Sie sind auf Seite 1von 2244

DIVINE KNOWLEDGE:

BUDDHIST MATHEMATICS ACCORDING TO ANTOINE MOSTAERTS


MANUAL OF MONGOLIAN ASTROLOGY AND DIVINATION

Brian Gregory Baumann

Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School


in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
in the Department of Central Eurasian Studies,
Indiana University
October 2005
UMI Number: 3200372

Copyright 2005 by
Baumann, Brian Gregory

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 3200372


Copyright 2006 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

ProQuest Information and Learning Company


300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346
Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

______________________________
Gyrgy Kara, Ph.D.

______________________________
Christopher P. Atwood, Ph.D.
Doctoral
Committee

______________________________
Christopher Beckwith, Ph.D.

______________________________
Elliot Sperling, Ph.D.

______________________________
October 5, Stephen Bokenkamp, Ph.D.
2005

ii
2005
Brian Gregory Baumann
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

iii
in memory of Jacob and Frances Geritz

iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation has been in the making in various incarnations for some eight years

over which time I have seen our daughter, Laura, grow into a kind and lovely girl and the

birth of our son, David, who delights us with his sweet and joyful heart, and so for all the

precious times that have come along the way, it is a pleasure now to be able to acknowledge

some of the people who have helped me realize the fruition of my work here. First of all I

would like to thank my teachers and in particular the members of my committee, Christopher

Atwood, Christopher Beckwith, Stephen Bokenkamp, Gyrgy Kara, and Elliot Sperling, for

their assistance.

Special gratitude goes to Professors Atwood and Kara, with whom I had the majority

of my classes here at IU and who gave so much of their time and energy to help me. It was

Professor Atwood who proposed that I take on this work. He made a preliminary reading of

the text with me in a private summer session and suffered the numerous drafts of the

introduction. His comments helped greatly in refining my explication and analysis of the

text. It was Professor Kara, my advisor, who, having helped me with every draft to improve

the transcription, translation, and introduction, ploughed through this unruly dissertation in

its entirety, including the word and subject indices and glossary. His vast knowledge made

this dissertation possible, and his wisdom, good humor, and great kindness inspired me to

see it through. These two exceptional teachers are uncommonly dedicated to their work,

their students, and the greater good, and I am fortunate to know them.

v
I would also like to thank Michael Beard at the University of North Dakota for his

correspondence concerning the first principles of mathematics; Michael Walter for reading

an early draft of the introduction and offering valuable comments; Ron Sela for his advice

and assistance; and John Krueger for his help in locating the original manuscript and

donating a copy of Mostaerts facsimile, the Manual of Mongolian Astrology and Divination,

for my use.

Thanks are due as well to April Younger, who has cheerfully helped me with the

administrative steps along the way; Susie Drost, who has looked after me in ways too

numerous to mention; Ruth Meserve, who offered her advice and assistance the first day I

came to Goodbody Hall and has continued to help me ever since; and Jennifer Liu, who

encouraged me.

Finally, I thank the members of my family for their support and faith in me over the

years, especially my parents in North Dakota, my brothers, the families of my aunt Joanne,

my uncle Gordon, my cousin Suzanne, and my mother and father-in-law in Inner Mongolia.

Most of all I thank Tana, whose self-sacrifice, fortitude, and love sustained us through the

hardships brought on by my too unworldly ways.

vi
PREFACE

This dissertation has seven main parts: 1) an introduction 2) bibliographical

references 3) transcription; 4) translation; 5) glossary; 6) subject index; and 7) a word index.

The bibliographical references, being most in need of use with the introduction, follow that

section to save readers from having to travel all the way to the end. In the translation, to

reduce some of the repetition between the various sections of the dissertation and to facilitate

reading for those already familiar with Mongolian Buddhist texts, relatively few footnotes

are given. Rather, when it comes to noteworthy terms, the Mongolian form is given in

parentheses and may be looked up in the glossary which follows. For its own part the

glossary in most cases gives only a brief description of terms, which often are more

thoroughly discussed in the introduction. It is in the glossary, however, and not the

introduction where emphasis is placed on listing equivalents in Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese

and other languages. While much of the bulk of the dissertation comes from the

reorganization of the glossary terms according to subject and though many of these subjects

are discussed in some detail in the introduction, the subject index is justified by a number of

important lists (in particular the omen protases) and overall gives a unique perspective on the

text and its genre. The word index, modeled after those of L. Ligeti (a la Monuments

prclassiques), organizes the basic Mongolian word forms alphabetically according to their

morphology. Occasionally in so doing the alphabetical order between a basic word form and

the derivation of another is disrupted. Also, included as a derivation of the basic word forms

is the attributive -tu/-t form which could just as well have been listed separately.

vii
Transcription of Mongolian is according to the philological system of Antoine

Mostaert as found in the Index des mots du mongol crit et du mongol ancien to his

Dictionnaire ordos. As a supplement to this system, an underline is used to indicate various

divergences from classical Mongolian orthography. In these cases the written form in the

text is transliterated as is. Transcription of Tibetan is generally in accordance with Wylies

system (1959), though in some instances follows that of the source from which it was taken.

Sanskrit forms follow the source from which they were taken and due to the authors

unfamiliarity with the language, should not be relied upon for citation. Chinese terms are

given in pinyin with Wade-Giles transcription frequently included for ease of reference.

viii
ABSTRACT

Brian Gregory Baumann

DIVINE KNOWLEDGE:
BUDDHIST MATHEMATICS ACCORDING TO ANTOINE MOSTAERTS
MANUAL OF MONGOLIAN ASTROLOGY AND DIVINATION

In 1969 Antoine Mostaert published, together with a detailed introduction, the

facsimile of a manuscript from Ordos, Inner Mongolia. For the richness of its language and

the fullness of its content, this manuscript is one of the best specimens of its genre known

to date. The genre, described inclusively by Mostaert as astrology and divination for the

Mongolian term to(-a mathematics, is anomalous, obsolete for modern English speakers,

yet one of the most pervasive among the collections of Mongolian writing, and a sticking

point for Western scholars, many of whom, as Cicero in De Divinatione, wonder at its reason

for being. Hence, the aim of this dissertation is to elaborate on Mostaerts earlier study by

offering a transcription and translation of the text, a critical introduction that sheds light on

the function of this kind of literature in Mongolian Buddhist culture, and a glossary and word

and subject indices.

The thesis of the introduction argues that in order to understand the genres reason

for being, one must understand its empirical basis in nature. This empirical basis is found

in the problem of time, common to calendar makers everywhere. Two interpretations exist

for the remainders to calendrical computations: one, the means for measuring are not suitably

ix
refined, implying an optimistic assumption in a logical universe; two, computation fails

because nature itself lacks uniformity, implying a nihilistic assumption in a chaotic universe.

History shows that Greek astrology, guided by faith in absolute time, set off on a

deterministic course culminating in the Enlightenment. History shows too that Buddhist

dharma is based on the opposing point of view, that the distinction between instant and

duration is the one true thing in nature. These two antagonistic (not arbitrary) perceptions

influence the rhetoric of science and our understanding of the primary aspects of traditional

mathematics, healing, ritual, magic, and so on.

________________________________

______________________________

______________________________

______________________________

______________________________

x
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ...............................................................................................................v

Preface .................................................................................................................................vii

Abstract ..............................................................................................................................viii

Table of Contents .................................................................................................................xi

List of Tables ......................................................................................................................xii

Abbreviations ......................................................................................................................xv

I. Introduction ....................................................................................................................1

Overview ...............................................................................................................................1

Influences ............................................................................................................................43

Theory .................................................................................................................................62

Practice ...............................................................................................................................115

II. Bibliographical References ........................................................................................320

III. Transcription .............................................................................................................361

IV. Translation .................................................................................................................542

V. Glossary .......................................................................................................................681

VI. Subject Vocabulary ..................................................................................................1028

VII. Word Index ..............................................................................................................1473

xi
LIST OF TABLES

I.1 Topic Headings ...............................................................................................................11

I.2 Tables of the Manual ......................................................................................................23

I.3 References/Sources ........................................................................................................27

IV.1 The Elements/Maqabud ..............................................................................................124

IV.2 The Five Colors ..........................................................................................................125

IV.3 The Eight Trigrams .....................................................................................................126

IV.4 A Survey of Twelve Omens ........................................................................................130

IV.5 Magical Treatments/Formulae ....................................................................................147

IV.6 The Twelve Stages of Dependent Origination/itn Barildaqui ................................159

IV.7 Symbols of the Times of Various Spirits ....................................................................160

IV.8 Star Spirits ..................................................................................................................174

IV.9 Patterns of the Spirits of the Times and Places ...........................................................186

IV.9a Patterns of the Spirits of the Calendar Months (8r-19r) ...............................186

IV.9a.1 Their Positions According to the Eight Directions ........................187

IV.9a.2 The Positions of itgen Eke According to the Twelve Animal

Zodiac .........................................................................................................187

IV.9a.3 The Days of the Spirits According to the Twelve Animals ...........187

IV.9b Where the Do(in Baling Dwell ..................................................................188

IV.9c The Empty Moon ..........................................................................................188

IV.9d Table of the Heavens for the Day To Set Out on a Journey During Any

Month.......................................................................................................................189

xii
IV.9e Fortunate Way For A Bride To Set Off On Her Journey ..............................191

IV.9f Way of Affliction For A Bride To Set Off On Her Journey ..........................191

IV.9g Yellow Dust ..................................................................................................192

IV.9h Red Dust .......................................................................................................193

IV.10 The Horoscope ..........................................................................................................195

IV.11 The Wandering Stars ................................................................................................200

IV.12 The Twenty-eight Nakshatra: Linguistic Forms and Junction Star ..........................204

IV.13 The Twenty-Eight Nakshatra: Epithet, Figure, Direction, Element, Number of

Stars....................................................................................................................................207

IV.14 Other Nakshatra classifications ................................................................................213

IV.15 Correspondences of the Asterism Systems: the Manual, Indian, Uygur, Chinese and

Other Mongolian Sources ...................................................................................................219

IV.16 Table of Nakshatra Figures in Manual, Indian and Chinese Sources .......................223

IV.17 The Twenty-eight Nakshatra ....................................................................................225

IV.18 The Four Sky Animals ..............................................................................................256

IV.19 The Twelve Signs of the Zodiac ...............................................................................257

IV.20 The Twelve Animals .................................................................................................262

IV.21 The Eight Directions .................................................................................................263

IV.22 The Ten Heavenly Stems ..........................................................................................268

IV.23 Dual Combinations of the Ten Heavenly Stems .......................................................269

IV.24 Sexagenary Cycle ......................................................................................................269

IV.25 Hours of Light and Darkness ....................................................................................272

xiii
IV.26 The Seven Day Week ...............................................................................................276

IV.27 The Seven, Eight and Nine Day Weeks ....................................................................277

IV.28 The Twelve Lords/Arban Qoyar Een ......................................................................279

IV.29 The Large and Small Months ....................................................................................280

IV.30 The Months ...............................................................................................................282

IV.31 The Ancient Mongolian Months ...............................................................................286

IV.32 The Twelve Hours ....................................................................................................296

IV.33 The Three Kalpa .......................................................................................................297

IV.34 Time Reckoning Systems .........................................................................................298

IV.34a System A .....................................................................................................298

IV.34b System B .....................................................................................................299

IV.34c System C .....................................................................................................301

IV.35 The Four Seasons ......................................................................................................306

IV.36 The Signs of the Seasons ..........................................................................................306

IV.37 The Kinds of Bride ...................................................................................................317

xiv
ABBREVIATIONS

AA. Acta Asiatic: Bulletin of the Institute of Eastern Culture.

AOH. Acta Orientalia, Budapest, Magyar Tudomanyos Akadmia.

AM. Asia Major.

AR. Asiatic Researches.

AUD. Ana(aqu uqa(an-u drben nds [the four bases of medical knowledge],

[Kkeqota]: br Mong(ol-un Arad-un Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1978.

BSOAS. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.

BTD. Srkzi, Alice, A Buddhist terminological dictionary: the Mongolian

Mahvyutpatti, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1995.

CAJ. Central Asiatic Journal.

Das. Das, Sarat Chandra, Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms,

Alipore: West Bengal Government Press, 1960. (Reprint)

DBT. Dictionary of Buddhist Terms and Concepts, Tokyo: Nichiren Shoshu

International Center, 1983.

DO. Mostaert, Antoine, Dictionnaire ordos, New York: Johnson Reprint Corp.,

1968.

EB. Encyclopedia Britannica.

ET II. Sa(ang Secen, Erdeni-yin Tobci (Precious Summary) II. Word-Index to the

Urga Text, prepared by I. de Rachewiltz and J. R. Krueger, Canberra:

Australian National University, 1991.

HJAS. Harvard Journal of Asian Studies.

xv
IM. Information Mongolia, Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1990.

JA. Journal Asiatique.

JAOS. Journal of the American Oriental Society.

Jschke Jschke, H. A., A Tibetan-English Dictionary, London: Routledge & Paul,

1949 [reprint].

JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

JSYS. Journal of Sung Yuan Studies.

KOT. Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra, eds., Klacakra-tantra and other texts,

New Delhi, 1966.

Lessing Lessing, F., ed., Mongolian-English Dictionary, Bloomington: The Mongolia

Society, 1982.

MAT. Altangerel, D., Orchin tsagiin Mongol-Angli toli, Ulaanbaatar, 1998.

Mathews Mathews, R. H., Mathews Chinese-English Dictionary, revised, American

ed., Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000.

MCB. Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques.

MMAD. Mostaert, Antoine, Manual of Mongolian Astrology and Divination,

Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1969.

Mong. Mongolian

MS. Monumenta Serica: Journal of Oriental Studies of the Catholic University

of Peking.

MSD. Raghu Vira, Mongolian-Sanskrit dictionary, New Delhi, 1959 reprint.

xvi
MW. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1899/1960.

ODT. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, R., Oracles and demons of Tibet, Gratz, 1975.

Pentaglot Tamura Jitsuzo, et al., transl., Wu ti ching wen chien, Kyoto, 1966.

S. Sanskrit

SE I. Bawden, C. R., "The Supernatural Element in Sickness and Death According

to Mongol Tradition" Part I, Asia Major VIII, pp. 215-257.

SE II. Bawden, C. R., "The Supernatural Element in Sickness and Death According

to Mongol Tradition" Part II, Asia Major IX, pp. 153-178.

Soothill. Soothill, W. E. and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist terms:

With Sanskrit and English equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index, Richmond:

Curzon Press, 1995.

TEDP. Gyurme Dorje, comm. and transl., Tibetan elemental divination paintings

illuminated manuscripts from The White Beryl of Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho

[the Vaidrya dkar-po] with the Moonbeams treatise of Lo-chen Dharmar,

London, 2001.

Tib. Tibetan

TP. Toung Pao.

TPS. Tucci, Giuseppe, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 2 vols., Kyoto: Rinsen Book Co.,

Ltd., 1980/1949.

TU. eden, et. al., analyst, Tngri-yin Udq-a, <Kkeqota>, br Mong(ol-un

Sinjilek Uqa(an Teknik Mergejil-n Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1990.

xvii
Uy. Uygur

ZAS. Zentralasiatischestudieren.

