 149, 150
Archide[,* 158 Aufria, 101
Archippe (from Kyme), 93 Bakchon, 27
Archon, 91 Basileides, * 159
Argeos,* 149, 159 Bion,* 158
Aristaichmos, s. of Aristarchidas, 121, 122 Boischos, * 150
Aristaios, 91 Chairedamos, 26, 64
Aristandra, d. of Timainetos, 73 Chairedamos, s. of Damophon, 121, 122

Boreas 28
 Indexes !85

Ch[aireda]mos, s. of Themistokles, 24, 72 Kyros ,* 149

Charmidas, 24, 26 Lampias, 91
Dadas,* 147, 150 [Lampias?], s. of Xenombrotos, 72
Damas, 76 Laudike, d . of Damas, 76
Damatrios, 63 Leontis, * 159
Damokles, s. of Nikarchos, 69, 71 Leukippos, 63
Damokrates, s. of Nikarchos, 71 Leukippos II, 64, 72,74
Damokritos, s. of Damokles, 71, 74 Leukippos, s. of Lykaithos, 72
Damonos, 91 Leukos, * 159
Damophon, s. of Chairedamos, 122 Lochos,* 147, 148
De1fis, 105, 106 Lykourgidas, s. of Lykon, 70
Delfis, child of Filinos, 105 Makareus, 62
Delfis , d. of Mnesianax, 105 Makareus, s. of Philokleidas,-23, 25
Delfis, d. of Praxagoras, 100, 104 Marsyas, * 159
[D]eme[ (?),* 149 Melankridas, 62
Demeas,* 159 Melanos, * 158
Demeon,* 1 5 1 Menas (from Sestos), 94
Dexius (from Delphi), 93 Menes, s. of Tyrtaios (from Iasos), 79
Diodoros ,* 159 Meniskos, * 148, 159
Diodoto[s,* 147 Menofilos, * 158
Diogenes,* 150 Menoitios, 25
Diok:les, s. of Apollodoros, 72 [Metrodor]os, s. of Timokles (from Amphipolis), 23
Diokles, s. of Leodamas, 23, 6 1 , 62, 85 Miltiades (from Laodicea), * 135
Dion, 63, *148 Moschion (from Magnesia), 94
Dionnos, s. of Polytion, 27 Moschion, s. of Lykaithos, 72
Dorion(?), * 148 Nanio,* 158
Dorkylos, s. of Theukles, 72 Nesias, 101
Elpis, d . of Hekataios, 72 Nikagor(as), 63, 91
Etearchos, 62 Nikanor, s. of Agesias, 24
Eukarpos, 63 Nikarchos, s. of Damokles, 7 1 ,. 72
Eukarpos, s. of Kleonikos, 26 Nikarchos, s. of Timonax, 69, 70. 7 1 , 75
Eunos, * 149, 159 Nikomachos, s. of Nikomachos, 72
Euthetos, * 159 Nikomachos, s. of Timenaitos, 1 2 1 , 122
Eutychidas, 63, *'159 Nikomedes, 63
Filinneas, s. of Theudotos, 73 Nikomedes, s. of Aristandros, 2 1 , 22, 85
Filinos, 91 Nikophon, s. of Timostratos, 28
Fi!inos, s. of Fokion, 72 Nossylos, s. of Polymnastos, 64, 74, 75
Filistes, 91 Oiniades, * 150
[Fil]istes,* 147 Onasf l ,* 150
Filition, 101 Oro[, * 159
Jerastis, s. of Agesinikos, 74 Orobion, * 148
:Jabriote, d. of Simos, 73 Panamyas, s. of Theudotos , 24
iekataia, d. of Filippos, 73 Papas,* 150, 159
iekataios,* 149, 159 Parmeniskos, 9 1
Ierakleitos, 9 1 Parmeniskos , s . of Philippos, 7 5
lermias, 23, 27, 62, 85, *148, *150 Parthenopaios, 61
[ermonax, 61 Pasias, s. of Thessalos, 62
lerostratos, s. of Apollonios, 73 Patrokles, 9 1
:ierokles, s. of Aristarchos, 72 Pausanias, s. o f Timachidas, 70
ipparchos, 91 Phanp, d . of Krates, 73
ippia[s,* 157, 159 Phanodika, 63
ippokrates, 23, 62, 63 Philinos, 23, 62
1llinos, 105 Philiskos, 6 1
lilippidas, 91 Philistos, 64
lllippidas, s. of Ka!lippidas, 70, 72, 79 Philistos, s. of Aischinas, 22
tlippos, * 159 Pitylos, * 159
llisrratos, s. of Kallistratos, 28 Poimen[, * 158
anax, * 159 Polla Terentia, 104
inos, 91 [P]oseid[, * 150
itomachis, d . ofFilinos, 72 Polymnastos, s. of Nossylos, 64, 74, 75
>0[-], 28 Polyxenidas (from Rhodes), 73
onikos, s. of Eukarpos, 26 Poseidippos, * 150
dia, 101 Poseidonios,* 151
cha, 62 Pratagoras, 91
inthos,* 149, 159 Praxagoras, s. of Nikarchos, 27

