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BACKGROUND

Humanism envisages a relatively stress-free society. Since the beginning of time,

men have always worked towards bringing about harmonious human relationship; and

this explains the efforts and actions of all well-intentioned individuals in every society.

Creative artists apparently deserve a place in this effort to humanize society by using

their works as tools for the advocacy. In this vein, all works of art can be said to signify

or reflect the relationship between man and his society, or as Chinua Achebe puts it, art

is and was always in the service of man (19). For Ngugi wa Thiongo in The Writer and

His Past, of great import to the poet and the novelists, is the evolution of human culture

through the ages, society in motion through time and space (39). All these go to confirm

that works of literature by Africans from its beginning to the present have always

reflected different aspects of the continents realities and vicarious experiences of its

people.

African literature is usually classified into three categories, which reflect the

movement through time of the socio-historical experiences of the African continent. The

first category centres on the novels of cultural nationalism, and it focused on the task of

educating the African people that they had a culture of which they could be proud. This

phenomenon, which dominated the writings of the 60,s had writers like Camara Laye,

Chinua Achebe, Ousmane Sembene, Ferdinand Oyono, Ngugi wa Thiongo, and a host of

others who wrote to correct the distorted image of Africa. These writers and a few others

equally produced the works of the second category, which protested against the policies

of colonial rule through their anti-colonialist novels. The third category as well as phase

of the African novel, is the contemporary one, which is that of national experience,
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neocolonialism and postcolonial disillusionment. This third category or phase of the

African novel, which concerns us in this paper, has given birth to a mass of literature that

goes by the general appellation of Literature of Disillusionment, because of the mood

and tone of the works. These works according to Ayo Kehinde gives expression to a

profound rejection of the contemporary African continent as it is presently constituted

especially in terms of its human dimension (90). Most of the works of literature that

emerged in the 60s and 70s in Africa were simply illuminations of disillusionments of

the African people in various ways.

The reason for the bitterness among the African writers of this period may not be

far from the fact that the African political and educated elites shattered the dreams of the

struggle against colonialism after the independence of most African states. Kehinde

articulates this reason thus: The indigenous ruling class simply replaced the colonizer

and began to rule with scorpion where the colonizer had ruled with whip (91). But the

problems of the post-independent African nations were not limited to the political

leadership alone. Almost in every sphere of human endeavour, African nations after

imperialism and colonialism, still struggle and groan under the burden of neocolonialism.

The African political and educated elites still use the various institutional structures to

punish their subjects rather than use them in the interest of the African societies. Chinua

Achebes A Man of the People and Ayi Kwei Armahs The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet

Born and Fragments as well as Kofi Awoonors This Earth, My Brother are perfect

examples of African novels that mirror the socio-political lives of post-independent

African societies, which further vindicate the failure of the political elites of those

societies. Most often, these political elites perpetuate their misdemeanor with the
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connivance of the intellectual elites, some of who are located in different spheres of

human endeavour and even within the citadels of learning of those societies. Some

contemporary Nigerian writers like Femi Osofisan, Niyi Osundare, Maik Nwosu, Tunde

Fatunde, Ben Okri, Ezenwa Ohaeto, Nduka Otiono and a host of others have addressed

many societal problems orchestrated by the ruling class in their creative works.

The problem therefore is why the intellectual elites, arguably the light of the

society constitute themselves into enemies of their societies in connivance with the

political elites. This problem has agitated the minds of some writers in Nigeria for

instance. Chukwuemekas Ikes The Naked Gods and Adebayo Williams The Year of the

Locust are novels among others that explore the problems of the lack of intellectuality in

Africas citadels of learning and the fact that sometimes the so-called intellectuals

conspire with political leaders against the masses in Africa. Chinua Achebes Anthills of

the Savannah focuses on the dimension of military involvement in politics in post-

independent Africa another manifestation and product of post-coloniality. Femi Ojo-

Ades Dead End further reexamines the problem of the elites in post-colonial Africa. This

paper uses the tool of postcolonial discourse to examine Dead End with the purpose of

revealing the predicaments of an emerging postcolonial society saddled with corrupt,

visionless, and fatuous leadership, which stultifies the quest for dignity and success of its

subjects. The paper purports that this type of leadership, which is pervasive in several

African societies, is a direct consequence of colonialism. It proceeds to demonstrate how

the novel correctly encapsulates this disgraceful situation in contemporary Nigeria.