ZDMG. Zeitschrift der Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesellschaft.

xviii
INTRODUCTION

I. Overview

The manuscript presented herein was once owned by a Tang(ud Mongol named

Sangwar, who, while working as a petty official, practiced divination for the local people of

Boro Balgasun, a village located in Ordos, Inner Mongolia, the high plateau region of sparse

grasslands, sand dunes and salt flats lying within the bend of the Yellow River, bordered to

the south by the remnants of the Great Wall.1 After his death, said to have been some time

during the First World War, his son, around 1918 or 1919, offered to sell the manuscript to

Rev. Antoine Mostaert, who paid a sum of seven silver taels and included it among others

in his large collection.2 Mostaert, Superior of the Belgian Scheut mission on the outskirts

of Boro Balgasun, had come to Inner Mongolia from Belgium in 1906 and would stay until

1925. Upon completion of his term, he relocated in Beijing, where he wrote and published

a number of outstanding works for the field of Mongolian studies. Among these are Folklore

ordos and, in 1941, his excellent reference of Mongolian language, the Dictionnaire ordos.3

1
Sangwar was a Mongol of the Tang(ud clan. For more on the ethnography of the
region, cf. Mostaert, "Matriaux ethnogaphique relatifs aux Mongols Ordos" and for
reference to the Tang(ud clan, cf. Ordosica, Les noms de clan chez les Mongols Ordos, p.
45.
2
Rev. Mostaert's Mongolian manuscripts eventually found their way into numerous
collections; however, one catalogue given specifically to the manuscripts collected by the
Scheut priests, most of them collected by Mostaert, himself, is W. Heissig's "The Mongol
Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Belgian Scheut Mission CAJ 3 (1957): 161-189.
3
For a bibliography of Mostaert's early works see Monumenta Serica 1945.

1
INTRODUCTION

With the Communist takeover imminent, Mostaert left Beijing in November, 1948, arriving

in the United States in February, 1949. He moved to "Missionhurst" in Arlington, VA,

where among his works he published articles explicating passages of Mong(ol-un Ni'ua

Toba'an (The Secret History of the Mongols) and the Mongolian letters found in the Vatican

library.4 In 1969, some fifty years after receiving it, he published a facsimile of Sangwars

manuscript together with an extensive introduction as Manual of Mongolian Astrology and

Divination, Part Four in the Scripta Mongolica Series of the Harvard-Yenching Institute.

The original manuscript is in Rome, in the archives of the headquarters of the CICM

(Scheut).5 As Mostaert describes in his very thorough and excellent introduction to the text,

the manuscript is anonymous, with neither title nor colophon. The paper is thick and solid.

Its dimensions are 45.5 x 17 cm. There are 61 folios. The general period of the text is the

19th century. This, Mostaert points out, is indicated clearly by its paleography. Specifically,

the use of the Manchu dot, or tongki was characteristic of the time (MMAD 1-2). The text

is written in two distinct hands, the second, less elegant hand, beginning on folio 55 recto

with the discussion of the descent of the black dog of heaven (tngri-yin qara noqai).

Orthography

4
For brief descriptions of Mostaert's career cf. R. Rupen, "Antoine Mostaert, CICM
and Comparative Mongolian Folklore," CAJ 1 (1955): 2-8 and N. Poppe, "Antoine Mostaert,
CICM" CAJ 15 (1971): 164-169.
5
This information comes to me from Igor de Rachewiltz by way of a note on my
behalf from John Krueger.

2
INTRODUCTION

The orthography is close to classical Mongolian but with some peculiarities. There

is the use of the Manchu dot or tongki, as mentioned. In the manual the tongki is often used

to designate the front-vowel quality of a word. This is especially true in cases when aleph,

e, follows shin, s, as in sedkil, segl, ksel, etc. It is also occasionally used to distinguish

voiced consonants, such as d and g, from unvoiced consonants, t and k, phonemes not

differentiated in classical Mongolian orthography. The use of the Manchu tongki to mark

voiced g from unvoiced k is found specifically, though sporadically, in the rendering of

foreign words, such as gi, Chinese zhi/chih to uphold, protect, the 6th of the Twelve lords

of the day (arban qoyar een). In this it functions merely as a transcription symbol.

Other transcription symbols include a modified beth, the downward bending yod, to

mark either the labial-dental spirant v in Sanskrit words such as vajra (Mong. vair) or the

bilabial spirant w in Chinese words such as taiwang/tai-wang (Mong. dayiwang). Ayushi

Gushis galig k, a bow with a slanted pin, is used to mark a foreign unaspirated velar stop g,

as in gara( (S. graha planet); the straight pin version of galik k is found in only one

instance, i.e., to transcribe Tibetan phyag btsol lab (Mong. kyagvasolab [=pyagvasolab])

to prostrate oneself. The tsaddi modified with an off shooting down-turned stroke marks

various foreign affricates, as in the lunar mansion, Jayitari (S. Citr), the trigram jen (Ch.

zhen/chen), and jii, the Tibetan letter zi. The tsaddi modified with an upward stroke, is used

in one instance, to render Tibetan z in gzangdang (Tib. gza bdun) planet. Finally, to mark

an aspirated labial plosive p, as in Chinese ping, the bow of the Mongolian character b is

indented.

3
INTRODUCTION

In front vowel words in which the vowel of the first syllable is written only with a

single aleph, e, a rounded vowel in the second syllable is marked with a superfluous yod

following vaw, as in the word emn-e south. To mark an initial y another Manchu

innovation, the upturned yod, is used. The benefit of this symbol is lost occasionally,

however, in that in initial consonants it is used indiscriminately with . For example, il,

year is often written as yile (2v, passim). This Manchu innovation is not found in

Mongolian orthography prior to the 19th century and in the case of this term its use is not

justified by the spoken language. Also in the way of ambiguity, word final -ng consonants

are often compressed to the point where the grapheme denoting -n- is indiscernible;

diphthongs -ayi- and -eyi- as in sayin and teyin, are written with the middle yod, known as

silbi shin, reduced to the shorter aleph grapheme known as sidn tooth in Mongolian,

and -yu and -u suffixes are basically identical; context often indicates which form is which,

though in some cases the reading seems arbitrary.

As for the writing of grammatical forms, case endings are treated in a variety of ways.

Sometimes they are written separately from the stem, as is common in classical Mongolian

orthography, other times they are joined. The genitive -yin form following vowels is

occasionally substituted with -u/, e.g. buliyan qula(ai-u [=yin] iles (deeds of robbery and

stealing) and qong keriy-e- [=yin] soddu (the quill feather of a raven). Also the genitive

is often omitted before post-positions, e.g. dalai deger-e [=dalay-yin deger-e] on the

ocean. As for the accusative case -yi and -i endings are often confused, the -yi ending

sometimes following a word-final consonant, as in iles-yi written for iles-i the deeds or

4
INTRODUCTION

the -i ending following a word-final vowel, as in bey-e-i written for bey-e-yi the body.

Sometimes the accusative is used instead of the genitive, as in the example, dayisun-i

[=dayisun-u] ner-e-yi irubasu (if one inscribes the name of the enemy). Also, it is clear,

especially from the formulaic and repetitive lists of omens in the text, that usages of the

accusative form marking a definite object of a transitive verb and the indefinite zero form are

often arbitrary: for example, the phrase, one will find a superior [re-] birth, is given both

as deged trl-<y>i oluyu (29r) and deged trl oluyu (30r); in the omen conditions

found in the text, the phrase if one makes an offering to Buddha is written either as burqan

takibasu or burqan-i takibasu, and so on. Four forms of the dative locative are found: 1. -

dur/dr, -tur/tr; 2. du/d, tu/t; 3. -da/de, -ta/te and 4. -a/e. Of these, -dur/dr and -du/d

are used almost exclusively over -tur/tr, tu/t forms even following the consonants (, b, s,

d, g, and r, which normally take -tur/tr, -tu/t, e.g., iles-dr for iles-tr; this is common

for attributive forms as well, e.g., ir(ulang-du instead of ir(ulang-tu. An exception to this

is in cases when the dative suffix starts a new line; here -tur/tr is used even following

vowels or the consonants n, ng, l, and m. In the ablative case, pre-classical -a/e is

occasionally used instead of -aa/ee, in which cases it is joined to the preceding word, e.g.,

(aara. The comitative forms -lu(-a/lge are almost always given as -lu(-a regardless of

vowel harmony, e.g., tegn-lu(-a [=tegn-lge], edr-lu(-a [=edr-lge], etc. Sometimes

the colloquial word formation suffix -tai/tei is found, e.g., ala( noqai-tai . . . kmn (a

person with a spotted dog).

5
INTRODUCTION

Use of the standard classical Mongolian diacritics is inconsistent. In some instances

the double dots to the left side of the ligature marking an unaspirated velar stop, (, as in (al,

fire are given; sometimes not. Similarly, the double dots to the right of the ligature

marking an alveo-palatal spirant, , are used irregularly, not only in marking before vowels

other than i, standard practice for distinguishing from s, but before i as well, though here

it is superfluous.

Variable spellings are numerous. This is to be expected in the renderings of foreign

terms, frequent in astrological descriptions, especially from Sanskrit and Chinese, and from

Tibetan as well (see Foreign Transcriptions in the Subject Vocabulary). For instance, the

6th heavenly stem of the Chinese calendar matrix, Chinese ji/chi, is given in the text variously

as i, yii, gi, and gii. However, Mongolian words are often written in variable ways as well.

These variations are worth noting as they frequently illuminate specific aspects of Mongolian

language: first, words are sometimes altered to clarify ambiguities of the Mongolian script,

e.g., quda the heads of two families related by marriage is sometimes written quda, with

a single lamed, d, but also as qudda to distinguish it from qota, city, fortress, citadel;

second, variable written forms tend to stem from changes in Mongolian language over time

away from the archaic pronunciation reflected in classical Mongolian orthography. Included

in these are dialectal variations, both locally and historically going back to the eastern and

western dialects of Middle Mongolian. In this regard, variable spellings reflect: 1. the rise

of long vowels and diphthongs in Mongolian language, e.g., the classical form u(u- to

drink, pronounced simply as uu, is written variously in forms that mix classical orthography

6
INTRODUCTION

and modern pronunciation, u(uu-/uu(u-; a(aa(ai/aa(ai, classical a(aa(ai magpie

and gegreglegi/geyireglgi the one that impoverishes are further examples of this

trend; 2. assimilation, e.g., keregl and keregr, quarrel, dispute. 3. i and e alteration,

especially in proximity to the consonants b, r, l and the affricates and ; for example

eeg/iig flower, erig/ereg/ireg/irig soldier, beig/biig writing, beligt/biligtu

wisely, debil/debel robe, tle-/tli- to burn, uira-/uara- to meet, occasion, in-

e/ini new, me/mi limb [a unit of time], quria/qurai/quraa- to ardently desire

and so on. 4. alternation of a/e and o//u/, e.g.: qalan/qalun blaze on the forehead (esp.

of horses), ol(a-/ol(o- to meet, mordo-/morda- to mount a horse, to(ain/to(oin

mathematician, teglder/tegldr full, perfect.

Also, a few words are written following Ordos pronunciation. For example, the term

qadquldubasu upon doing battle, is given in the text as (adquldubasu. Similarly there is

(alqala- for qalqala- to shield, and (okimui for qokimai, withering. These reflect the

change of strong consonants at the beginning of words to weak consonants under the

influence of strong or voiceless consonants at the beginning of the following syllable.6

Another example of Ordos pronunciation is okin for kin, daughter, virgin, maiden.

Pre-classical and archaic elements are common in a number of forms: 1. terms and

concepts, e.g., ma(ui for ma(u bad; beri bo(tala- to put the bo(to cap on a bride, i.e. to

marry her off; to become engaged, an obsolete marriage custom; 2. grammatical forms: a)

6
Cf. Mostaerts description of the Ordos dialect in Anthropos and N. Poppe,
Introduction to Mongolian Comparative Studies, pp. 20-21.

7
INTRODUCTION

dative-locative -a/e, common throughout the text, found rather frequently in classical

Mongolian texts but more so in pre-classical Mongolian, and -da/de/-ta/te, e.g., bgdede

sayin (38r); b) ablative -a/e, e.g., qola (aara oid irek (visitors will come from a far

away land [57r]); c) the abundance of plural forms; d) the plural form, -d, of the noun of

perfect suffix -(san, a more bookish than especially preclassical form, is found in the passage

do(olang eremdeg a(sad (aar the place where the lame and cripple stay (24r); e) the

present tense marker -m is found in the phrase darasun idegen uaram one will happen to

find wine and food (50r); f) -(daqui/gdeki, a mild imperative, e.g., edr qono(

tasura(san-i uqa(daqui one should understand extracalation (3v), and 3. transcription of

Chinese terms reflects a Middle Chinese pronunciation borrowed into Mongolian from both

Uygur and Tibetan sources. An example of this is found in the preservation of Chinese final

-m in the terms im for Chinese ren, the 9th heavenly stem, attested in Uygur (see Table

IV.22) and kam, Chinese kan/kan, one of the eight trigrams, attested in Tibetan (see Table

IV.3). This preservation of Chinese final -m coupled with the loss of other Chinese final

consonants -p, -t, and -k (compare Uygur forms of the ten heavenly stems, Table IV.22)

indicates late Middle Chinese from around the time of the Mongol Empire (Pulleyblank

1971: 138).

Contents

8
INTRODUCTION

Given that a Part Four is explicit in the text, the manuscript appears to be

composed in five segments. This likely follows a numerological prescription as sources such

as the Klacakra are also so divided (KOT 18). First of these is an epistemology. It begins

with an invocation to Majur, the patron of astrologers and all that pertains to knowledge.

In his iconography Majur holds a book in one hand and a sword in the other (Waddell

1978: 12, passim). Subjects mentioned include the relationship of the genre to the tradition

at large, Buddhism, key sources in the transmission of the teaching, and various methods for

reckoning time. In providing the theoretical foundation upon which the remainder of the text

is based, this section is qualitatively different from the rest of the text. In Mongolian the

dichotomy between theory and practice falls under the rubric of ar(-a bilig, skillful means

and wisdom (S. upya-praja), the two qualities possessed by the Buddha and symbolized

by the sword and book in the iconography of Majur. These complementary forces are also

known as yin and yang, the male and female principals of the Chinese. Though individually

static, through their union lies accomplishment.

The second part is a calendar. It gives both a written description of the quality of

each month together with a matrix of 30 days. Days are given by a) a number, b) an

indication of the horoscope (ascendant, full, weak, or declining), c) a nakshatra (M.

na(idar, one of the 28 Indian asterisms) d) a term from the Buddhist Twelve Stages of

Dependent Origination, e) a direction, and f) a drawn symbol; g) sometimes the unknown

term yilig appears as well. This section begins with a table that gives the months and hours

in sixty unit cycles over five years and five days respectively according to the Uygur tradition

9
INTRODUCTION

used during the Mongol Empire. It ends with a key to the meaning of the various drawn

symbols. For example, the image of the indamani or wish-fulfilling jewel indicates a day

in which one finds good fortune. The image of a razor (M. tong(ori() indicates the day the

fierce deity, Mahkla, descends. This section is 12 folios.

The third part concerns the celestial influences. It begins with a table that lists each

of the twenty-eight Hindu nakshatra asterisms or lunar mansions, its element among the four

elements, earth, air, fire or water, its planet, sun, moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, or

Saturn, and then the element of each of these seven planets (M. (ara(; S. graha).7 The

reason for these correspondences of stars and planets with their respective elements is to

forecast the good and bad auspices of their coincidences. This table is then followed by

individual descriptions of each of the seven planets and then a similar description of each of

the twenty-eight Hindu nakshatra or asterisms. In these descriptions each planet and star is

associated with one of the five elements: wood, earth, fire, water and metal, showing an

abrupt juxtaposition of two different astrological systems, the former of Indian, the latter of

Chinese origin. The quality of each influence is given together with various good or bad

auspices. It is ten folios.

Part Four concerns the day. There are two cycles of twelve days. One is of the

famous twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac. The other is a more obscure cycle known as

the Twelve Lords (M. arban qoyar ein). Various auspices are given for each day. For

7
For the Mongolian term, see Lessing, 387 under gra(; for the Sanskrit, see MW,
372.

10
INTRODUCTION

example, "On the Day of the dragon, if one preaches the dharma, it is good." The section

begins with an interesting astrological sub-genre attributed to Indian astrology, a tale or

dialogue between a ruler and the goddess Vima, daughter of heaven. In their dialogue the

ruler interrogates the goddess about the order of the universe, and the goddess answers. This

section altogether is six folios.