Boreas 28
1 86 Indexes

Praxian[dros, 91 Theudoros 11, 64

Praxianax, 91 Theudoros, s. of Chairedamos, 122
Praximenes, 63, 72 Tbeudotos, s. of Herakleitos, 28
Protos, * 159 Theudotos, s. of Panamyas, 24
Pythion, 91 Theukles, 63
Pythonikos, 73 Theukles, s. of Aglaos, 23, 24, 64, 74, 121
Satyros, * 150 Thrasyandros, 9 1
Simias, s. of Phanokritos, 24 Timachidas, s . of Pausanias, 69, 70, 75, 79
Simos, 9 1 Timonax, 7 1
Sind[,* 159 Tlepolemos, 1 7
Sopatros, * 147, 148, 150, 159 Xenokl[,* 159
Sophilos, 61 [Xenom]brotos, s. of Archimenes, 72
Sosibio(s, * 148 Zenon, * 159
[Stich]os, * 148 Zmendron, 62
Stratippos, s. of Hieron, 74 Zopyr[, * 159
Symmachos, 1 19, 120 Zopyrion, 63, 91
Tachippos, s. of Tachippos, 72 Zopyrion, s. of Herakleitos, 122
(Tech}non, * 148
Telesforos, 91 -, d. of Apollonios, 100, 101, 105
Theagoras, 61 Eu( . . . ,* 148
Themistokles, s. of Chairedamos, 64 S (or 's')imo[,* 159
Themistokles, s. of Diokles, 64 ... ]ampios,* 149
Thessalos, 62 . . . ]ippos, * 147
Theodora, 103 ]oryk[lje(, * 158
Theudoros, 63, *159 . . opos . . , * 147

3 . Index of Gods and Goddesses

Aphrodite, 24, 26, 123, 134, 167, 168 Pythia, 125

cult of, 124-126 sacrifice to, 125
dedications to, 24 Toxitis, 124, 127
Epekoos, 124 Asklepios (Asclepius), 9, 10, 13, 18, 20, 24, 25, 26, 90, 101, 105,
offerings to, 122-124, 134 120, 126, 135, 167, 168, 175
Pandamos (Pandemos), 24, 25,- 1'34, 167 Athena, 1 1 , 122, 167, 168
Pontia, 124, 134, 167 Apotropaia, 123
priesthood of, 29 Itonia, 1 1
sacrifices to, 124, 126 Phamia (Phemia), 122
sanctuary of, 167, 172, 174, 175 Polias, 122, 124-126
Strateia, 124 Soteira, 122, 123, 125, 126
Stratonikis, 17 Stratia, 124
Timouchos, 123 Ba'al, 134
Apollo, 1 1 , 22, 1 1 5 , 119, 120, 122, 123, 125, 126, 168 Bel, 134
cult of, 24, 63, 123, 125, 126 Demeter, 125, 172, 176
Dalios, 125 sanctuary of, 167, 171, 174
dedications to, 28 DionysQs, 101, 103
festival of, 62 altar of, 166, 168, 174
hemidrachms with, 91 cult of, 125
priest of, 74, 119, 122-126 Thylloforos, 24
Pythaios (Pythaeus), 125 Dioskouroi, 122, 123, 126
Pythios, 123-125 Epione, 24
sacrifices to, 125, 126 Hekate, 123, 124
sanctuary of, 1 19-121, 124-127, 129, 174 dedications to, 74, 75
temple of, 28, 123, 129, 168 Meliteine, 122, 125, 126
Ares Stratios, 124 offerings to, 122, 125
Artemis, 85, 122, 124 Soteira, 74, 75, 125
Agrotera, 122, 124-126 Stratia, 74, 75, 122, 124, 125
cult of, 124 Heracles (Herakles), 13, 24, 63, 126, 136, 154, 172
Lochia, 124 bronze coins with, 91
Pergaia, 124 Kallinikos, 26, 29
Pytheis, 122, 125, 126 sanctuary of, 121, 167, 172, 174