POST-COLONIAL: ITS MEANING AND DIMENSIONS


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Before delving into examining how Femi Ojo-Ades Dead End addresses post-colonial

issues, we have to determine what post-colonial means to us in this study. This is

imperative because of the various meanings and dimensions the word postcolonial has

assumed in recent times and at different fora. We also have to establish the aspect of

postcolonial discourse we intend to pursue. This is also because of the myriad issues that

always result from postcolonial subject.

Post-coloniality has become a remarkably heterogeneous intellectual reality

marked by a disorderly scramble. Despite its heterogeneous nature, Bill Ashcroft et al

identify some issues that are inexorably firm within the sphere of postcolonialism. These

factors simply indicate the impossibility of dealing with any part of the colonial process

without considering its antecedents and consequences. The factors include the

development of new elites within independent societies, often buttressed by neo-colonial

institutions, the development of internal divisions based on racial, linguistic or religious

discrimination, the continuing unequal treatment of indigenous peoples in settler/invader

societies. (2) From the foregoing, it is evident that postcolonial studies are based in the

historical fact of European colonialism and the diverse material effects to which this

phenomenon gave rise.

As Bill Ashcroft et al further contend: postcolonial theory involves discussion

about experiences of various kinds: migration, slavery, suppression, resistance,

representation, differences, race, gender, place and responses to the master discourse of

imperial Europe such as history, philosophy and linguistics, and the fundamental

experiences of speaking and writing by which all these come into being. (2) Therefore,

postcolonial literature would normally focus on the experience and literary production of
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people whose history has been characterized by extreme political, social and

psychological oppression. Invariably, postcolonial criticism defines formerly colonized

people as any population that has been subjected to the political domination of another

population and seeks to understand the operations politically, socially, culturally and

psychologically of colonialist and anti-colonialist ideologies. In this paper, we attempt

to analyze in the novel, Dead End, the ideological forces, which as Tyson contends, on

the one hand, pressed the colonized to internalize the colonizer's values and other hand

promoted the resistance of colonized people against their oppressor a resistance that is as

old as colonialism itself (365).

The entire corpus of African literature one way or the other addresses various

problems that have arisen due to subjection to political domination by another or other

populations. Consequently, postcolonial disillusionment and disappointment are subjects

that have preoccupied many African writers and are here extended by Femi Ojo-Ade in

his Dead End. He reveals one of the major problems in postcolonial African societies as

the sense of intellectual inadequacy inculcated into the African colonial (and eventual

political leaders) elites, which consequently results in inferiority complex.

How does this come about? Lois Tyson argues that ex-colonials often were left a

psychological inheritance of a negative self-image and alienation from their own

indigenous cultures, which had been forbidden or devalued for so long that much pre-

colonial culture, has been lost. As Tyson puts it: the colonizers believed that only their

own Anglo-European culture was civilized, sophisticated; or Metropolitan (366).

Consequently, native people were defined as savage, backward and even underdeveloped.

So, while the colonizers saw themselves at the centre of the world, the colonized were at
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the margin. These colonized subjects were taught to believe in British superiority and

their own inferiority. Many of these individuals according to Tyson tried to imitate the

colonizers as much as possible in dress, speech, behaviour and lifestyle; a phenomenon

which postcolonial critics refer to as mimicry. This feeling of being caught between

cultures, of belonging to neither rather than to both; of finding oneself arrested in a

psychological limbo is what Homi Bhabha refers to as unhomeliness. The problem that

produces an unstable sense of self, results not merely from some individual

psychological disorder, but from the trauma of the cultural displacement with which one

lives. (Tyson 36)

Because of the above, we contend that the problems of the African political and

intellectual elites as represented in Femi Ojo-Ades Dead End are consequences of the

internalization of inferiority in the face of learned Western culture, which has been

wrongly appropriated, imbibed, or learnt and therefore are improperly or inappropriately

applied. We contend that all those who pass through the western process of socialization,

suffer from the intractable problem of double consciousness and unhomeliness. As a

result, the cultural ideal, which the African elites should aspire to attain, and to take their

individual societies to, suffer a grim setback. These elites end up cultivating what at best

is an anti-culture, instead of working towards a process of human perfection, which

culture represents. Anti-culture then stands for those actions and inactions that are anti-

people; those policies decisions by the government of the day that do not promote the

interest of the people; as well as those deliberate efforts on the part of those in power to

suppress to perpetual silence the voice of the people. At the same time, anti-culture here

represents the greed, avarice, devilish and uncultured behaviour of leaders and elites.
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The intolerable distortion by the political leadership of the political landscape of

this African state Ojo-Ades Dead End is what we have termed anti-culture in this paper.