The fifth part is a long section is of approximately one-hundred eight topics. These

concern good or bad occasions for various activities and the times when certain supernatural

influences descend. This section is 24 folios. The topic headings are as follows:

I.1 Topic Headings

# BASA NIGEN EKET ITEMS


1. basa nigen eket qota bal(asun A good day to build a citadel
bariqu sayin edr kemebes 37r
2. sm-e keyid ba ger bariqu sayin A good day to build a monastery or home
edr kemebes 37r

3. sm-e keyid ba nom burqan A good day to bless a monastery,


itgen-i qutu( oroi(ulqu sayin scripture, or Buddha image
edr kemebes 37v
4. basa sm-e keyid ba subur(-a Also, as for a good day to bless a temple
burqan nom kiged-i oroi(ulqui or monastery, stupa, burqan or scripture,
rabnas keyiki sayin edr or to make a consecration [for these
kemebes 37v things]
5. na(idar-un sayin inu 37v As for a good nakshatra
6. basa gara( odun-u sayin inu 38r Also as for a good planet

11
INTRODUCTION

7. basa nigen eket saran-lu(-a edr Another item, as for the congregation of
qamtudu(san-iyar naiman the eight classes according to the
ayima(-ud-un i(ul(an inu 38r conjunction of day and month
8. basa nigen eket Mahauvari tngri Another item, concerning Mahevara and
kiged Amindiu-a qoyar naiman Amitbha's convention with the heads of
ayima(-ud<-ud> terigten-iyer the eight classes reckoning and probing
kriyelegl qamu( amitan-u the lives of all living beings
nasun to(olan tengse i(ulqui-
dur inu 38r
9. basa nigen eket naiman ayima(- Another item, concerning the return of
un-ud [=ayima(-ud-un] qariqui the eight classes
inu 39r
10. basa nigen eket sara-lu(-a edr Another item, as for a day when the
qamtudu(san-iyar luus-un qad-un dragon kings will convene according to
i(ulqu edr kemebes 39r the conjunction of day and month
11. luus-un qad-un qariqui edr anu As for the day the dragon kings return
39v
12. basa nigen eket saran-lu(-a edr Another item, as for the servant, baling
qamtuddu(san-iyar gara(-ud-un do(in, seeking food for the planets by
idei ereki-yin arudasun baling the conjunction of day and month
do(in inu 39v
13. basa sarayin qo(osun anu 40r Also, As for the empty month
14. basa nigen eket baling do(in Where baling do(in dwells
qami(-a sa(uqu 41r
15. basa nigen eket il kiged sar-a Another item, let me write to distinguish
edr a(-un qara-yi il(au the black times of a year, month, or day
biisgei 41r
16. basa nigen ekit arban qoyar Another item, as for the black times of
sarayin qara inu 41r the twelve months
17. ede qara saras-un drben terign Of these black months, the head of the
sarayin terign-i qara drben four first months is black; the back of the
dumdadu sarayin niru(u-[y]i qara. four middle months is black; and the tail
drben es sarayin segl-i qara of the four final months is black
bui 41r

12
INTRODUCTION

18. basa nigen ekit ken edr Another item, as for a small day
kemebes 41v
19. basa nigen eket yeke qara edr Another item, as for a great black day
kemebes 41v
20. basa nigen eket geyireglgi Anther item, as for an impoverishing
qara edr kemebes 41v black day
21. basa a(-un qara inu 42r Also As for the black hours
22. basa nigen eket qara ingpng-n Another item, as for the affairs of the
yabudal kemebes 42r black ingpng
23. basa nigen eket a( kiged Another item, concerning the hours and
(ayila(daqu iles anu qara deeds to be avoided pertaining to the
ingpng giki anu 42r running of the black ingpng
24. basa nigen eket ginggang Another item, as for the ginggang (Tib.
kemebes 42v kingkang)
25. basa nigen eket tngri ilmus Another item, as for the day the gods and
(adqulduqui edr kemebes 43r demons battle
26. basa nigen eket ebdegi qara Another item, as for a day when the lords
qada(ur bari(i (aar-un ein of the earth who wield an annihilating
giki edr kemebes 43v black sickle run
27. basa nigen eket (uyirini-yin (ar Another item, as for a day on which a
qo(osun qariqu edr kemebes mendicant returns empty-handed
43v
28. basa nigen eket gara(-ud-un Another item, as for [a day when] the
do(in idei eriki inu 43v fearsome ones of the planets look for
food
29. basa nigen eket. (aar-un ein Another item, as for a day when the dog
noqai idei eriki edr kemebes of the lord of the earth looks for food
44r
30. basa nigen eket. edr-lu(-a Another item, let me write the good and
[=edr-lge] odun qamtudu(san- bad [auspices] for the occasions brought
iyar uiral-un sayin ma(u-yi forth by the union of days and stars
biisgei 44r

13
INTRODUCTION

31 basa nigen eket. edr-lu(-a Another item, there will be occasions for
[=edr-lge] qamtuddu(san-iyar burning according to the conjunction of
tleky-yin uaral boluyu 44v days [and stars]
32. basa nigen eket. odun na(idar Another item, there will be an occasion
qamtuddu(san-iyar dolo(an for the seven ambrosia according to the
raiyal uiral bolai 44v conjunction of the stars and nakshatra
33. basa nigen eket odun na(idar Another item, there will be an occasion
qamtuddu(san-iyar dolo(an li for the seven blessings according to the
qutu( oroi(san-u uaral bolumui conjunction of the stars and nakshatra
44v
34. basa nigen eket. odun na(idar Another item, there will be a bad
qamtuddu(san-iyar kki ma(u occasion to die according the conjunction
uaral bolumui 45r of these stars and nakshatra
35. basa nigen eket odun na(idar Another item, there will be an occasion
qamtuddu(san-iyar tleki uaral- for burning according to the conjunction
iyar bolumui 45r of these stars and nakshatra
36. basa nigen eket. odun na(idar Another item, there will be seven days of
qamtuddu(san-iyar im[n]us-un demons according to the conjunction of
dolo(an edr bolumui 45r these stars and nakshatra
37. basa nigen eket im[n]us-un Another item, as for the seven days in
ila(u(san dolo(an edr inu 45r which to conquer imnus demons
38. basa nigen eket. odun na(idar Another item, let the good and bad
qamtuddu(san-iyar drben occasions of the four elements, according
maqabud-un sayin ma(u uiral to the conjunction of stars and nakshatra,
a(-un krdn- yosu(ar be in keeping with the custom of the
okiyasu(ai 45r-45v Klacakra
39. basa nigen eket odun il Another item, let me write to distinguish
qamtuddu(san-iyar sayin ma(u the good and bad coincidences according
uiral-<y>i il(au biisgei 46r to the conjunction of star and year
40. basa nigen eket na(idar-lu(-a Another item, as for understanding the
arban qoyar il qamtudbasu sayin good and bad distinctions [resulting
ma(u il(al-i ek anu 46v from] the conjunction of the nakshatra
with the twelve years
41. Maqagala ba(uqu edr anu 46v As for the day Mahkla descends

14
INTRODUCTION

42. Okin tngri ba(uqu edr kemebes As for a day the Goddess (Lhamo)
46v descends
43. basa nigen eket arban qoyar Another item, as for the glorious days of
sarayin o(tu edr kemebes 47r the twelve months
44. basa nigen eket arban qoyar Another item, as for knowing the bad day
sarayin Yang Gung-ii kemek which was told of by the sages [such as]
ari-narun glegsen ma(u edr- Yang Gungyi
<y>i ek anu 47r
45. basa nigen eket aliba sarayin l Another item, as for the day of any
sedk edr kemebes 47v particular month on which one should
not make plans
46. basa nigen eket arban qoyar Another item, as for the withering day of
sarayin modun gokimoi kemebes the twelve months
48r
47. basa ula(an aa(ai kemek ma(u Also, as for the bad day known as the
edr inu 48r Red Magpie
48. basa nigen eket il sar-a Another item, let me write in order to
qamtuddu(san-iyar uaral-un distinguish the good and bad
sayin ma(u-yi il(au biisgei [. . coincidences according to the
.] tngri-ner (ai(udaqu edr bui conjunction of the year and month
48r
49. basa [. . .] idkd (ai(udaqu edr Also, [. . .] these days are days for idkd
48r-48v demons to grieve
50. basa mr (arqu edrn sayin Also, as for a good day to set out on a
kemebes 48v journey
51. basa drben terign sarayin Morin Also, the Horse and Ram days of the four
Takiy-a edr ma(u. drben dumda initial months are bad. The Tiger and
sarayin Baras Mo(ai edr ma(u. Snake days of the four middle months
drben es sarayin Qulu(an-a are bad. And the Rat and Ox days of the
ker edr ma(u. Mo(ai edr yer four final months are bad. The Snake
ma(u (urban krdn-dr day is generally bad. One should consult
egdeki 48v the three tables
52. basa ireg mordaqu edr Also, as for a day to mount a military
kemebes 48v campaign

15
INTRODUCTION

53. basa dayisun-lu(-a (adqulduqui Also, as for a good day to do battle with
edr-n sayin inu 48v an enemy
54. ger-n qo(osun anu 48v As for the empty domicile
55. 1 sarayin 13 jindamuni. 2 sarayin The 13th of the 1st month is a cintmani.
11 jindamuni. 3 sarayin 13 The 11th of the 2nd month is a
jindamuni. 4 sarayin 11 jindamuni cintmani. The 13th of the 3rd month is
5 sarayin 3 in-e jindamuni. 6 a cintmani. The 11th of the 4th month
sarayin 1 in-e jindamuni 7 sarayin is a cintmani. The 3rd of the 5th month
7 in-e jindamuni 8 sarayin 27 is a cintmani. The 1st of the 6th month
jindamuni 9 sarayin 22 jindamuni. is a cintmani. The 7th of the 7th month
10 sarayin 2 jindamuni. 11 sarayin is a cintmani. The 27th of the 8th
17 jindamuni. 12 sarayin arban month is a cintmani. The 22nd of the
tabun jindamuni 50r 9th month is a cintmani. The 2nd of the
10th month is a cintmani. The 17th of
the 11th month is a cintmani. The
fifteenth of the 12th month is a cintmani
56. qara sarayin asal anu 50v As for a treatment during a black month
57. ber'i ba(ul(aqui sayin odun As for a good star to bring a bride into
kemebes 51r one's household
58. nigen eket ber'i ba(ul(aqui g Another item, as for the direction in
kemebes 52r which the bride should be made to
descend
59. beri-yin drben ilmus kemebes As for a bride's four imnus demons, it is
dayiwang tayiqu itgen eke. lii necessary to try to consult these, the
klil tngri-yin noqai ede-[y]i Empress Dayiwang, Reliance Mother,
keiyen ek kereg-d bolai 52r the trigram Li, and the dog of heaven
60. basa beri ba(ul(aqu ba okin Also, as for a good day to bring a bride
bo(tolaqu sayin edr kemebes into one's household or marry off a
53r daughter
a) yeke sarayin For a large month
b) ken sarayin For a small month
c) iyerk qara edr ginggang The malevolent black days, and the days
ingpng giki edr ma(u 53r the ginggang and ingpng run are bad

16
INTRODUCTION

61. basa em-e abqu er-e kmn- Also, in order to take a wife, the age of
nasun egdeki 53r the husband should be known
62. basa klil-d ma(u. dayiwang Also, as for the bad day which is bad for
tayiqu qangpan qongpan itgen- trigrams, when one should not go in the
eke abu kiged-n g buu yabu. direction of the Empress Dayiwang,
tngri-yin noqai-yin aman-du buu Queen Qangpan, the Reliance Mother,
g. kbegn-e mi l gki. Shabshu, nor give anything in the
okin-dur ini l gki ma(u edr direction of the mouth of the dog of
inu 53r-53v heaven, when one should not give an
inheritance to a son, nor a dowry to a
daughter
63. basa in-e kmn-i l asaraqu ba Also, as for a day when a concubine
gerte l oro(ulqu edr kemebes should not be cared for nor allowed into
53v ones home,
64. beri-yin ni(ur-<y>i qandun As for the direction the bride should face
ba(uqu g kemebes 53v when she dismounts [her horse]
65. beri (al-du mrgglk a( As for the hour to have a bride to
kemebes 53v prostrate herself before the fire
66. okin-u mr (arqu edr kemebes As for a day for a girl to set out on a
54r journey
67. beri mr (arqu g kemebes 54r As for a direction in which a bride
should set out on her journey

17
INTRODUCTION

68. lii-dr uira(san beri-yi abubasu If one takes a bride who comes under the
(ar-ta(an qada(ur bari(san beri li trigram, she is a bride who holds a
bui. ma(u. mo(ai morin ilt beri- sickle in her hand. It is bad. It is
dr lemi ma(u. kun-dur especially bad for the bride with a Snake
uira(san beri bgde sayin buyan or Horse year. The bride who comes
keig bari(san beri bui sayin. dan- under kun is a bride who holds
dur ucira(san beri kmn- yasun everything good and fortunate. She is
bari(san beri bui dumda sayin. good. The bride who comes under dui is
gen-dr uira(san beri niru(un- a bride who holds a human skeleton. She
ta(an u(uuta egrgsen beri bui is moderately good. The bride who
bgded ma(u. kam-dur comes under gen is a bride who carries a
uira(san beri (ar-ta(an odu( sack on her back. She is bad for
bari(san bui bgde-d sayin. gin- everything. The bride who comes under
dr uira(san beri oroi-ta(an kan is one who holds the hearth (odu()
Kitad qadu(ur bari(san beri in her hands. She is good for everything.
bugde-d toli bui jen-dr The bride who comes under qian is a
uira(san kl gq-a-bar tata(ci bride who holds a Chinese sickle on her
beri bui yeke sayin. sn-dr forehead. She is a mirror to all things.
uira(san beri (arta(an irbegel The one who comes under zhen is a bride
bari(san bui. tegn (artur nigen who pulls the leg with a hook. She is
irbegel bari(ulu ger tergen very good. The bride who comes under
ari(ulbasu sayin. asal asan sun is one who holds a braid casing in
okiqu l okiqu ibegel gki her hand. If one has her clean the house
abqui gara( odun il saran edr and cart holding a braid casing in her
a( kiged-i keiyen ek kereg hand, it is good. One needs to try to
bolai 54r-54v understand the planet, star, year, month,
day and hour in which the making of a
treatment suits or does not suit, in which
protection is given or received.
69. er-e em-e qolbaqu ibegel ek As for knowing the protection under
anu 54v which a husband and wife are united

18
INTRODUCTION

70. qoyar qulu(an-a ilt er-e em-e If two people with Rat years become
bolbasu kbegn olan bolqu sayin. husband and wife, sons will be many. It
qoyar ker ilt uru( uqa( bayan is good. For two Ox years, relatives by
sayin. qoyar baras ilt uru( cgen marriage will be scarce and rich. It is
bayan sayin. qoyar taulai ilt good. For two Tiger years relatives by
kbegn olan bayan sayin. qoyar marriage will be few and rich. It is good.
luu ilt uru( gen geg bui. For two Hare years sons will be many
qoyar mo(ai ilt kbegn olan and rich. It is good. For two Dragon
bayan sayin. qoyar morin ilt years relatives by marriage will be few
kbegn olan bayan sayin qoyar and poor. For two Snake years sons will
qonin ilt uru( olan bayan sayin. be many and rich. It is good. For two
qoyar bein ilt kbegn olan Horse years sons will be many and rich.
bayan sayin. qoyar takiy-a ilt It is good. For two Ram years relatives
kbegn uru( uqa( bolu(ad by marriage will be numerous and rich.
keregri ma(u. qoyar noqai ilt It is good. For two Monkey years sons
kbegn gen keregri ma(u. will be numerous and rich. It is good.
qoyar (aqai ilt kbegn olan For two Cock years sons and relatives by
bayan sayin bui 54v marriage will be scarce and moreover
they will be quarrelsome. It is bad. For
two Dog years sons will be few and they
will be quarrelsome. it is bad. For two
Pig years sons will be many and rich. It
is good