Boreas 28
 Indexes 187

Hermes, 12 Leto, 125, 126

Hestia, 122, 123, 125 offerings to, 122, 125
Boulaia, 123 Poseidon Phykios, 123
offerings to, 122 Rhea, 75
Phamia, 122-124, 126 Serapis, 126, 134
Prytaneia, 123 Zeus
Prytanitis, 123 Alseios, 168
Tamia, 122 Amalos, 123
Timacheia, 122, 123, 126 Apotropaios, 123
Timoucheia, 123 cult of, 123, 124, 126
Homonoia (eia), 24, 174, 175 Hyetios, 86
Hygieia, 24, 174, 175 offerings to, 122, 124
Isis Phemios, 122
cult of, 134 Polieus, 122, 124-126
Stratia, 124 Soter, 122, 123, 125; 126
Korybantes, 123 Strateios, 124

4. Index of Inscriptions

Some inscriptions in the texts have no numbers. They are not covered by the index.

Asylia, see Rigsby 1996 Cousin 1898 (G. Cousin, 'Voyage en Carie', BCH 22, 1898,
Berges 1986 (D. Berges, Hellenistische Rundaltiire Kleinasiens, 361-402)
Freiburg i. Br. 1986) 14; 104
38; 79 Crampa 1969 (J. Crampa, Labraunda. Swedish excavations and
195; lOO researches UI: l . The Greek .inscriptions. Part I: J-12 (Period of
Berges 1996 (D. Berges, Rundaltilre aus Kos und Rhodos, Berlin Olympicltus), Lund 1969)
1996) 3; 17
14; lOO Crowther 1999 (C.y. Crowther, 'Aus der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones
17 (= PH 183); 76 Graecae", 4: Koan decrees for foreign judges', Chiron 29, 1999,
59; 76 251-319)
91 (= Maiuri 1925, no. 450); 75, 76 2; 23, 25, 26
Boesch 1908 (P. Boesch, E>ewp6 . Untersuchung zur Epangelie 3; 27
griechischer Feste, Berlin 1908) 5; 28
28; 9, 23 8; 28
Bosnakis 1994-1995 (D. Bosnakis, Ot cuyunno::x1,; be6tfj't1,; O'tfl
'
9; 29
P60o xo: 'tfjV Kw o:n6 'tOUI,; d.AnvwnxoU xp6vou,; f1.xpt XO:t 'tfj Crowther, Habicht & Hallof 1998 (C.V. Crowther, C. Habicht, L.
PW!J.O:toxpo:t:(o:', ArchDelt 49-50, 1994-95, 43-73) & K. Hallof, 'Aus der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones Graecae", 1 . Drei
A 57; 101 Dekrete aus Kos fur OtKo:ot:o:ywyot , Chiron 28, 1998, 87-100)
'

