Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Jaan Valsiner
Clark University, USA
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Culture & Psychology 15(1)
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Valsiner Editorial
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Culture & Psychology 15(1)
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through the cultural logics their communities permit, but also in how actors
use the cultural tools available to them to act in (and on) the world. (Fine &
Fields, 2008, p. 141)
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nor too much), that is, of maintaining proper balance, has been constantly
emphasized . . . well-being is not equated with fulfillment of needs and
production of material wealth through the control and exploitation of nature.
The capacity to develop and maintain harmonious relationship with the
environment is considered vital. (p. 95)
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Qualitative Methodology
As Ho, Ho, and Ng (2007) have demonstrated, contemporary social
sciences that treat qualitative and quantitative methods as if these were
opposing methodologies are introducing a false dichotomy. Research
questions in psychologyas long as psychology is not hyper-
formalized by mathematical ideasare asked in philosophical terms,
hence qualitatively. Echoing the concerns by many scholars over the 20th
century (e.g., Baldwin, 1930; Michell, 1999, 2003, 2005), they point out:
Quantification is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for science.
No one questions the scientific status of biology without quantification. . . .
the price of quantification is a loss of information, as when rich qualitative
data are reduced to sets of numbers, such as frequency counts, means and
variances. Quantitative data have to be translated into qualitative statements
if their meanings and implications are to be spelled out, communicated to
and received by the researchers audience. (Ho et al., 2007, p. 380)
Qualitative perspectives are clearly on the ascent in contemporary
psychology at large (Diriwchter & Valsiner, 2006, 2008; Gelo,
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Braakmann & Benetka, 2008; Mey & Mruck, 2005; Michell, 2004). This
is more easily fitted to cultural psychology, where the molar level units
of analysis resist quantification anyway (e.g., Toomela, 2008b,
pp.6465, on psychologys production of meaningless numbers). To
ask the question how much of [X = love, hatred . . .]? presumes the
unitary quality of that X and its nature together with the homogeneity of
the presumed substance (X)which makes it possible to apply
quantitative measurement units to it. Hence the assumption of quan-
tifiability rules out from the outset the possibility of transformation of
qualityby separating the latter from whatever numbers are attached
to the phenomena in the act of being measured.
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By locating the arena for tensions between the levels of the acting here-
and-now and the stereotype of acting in ones role as being Y since I
am X, Matsumoto gives a structural basis for the processes of tension
outlined by Abbey and Falmagne (2008). The tension is thus granted
by the social community (see Mead, 1931/2001, on the role of
community in US society), but created and managed by the individual
person. That person is therefore necessarily analyzable as a dynamic
structure of multiple partssuch as the autonomous-relational self
(Kagitibasi, 1996, 2005), or in terms of the dialogical self (Hermans,
2001, 2002; Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007; Salgado & Gonalves, 2007).
The narrative direction in cultural psychology works at the intersection
of small and big stories (Bamberg, 2006), where a similar tension
can be observed. The hierarchy of levels of organization is an inevitable
given for all cultural psychology. If the systemic perspective is taken
seriously, it necessarily entails at least two hierarchical and unilaterally
nested levels: the whole and its parts. The latter are by definition at a
level lower than the whole to which they belong.
It is hereat the unity of various parts within the wholethat
cultural-psychological processes make stability out of instability:
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Relationships as Boundaries
Cultural tools both set up boundariesby way of classificationand
set the stage for transforming them (Boesch, 2008). As Ernest Boesch
suggests these two functions of cultureclassification and trans-
formationwe can expand these from two different functions into one.
While classificationthis belongs to Acreates the distinction with the
rest (non-A), it also sets up the boundary {Anon-A}. The act of classi-
fying is simultaneously boundary-setting, and boundary is the trigger
for its overcomingby way of transformation {Ais becomingnon-A}.
As such, classification and transformation are two mutually linked
processes.
Eight years ago the focus on boundaries was thinin a literal sense
(Valsiner, 2001a, pp. 2829). Since then the notion of boundary has liter-
ally become thickened: the boundary is no longer a dividing line of
opposing categories, but is now a more or less extensive membrane
a boundary zonethat can be crossed under some conditions (but
blocked under others). Boundaries of gender (Madureira, 2007a, 2007b)
and body (Ingold, 2004) turn out to be both solidly protected and
quasi-permeable. Human social life entails constant boundary
construction (Joffe & Staerkl, 2007) and transformationsocial classes
create their boundaries in urban globalizing worlds (Tevik, 2006)
together with an opening up of the possibility of transcending these
boundaries. By creating boundaries we create objects, which are
simultaneously physical and cultural entities.
Cultural Objects
Objects are not just material things that exist in and of themselves, but
distinguished contrasts between a figure and the ground. Thus, a black
point on a white surface is an objectbased on a relationship of the
figure and the ground. In classic social psychology, Muzafer Sherifs
autokinetic effect of seeing stationary points as if moving indicates
that simple perceptual distinctions already entail meaningful construc-
tion of the properties attributed to the objects by the perceiver. Human
cultural histories are filled with a hyper-rich construction of such
objects through abundant use of signs. We create our lives through
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Notes
Thanks to Nandita Chaudary of University of Delhi, India, and Jytte Bang,
University of Copenhagen, Denmark, for their critical reading of the previous
versions of this article.
1. It is important to note that the intricate link with the dialectical dynamicity
of the unitswhich is present in the Russian originalis lost in English
translation, which briefly stated only the main point in a summarizing
fashion: Psychology, which aims at a study of complex holistic systems, must
replace the method of analysis into elements with the method of analysis into units
(Vygotsky, 1986, p. 5). Yet it remains unclear in the English translation what
kinds of units are to be constructedthose that entail oppositional
relationships between partswhile in the Russian original it is made
evident.
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