19
INTRODUCTION

71. basa qulu(an-a ilt okin-i taulai Also, do not give a daughter with a Rat
iltd buu g. ker ilt okin-i luu year to one with a Hare year. Do not
ilt-d buu g. baras ilt okin-i give a daughter with an Ox year to one
mo(ai ilt-d buu g. taulai ilt with a Dragon year. Do not give a
okin-i morin ilt-d buu g. luu daughter with a Tiger year to one with a
ilt okin-i qonin ilt-d buu g. Snake year. Do not give a daughter with
mo(ai ilt okin-i bein ilt-d a Hare year to one with a Horse year. Do
buu g. morin ilt okin-i takiy-a not give a daughter with a Dragon year to
ilt-d buu g. qonin ilt okin-i one with a Ram year. Do not give a
noqai ilt-d buu g. bein ilt daughter with a Snake year to one with a
okin-i (aqai ilt-d buu g. takiy- Monkey year. Do not give a daughter
a ilt okin-i qulu(an-a ilt-d with a Horse year to one with a Cock
buu g. noqai ilt-yi kert buu year. Do not give a daughter with a Ram
g. (aqai ilt-yi baras iltd buu year to one with a Dog year. Do not give
g 54v a daughter with a Monkey year to one
with a Pig year. Do not give a daughter
with a Cock year to one with a Rat year.
Do not give someone with a Dog year to
one with an Ox year. Do not give
someone with a Pig year to one with a
Tiger year.
72. basa nigen eket tngri (aar-un on Another item, as for why the black dog
sara edr a( me. odun gara( of heaven, who is the heaven and earthly
ede bgde-yin ein inu tngri-yin master of the years, months, days, hours,
qara noqai ba(umu. ya(un-u tula quarter-hours, stars, and planets, will
kemebes 55r descend
73. il-n tayisui kemebes 55v As for the year [star], Tayisui
74. basa tariyan tariqu sayin edr Also, as for a good day to plant a crop
kemebes 55v
75. basa debel qubasun eskeki Also, as for a good day to tailor a robe or
edrn sayin 55v clothing
76. basa debel eskeki inu 55v Also, as for tailoring a robe
77. basa nigen-e eket debel emsk Another item, as for a good day to wear a
sayin edr kemebes 56r robe
78. basa em neyileglki sayin edr Also, as for a good day to mix medicine
kemebes 56r

20
INTRODUCTION

79. Taulai Takiy-a edr em gk-dr The Hare and Cock days are good for
sayin. Mo(ai ma(u. Mul odun ba giving medicine. The Snake is bad. The
drben-e ma(u 56r Mla star or the fourth is bad
80. basa biig to(-a sur(aqu ba Also, as for a good day to teach writing
oroi(ulun toyin bolqu edrn and mathematics or to allow one to
sayin anu. 56v become a lama
81. basa abaig abqu edrn sayin. Also, as for the distinction of good and
ma(u il(al kemebes 56v bad days to receive a consecration
82. obalang-un tngri yabuqu edr em On the day the God of Suffering roams
l u(uuqu 56v about
83. basa aliba sarayin noqai-dur Also, a prohibition was preached against
ebedin emleky-[y]i igerlegln treating an illness on the Dog day of any
nomlauqui 56v month
84. Qulu(an-a edr 57r Rat day
85. ker edr 57r Ox day
86. Baras edr 57r Tiger day
87. Taulai edr 57r Hare day
88. Luu edr 57v Dragon day
89. Mo(ai edr 57v Snake day
90. Morin edr 57v Horse day
91. Qonin edr 57v Ram day
92. Bein edr 58r Monkey day
93. Takiy-a edr 58r Cock day
94. Noqai edr 58r Dog day
95. 'aqai edr 58r Pig day

21
INTRODUCTION

96. basa (aar-un ba(atud-un tere g Also, as a soldier or nomad, do not go in


ereg ba negdel buu od. okin the direction of the Heroes of the Earth.
beri buu g. buu ab. mr ba yasun Do not give away or receive a daughter
buu (ar(-a. aliba iles egn-ee or bride. Do not set out on a journey nor
ayila(daqu bolai. Qulu(an-a take out bones. Any kind of act should
ker 'aqai (urban iln (aar-un be avoided in these [directions]. During
ba(atud umar-a. Baras Taulai Luu the Rat, Ox, and Pig years the Heroes of
(urban il-n (aar-un ba(atud the Earth are in the north. During the
doron-a. Mo(ai Morin Qonin il Tiger, Hare, and Dragon years the Heroes
emn-e. Bein Takiy-a Noqai il of the Earth are in the east. During the
rn-e bui 58v Snake, Horse, and Ram years they are in
the south. During the Monkey, Cock,
and Dog years they are in the west
97. basa qo(osun qumq-a anu 58v Also, as for the Empty pitcher
98. basa (aar-un snes anu. 58v Also, as for the Spirit of the Earth
99. basa biyoo kemebes 58v Also, as for biao
100. basa ed bara(daqu keig ba(uraqu Also, as for the days when possessions
edr anu 59v run out and fortune diminishes
101. basa yeke (arul(-a-u [=(arul(-a- Also, as for a day of great loss
yin edr] anu 59v
102. tabun qalqala(i ede kemebes As for the five talismans
60r
103. basa iln qo(osun anu. 60r Also, as for the empty year
104. nigen sarayin Morin edr ara On the Horse day of the first month,
quma(. 2 Mo(ai 3 ker. 4 Mori. 5 there will be yellow dust; 2nd, Snake;
Mo(ai. 6 ker. 7 Mori. 8 Mo(ai. 3rd, Ox; 4th, Horse; 5th, Snake; 6th, Ox;
9 ker 10 Mori 11 Mo(ai 12 ker 7th, Horse; 8th, Snake; 9th, Ox; 10th,
60r Horse; 11th, Snake; 12th, Ox.
105 nigen sarayin Takiy-a-dur ula(an On the Cock day of the first month there
quma(. 2 Baras 3 Qulu(an-a. 4 will be red dust; 2nd, Tiger; 3rd, Rat;
Takiy-a. 5 Baras. 6 Qulu(an-a. 7 4th, Cock; 5th, Tiger; 6th, Rat; 7th,
Takiy-a 8 Baras 9 Qulu(an-a 10 Cock; 8th, Tiger; 9th, Rat; 10th, Cock;
Takiy-a 11 Baras 12 Qulu(an-a 11th, Tiger; 12th, Rat
60r)

22
INTRODUCTION

106. basa nigen eket suuli [=sauli] Another item, as for the day for the
sauqu es( [=esg]ula(-un opening of the sprinkling aspersions of
negegemel edr anu. 60v mare's milk ceremony
107. basa nigen il odun erdem-<y>i Another item, when one counts the
to(olabasu 60v virtues of the asterisms
108. qorin naiman na(idar-<y>i As for classifying the twenty-eight
il(abasu 60v nakshatra
a) li qutu( oroi(san naiman there are eight nakshatra in which good
na(idar bui 60v fortune resides
b) naiman ber-n odun kemebes As for personal nakshatra
60v
c) drben r-e tasura(san odun As for the four nakshatra which cut off
kemebes 61r descendants
d) drben tan odun kemebes 61r As for the four tan nakshatra (indicating
significance for those of rank, to whom
tan is used as an honorific)
e) drben belbesn odun kemebes As for the four widow nakshatra
61r
f) qorin naiman na(idar-<y>i tabun As for classifying the twenty-eight
maqabud-iyar il(abasu 61r nakshatra by means of the elements
g) na(idar-a ia(ur obo(-iyar As for classifying the nakshatra by
il(abasu 61r means of their ancestry

Also, throughout the manual tables are given. These are listed here as follows:

I.2 Tables of the Manual

# KRDN TABLE

23
INTRODUCTION

1. arban qoyar sarayin ngge medek Table to Know the Forms of the Twelve
krdn ene bui 7v Months
2. qorin naiman na(idar-lu(-a Here is the Table in which, by conjunction
dolo(an gara( odun-i of the twenty-eight lunar mansions with
tokiyaldu(ulu uaral-un sayin the seven planet stars, the good and bad
ma(u-[y]i jek krdn ene bui auspices of their meeting will be seen
21r
3. baling do(in qami(-a 40r-40v Where the baling do(in dwells
4. drben terign sarayin mr (arqu This is the Table For Setting Out on a
krdn ene bui 49r Journey During the First Four Months
5. drben dumdadu sarayin mr This is the Table for Setting Out on a
(arqu krdn ene bui 49r Journey During the Four Middle Months
6. drben es sarayin mr (arqu This is the Table for Setting Out on a
krdn ene bui 49r Journey During the Four Final Months
7. aliba sarayin mr (arqu edr-i See This Table of the Heavens for the Day
tngri-yin ene krdn egtn 49v To Set Out on a Journey During Any
Month
8. Nagajun-a ba(i-yin nomla(san This is the Table For Knowing the Good
aliba sarayin mr(arqu edr-n and Bad Auspices Of the Days to Set Out
sayin ma(u-[y]i ek krdn bui on a Journey During Any Month As it was
49v Preached by the Master, Nagarjuna
9. tabun dagini-yin mr (arqu edr- The Days For Setting Out on a Journey of
<y>i ene krdn-dr egdeki the Five D{kins Are Seen in This Table
49v
10. arban qoyar edr-n mr (arqu This is the Table to See the Good and Bad
g-nsayin ma(u-yi ek krdn Directions For Setting Out on a Journey
ene bui 50r During the Twelve Days
11. arban qoyar a(-un mr (arqu The Table to See the Good Directions For
g-n sayin-i ek krdn 50r Setting Out On a Journey During the
Twelve Hours
12. arban qoyar edr a(-un sayin Table to See the Good and Bad Auspices
ma(u-[y]i ek krdn 50v of the Twelve Days and Hours

24
INTRODUCTION

13. dolo(an gara( odun-u mr (arqu Table to See the Good and Bad Directions
g-un sayin ma(u-[y]i ek For Setting Off on a Journey During the
krdn 50v Seven Gara( Stars
14. nigen il okin-i bo(tolaqu sar-a- One item, here is the table to know the
yi ek krdn bui egni sayitur month in which to marry off a daughter.
tokiyaldu(ulu medegdeki 51r One should understand this and rectify it
well
15. yeke sara bges krgen-ee b If it is a great month count clockwise from
to(ala. ba(-a sara bges son-in-law. If it is a small month count
ba(uray-aa buru(u to(ola. counterclockwise from foundation.
(olomta ba(urai nutu( qa(al(-a Hearth, foundation, place of residence, and
sayin bui 51v door are good
16. sara yeke bges (olomta-aa b If it is a great month count in the right
to(ola sara ba(-a bges nutu(- direction from hearth. If it is a small
aa buru(u to(ola. (olomta ger month count in the wrong direction from
nutu( mr ede sayin bui 51v place of residence. These are good:
hearth, home, place of residence, and path
17. sara yeke bges krgen-ee b If it is a great month count in the right
to(olan. sara ba(-a bges okin- direction from son-in-law. If it is a small
aa buru(u to(ola nutu( ger month count in the wrong direction from
(olomta deg ede sayin bui 51v daughter. These are good: place of
residence, home, hearth, and younger
sibling
18. sara yeke bges er-e-ee b If the month is great, count in the right
to(ola sara ba(-a bges em-e-ee direction from man. If the month is small,
buru(u to(ola 51v count in the wrong direction from woman
19. beri-yi l abqu odun na(idar-un Here are the Conjunctions of Stars and
uaral ene bui 52r Nakshatra For Not-Taking a Bride
20. il-n ngge-ber ber'i abqu-yi This is the Table to See When to Take a
ik krdn ene bui 52r Bride According to the Nature of the Years

25
INTRODUCTION

21. tngri-yin noqai-yin krdn egni This is the table of the Dog of Heaven. If
sara yeke bges kgn-ee b the month is great count in the right
to(ola. sara ba(-a bges buru(u direction from neck. If the month is small
to(ola. kgn-dr dumda sayin. count in the wrong direction. On the neck
nidn-dr r-e sadun delgereged it is moderately good. On the eyes
lemi ir(alang-du bolumui descendants and relations having greatly
aman-dur r-e gei bolu(ad ge flourished one will be abundantly happy.
da(un bolqu qo(olai-dur qadam On the mouth, having been no
eke-de ma(u. irken-e maida descendants, there will be quarreling. On
ir(aqu. ni(ua-dur r-e gei the throat it is bad for the mother-in-law.
bolqu. borbin-dur okin-da(an On the heart one will be extremely happy.
qari. segl-dr kbegn olan On the genitals there will be no
bolqu. kisn-e rglide okistai descendants. On the achilles tendon there
ir(aqu. taiyan-dur okis-tu bolqu. will be obstacles for one's own daughter.
niru(un-dur r-e tasuraqu. dalun- One the tail sons will be many. On the
dur mai sayin bolumui 52v navel one will be continuously and
agreeably happy. On the hip it will be
agreeable. On the back descendants will
be cut off. On the scapula it will be
extremely good
22. er-e sar-a-yi aman-aa b to(ola In a masculine month count in the right
em-e sar-a-yi segl-ee buru(u. direction from mouth. In a feminine
aman-tur ge da(un uaram. month count in the wrong direction from
eregn-dr dumda sayin. tail. On the mouth one will meet with a
enggelegr sayin. qan-dur mai quarrel. On the jaw it is moderately good.
sayin. kebili-dr kbegn olan. The breast is good. On the thigh is
kl-dr ma(u. segl-tr okin olan. extremely good. On the belly sons will be
nira(un-dur r-e tasuram geige- many. On the leg it is bad. On the tail
dr meks dumda. iken-dr iken daughters will be many. On the back
terign l tegsm. qabar-tur qar- descendants will be cut off. On the nape of
a mr-d bolunam. nidn-dr the neck it is mediocre [meks dumda].
nidn met qoyar sayiqan kbegn On the ears the ears and head are not
trmi 52v perfect. On the nose one will encounter a
black journey. On the eyes two beautiful
sons who are like the eyes will be born
23. ede okin-u il bui tokiyaldu(ulyu These are the years of the girl. They
52v should be rectified.

26
INTRODUCTION

24. na(idar-un ner-e//na(idar-<y>i Names of the Nakshatra//These are the


eilek-yin ner-e ene names of those [stars] which indicate the
bui//qalqalaqu amitan-u tolo(ai nakshatra//The head of their protective
59r animal
25. qa(ailtu drben edr anu//qabur As for the four days which separate//These
namurun qu(usun ebln til-n are the days of the middle of spring and
edr bolai. aliba sayin iles-i fall [the equinoxes] and the end of summer
igerle 59r and winter [the solstices]. Abstain from
any kind of good deed.
26. na(idar-un ner-e odun-u to(-a Nakshatra names, number of stars, figure
bui dri ba maqabud ene bui 59v and element
27. kn krgen sgdk krdn ene This is the table in which the powerful son-
bui 60r in-law kneels down

Provenance

As is obvious from the description of the nakshatra and planets, the manual does not

follow any one particular astrological system consistently throughout. While in general it

either combines or simply juxtaposes both Indian and Chinese systems, these are derived

from a wide range of sources. Citations given in the manual are to the following:

I.3 References/Sources

1. Abidarm-a [S. Abhidharma; Tib. chos mngon Mong. ayima( saba (Lessing, 1159)];

name of the third section of the Buddhist basic scriptures, constituting a systematization of

the Buddhist scriptures (2v).

27
INTRODUCTION

2. Altan gerel the Suvarnaprabhsa-stra; Altan gerel ungi 42v.

3. arvis tarni [S. vidy d}h~ran]; sacred spell; magic spell (25v [Lessing, 1161; MSD,

35;]).

4. Ayui-yin nom the dharma of Ayushi; Aparimityurjnastra (45v [MSD, 45;

Pozdneyev 1978: 636; Ligeti 1944: 91-92]).

5. Bajar dagini-yin ndsn ?the tantra of Vajrad}~kin.

6. Bandida inq-a Sari [=Bandida Sim}ha Sali] ?personal name, quoted (1v).

7. a(-un krdn [S. klacakra]; wheel of time; this is the Klacakratantra, the main

source of Tibetan mathematics and time reckoning (1v, 2r, 3r, 3r, 11r, 45r).