A 69; 101 3; 29
A 71; 101 Didyma (A. Rehro, Didyma T. 2. Die lnschriften, ed. R. Harder,
Bulletin ipigraphique 1959, 325; 123 Berlin 1958)
Bulletin ipigraphique 2000, 52; 12 183; 104
CEG (P.A. Hansen, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saeculorum VIII-V Engelmann & Merkelbach 1973 (H. Engelmann & R. Merke!bach,
a. Chr. n., Berlin & New York 1983) Die Jnschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai 2, Bonn 1973)
!I 793; 13 201c; 122
812 ( = !SE 1 38); 12 FdD (Fouilles de Delphes)
CID (Corpus des inscriptions de Delphes) Ill 1, 551; 104
!I, 75; 93 Ill 3, 128 (= Syll.' 648 B); 103
Chaniotis 1988 (A. Chaniotis, Historie und Historiker in den griechi 145; 102
schen lnschriften, Stuttgart 1988) !ll 4, 79; 101
E 56; 102 !ll 4, 362; 1 1
C!G (Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum) G!BM (C'.T. Newton, The Collection of ancient Greek inscriptions
2504; 105 in the British Museum, voL Il, Oxford 1883)
2759; 102 336; 21
2866 (= Milet 1,7, no. 302 = Inschriften von Mile! 1 , no. Guarducci 1926 (M. Guarducci, 'Poeti vaganti e conferenzieri dell 'eta
302); 125 ellenistica' , RendLinc Ser. 2, 6, 1926, 626-665)
2885; 125 XV!ll; 104
!I, 2758; 103 Hallof & Habicht 1998a, b (L. Hallof, K. Hallof & Chr. Habicht,
C!L (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum) (a) ' Aus der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones Graecae", 2. Ehrendekrete aus
VI 10109 ( = ILS 5217); 103 dem Asklepieion von Kos ' , Chiron 28, 1998, 101-142; (b) 'Aus der

l
Boreas 28
1 88 Indexes

Arbeit der "lnscriptiones Graecae" , 3. Unedierte koische Epidosis 62; 70

Listen', Chiron 28, 1998, 143-162) 63; 24, 7 1 , 74, 76
1 ; 65 78; 124
6; 1 3 80; 125
7 ; 1 1 , 23 , 27 !Cos (M. Segre, Iscrizioni di Cos 1, Rome 1993)
1 1; 28 ED 2; 24, 64
12; 6 1 , 62, 64 5 ; 24
1 3 ; 28 14; 74
20; 1 1 17; 2 1 , 22, 26, 27
21; 27 25; 124
23; 28 26; 26, 27
24; 62, 101 32; 105
25; 74 35; 25, 27
26; 65, 72 36; 25-27
Hatzopoulos 1996 (M. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian institutions under 37; 28, 1 0 1
the kings, Athens 1996) 38; 27
32; 19 39; 25-27
58; 15 42; 28
Herrmann 1965 (P. Herrmann, 'Neue Urkunden zur Geschichte von 48; 1 3 , 25-27
Milet im 2. Jahrhundert v.Chr.', !stMitt 15, 1965, 71-1 17) 49; 21-28, 62, 64
2b; 12 52; 64
Herzog 1899, KFF (R. Herzog, Koische Forschungen und Funde, 55 ( PH 40 Herzog 1928, no. 5); 124
Leipzig 1899) 57; 65
4 ( PH 327b Pantelidis 1890, no. 1); 72 60; 28
12 ( !Cos, ED 179); 73 63; 26, 27
42; 135 70; 26
184 ( Vo1anaki, Ta Koak!J 3 , 1989, 8 1 SEG 45, 1995, 7 1 ; 1 1 , 21
no. 1 1 19); 70 72; 101
210; 64 89; 10
222; 126 92; 26
223; 124 108; 26
Herzog 1901 (R. Herzog, 'Das Heiligtum des Apollo in Halasarna', 1 !0; 26, 28
SBBer/ 1901, 470-493) 1 12; 28
4; 74, 1 2 1 130 ( Maiur.i, NS 443); 26, 27
Herzog 1928, Heilige Gesetze (R. Herzog, Heilige Gesetze von Kos, 1 3 1 ( Maiuri, NS 434); 29