Culture relates to the beliefs and values people have about their society, social change

and the ideal society they seek and desire. Is it possible then that positive values or the

best forms of culture are those that can be learnt from Europe or America? As Rosamund

Billington et al opine: the idea that humankind should seek perfection was not new but

European, British and American writers in the 18th and early 19th centuries connected this

search with the new possibilities and problems of industrialism. In this context, the

concept of culture was equated with the idea of civilization. Underlying this equation as

we have seen was some notion that societies evolved from less civilized forms and

Western industrialized societies were closer to the top of this evolutionary scale a

notion stated quite explicitly by early writers on primitive societies (7). This argument

underlies also why subjects of postcolonial societies seek to be seen as civilized by

trying to appropriate to the best of their ability the behavioural and attitudinal traits of the

so-called civilized subjects or race. The same desire exposes their inferiority complex,

which drives the actions of these leaders or subjects. Chinua Achebe in his Colonialist

Criticism contends that these educated natives do not actually succeed in acquiring any

education, and consequently constitute themselves into problems to their people.

According to him:

His abortive effort at education and culture though leaving


totally unredeemed and unregenerated had none the less done
something to him. It had deprived him of his links with his
own people whom he no longer even understand and who
certainly wanted none of his dissatisfaction or pretensions
(John Storey 58)
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POST-COLONIAL ISSUES, ANTI-CULTURE AND OJO-ADES DEAD END

Femi Ojo-Ades Dead End, deals with the predicament of an African fictional state

held hostage by its political and intellectual elites. The novel exposes an African

independent nation reeking in embarrassing degrees of moral turpitude and intellectual

debasement. It reveals not only the rottenness in the psychological make-up of so-called

political leaders of the fictional African state, but also the degradation of its intellectual

class. It further examines the implication of being saddled with the type of elites that exist

in that African state. Ojo-Ade uses the fictional African state (Africana) as a metaphor for

the situation that pervades the entire continent and the contemporary Nigerian state in

particular. The novel addresses the tragedy of a nation that celebrates a culture of

mediocrity and denigrates positive values. Political leadership in this society serves only

parochial and selfish interests, while there are conscious efforts to stifle intellectualism

even in the ivory towers.

The plot of Dead End revolves around a young Nigerian intellectual who travels to

Europe and America for the Golden Fleece and returns after ten years with the zeal and

desire to contribute without inhibition to the development of his home state. The

education of the early African elites in the West served to create the Black Skin, White

Mask individuals, who Frantz Fanon identifies as one of the greatest problems of the

Blackman. Even after independence, most of the intellectuals and lecturers of universities

in most African states must travel abroad in order to qualify to teach in the universities.

Most of these people undergo different forms of indoctrination and on return become

apologists of the colonizers in so many unclear ways. The exploitation and oppression of

the populace now wear a new garb as those anomalies earlier committed by colonial
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masters are now perpetrated by African cronies who incidentally have become leaders.

The question is why neo-colonialism should still be harped on as the problem of the

African states several decades after their independence. Femi Ojo-Ade seems to

interrogate African elites sense of mimicry and attribute to the anti-culture in that

continent to this malaise. He takes some moments in the novel through the protagonist to

emphasis this fact; especially in the protagonists famous lecture in the novel:

Part of our tragedy is that, even when we cultivate the

humanities, we do so as foreigners feasting upon the culture of

the colonized, murdering it and replacing it with an alien

ethos. A classical example is religion. Africana, we are told, is

a secular state; yet, everyone that matters considers that you

are either a Christian, Moslem, or a pagan. The understanding,

of course, is that anything besides the imported religions is the

domains of cannibals, of superstitious, savage sons of ape

unfit to survive in the age of civilization. (Dead End 35)

Colonialism is implicated in so far as the political and intellectual elites of the African

states are not only products of Western institutions, but also wish to perpetually identify

with this alien culture.