8. Dlb-a [Tib. dul-ba]; the Vinaya section of the Kanjur (3v [see Pozdneyev 1978: 677]).

9. Jagr-a sambura-yin ndsn the ri-cakrasamvara-tantarja (2v [cf. Ligeti 1944: 19;

KOT, 13]).

10. irken tarni the Heart d}h~rani (25v [cf. Pozdneyev, 427, 616]).

11. Keriy-e-yin ndsn the Crow Tantra (56v).

12. Lii du ting sang ?a Chinese astrological text (2v).

13. Manjuari-[yin] ndsn The Majurmlatantra (2r).

14. Maq-a maya[-yin] ndsn The Mahmyatantra-nma (1v [Newman 1987: 402]).

15. Nagajun-a ba(i-yin sudur Mlamadhyamakakrik (3r).

16. Naran-u irken neret sudur The heart of the sun sutra; S. Sryagarbhastra (2v [cf.

MSD, 310; Ligeti (1944): 272; Mongolian Kanjur, vol. 82, folio 125v-313v, p. 250-626]).

28
INTRODUCTION

17. kgsed-n nom ?the book of the dead (60v). The reference is likely to a funerary

text. See the term kgsed, a plural form of kgsen (that which has died), in the Altan Saba

(Golden vessel [Krueger 1965: 232, passim; Srkzi 1989: 320]).

Of these references, those stated in the manuals introduction as sources for its

composition are:

1. The Chinese sutra, ?Lii-du ting sang. Although the reference is unknown to this author,

it is cited as the source designating the Magh month as the Tiger month, the first month of

spring. As this came with the reconciliation of the Chinese and Tibetan calendars carried out

by Phags-pa lama under Qubilai in 1268, this text is no earlier than the 13th century.

2. Naran-u irken neret sudur (The heart of the sun sutra [2v]). The manual states that the

nakshatra were composed by integrating that which is in keeping with the custom of the

Chinese astrologers together with the Naran-u jirken neret sudur, which was preached by

the Buddha(2v). The original Sanskrit text, the Sryagarbhastra, which belongs to the

cycle of Mahsam}nip~ta sutras, was translated into Chinese in the middle of the 6th century

CE (Nattier 1992: 171-172). The Mongolian translation is found in the Mongol Kanjur, vol.

82, no. 1014, 125v-313v (Ligeti, 1944: 272). The treatment of the nakshatra covers pages

509 to 547. Here much is similar to that found in the manual, but nothing exactly the same.

For instance there is an interrogative section or dialogue which includes a certain tngri-yin

kin (Kanjur, vol. 82, p. 509); The interlocutor in the corresponding section in the manual

29
INTRODUCTION

is also tngri-yin okin, Vima (32v). The nature of the heavens described in these accounts is

considerably different, however, as are the qualities of the nakshatra, the various clans

(obo() listed, and the assignation of the nakshatra in the calendar. For instance in the Heart

of the Sun Sutra the nakshatra of the first day of the last month of autumn is Rokini (Kanjur,

vol. 82, p. 547). In the manual neither of three monthly systems give Rokini as the first day

of autumn (15v, 16v, 17v).

3. Jagr-a sambura-yin ndsn. This source was used to compose the system of Dependent

Origination (itn barildaqu) according to the custom created by Ngrjuna (2v); and the

celebration of New Year on the sixteenth day of the Mr}gair~ month at the time of the

winter solstice (3r).

4. Bajar dagini-yin ndsn. New Year is also celebrated at this time in the tantra of

Vajrad}~kin (3r).

5. a(-un krdn. According to the Klacakra New Year is celebrated in the Citr month,

the middle of spring (3r). This source is also cited for one of the ways to insert an intercalary

month and for designating the length of the months, either 29 or 30 days (3r-3v).

6. Dlb-a. The Vinaya section of the Kanjur is cited regarding a second intercalary system

and the measurement of time by clepsydra (3v).

7. The tenets of Ngrjuna are cited for the method of cutting days out of the calendar (3v-

4r).

30
INTRODUCTION

Although it is not always easy to correlate the source information with that which is

found in the manual, because its language is highly specialized and repetitive with various

omen conditions recurring under new circumstances, successive stars, planets and so on, one

can see signs of the text being stitched together from different sources in changes of both

vocabulary and customs. The introduction cites both Indian and Chinese methods of marking

the New Year, measuring time and so on (1v-7r). The calendrical section which follows next

is based on Chinese methods. The calendar matrix, i.e., the tables of years and hours, are

based on the Chinese system of ten heavenly stems and twelve earthly branches, modified

according to the Uygur system (7v). As for the almanac in part two, though showing a mix

of Chinese, Indian and perhaps even Uygur elements, the manual itself states that it was

composed according to Chinese custom (2v). This is clear in that the first day of the week,

which elsewhere in the manual begins according to Indian tradition on Sunday, here begins

on Saturday, a Chinese method in which the beginning of the Tiger, Horse, and Dog months

begin under the influence of Saturn (2v, 8r-19v). As mentioned, the table listing the Indian

nakshatra and the planets according to their respective elements uses the four element system

commonly found in Indian sources (21r-21v). The descriptions of the planets and nakshatra

that follow, however, use the Chinese system of five elements (21v-32r). In the interrogative

section of the text, one finds a number of specifically Indian terms, sadhu good, galab

kalpa, gara( (S. graha) planet, and so on. Then, with the beginning of part four (34r)

and the description of the Chinese systems, the twelve animals and the twelve lords, comes

new terminology, previously not found in the text, e.g.: iro-a omen, ilige splinter,

31
INTRODUCTION

bou( prophecy, nutu( native land, as well as new omen conditions, such as (aar

kndebes if one disturbs the ground and aman aldabasu if one takes an oath. The

manual itself states the years, eight classes (naiman ayima(), lords of land and water ((aar

usun-u eid), when they assemble and disperse, where they reside and so forth, were all

composed according to the custom of the Chinese astrologers (2v). The most striking change

in terminology comes after the mention of The Crow tantra (Mong. Keriy-e-yin ndsn) in

folio 56 verso. Here appear a number of new auspices found frequently in Chinese sources,

e.g., keriy-e kegbes if a crow caws, keriy-e ba a(aa(ai: kegbes if a crow or magpie

calls, noqai kegbes if a dog barks, qulu(an-a qaabasu if a mouse bites, debel

tlebes if one burns a robe, sn kir(abasu if one cuts ones hair, kimusu ta(aribasu

if one trims ones fingernails, nayitabasu if one sneezes, oid irek visitors will come.

The closing section of the text is also notable for both its distinctive terminology and the

addition of a fifth and final classification of the nakshatra (60v-61v).

From this description of the manuals disparate features, one is apt to consider the

text not as a representative work in the genre but as the anomalous composite of an editor.

However, while the text is certainly composite, it is by no means unusual. In comparing the

manual with other sources in this genre one finds that archaic elements, variant spellings,

grammatical forms, multiple methods and opposing traditions are not incidental, but

common. For instance, concerning the presence of preclassical forms, G. Kara in his article

Zu den mittelmongoliscen Kalenderausdrcken notes that while it is not astonishing that

many terms in the later calendars differ from the older ones because the earlier tradition of

32
INTRODUCTION

Sino-Mongolian calendars was broken with the fall of the Yuan dynasty, it is remarkable that

in the divinatory part of the official imperial calendars one finds the fortunate or unfortunate

days also include old phrases, which coincide with Middle Mongolian (Kara 1984: 349-350).

Regarding multiplicity of methods, one finds them even in the most important sources of

Tibeto-Mongolian mathematics, the Klacakra tantra and the Vaidrya dKar-po The White

Beryl written 1683-1685 by Sang rgyas rGya-mtsho (1653-1705). In the latter, for instance,

one finds nakshatra systems of both 27 and 28 asterisms, an eight day week as well as the

seven day week, forms of the duodenary animal cycle that begin either with the rat or tiger,

and so on (TEDP passim). And as for the juxtaposition of Indian and Chinese methods, this

is expressly stated in sources on Tibetan mathematics to be an integral part of the genre, in

which the white mathematics of India versus the black mathematics of China represent

a form of yin and yang (Cornu 1997: 21-23).

With this caveat the unique qualities of the manual may be examined. Extraordinary

in many ways, first, it is lengthy, intact, very legible, and holds a wealth of mathematical

terms and concepts. Second, and perhaps most important, the existence of an introduction,

rare indeed for this genre, helps to explain how calendrical systems, practical divination

methods, magic, medicine, ritual practices and the like belong within the greater Buddhist

tradition. As such, the manual is not merely a source for various calendrical systems or

divination methods as one finds isolated here and there, but an excellent source of the genre.

Often referred to as astrology, in its day the discipline was known not only as astrology

but also as astronomy and mathematics, the latter being perhaps the best translation of

33
INTRODUCTION

the Mongolian appellation, to(-a, which literally means number. Now obsolete, this

genre, though seldom if ever studied as a whole, holds great significance for the history and

philosophy of science. Third, although the writing of the text is late, the technology used in

the manual is quite different from and more archaic than that of the Vaidrya dKar-po

White Beryl, a much more elaborate, distinctly Tibetan work, which became the main

source for subsequent mathematical works among the dGe-lugs-pa and remains so today.

Finally, the manual contains a number of distinctly Uygur systems, the presence of which

require some explanation considering that the great majority of works in this genre are

translated either from Tibetan or Chinese (Ligeti 1933: 60).

While the breadth of Uygur influences in the manual will be discussed later, one

example of the Uygur system which helps shed light on the origin of the manual is found in

the sexagenary cycle used in the matrix of the calendar. In the Chinese system from which

the Uygur form derives, abstract Chinese terms define ten heavenly stems and twelve earthly

branches, the combination of which yields sixty terms. In place of the twelve earthly

branches it is common to substitute the twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac, rat, hare, tiger,

etc. The Uygur variation on this system comprised combining a transcription of the Chinese

terms of the ten stems with a translation of the terms of the animal cycle, e.g. bing-baras

sara the bing-tiger month. This form is attested both in Uygur texts and in the Mongolian

fragments from Turfan (Rachmati 1972: 301, passim; Franke 1964: 33). It was used in the

calendar of the Mongol empire (Cleaves 1951: 56, passim).

34
INTRODUCTION

Two important factors underlie the resurgence of this calendar around the 17th

century. The first is that the Mongolian calendar never actually disappeared after the fall of

the Yuan but lived on through the Ming, when it was only superficially altered, and into the

Qing. Throughout the Qing approximately 60 different calendars were used, some only

briefly.8 One of the longest employed was the Mongolian calendar, known as the a(-un

medege-yin iruqai, composed by Wang Xun and Guo Shoujing during the Yuan dynasty.

Its name was changed during the Ming time to Qotala yeke iruqai (Ch. datongli) but the

contents were the same. As the most advanced calendar of its day, it was used in China for

over 300 years (TU 3). Besides the calendrical constants, the model for the yearly calendar

distributed throughout the country was set during the Yuan. In particular, it was at some

point during the Yuan dynasty that the day selection tables of popular almanacs, comprised

of the good and bad times for various activities, became a regular and integral part of the

official calendar (Smith, Richard J., 1992: 6; Polo, vol. 1, 1929: 449n). Among the Mongols

the Sino-Uygur calendrical conventions of the imperial Mongolian calendar survived in a

number of late 16th-early 17th century chronicles such as the Altan Tobi (Bawden 1955: 129;

cf. Elverskog 2005: 166), the Erdeni Tunumal (Elverskog 2003: 155), and the Erdeni-yin

Tobi (ET II, passim).

8
The appropriate Mongolian term for the calendar was a(-un drim-n iruqai (Ch.
shixianli); however, it was commonly referred to as huangli; and then after 1911 this
traditional calendar was referred to as bilig-n ularil to distinguish it from the newly adopted
Gregorian calendar (TU 3).

35
INTRODUCTION

The main reason for the resurgence of the Mongolian calendar in the 17th century is

that around this time the Manchu Qing government repealed a longstanding prohibition

against the study or composition of almanacs, a prohibition which had been strictly enforced

during the Ming (TU 4; TEDP 16-17, note 19). In this liberalization the Manchu rulers drew

a sharp distinction between the official calendar and almanacs (Smith, Richard J., 1992: 19).

Whereas almanacs (Ch. tongshu) were subject to few formal restraints (Richard J. Smith,

1992: 19), official Qing calendars were regulated very strictly. The official calendar, known

in Chinese first as shixian li and then after 1736, because of an imperial taboo, as shixian

shu, was published yearly and translated into different languages (Smith, Richard, 1992: 7;

Franke 1964: 8). The Mongolian calendar was made at the Imperial Board of Astronomy in

Beijing where professional Mongolian mathematicians such as Sh. Ming(atu (1685-1770)

did not merely translate it from Chinese but adapted it into the Mongolian tradition and sent

it out via Mongol functionaries (Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 80-82; Porter 1980: 61-76). The

Tibetan calendar, made in Lhasa, differed from that of the Qing, but held special status and

was permitted (Laufer 1913: 591; Smith, Richard, 1991: 75).9 Unauthorized versions of the

official calendar, that is, those that did not carry an official red seal, were considered private

and therefore illegal (Smith, Richard, 1991: 74). The penalty for making illegal copies was

9
Under the Thirteenth Dalai Lama (1895-1933) a new medical college called sMan-
rsis-khang (House of medicine and astronomy) was built in Lhasa by mKhyen-rab Nor-bu
at bsTan-rgyas-glin near the gTsug-lag-khang. The college produced the first official
calendar and sent it every year all over the country. Before there had only been private
calendars (Rechung 1973: 23).

36
INTRODUCTION

severe. The title page to the astronomical tables of F. Verbiest (Mong. Orilang-un ma(ad

to(a) published in 1680 states that anyone who copies the text is to be put to death by

beheading, while the one who catches and chains the guilty is to be rewarded 50 pieces of

silver (Heissig 1971: 183-184).

Liberalization of the almanac gave rise to a host of new works, many of which

included the terms, divination methods and calendrical systems of the old Mongolian

calendar. This influx of handbooks on divination and astrology is evident from a survey of

the catalogues of the various collections of Mongolian manuscripts held throughout the

world. Of these, W. Heissigs catalogue of the collection of the Royal Library of

Copenhagen is especially helpful in explicating something of the manuals origins. MONG.

511 of that collection is another version of the manual (Heissig 1971: 178-180). From the

excellent description of the text by Heissig, assisted by Charles R. Bawden, it is clear that

Mostaerts manual and this are almost identical, going so far as to include the same variable

spellings. For instance in their prognostication for Sunday (Mong. Naran odun), both use

the same dialectal variations, mordo-/morda-, as follows, ireg mordobasu naran ur(uqui

a(-tur morda (if one sets out on a military campaign, set out at sunrise [21v]). The

difference between the two is that MONG 511 is not an Ordos text, and so, whereas in

Mostaerts manual one finds typical Ordos forms such as okin maiden, and (adquldu- to

do battle, here one finds the standard classical Mongolian forms kin and qadquldu (32r,

35v). Bawden, who examined this particular text for Heissig, does not mention the

37
INTRODUCTION

orthography of MONG 511 nor has this author seen the manuscript but surmises that, like

Mostaerts, it too is relatively late.10

These two texts are similar, with sections verbatim, others nearly so to another

manuscript in the Copenhagen collection, MONG 326 (Heissig 1971: 185-187). The text is

incomplete. In comparison with Mostaerts manual it is missing a number of sections

including the introduction, the matrix of the sexagenary cycle, and the twelve lords. It

contains material not found in Mostaert such as two small sections of the teachings of

Padmasambhava and a section on the five oxen (Mong. tabun ker), which apparently refer

to five nations, the Tangut, Tibetans, Indians, Muslims, and Chinese (Heissig 1971: 187).