Berlin 1928) 132 ( Maiuri, NS 438); 23, 25, 62

1 ; 22, 24, 26, 124 134; 27

2; 22, 24, 26 141; 66
3 ; 22, 24, 26 144; 29
4; 22, 24, 26 145; 25, 27, 65
5; 22, 26, 124 146; 65
8; 23, 62, 65 149 ( PH 36 Herzog 1928, no. 10); 124
10; 1 24 154; 65
1 1, 22 166; 28
12; 22, 26 174; 1 0 1
13; 22 178; 24, 63, 65, 73, 74, 124, 134
14; 22, 26, 66 179 ( Herzog, KFF, no. 12); 73, 74
Herzog & Klaffenbach 1952 (R Herzog & G. Klaffenbach, Asylieur 180; 26, 29, 65
kunden aus Kos, Berlin 1952) 182; 28
1 ; 28 184; 101
HG, see Herzog 1928 190; 23, 25-27
Hiller von Gaertringen 1906 (F. Hiller von Gaertringen, Inschrijten 194; 26, 27
von Priene, Berlin 1906) 195; 26, 29
12; 123 196; 120
HOghammar 1993 (K. HOghammar, Sculpture and society. A study 198; 101
on the connection between thefreestanding sculpture and society on 201; 29
Kos in the Hellenistic and Augustan periods, Uppsala 1993) 206; 24, 28, 65
13; 134 210; 172
16; 135 212; 28
18; 105 216; 24, 66
22; 135 217; 105
33; 74, 76 226; 25-27, 65
4 1 ; 70 227; 24, 28
60; 105 228; 101
61; 22, 24, 70, 74 232; 172

Boreas 28
 Indexes 189

234; 63, 65, 66, 72, 74 302; 125

236; 124 !Olympia (Olympia V. Die !nschrifien van Olympia, eds. E. Curtius,
237; 120 F. Adler, W. Dittenberger & K. Purgold, Berlin 1896)
239; 28, 64, 124 39; 1 !
EV 2; 24, 65 !SE (L. Moretti, lscrizioni storiche ellenistiche III, Florence 1967
18; 123 & 1975)
32; 65 I 38 ( = CEG I! 812); 12
127; 172 !Stratonikeia II. 1 (Die lnschriften von Stratonikeia II. 1. Lagina,
179; 124 Stratonikeia und Umgebung, ed. M.<;. Sahin, Bollll 1982)
192; 101 1 1 0 1 ; 124
193; 101 KFF, see Herzog 1899
196; 172 Klee 1918 (T. Klee, Zur Geschichte der gymnischen Agone an
212; 24 griechischen Festen, Leipzig 1918)
224; 104 61, 64-66
226; 124 Kokkorou-Alevras (llalasarna I, in press)
235; 105 AK 4; 7 1 , 72, 121
259; 124 IO; 70
261; 101 I 1 ; 125, 172
328; 172 15; 172
330; 172 16; 121, 126
331; 172 17; 71, 121
332; 172 19; 124-126
333; 172 23; 124
335 bis; 172 24; 124
375; 101 25; 124
!Cr (lnscriptiones creticae, opera et consilio Friderici Halbherr, ed. 26; I24
M. Guarducci, Rome 1935-50) 27; 124
I.viii, 7; 23, 27, 62 28; 125
IV, 62 ( = TestNum 334 = Arnaoutoug!ou 1998, no. 51); 94 29; 124
168; 27 4 1 ; 125, 126
!Ephesos (Die lnschriften von Ephesos, T.6. Nr. 2001-2958, ed. R. 42; 124
Merkelbach, Bono 1980) 44; 126
2070; 104 49; 126
207 1 ; 104 50; 126
!Erythrai (Die lnschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai, T. l . Nr. E 178; I19, 12 i-125
1-200, eds. R. Merkelbach & H. Engelmatm, Bonn 1972) E 179; 1 19-121
112; 28 Le Bas & Waddington 1870 (Ph. Le Bas & W .H. Waddington,
!G (!nscriptiones Graecae) Inscriptions grecques et latines, recueillies en Aie Mineure, Hildes
P, 1453; 93 heim I870)
11 '913; 25 320; 104
IX I' 3, 740 (= FdD Ill 3, 145); 102 Maiuri 1925, NS (A. Maiuri, Nuova silloge epigrafi di Rodi e Cos,
IX 2, 62 ( = Sy/1.' 532); 102 Firenze 1925)
XI 1079 ( = Syll.' 648 A); 103 8; 101
XI 4, 1146; 123 434 (= !Cos ED 131); 29
Xll, 2, 1; 94 438 ( = !Cos ED 132); 25, 65
509; 12 443 ( = !Cos ED 130); 26
xns, so; 124 461; 104
222; 123 591; 101
812; 104 675; 71, 124
XIV 1 1 12; 104 676; 74, 75, 125
IGR(R) (lnscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes) 687; 70
1095; 124 Migeotte 1992 (L Migeotte, Les souscn[Jtions publiques dans les
IV 1068; 105 cites grecques, Geneve & Quebec 1992)
Jlasos (Die Inschriften von Iasos, T . l . Nr. J-218, ed. W. Bliimel, 2; 18
Bonn 1985) 12; 18
110; 104 Moretti 1953 (L Moretti, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, Rorna 1953)
!LS (lnscriptiones Latinae Selectae) 60; 104
5217; 103 63; 102
8773; 104 65; 104
!Magnesia (Die lnschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, ed. 0. 67-70; 104
Kern, Berlin 1900) 72-76; 104
33; 24 78; 104
164; 94 79; 104
JMilet 1.7 (T. Wiegand, A. Rehrn, V. von Graeve & P. Herrmann, 8 1 ; 104
Milet VI. Inschriften von Milet 1 , Berlin 1997) 84; 104