In the narrative that alternates between the first and third person point of view,

Femi Ojo-Ade extends the issue of the predicaments of the intellectual in developing

African nations where the elites who take over from the colonial masters make it

impossible for things to work rightly because they benefit from the subsisting

disorderliness. The protagonist, Biodun Bolaji, chooses the academia to make his
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contributions and throws all his strength to achieve the best for himself and the

university. He believes that with new responsibilities imposed on him by community and

society, as an African intellectual who has returned home to set an example of excellence,

he would work hard to attain his objectives, even at the cost of losing his friends.

However, Biodun soon realizes and learns too lately the bitter lesson that the society he

intends to sacrifice himself for abhors him. The academia for instance, where he works, is

a nest for pretenders constituting:

phoney professors and lying lecturers, academic politicians


and political academics, all connived to outsmart and
outnumber those with quality qualifications and a desperate
desire to contribute constructively and creatively. (Dead End
4)

Yet, he is determined to make the best out of the situation. To underscore his optimism at

succeeding where others had failed, he tells Bolarin, who tries to warn him against his

idealistic posture that: Your dreams died but I expect to fulfill mine. I insist that I am

able to overcome all obstacles and you will learn a lesson from me (8).

Biodun struggles to attain the highest level of his professional calling despite the

insurmountable opposition from the corrupt politicians in the garb of academics in the

university:

He read the texts voraciously and wrote with the urgency of a


cancer victim condemned to imminent death. Thus, personal
objectives, mixed with social commitment, spurred him to
more action; at least so he believed. (9)

The novel, like most postcolonial ones, recognizes the potential of nationalism to

spur the individual and community into building the post-colonial state. This nationalistic

instinct and patriotic zeal drive Biodun into sacrificing almost everything to also fight to

save his people that have long been prostituted and pillaged by civilizations constructing
11

colonies and neo-colonies... (9). However, the same patriotic zeal drives the leaders of

Africana to resort to all manner of anomalous political chicanery and tomfoolery as the

pretend to be driven by patriotic fervour and to be in the service of the people, but who

they actually deracinate.

Nevertheless, Biodun in post-colonial discourse is easily recognizable in the

mould of those Frantz Fanon describes as native intellectuals in his theories of

resistance. Fanon identifies these people as the writers and thinkers educated in colonial

schools who not only use their education in the struggle against the colonialists but also

remain vigilant in the post-colonial era prepared to denounce an indigenous ruling class

(166 -99).

Though Biodun does not categorically draw a battle line against the indigenous

bourgeoisie class, his idealism and disposition towards members of his immediate

environment, leaves no one in doubt as to his undisclosed intentions. His description as

one who didnt mix, loved only his books, and the extended family he found in the

classroom (Dead End 14), summarizes his reclusive lifestyle. One discerns an idealistic

posture from this mien: He closed his eyes to the realities of rot and rape and

retrogression because he believed that the minority of great minds must manage to live

above the mess of the majority (40).

However, through the connivance of the political and


intellectual elites, Biodun suffers a systematic destruction as
he ends up exactly the same way as the older intellectuals on
whom he had earlier cast aspersion. His struggle for
promotion to a professorship fails despite his excellent profile.

Because the principles for promotion in the National University of Africana where

he teaches are at the whims of the political academics of the university, Biodun needs the
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acceptance of these people to have his assessment approved. One of the professors who

comments on why he shouldnt be promoted argues that Bioduns

essay in question or should I say presentation is far too


controversial for comfort. While I dont ever like to bring
outside politics into academic matters... I cannot help but
remind us of the position of his eminence the exemplary
President the sole saviour the magnificent messiah of our
motherland. Mr. President Pope as we are all aware stands for
a universalist approach and although I have been too busy to
read our young colleagues thing on culture I know for sure
that it is not only inferior to Mr. Presidents many excellent
speeches; it actually opposes Mr. Presidents positive and
realistic opinion. (104)

The above remark by one of the leading academics of the National University of

Africana is enough cause for worry to any well-meaning person. The question that

continues to yearn for answer is why the intellectuals of developing African societies

should constitute themselves into obstacles towards the positive development of their

societies. Why are so-called intellectuals always willing tools for this collaborative crime

against the people? Biodun fails in his quest to become a professor because though he is

prolific he refuses to be part of the corrupt core that has turned the citadel of learning into

a den of sham and shallowness. The criteria for promotion in this citadel is

Constantly changing fascinatingly facetious predisposed to


prejudice clouded by confusion and contradiction and
contaminated by the same deadly disease dogging the vast
society, which the citadel supposedly serves as model. (108)

Therefore, Bioduns campaign for promotion fails because though he is prolific,

he is equally pompous and therefore the very symbol of our struggle for progress

who, should he be proud, is already an agent of our decadence (109). His problem is

invariably further heightened by his attitude and lifestyle which shuts out other members

of his immediate environment from his social life.