Also it is out of order. In MONG 326 the twelve animal cycle of days comes after a section

on the symbols and before the seven day week. In Mostaert the twelve animal cycle of days

comes later in the section of twelve days. Some of the series of items (basa nigen ekit)

come between the description of the planets and nakshatra and the benediction praising the

completion of that section. For this reason it appears as if the editor of MONG 326 has

rearranged the order to some extent. The majority of the text, however, is the same as

Mostaerts manual both in terms of sequence and content. MONG 326 begins with the

almanac. It contains sections on the seven stars, i.e., the sun, moon and the five planets.

This is followed by the twenty-eight nakshatra; the interrogative section between a ruler and

queen Vima (written in MONG 326 as Bima); and a number of the various items, such as the

10
According to Charles Bawden, it is possible that MONG 511 is simply a photocopy
of Mostaerts manuscript. If so, the variances cited above, kin versus okin, etc., must be due
to conventions of transcription (2002: 31).

38
INTRODUCTION

section on the black dog of heaven (tngri-yin qara noqai). All are virtually the same as those

found in Mostaert, with only slight orthographical or grammatical differences. The

description of the twelve animal cycle of days and the meanings of the various symbols

differs between the two texts. It is not an Ordos text. Notable for its absence in MONG 326

are the Uygur elements of the old Mongolian calendar which are found in Mostaerts manual

and MONG 511. Notable for its presence is a fragmentary text title, ula neret litu buyu

(Heissig 1971: 185). The term litu (Tib. lo tho calendar, almanac) indicates that MONG

326 was translated from Tibetan. In Plate 5 of his catalogue, Heissig provides three

photographs of this text (Heissig 1971: xxxvii). From these it is clear that the manuscript

is old, likely 17th century. The orthography indicates this as well.

Besides the Qing liberalization of the almanac and the period of MONG 326, another

17th century point of origin is found in the manuals composite designation of the month.

Here each month is named according to five distinct traditions, Indian, the Chinese peasant

calendar, the Chinese astronomical calendar, Tibetan and Mongolian, an example of which

is as follows:

According to the Klacakrists of India this is the Magh month, the final
month of winter. For the peasants it is the middle month of spring. For the
mathematicians of China it is the first month of spring. In Tibet it is the
Tiger month. In Mongolia it is the first month (8r).

This custom of identifying the month in composite fashion according to the designation of

the season is stated by Johan Elverskog to be a 17th century phenomenon, likely begun during

the Qing, and not found in earlier Yuan time sources (Elverskog 2005: 161). The same

manner of designating the months is found in MONG 326 (Heissig 1971: 185) and a 17th

39
INTRODUCTION

century text in the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Mong. 33 (Ligeti 1933: 62; Bese 1972:

149-173; Kara 2000: 64, #33).

From this it is possible to reach a general understanding of the manuals setting. It

appears to be a 19th century copy into Ordos dialect of another relatively late Mongolian text

in standard classical Mongolian, perhaps MONG 511. These texts are based on a 17th

century text, likely in Mongolian, similar to, but not the same as MONG 326. If that 17th

century source was Mongolian, it was, for the most part at least, translated from a Tibetan

source, perhaps from the same source as MONG 326, i.e., the ula neret litu. These Tibetan

sources in turn were based primarily on Chinese traditions. As can be seen from the

comparison of the twelve animal cycle of days in the manual and MONG 326, Mongolian

mathematicians were not simply translating Chinese or Tibetan sources into Mongolian, but

incorporating these sources into uniquely Mongolian texts. As can be seen from the diversity

of variant spellings of Mongolian terms and the intermixing of preclassical and classical

forms within individual segments of the manual, this uniquely Mongolian composition went

beyond simply cutting and pasting whole sections of other texts. Rather, these Mongolian

texts appear to have been sewn together omen by omen. It is possible that the Uygur

elements of the Yuan period Mongolian calendar were preserved separately from Middle

Mongolian sources.

Though these were not necessarily kept in Ordos, this region, home of the Chinggis

Khan Cult, preserves the traditions of that era well. This is attested in the extensive

collections of sources from the area gathered by the likes of Mostaert and the other Jesuits

40
INTRODUCTION

at Boro Balgasun. In his study of the Uygur-Mongolian calendar of the Mongol Empire, L.

Bazin, citing Mostaerts Dictionaire ordos, points out the remnants of that system in the

popular calendar of Ordos. Some of the examples he notes are first, the designation of the

month according to the season, e.g., the first month of summer, with the solstices and

equinoxes falling, since the adoption of the Chinese custom during the Mongol Empire, in

the middle of the middle month of the season; second, the use of indigenous names of the

months, e.g. quir sara for the second month; and third, the Uygur method of denoting the

sexagenary cycle, e.g., gi taulai, etc. (Bazin 1991: 389, 393, 395, 400).

While written out in the 19th century, the manual does not follow the main source of

dGel-ug-pa mathematics, the Vaidrya dKar-po (1683-1685). For one thing, the Vaidrya

dKar-po deals largely with elemental divination, whereas the emphasis in the manual is on

the omens. The Vaidrya dKar-po gives divinations of the natal horoscope not found in the

manual (TEDP 140). There are shared subjects in both texts, military, matrimony, and death,

but distinct phraseology (e.g. different types of bride), and distinct methods. The Vaidrya

dKar-po uses pebble divination, which is not even mentioned in the manual. While trigrams

are used in the manual and the magic square is mentioned, their role is limited at best,

whereas the Vaidrya dKar-po use of these is extensive and elaborate. In terms of celestial

spirits and demons, there is some shared terminology, but much more that is different. For

instance, the four seasonal constellations, the White Tiger, and so on, are not found in the

Vaidrya dKar-po, instead, one finds the White Snowlion, and so on. Further, different

technologies are primary in each. In the Vaidrya dKar-po the eight day week is favored

41
INTRODUCTION

over the seven day week (TEDP 53, 108). There are different systematizations of the

nakshatra (TEDP 53, 110). The Vaidrya dKar-po also has a different calendar: It gives the

Tiger month as the first month of spring coinciding with the full moon in Mr}gairas. In the

manual the Tiger month is, according to the Klacakrists of India, the Magh month, the

final month of winter.

Another important source for comparison with the manual are various editions of the

Eldeb keregt qa qa(ura( neret biig (The multi-faceted jade box), also from the 19th

century but originated in Mongolian in the 17th century. One of the main editions, translated

in 1895 by Gooige, alan of Alashan banner, is from the Chinese Xuan ze guang yu xia ji

by way of a Tibetan translation of the text made by the Da Bla-ma of Buyan ndslgi

monastery in 1839 (Poppe et al. 1964: 179-180; Heissig 1971: 166). The Chinese text, said

to be based on Tang sources, was originally translated in 1686 by Lama-yin Gegen

Lubsangdaninanan in Ikh Khuree, present day Ulaanbaatar (Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 90).

After its re-translation in the 19th century it became very popular throughout Inner Mongolia

(Heissig 1961: 69, #97; Heissig 1971: 166-170, #234; 170, #127; 171, #275 and #279).

These various editions of The Jade Box do not correspond with each other, but again, show

the reworking of earlier sources into distinct composite texts (Heissig 1971: 170-171).

Though sharing a number of similarities with the manual, they feature different methods,

such as coin divination, physiognomy, weather divination, different star spirits, omens and

so on, from the great pool of Chinese divination practices.

42
INTRODUCTION

II. Influences

The one uniquely Mongolian method in the manual involves the Mongolian

designation of the months. This designation, known in Tibetan as hor-zla (the Mongolian

month), is part of a synchronization of the Tibetan and Chinese calendars carried out under

Qubilai Khan by Phags-pa lama in 1268 (Schuh 1973: 5-7). In this reconciliation the epoch

was established according to Chinese tradition as the first month of the Wood Mouse Year,

1264. With this the first year of the Tibetan sexagenary cycle (rab-yung) fell on the fourth

year of the Chinese cycle (Berzin 1987: 23). New Year was also fixed according to Chinese

custom at the beginning of the Magh month, roughly corresponding to February, a month

and a half, approximately 45 days, from the vernal equinox, instead of at the Citr month,

as is followed in India. However, the name of the month according to the twelve animals

would retain its order. Hence instead of the Rat, the first month of the year became the Tiger

(Schuh 1973: 5).

Otherwise the manual is comprised exclusively of foreign elements. The Mongols

syncretistic approach goes beyond mere ad hoc borrowing. It was a known tradition

throughout Eurasia and an especially common feature not only of Mongolian mathematics

but that of the Uygur, Turks, and Tibetans as well. The philosophy is also known among

their Indian and Chinese counterparts, who, nonetheless, tended to modify foreign influences

into their own systems. Because of this syncretistic approach, the uniquely Mongolian aspect

within the greater tradition of Buddhist mathematics appears subtle, but even so, does exist

43
INTRODUCTION

and should not be overlooked. Examples of Mongolian adaptations of the Buddhist tradition

as seen in the works of Mongolian mathematicians such as Sumba Khamba Iibalur (1704-

1788) have been highlighted by present-day Mongolian historians of Mongolian mathematics

such as L. Terbish and D. Mnkh-Ochir (Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 83-84). Still, Mongolian

mathematicians neither created mythical origins for Mongolian mathematics nor significantly

altered the mathematical heritage in order to "nationalize" it. Their main emphasis was the

translation of texts into Mongolian. As such Mongolian historians give special consideration

to those such as Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamtsu (1599-1662) and Janggiya Khutugtu

Rolbidorji (1727-1786) whose contributions to Mongolian mathematics were primarily in

the way of translation (Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 79, 86-7).

While this truly catholic tradition shows deference to the universal, it comes at some

expense, for it almost totally effaces the institution of Mongolian mathematics. One sees the

cost of syncretism in the case of the Scythian Sakas who ruled the intersection of the Silk

Road during the first century AD. They are a people whose history is lost not necessarily due

to lack of evidence, but due to the fact that what evidence there is tells nothing about them

(Frye, Richard 1996: 134). In his article Astronomy and Astrology in India and Iran, David

Pingree comments that, as opposed to the Indians, the Iranian Sasanids did very little to alter

the Greek and Babylonian works they received, except to translate them. It is the tenor of

his article that this lack of originality discredits the Sasanids, while the Indian innovations

are commendable (Pingree 1963: 229). In the case of the Mongols, often and roundly

criticized for their role as destroyers of science and learning, their syncretistic approach to

44
INTRODUCTION

mathematics has meant that their role in the promotion of science and learning has all too

often gone unnoticed (Schafer 1977: 10). This is most unfortunate, for that role is significant

and came at pivotal time in world history.

As the Mongols established the Yuan dynasty and extended their empire throughout

Asia, they changed imperial calendars in every nation under their reign. As we have seen,

Phags-pa lama, on behalf of Qubilai Khan, convinced the Buddhist hierarchy to adopt the

beginning of the Magh moon as the New Year. With the establishment of the Mongol

dynasty in Baghdad in 1258, the Ilkhan, Hleg, restructured the social order by replacing

the Muslim hijr calendar for purposes of civil administration with their own, though the hijr

calendar continued to be used alongside of it as the religious calendar. Under the new

Chinese-based system the day started at midnight, whereas the Muslim day starts at sunset.

Instead of celebrating the New Year at the time of the vernal equinox, which was the

traditional custom of the Persians, Turks, and Arabs, under Hleg it was celebrated

approximately six weeks before the spring equinox in keeping with the Chinese New Year,

in which the beginning of the year is marked astronomically by the arrival of the sun at 15

degrees Aquarius. The start of the Chinese lunar month is also calculated. Unlike the

Islamic lunar month, it does not depend on the actual sighting of the new moon and so varied

somewhat from the Islamic lunar month (Melville 1994: 83-93). In China, on the other hand,

the Mongols established a Muslim Astronomy Bureau (Huihui sitian jian) and, along side

that of the Chinese, used an Arabic calendar, first presented to Qubilai khan by Jmal al-Dn

45
INTRODUCTION

in 1267, completed by Guo Shoujing in the spring of 1280 and promulgated the following

year (Rybatzki 2003: 260; Ho 1993: 285-286; Smith, Richard, 1991: 44; Giles 1962: 387).

In terms of divination one of the most important advisors to both Chinggis Khan and

gedei, the Khitan mathematician Yel Chucai (1189-1243) advocated syncretism as an

express philosophy (de Rachewiltz 1962: 195). Marco Polo notes that in the capital city of

Khanbaliq or Dadu, present day Beijing, some 5,000 astrologers, Nestorian, Arab, and

Chinese, are provided for by the Khan to practice divination according to their own traditions

(Polo 1929: 446-448). During the Yuan dynasty while few fundamental changes took place

in the theory or practice of divination, Tang-Song techniques of fate calculation, geomancy

and physiogomy, Daoist prayers and rituals, Buddhist incantations and spells, and the

activities of shamans were incorporated into the calendar (Yuanshi, juan 52-55; Palmer 1986:

20; Smith, Richard, 1991: 44).

In terms of astronomy, because mathematics was highly esteemed by the Mongolian

nobility in Persia, Hleg and his lords patronized it to a degree which tended to bring

Persian mathematics in line with Eastern standards. For the Mongol Khans in Persia, an

inherent conflict between astrology and the Muslim religion did not hinder the development

of Islam's scientific institution. For the sake of a knowledge which would yield them the

advantage of superior predictions, Hleg and his successors gave extraordinary attention

to the empirical investigation of the heavens (Sayil 1960: 189-223). Indeed Roger Bacon

attributed their success as world conquerors to their devotion to mathematics (Sayil 1960:

367-368).

46
INTRODUCTION

In doing so, the Mongol Khans took advantage of technologies in Persia to construct

more elaborate observatories and better astronomical equipment. In Inner Asia Mongke

Khan and later his successor Qubilai, taken by the same aim, invited Muslim astronomers

to bring equipment and build observatories in Mongolia and China. In 1276 two sets of

seven instruments came to China from Persia, one for the capital Daidu and the other for

Pingyangfu (Palmer 1986: 20-22). In the Yuanshi there is a brief description of the

instruments. There it says they were sent (by Hleg or his successor) to Qubilai through

one of the astronomers at the Margha observatory, Jamaluding (Jaml al-Dn), in person

(Johnson, M. C., 1940; Hartner 1950). As for the observatories, after his brother, Mongke,

asked him to send his best astrologer, Nasir al-Dn Ts, to Qaraqorum to build an

observatory there, Hleg instead set Ts to work building the famous Margha

Observatory. Eventually, Mongke and later Qubilai were able to bring Moslem astrologers

east. No observatory was built in Qaraqorum, but an observatory was finished in Peking in

1276 by Guo Shoujing (Needham 1959: 294-390).

Hleg, on the other hand, invited Chinese astronomers to Persia to teach Chinese

methods. The results of this mutual influence are not obvious, perhaps because astronomical

methods in China and Persia were distinct or perhaps because the two systems were used

independently.11 However, while these systems were not changed in either region,

11
For the analysis of explicit texts and the various methods of calculation used by
astrologers under the Mongol reign, whether Islamic, Chinese, or Indian, cf. the works of E.
S. Kennedy. In Astronomy and Astrology in the Medieval Islamic World two articles directly
connected to the question methods are "The Tables from an Arabic Astronomical Handbook
for the Mongol Viceroy of Tibet," XIII (Co-authored by Jan Hogendijk) and "Eclipse

47
INTRODUCTION

astronomical equipment nonetheless improved (especially in China), and the institution

(especially in Persia) was revitalized (Sayil 1960: 232-236).