Boreas 28
190 Indexes

86-90; 104 PH, see Paton & Hicks

NS, see Maiuri 1925 Pugliese Carratelli (PuCa) 1963-64 (Pugliese-Carratelli, 'I! damos
OGJS (Orientis Graeci Jnscriptiones Selectae, 2 vols. , ed. W. Dit coo di lsthmos', ASAtene 41-42, N.S. 25-26, 1963-64, 147-202)
tenberger, Leipzig 190305) 9; 72, 122
6; 1 1 2 1 1 ; 28
43; 2 3 , 25-27 23; 124
339; 94 26a-b ( PH 367-368); 63, 121, 126
Pantelidis 1890 (S.K. Pantelidis, 'Correspondence', BCH 14, 1890, 27; 64, 65
292-300) RC (C.B. Welles, Royal correspondence in the Hellenistic world,
1 ; 72 Yale 1934)
Parenti 1961 (1. Parenti, 'Per una nuova edizione della Prosopographia 25 ( Asylia 11); 27

Histrionum Grecorum' , Dioniso 35, 1961, 5-29.) 26 ( Asylia 9); 25, 27

229a; 103 27 ( Asylia 10); 25, 27

Parker & Obbink 2001a, b (R.C.T. Parker & D. Obbink, (a) 'Aus 28 ("' Asylia 8); 23, 25, 27
der Arbeit der "Inscriptiones Graecae", 7. Sales of priesthoods on Rigsby 1996, Asylia (K.J. Rigsby, Asylia: territorial inviolability in
Cos II', Chiron 3 1 , 2001, 229252; (b) 'Aus der Arbeit der "In the Hellenistic world, Berkeley 1996)
scriptiones Graecae", 8. Three further inscriptions concerning Coan 8 ( RC28); 18, 27