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The predicament in which Biodun finds himself in this novel is not only the

handiwork of the academics alone but also a conspiracy with the political elites which are

constituted by brainless individuals with little mental faculty. His predicament represents

all subjects of postcolonial African societies that saw themselves under the rulership of

ill-motivated power mongers who usurped the opportunity of altruistic individuals and

fought their way to power to execute individual and parochial agenda. Biodun, the young

intellectual, unfortunately finds himself in an environment in which he is an odd man out.

The leader of the political elite is a megalomaniac and a cannibal. He goes by all manner

of messianic cognomen. For instance, he ... became Mr. President Pope, the nations

saviour (Dead End 52). He personally chose the name of Africana as a symbol of

sovereignty and severance from the past of slavery and subordination: Mr. President

Pope, we must insist, is a pious popular president, a Christian to the core a cornerstone of

culture (52). Ojo-Ade uses these satiric descriptions of the leader of this African tiny

state to underscore the extent of foolery, which its subjects must contend.

In the same vein, political and intellectual elites in post-colonial states as in this

novel, go to ridiculous extents to secure their hold on power, including the pretension of

being in the service of the people. Frantz Fanon argues that, an indigenous bourgeoisie

can exploit national sentiment for a whole range of personal rather than collective

benefits (Andrew Hammond 265). The academic politicians who make the rules, with

which the university is run, have very selfish motives for their roles. These are the hatchet

men for the political leaders who help these politicians to hold the societies more firmly

for their personal aggrandizement, while their lackeys are compensated through several

ways the leaders may deem fit. The situation in Ojo-Ades Dead End is in tandem with
14

Frantz Fanons inference that, there have been instances when elites, seeking financial

gain, facilitate neo-imperialist interests in the post-colonial state, tak(ing) on the role of

manager for Western enterprise and set(ting) up its country as the brothel of Europe

(123). Consequently, the novel exposes the elites use of nationalism to prolong their grip

on power long after the imperial departure, which has involved evolving internal as

much as external enemies producing tension and antagonism between sections of a

population (Hammond 265).

All the atrocities the politicians commit are supposedly for the good of the state.

In fact, the leader of this group in the novel is President Pope to underscore his messianic

status. He can do no wrong. He denigrates positive cultural values and desires with

maddening zeal to re-colonize his people with his warped ideology. He sees himself, like

the colonizers, the embodiment of what a human being should be. He is the proper self,

while his subjects, also like the natives under colonialism, are the Other. He is

civilized, while others are savages and primitive. This process of Othering as his

manipulation of his subjects is referred to in postcolonial discourse leads him to move

steadily into inhumanity and anti-culture. This attempt at mimicry pushes him to align

himself with colonizers culture and denigrate African culture, which he sees as inferior

to Western culture. Though an African, President Pope becomes one of the apostles of

Eurocentrism by this posture as he uses European culture as the standard to which other

cultures are negatively contrasted. For instance, Mr. President betrays his Eurocentrism

through numerous misadventures some of which are:

Mr. President ...has never condoned lack of quality in the new


action, which is why an adviser from Europe was immediately
employed for every sensitive position, that is, for almost all
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position. Until today in the fiction of Africana, wherever


Europeans are not available, nothing works

These Europeans are paid in any foreign currency of their choice:

with one percent only going into a Swiss bank opened in


Mr. President Popes name for probity and national
convenience. (53)

All of the presidents children must study abroad. He has a European speech-reader.

He desires a pan-African government with him naturally appointed as life-president to

show the air of superiority he assumes. One of Mr. Presidents policies is that every high

official should possess a property in a non-African country of his choice and spend at

least a month there every year; thus encouraging good education. This policy direction is

simply to justify him before the eye of the West as their friend and as someone with

universal appeal.