Thus, Islamic mathematics, following the 13th and 14th centuries, began to influence

Western institutions (Ragep, vol. 1, 1993: 55-58). This influence had a profound impact on

the ascent of European science and universities (Sayil 1960: 390-400). In particular, Islamic

equipment and observations influenced European astrologers such as Tycho Brahe and

Copernicus (Sayil 1960: 371). Indeed the calculations of the Polish astrologer, Copernicus,

in De Revolutionibus show a remarkable similarity to those of a mathematician from

Damascus, Ibn al Shtir (1304-1375/6 [Sayil 1960: 384; Saliba 1994: 289-305]). Although

the heliocentric universe of the Copernican system is innovative,12 whether the influence of

one to the other was direct or coincidental, Copernicus certainly benefitted in some way from

Islamic astronomy and thus, by extension, the Mongols patronage.13

Though not touted in academic circles as one of the great mathematical traditions of

the world, the importance of Mongolian mathematics for world history is felt in another way

Predictions in Arabic Astronomical Tables Prepared for the Mongol Viceroy of Tibet," XIV.
12
Although the heliocentric theory is innovative in relation to the Mragha school, it
was not unknown in the history of science. Heliocentrism was proposed in antiquity by the
Pythagoreans and Aristarchus. The idea was known in the Middle Ages and in the Latin
West. Cf. Barker and Ariew (2-5).
13
Swerdlow and Neugebauer in Mathematical Astronomy in ... De Revolutionibus, say
that "the question . . . is not whether, but when, where and in what form [Copernicus] learned
of the Maragha theory (47). Important to note is G. Rosiskas refutation of this claim
(1974: 239-243). For the importance of Copernicus discovery for Western civilization, cf.
Galileo Galilei.

48
INTRODUCTION

as well. The reward of syncretism, which, in deference to universal and timeless tradition,

comes at the cost of national effacement, is that it preserves a storehouse of technology

reflecting great antiquity and diversity.

Tibetan

As for foreign elements in the manual, from a Mongolian point of view, and in the

case of this manual, it is a foreign system which appears to be the mundane institution

governing time. As it often appears to serve this institutional function, that system tends to

be known by an institutional term, Buddhism (or in Mongolian a term such as Burqan-u

ain the religion of Buddha). Thus, it can be said that the manual is a Buddhist text.

Ultimately, however, in what are universal/irrational systems, as there is no such thing as a

specifically Mongolian institution, there is also no such thing as Buddhism. That which

distinguishes an institution is not a philosophy, but place in time and space. In the manual

this orientation is apparent in the term qara kitad-un to(-a (the mathematics of Black China),

a pleonastic rendering of the Tibetan term nag-rtsis (black astrology). Black refers to the

Tibetan place name for China, rGya nag (black plain). It is opposed by Tibetan dkar-rtsis

(white astrology), referring to the astrology of India, rGya dkar (white plain).

This Tibetan orientation is reflected twofold in the name of the month. As

mentioned, the reason the calendar begins with the Tiger and not the Rat month goes back

to Phags-pa lamas synchronization of the Tibetan and Chinese calendars during the Mongol

49
INTRODUCTION

Empire. Furthermore, although the months are named according to five different traditions,

Indian, Chinese Peasant, Chinese Mathematical, Tibetan and Mongolian, the preferred

system of the names of the month is not the Mongolian ordinal system, although it is used

almost as frequently, but the Tibetan system of the twelve animals.

Uygur

While the text is a Buddhist sutra, the Chinggisid Mongols of the 13th century did

not receive Buddhist mathematics directly from Tibet, but rather through the intermediate

influence of the Uygurs, who settled in the Tarim basin in AD 835 after being driven from

their homeland on the Orhon River by the Kirghiz people of the Upper Yenisei (Bazin 1991:

228). In their cities of Qocho or Qara Qoja, Uygur mathematicians had access to both Indian,

Iranian, and Tibetan Buddhist works, Chinese mathematical texts, as well as Manichean,

Nestorian Christian writings, and other sources. From this wealth of influence, Uygur

astrologers developed systems of their own from the synthesis of these foreign elements.

Exactly when the Mongols adopted the Uygur system is not verified. The first use

of the Uygur dating system in the Secret History of the Mongols, the exact date of which,

itself, is uncertain,14 is the Cock year, 1201 A.D. (Cleaves 1984: 68; de Rachewiltz 1972:

61, line 3913). The occasion is the coronation of Chinggis Khan's sworn brother and arch-

14
The Secret History of the Mongols gives its year as the year of the Rat, and from that
it has been deduced that it was perhaps written in 1228, 1240 or 1252.

50
INTRODUCTION

rival, Jamuqa, as Gr Khan over tribes which were about to strike out against Chinggis Khan.

This means that even if this date does mark an early adaptation of the Uygur system, exactly

when the Chinggisid Mongols adopted the Uygur chronology remains unclear. Charles

Melville in an article on the influence of "The Chinese-Uygur Animal Calendar in Persian

Historiography of the Mongol Period," notes that for administrative purposes the Mongols

began to use the Uygur calendar at the latest by 1215 with their conquest of northern China.

(Melville 1994: 84; Bazin 1991: 399). These new systems would in turn influence Chinese

and Tibetan astrology and, through transmission by the Mongols, eventually almost every

nation in Asia (Bazin 1991: 229).

When the Turfan documents were discovered between the years 1902 and 1914 by

the various "Turfan Expeditions" organized by the Berlin Museum of Ethnology and later by

the Prussian Academy of Science, astrological texts in various languages were among the

most common works found (Cerensodnom and Taube 1993: 7). Consequently, scholars paid

them special attention in numerous publications. The Uygur fragments have been dealt with

by Rachmati and Eberhard in Turfantexte. The Mongolian fragments have been studied by

many scholars including Haenisch, Franke, Kara, and Tserensodnom and Taube. In these

works one sees clearly the affinity in method and terminology between this manual and those

from the Turfan area.

Besides loan words, which are common in the manual, Uygur influence comes in two

main areas, the calendar and the nakshatra. As previously described, the terms of the

sexagenary cycle, as with the forms of the Twelve lords (arban qoyar ein), follow the

51
INTRODUCTION

Uygur method in their borrowing from Chinese (Rachmati 1972: #4, p. 301; #11, p. 308).

The designation of the month by ordinal numbers, contained within two native terms for the

first and last months respectively was borrowed by the Mongols and became known in

Tibetan sources as hor-zla (The Mongolian month). Also in the calendar, the designation of

the first ten days of the month as new (Mong. ine; Uy. yang) and the last ten days as old is

based on the Uygur system (Rachmati 1972: 291). As for the nakshatra, the Mongolian

forms of the Hindu nakshatra reflect the Uygur borrowing of the terms either from Tocharian

or Sogdian. Moreover, the correspondence of nakshatra is close to Uygur and Indian

systems, while later Mongolian sources more clearly aligned with Chinese.

Chinese

Empirical Chinese mathematics was distinct from the Greek, Indian and Buddhist

methods. The Chinese, it seems, addressed the problem of the calendar in a way that was

precisely opposite of their neighbors to the west. Needham, citing de Saussure, notes that

"while Greek astrology was ecliptic, angular, true, and annual, Chinese astrology was

equatorial, horary, mean and diurnal." To this list, Needham adds "Moreover, Greek

astrology was geometrical, Chinese astrology was arithmetical-algebraical (Needham 1959:

229). These differences stem from the basic problem of simultaneously observing the stars

and sun in making a calendar. Presumably there are only two methods for ascertaining this

relation. These are known as contiguity and opposability (Needham 1959: 229). Contiguity

52
INTRODUCTION

was the method of the Greeks and the ancient Egyptians before them. It involved observing

heliacal risings and settings along the ecliptic and required no knowledge of the pole,

meridian or celestial equator. The Chinese system, on the other hand, derived from the use

of a gnomon, placed in the ground, from which one could determine the celestial pole and

meridian. Due to this difference while the Greeks focused on the stars along the ecliptic,

Chinese astrologers focused on the stars which never set below the horizon, the circumpolar

stars, in order to discern the position of the sun, moon, planets, and other stars at any given

time. (Needham 1989: 2).

Chinese mathematical sources began coming to Tibet in the 7th and 8th cent. AD.

The first of these is said to have come under the reign of Srong-btsan sgam-po, whose

Chinese queen, Wenzheng (whose marriage was in 641 A.D.), brought with her various texts.

After a period of decline, Chinese related mathematical influence came again beginning in

the 10th century, but this time via Central Asia through the intermediary influence of the

Uygurs (Cornu 1997: 21-23).

In his article An Introduction to Tibetan Astronomy and Astrology, A. Berzin

emphasizes that Chinese astrology primarily influenced the divinatory aspect of the calendar,

by providing further sets of variables to increase the possibilities of doing divination (Berzin

1987: 21-23). However, apart from divination, Chinese methods influenced the Tibetan

calendar in other ways as well. As Dieter Schuh says in his study of the history of Tibetan

calendar reckoning, Zur Geschichte der tibetischen Kalenderechnung, during the reign of

Qubilai Khan, through the influence of 'Phags-pa lama, Buddhist calendars conformed with

53
INTRODUCTION

the Chinese system in terms of both the beginning of the year, as well as the number of the

year (Schuh 1973: 6). Under the new system, the month, in the form already examined, is

referred to in Tibetan as the hor-zla (the month of the Mongols [Schuh 1973: 6]).

In the manual, in addition to the sexagenary cycle, one finds the Twenty-Four Joints

and Breaths (M. tngri (ajar-un qorin drben a(ur a(), Chinese New Year according to the

lunar cycle and a Chinese method for fixing an intercalary month. Additional Chinese

systems are a) the 100-Unit time reckoning system, b) the 12 Double-Hour System c) two

different 12 day cycles, one given by the twelve animals of the Chinese Zodiac, the other

known as the Twelve Lords (M. Arban qoyar een), d) the five elements, e) the five colors)

and f) the eight trigrams (naiman klil), that is, the eight trigrams of the Yijing. Chinese

methods also influence the days of the calendar, the composition of the nakshatra and the

prognostications derived from the combination of the nakshatra and the stars.

Another important Chinese influence are the omens, which may have originated in

ancient Mesopotamia and entered China first with traders along the Silk Road and then

eventually via Buddhism exported from India into Central Asia. During the Warring States

period (453-221 BC) these auspices begin to appear in Chinese sources in the form of rishu

(day-books [Smith, Richard 1991: 23]). They circulated widely among elite and commoners

alike and became extremely popular. This popularity produced a strong demand for this kind

of omen astrology in China, and set off market forces which produced new competing works,

promoted mass production, piracy and so on. The trade in these works became so profuse

that it prompted the government to impose restrictive measures to protect against rebellion.

54
INTRODUCTION

The emperors of the Tang dynasty, for example, forbade possession of astrological texts,

oracular works or astrologically-oriented almanacs (Smith, Richard, 1992: 4-5).

However almanacs (rili) that predicted auspicious and inauspicious activities

continued to flourish. Sometimes the non-Imperial almanacs were known as xiaoli (small

calendars) to distinguish them from the more elaborate and expensive calendars of the State,

the dali (great calendars). With the invention of printing during the Tang dynasty,

entrepreneurs even began to pirate the State calendar, forcing the government itself to

compete for its market share by publishing special editions of the calendar in hopes of

preempting the dealers. During the Song dynasty as printing and literacy expanded, popular

almanacs of all kinds proliferated when it became fashionable among the affluent to sponsor

the publication of new almanacs (Smith, R. J., 1992: 4-5). After the Mongols came to power

and established the Yuan dynasty, the eminent mathematician, Guo Shoujing (c. 1290),

gathered almanacs containing official and unofficial beliefs, and produced the first attempt

at an overall system for almanacs. In the process the celestial omens, which had heretofore

been found only in the almanacs, were incorporated into the Chinese imperial calendar. With

Guo's publication of his Compendium of Systems, the Shoushi li yi jing (Explanations and

manual of the Shoushi [works and days] calendar), the pattern of the almanac was set:

calendar, divination, advice, tales, charts, and geomancy (feng-shui [Yuanshi, juan 52-55;

Polo 1929: 449, n. 1; Palmer 1986: 20; Smith, Richard, 1991: 44]). And although Confucian

scholars such as Xie Yingfang (c. 1350), argued against these almanacs as superstitious, they

became extremely popular. Not only did these omens and divinatory elements remain

55
INTRODUCTION

throughout the Yuan, but they were included with the Imperial Calendars of the Ming and

Qing as well and can be found today in the almanacs published in Taiwan (Palmer 1984: 20-

21).

Indian

Indian astrology provides the primary foundation for Tibetan Buddhist mathematics.15

Its main source for Tibetan Buddhism, often cited in the manual, is the Klacakra Tantra

(The Wheel of Time; T. Dus kyi hkhor lo; M. a(-un krdn). The Klacakra originated

outside of India and was introduced there in the early decades of the 11th century CE

(Newman 2004: 410). It is said to be one of the last Sanskrit works written in Central Asia,

where Indian civilization was in close contact with Zoroastrian, Manichean, Christian, and

Islamic traditions, and it contains a wealth of foreign or syncretistic influences. It came first

to India (together with its commentary, the Vimalaprabh, written by Padma dKar po) and

subsequently entered Tibet in 1026 A.D. together with the Tibetan translation done by

Somanatha of Kashmir (Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra 1966: 6; Hoffman 1969: 53). By

legend the Klacakra originated in a place called Shambhala, which is told in the

Vimalaprabha to be located on a latitude north of Tibet, Khotan, China, and north of the Sita

15
For a detailed exposition of Indian astrology cf. Burgess's translation and
commentary on the Srya-Siddhnta. For the influence of Indian culture on Tibet in general
cf. Lopez and Lopez 1997. Specifically, for the influence of Indian astrology on Tibetan
astrology cf. Cornu 1997: 24-32.

56
INTRODUCTION

River (Sopa, Geshe Lhundub, Roger Jackson and John Newman 1985: 84). Concerning the

original date of the Klacakra-tantra, Dieter Schuh states that in its present form the

Klacakra-tantra could not have originated before 1026 A.D. but was based on a text from

around 806 A.D. (Schuh 1973: 20). With the introduction of the Klacakra in Tibet, the

epoch for Tibetan time reckoning was established in 1027 A.D. (Stal-Holstein 1935-6: 277;

Schuh 1973: 3-4).

According to Schuh, the use of some Klacakra methods but not others in early

Buddhist sources shows that a complete assimilation of the system had not taken place by

as late as the beginning of the 13th century (Schuh 1973: 5). As a result, noteworthy teachers

of the Klacakra system 'Phags-pa lama being one were still introducing the system later.

According to the Blue Annals, the two great teachers of the Klacakra-tantra in Tibet were

Bu-ston and Dol-po-pa. Bu-ston (1290- ) in particular devoted five volumes on Tantrism to

the Klacakra and Vimalaprabha (Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra 1966: 11).

The Klacakra-tantra embodies a three-fold system in its composition. The tantra

is divided into three parts. The first part, the External Klacakra, deals with the world and

external phenomenon. The Inner Klacakra deals with internal phenomenon, namely, the

subtle composition of the body of the yogi. The third part, the Alternative Klacakra,

pertains to gnosis, which is given as the transcendent aspect of the tantra (Cornu 1997: 25-

26; Newman 1987: 114; Berzin 1987: 17). In practical terms the system is propagated by a

number of texts which contain basic knowledge upon which subsequent texts can expand and

develop knowledge. These primary texts are the root tantras (M. ndsn- gesign). In

57
INTRODUCTION

them two systems of mathematical calculations developed under the rubric of "External

Klacakra." From the Mula Tantra came the siddhanta or full tenet system of calculations

(T. grub-rtsis). Although this was the more exact of the two systems, it was lost together

with the root tantra, so that only fragments of the system survived in later commentaries such

as the Vimalaprabha (The Stainless Light Sutra). The other system of calculations is a precis

system known as the kha-ra-na (S. kha-ra-na boundary, limit, margin, edge [MW, 623;

Srkzi 1995: 305, #4366]). It comes from a later text, the Laghu-tantra (Abbreviated

Klacakra-tantra). As an abbreviated system, it is also less accurate than the siddhanta

system in terms of the daily motion constant for the sun.16 Eventually, Buddhist astrology

and calendar reckoning came to fulfillment through a synthesis of these two systems in the

form of Tibetan grub-rtsis astrology in the period between the 15th and 17th centuries

(Schuh 1973: 21).