cults ' , Chiron 3 1 , 2001, 253-275.) 9 ( RC26); 27

2001a 10 ( RC27); 27

3; 25, 26 1 1 ( RC 25); 18, 19, 27

2001b 12, 27
1; 28 13; 26, 28
Paton & Hicks (PH) 1891 (W.R. Paton & E.L. Hicks, The inscrip 14, 27
tions of Cos, Oxford 1891) 15; 27
7; 2 1 , 22, 24, 26, 27 16; 27
8; 22 17; 27
10; 23, 24, 28, 6 1 , 62, 65, 72-75, 101, 105, 1 16 18; 18, 27
13; 66 19; 27
34; 29, 66 20; 27
35; 22 21; 16, 27
36; 124 22; 16, 27
37 ( Sylf.3 1025
= = Herzog 1928, no. 1= Sokolowski 1969, 23; 19
no. 151); 122, 124 25; 23, 27
40; 124 26; 23, 27
44; 24, 72, 75 27; 23, 27
54; 101 28; 23, 27
64; 65 38; 23
104; 104 45; 23
1 1 6 ; 105 49; 27
125; 65 50; 27
137; 105 176; 24
152; 100 Rouech6 1993 (Ch. Roueche, Performers and anisans atAphrodisias
184; 101 in the Roman and late Roman Periods, London 1993)/ .
190; 101 53; 102
194; 101 Samothrace (Samothrace II: 1 . The inscriptions on stone, eds. K. &
210; 101 P.W. Lehmann & P.M. Fraser, New York 1960)
224; 101 22; 1 1
327; 72 Saulcy 1874 (F. de Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Paris
341; 101 1874)
367-368 ( Pu-Ca 26a-b); 24, 28, 63, 70, 121, 126
6; 103
369; 124-126 8; 103
370; 74, 75 Schwyzer 1923 (E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum Graecarum exempla
371; 126 epigraphica potiora, Leipzig 1923)
383; 64 88; 125
384; 65 670; 125
387; 23, 7 1 , 72, 74, 75 SEG (Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum)
388; 74, 75 6, 59; 104
401; 122 9, 5; 123
406; 64 9, 18; 123
Peek 1932 (W. Peek, 'Zu griechischen Epigrammen', Philologus 9, 33; 123
87, 1932, 229-241) 1 1 , 52; 103
13; 105 18, 329; 23, 25
Perlman 2000 (P. Per!man, City and sanctuary in ancient Greece. 27, 513; 63, 65
The Theorodokia in the Peloponnese, GOttingen 2000) 518; 28
E5; 25 28, 700; 25, 27

Boreas 28
 Indexes 191

30, 1066; 104 XIV; 28

1378 ( Wilhelm 1890, 96); 103
= 78; 28
33, 1039; 93 79; 64
36, 759; 100 85; 72-75
4 1 , 680; 66 88; 6 1 , 63-66
45, 1 1 19; 70 89; 61, 64, 66
Segre 1952, see TitCal 90; 61 ' 64, 66
Segre 1993, see !Cos 91; 61
Sokolowski 1955 (F. Soko!owski, Lois sacrees de l'Asie Mineure, 92; 61 64, 65
'
Paris 1955) 94; 61
25; 122 Thiir & Taeuber 1994 (G. Thiir & H . Taeuber, Prozessrechtliche
60a-b; 120 Inschriften der griechischen Poleis, Vienna 1994)
62; 120 16; !20
69; 124 24; 120
Sokolowski 1962 (F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees de cites grecques, Tuchelt 1979 (K. Tuchelt, Frilhe Denkmiiler Roms in Kleinasien.
Supplement, Paris 1962) Beitriige zur archiiologischen Oberliejerung aus derZeit derRepublik
24; 120 und des Augustus, T. 1 . Roma und Promagistrate, Ttibingen 1979)
27; 120 146;104
88; 123 Wilhelm 1980(A. Wilhelm, Griechische Epigramme, eds. H. Engel
89; 123 mann & K. Wundsam, Bonn 1980)
1 17; 120 96 (= SEG 30, 1378); 103
Sokolowski 1969, LSCG (F. Sokolowski, Lois sacries de citis
grecques, Paris 1969)
116; 120
150; 120
151; 124 Unpublished inscriptions
152; 22
Sylf.3 (W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Jnscriptionum Graecarum (3rd ed.), Kos Sylloge
Leipzig 1920) 0575; 29
337; 18 0632; 29
344; 1 1 5 0884; 23
398; 1 0 , 1 8 , 21, 23, 25, 27, 1 1 5 0885; 26, 28
532; 102 0889; 23
568; 22, 23, 6 1 , 62, 64, 74, 75
569; 22, 23, 64, 74, 75, 121 /G 34; 65
590; 23, 62, 66 54; 66
648; 103 62; 65
898; 1 1 1 280; 65
1000; 25, 26, 29, 134 616; 66
1012; 65 625; 66
1014 ( Soko1owski 1955, no. 25); 122
= 634; 65
1024; 123 728; 66
1025; 124 730; 65
1 107; 65 879; 65
T(it)Cal (M. Segre, Tituli Calymnii ( ASAtene 22-23, N.S. 6-7,
=

1944-45), Bergamo 1952) Segre

Xll; 23 EF 216; 124
Xlll; 27, 105 332; 124

Boreas 28