Another policy in the state of Africana is that women who are too dark are

encouraged to tone down the dark skin by using bleaching products... And that a new

capital has been ordered to be modeled upon every good non-African capital. According

to Mr. President Pope, every good element from abroad must be cultivated. All these do

not only betray his rejection of who he is, which precedes and engenders identity crisis in

the individual, but also reveals an intense feeling of inferiority.

As we observe from Ojo-Ades Dead End, not only the president has this problem

of unhomeliness. He is surrounded and encouraged by a bunch of gullible, greedy and

corrupt politicians and half-baked academics, who, desperate to share of the loot of the

national treasury, therefore turn themselves into professional praise-singers. They fall

over themselves in their bid to outdo the other in their sycophancy. One wonders where

the redeeming grace for this state under siege will ever come from.
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Femi Ojo-Ades Dead End addresses other important issues that are subsumed

within post-colonial discourse. Some of them include the dictatorial tendencies of the

leadership of these states are attaining self governance. Most African states emerging

from colonialism found themselves in the grips of tyrants who arrogated to themselves

powers comparable to only Gods. In Dead End, Mr. President Pope has the power of life

and death over his subjects. He has the undisputed right to take any woman to bed

whether she is someones wife or daughter. In fact, some of these lackeys in government

who want to curry favour from the president send their wives to warm Mr. Presidents

bed. Some of their actions even bother on incest since almost every functionary in his

administration is a member of his family. Despite that, he kills them at will whenever he

suspects an act of disloyalty. Disappearance of public functionaries becomes a normal

occurrence for which no one raises eyebrows.

The novel also raises the issue of gender, which is important in post-colonial

discourse. The image of women in the novel is negative as they are presented almost as

shadowy characters that cannot inspire any positive change or exert themselves even in

their various capacities. As against the male characters that are defined as active,

intellectual, participating in the realm of the national life of the Africana state, women are

in the periphery in the novel. They are characterized as passive, bodily, belonging to the

realm of nature (Young 200). They are visible only in so far as they some ones wife,

girlfriend, bedmate and without much to contribute to the political space of the country.

Undoubtedly, the female characters in the novel find themselves in a patriarchal order

where they are nothing more than the rejected and disavowed part of the male world; the
17

implication of which is that the women are not even in a position to change the situation

in this nation state.

The tragedy of the situation in the novel and in the state of Africana is that the

freedom fighters or champions of democracy of that state succumb to the intimidating

presence of the dictator and it will require a divine intervention or military intervention

probably initiated and planned by some lucky Africana exiles. The protagonist eventually

takes to drinking and womanizing until he has a near fatal accident, which leaves him

with a broken leg. From every indication, he will end up patronizing those he set out to

fight. Therefore, his resistance to the oppressive regime and culture is equally resisted by

the status quo, and he will remain perpetually in the margin.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, Femi Ojo-Ade has clearly recreated in fictional narrative the

nauseating and anomalous situation the Nigerian state has been in since independence.

Saddled like a scourge and imposing themselves on the hapless Nigerian people, the

political elites in connivance with the educated elites have always been the greatest

obstacles towards realizing the potentials of the citizens. Each time the politicians find

themselves in power through rigging or the barrel of the gun, they find willing allies in

the intellectual elites with whom they loot the treasury and commit all manner of

atrocities, while claiming to be representing the interest of the people. These elites

muzzle the masses into oblivion as their (masses) silence becomes more pronounced

than their presence.

In Ojo-Ades Dead End, some middle-class activists who would sooner than later

compromise their principles and join the ruling elites represent the masses. The masses
18

therefore are at the mercy of politicians who regularly reel out policies that are

deliberately designed to further punish, impoverish and keep them perpetually vulnerable.

Their willingness to change their precarious situation seems to be lacking. The solution to

Africas problems seems not to be in sight. As Femi Ojo-Ade satirically captures the

hopeless future:

You just wait and watch your nations warriors with their

weapons of guns and words and money and material

convinced as you are that their roads to destruction run

parallel to your path of humility and moderation in a world

where modesty and prayers are the best weapons to fight

hunger and other humiliations. You claim to be clean and

unconcerned with the corruption and murderous programmes

of life-presidents in as much as their masked men dont come

knocking on you door and they leave you alone to live your

life according to Gods will. (Dead End 128)


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London: Penguin, 1990.

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And National Consciousness. Ed. T. Akachi Ezeigbo and Karen King-

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OJO-ADE, Femi. Dead End. Ibadan College press Ltd 2001.

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