In its introduction, the manual cites numerous terms from the Klacakra system,

including the three kinds of mathematics (M. (urban to(-a) and the three kinds of day (M.

qono(-un (urban jil). It cites the philosophy of Ngrjuna as a primary source and notes

16
The positions of the planets are calculated in terms of daily motion constants, but
over 60 year cycles (rab-byung) at the beginning of which a leftover position (rtsis-lhag) of
where a planet was at the end of the cycle must be taken into consideration. Cf. Berzin, p.
18, 20. For the terms of the rab-byung cycle, so named for the first year in the cycle, cf.
Everding.

58
INTRODUCTION

two root tantras in particular, the Mahmytantra-nma17 and the Cakrasamvara-tantra,

which had an honored place in Tsong-kha-pa's curriculum (Raghu Vira 1966: 13.).

The manual also contains a number of Western elements which entered Buddhism

through India. There is a) the seven day week, as it is used in the West today, b) the four

elements, air, fire, earth, and water, which are commonly associated with Aristotle, but first

appeared in Greek sources in the works of Empedocles, c) the horoscope (i.e., the terms of

the ascendant), and d) the Western zodiac of the Chaldeans.

While ancient Greek and Mesopotamian sources are largely the basis of Indian

astrology and thus Buddhist astrology in turn, elements of distinctly Indian influence are also

numerous. Of these are systems of units of time, such as the mahyuga, the kalpa, and so

on (Pingree 1963: 238-240). Within these enormous units are more practical units such as

the muhurta, which is equal to 48 minutes. The muhurta is given in the Mongolian manual

as qubi (one measure). Indian systems also give different units of time for different realms.

In the manual, for instance, there are units of time for human beings and another set for the

gods. Another apparently distinctive Indian element in the manual is the interrogative

section in which the ruler asks the goddess, Vima, daughter of heaven, questions about the

celestial order of the universe and Vima replies.

17
For further reference to this work cf. Newman 1987: 402. See also Lopez where
Mahmya is defined as "The Great Creative Illusion" (1997: 179). Cf. also Burgess's idea
that giving knowledge to a demon shows foreign influence and then his speculation that
Mya in the Srya Siddhnta refers to Ptolemy, himself (1859: 147).

59
INTRODUCTION

Besides the nakshatra, the manual is similar to the oldest Buddhist systems in other

ways. Both give the 19 year cycle, whether through Babylonian or Chinese influence, for

determining the intercalary month (Mukhopadhyaya 1954: 104). The names of the months

in relation to the seasons follow the same order (Mukhopadhyaya 1954: 53) and most

significantly, both give many of the same omens or auspices (Mukhopadhyaya 1954: 110).

This last feature is especially important because as the prevalence of omens or auspices is

a distinctive feature of the manual, it is also a distinctive feature of the most ancient Buddhist

astrology. Indeed, David Pingree writes that "Buddhist astrology in general can be

characterized at its infancy as a nakshatra astrology, combining the Indian nakshatra with

Babylonian omens (Pingree 1963: 230).

With the discovery of Mesopotamian astrological and divination tablets in the mid-

nineteenth century, scholars have been able to find antecedents for the traditional Greek

sources, out of which the astrology of Western civilization developed. For years, while

scholars have wondered at the pervasiveness of these ultimately arbitrary astrological terms,

the days of the week and the signs of the zodiac, the horoscope, and so on, with only Greek

and Roman sources and a few passages in the Bible to go on, they had virtually no means to

link these coincidences and ultimately discover their origin (Thompson 1900: xiii.) This

was until a great repository of astrological inscriptions were found in the ruins of the library

at Nineveh, which at the middle of the 19th century, when the discovery was made, had been

buried over 2000 years. The discovery of the cuneiform tablets was made between 1845 and

60
INTRODUCTION

1847 when Sir Henry Layard excavated sites at old Nineveh. The cuneiform inscriptions

subsequently went to the British Museum in London (Naylor 1967: 11-12).

With these inscriptions scholars such as O. Neugebaur, D. Pingree, Francesca

Rochberg, and Ulla Koch-Westenholz have been able to reconstruct Mesopotamian

astrological systems. They have since begun to integrate the systems preserved in other

repositories throughout Asia. Especially valuable are the Babylonian inscriptions given to

the library at Nineveh by the Assyrian king, Assurbanipal, 668-626 B.C. Among these

inscriptions is a series of astrological works entitled Enma Anu Enlil containing 70 tablets

with over 7,000 thousand celestial omens covering an extensive period of ancient

Mesopotamian history. David Pingree in From Astral Omens to Astrology From Babylon to

Bkner believes that these omens were probably being observed in late Sumerian times, late

3rd millennium B.C., and that a small number of tablets are indeed from the Old Babylonian

Period, from the first half of the 2nd millennium B.C. (Pingree 1997: 12). In his article

"Astronomy and Astrology in India and Iran" he argues that after Darius the Great conquered

the Indus valley in 513 B.C. intellectual correspondence between East and West began,

bringing to an end a period of isolation. During the period between 500-230 B.C., Indian

astronomy was introduced to Babylonian methods for the first time. With this infusion of

foreign influence Indian astrology went from simple calendars based on 27 or 28 nakshatra

to a unique and complex system which includes the yuga system and the concept of great

cycles of time such as the mahyuga, the kalpa, and so on. Buddhists, he points out, adopted

a form of this new Indian synthesis with its combination of 28 nakshatra and Babylonian

61
INTRODUCTION

omens (Pingree 1963: 230). These omens were extracted for the most part from two large

compendia of Babylonian omen literature, the Summa alu and the previously mentioned

Emna Anu Enlil. As for their dissemination, Pingree writes:

It is clear that in the 5th and early 4th centuries B.C. much of the
Mesopotamian omen literature, perhaps from Aramaic versions, was
translated into an Indian language and these translations, though altered to fit
the Indian intellectual tradition, form the basis of the rich Sanskrit and Prakrit
literatures on terrestrial and celestial omens. (Pingree 1997: 33)

Buddhists, he points out, early in their history distinguished themselves by attacking the

Brahmans for their use of omens. In the Brahmajalasutta, for example, the Buddha recites

omens verbatim from the Summa alu and Emna Anu Enlil, as examples of immorality

(Pingree 1997: 32-33). However, by the time of the ardulakarnavadna sutra (perhaps 1st

cent. A.D.), although castigation of the Brahmans is as fervent as ever, the omens have been

embraced. Furthermore, Pingree shows that Buddhists spread their nakshatra astrology

into Iran and Central Asia to the cities of Khotan and Khocho from whence it made its way

to China (Pingree 1963: 233; 1978: 613-631).18

III. Theory

The Genre

18
In Measuring Time in Mesopotamia and ancient India Harry Falk challenges
many of David Pingrees assertions about the influence of Mesopotamian mathematics on
India. Regarding omen literature specifically, he suggests that Babylonian influence might
have come later, after the time of Alexander, but also that augury may well have been
indigenous to India (2000: 108-109).

62
INTRODUCTION

The Mongolian term for the genre, given by Mostaert as astrology and divination

is to(-a. As a verbal stem, to(a- means to count, reckon and as a noun commonly means

number, amount (Lessing, 813). As found in the phrase, Manjuari bodisung inu Qara

Kitad-un orun-dur to(-a terigten-i jeglegi buyu "The bodhisattva Majur is the one

who teaches to(-a in the lands of the Chinese," it refers to a discipline or branch of

knowledge, to(an-u uqa(an, translated literally as "the science of numbers, mathematics.

The term is equivalent to Tibetan rtsis-kyi rig-gnas, in which rig-gnas stands for

knowledge, science or learning, while rtsis, in a predicative function means to calculate,

to compute, otherwise means counting, numbering, numeration, and in the form rtsis-pa

means mathematician (Jschke, 439-440).

This genre is not to be confused with modern mathematics, which is a specific

narrowly defined field within a greater scientific tradition, Modern Science, that has clearly

rejected the tradition from whence it originated. The tradition Modern Science has rejected

is a tradition to which Buddhist mathematics belongs, a tradition of mathematics that was

once common throughout Eurasia. Modern Sciences rendering obsolete the traditional

concept of mathematics, not only makes the translation of the Mongolian/Buddhist genre

difficult, but also has effectively erased the traditional notion of mathematics from the

history of Western civilization. This erasure is so complete, one is hard-pressed to find a

single history of traditional mathematics written by a modern author. Many modern studies

which profess to be histories of mathematics are, rather, merely compendia of the works of

63
INTRODUCTION

famous mathematicians (Miller, G. A. 1921: 5-12). In his book, The Story of Mathematics,

Richard Mankiewicz writes:

Mathematics has been a collective activity of a relatively small number of


unusually talented individuals who have cut across spatial and temporal
boundaries as if they did not exist and together created one of the wonders of
the world (Mankiewicz 2000: 1).

While the study of the achievements of outstanding mathematicians is certainly worthy in

its own right, to present it as the history of mathematics utterly distorts the subject.

Mathematics, on the contrary, was a collective activity of a relatively large number of people,

whose talent for conceiving better methods of mensuration or the lack thereof was irrelevant

to the mundane task at hand, which for at least two millennia was predominately divination.

A proper history of mathematics, rather, would be a study of the rhetoric of knowledge,

focusing on the way in which mathematics creates order from chaos; its relationship to

government, foremost, then individuals; its relationship to religion; its relationship to itself,

that is, the interplay between its physical and metaphysical modes, the way in which it is

divided into disciplines, specialization; and its relationship to apotropaic medicine, ritual,

and magic for these are some of its fundamental aspects.

As for translating Mongolian to(-a, while the literal translation, mathematics, is

archaic, astrology and divination, used by Mostaert (as a way of naming a monograph

on an anonymous text in this untranslatable genre) and the current Library of Congress

subject heading as well is not a suitable rendering either in that it fails to capture the aspect

of the genre given to physical science, in particular, to astronomy and calendar reckoning.

While astrology was once indeed a proper synonym for mathematics, with the advent of

64
INTRODUCTION

Modern Science, the meaning of astrology also changed, so that in the West there is a

strong tendency to see a mutually exclusive relationship between astrology and astronomy,

based on a distinction between methods of divination versus the methods of physical science.

Prior to the Enlightenment era in Europe, there was no absolute distinction between astrology

and astronomy. All three terms, mathematics, astrology and astronomy, would have

been proper translations for Mongolian to(-a. Now, none of them is.

Another literal rendering of to(-a is numerology. However, this words too limited

denotation precludes it. Others have translated Buddhist mathematics as reckoning,

computation, calculation. This option not only avoids the confusion inherent in the terms

mathematics, astrology, astronomy, there is also a Latin cognate, computus reckoning,

computation coined, perhaps, to avoid the same dilemma. However, the term is not well-

known in English nor outside mediaeval rhetoric (Tester 1987: 126-7). While such

renderings avoid confusion with the Western genres, this is unfortunate, in that they deny the

shared tradition with Western mathematics, presenting Buddhist mathematics as if it were

an exotic indigenous tradition, when, given the erasure of pre-Enlightenment mathematics

from Western history, it is precisely the relationship between them that makes the subject so

important.

What then is Buddhist mathematics, and how is it related to pre-modern Western

mathematics and the mathematic traditions of Eurasia? To begin, Buddhist mathematics is

similar in meaning to the tradition of Greek mathematics in that both use a term which

literally means number, computation, to stand for a general concept knowledge, learning,

65
INTRODUCTION

science. What is quite possibly the underlying reason for this is found in the Greek term

mthma (Gr. :V20:"), which originally meant "science" or "something learned,"19 and

then came to be associated with numbers through the influence of Pythagorean philosophy

which holds that all knowledge is ultimately derived from numbers (Smith, David, 1923:

74). In this number is a metonym for comprehending the otherwise boundless, amorphous

concept, knowledge. Still, the term is more complex in that not only did mthma imply

this dichotomy between the general concept knowledge and the specific concept number,

computation, it also held a dichotomy between metaphysical and physical aspects, of which,

the metaphysical was predominant in that its primary functions were apotropaic medicine,

ritual, and magic (Burkert 1972: 42-43, n. 76, 211; Kingsley 1995: 327). Thus, the term

mthma comprises a double duality or a three-way antagonism, fourfold aspects:

knowledge versus number on the one hand; metaphysics versus physics on the other.

Given this instability, it was inevitable for the Greeks that the notion of mthma

mathematics should change over time from the friction between these opposing aspects of

an ultimately boundless subject and the pull of specialization. Earlier than other fields,

geometry and astrology became domains of specialists (Burkert 1972: 426). Along with the

appearance of the Greek Academy, the word mathmata came to stand for fields of study,

while mathmatik was restricted to the science of numerical calculation or mathematics

proper. This mathmatik was not comparable to modern mathematics, but to the

19
The ultimate source of "mathematics" was the Greek verb manthneim "to learn,"
which came from the same Indo-European base (*men-, *mon-, *mn- "think") as produced
"memory" and "mind." Cf. "mathematics," Dictionary of Word Origins (Ayto 1991: 341).

66
INTRODUCTION

mathematics found in the Buddhist system and in the manual. It was also known as

astrologia, the science of the heavens, which like mthma, was at once a metaphysical

subject, the physical science of the movements of the celestial bodies and a metonym for

knowledge in that, just as all knowledge can be understood to derive from numbers, so too

all knowledge can be understood as deriving from the stars. These new usages of

terminology were not consistently followed by Greek authors, however, until the time of the

Old Academy in the 4th century BC. In general Plato uses mthma in its original, broader

sense, as knowledge or learning (Burkert 1972: 422).

In Latin astronomus is synonymous with mathematicus (Tester 1987: 179-80). This

is clear from one of the final and most complete works on the subject in the ancient world,

the Mathesis of Julius Firmicus, written in the 4th century AD from a synthesis of late

Hellenistic, Egyptian and Syrian sources. Its ideology draws from the Platonic and Stoic

traditions, in particular, the notion of sympathy between all parts of the universe, linking the

stars and mankind in strict moral determinism (Firmicus Maternus 1975: 1-4). Its subject

is what a modern critic would consider astrology, that is, the science of the heavens. To the

author this was a most noble philosophy, but to others, even by the 11th century, the period

in which the oldest manuscripts of the Mathesis are found, it was deemed but superstition.

By the twelfth century AD, a distinction had been established between mathsis with

a long in the middle, and mathsis with the accent on the first syllable and a short , a

distinction which may also have been valid in the fourth century (Tester, 1987: 134).

According to John of Salisbury in Chapter 18, Book II of his Policraticus, good mathesis

67
INTRODUCTION

which is pronounced with a short middle syllable, is that which nature induces, reason

proves and practical utility approves. Bad mathesis, pronounced with a long middle

syllable as in Firmicus work was vain superstition (Tester,1987: 134).

As for the terms astrology and astronomy, while either could be used in relation to

the other to distinguish opposing aspects of the greater subject at any time in antiquity, one

of the first writers to differentiate absolutely the two words astronomia and astrologia was

Isidore of Seville in the 7th century AD (Tester 1987: 19). Isidore defines astronomia as

dealing with the turning of the heavens, and the risings, settings and motions of the stars,

and why they are called what they are, and then contrasts what he calls physical astrology,

which deals with the course of the sun and moon, or the fixed seasons of the stars from

superstitious astrology pursued by mathematici, such as Firmicus, who prophesy by the stars

and who distribute the twelve heavenly signs among the parts of the soul and body and

attempt to foretell the births and characters of men from the courses of the stars

(Etymologiae, III.27; cf. Tester 1987: 19). Given their etymologies, this is the logical way

to differentiate the terms. The nomos of astronomia refers to law or custom; the logos of

astrologia means reason, account and thus leads to essentially the opposite distinction we

now make (Tester 1987: 124).

Other medieval authors, who came after Isidore, either followed Isidore or produced

different, sometimes quite contrary, definitions. The Spanish philosopher and great

disseminator of Arabic philosophy and science, Gundissalinus (c1110-c1190), who, in his

most influential work, De divisione philosophiae, drew heavily from Isidore of Seville,

68
INTRODUCTION

reverses this distinction between astronomia and astrologia (Tester 1987: 148). Robert

Kilwardby, the anti-Thomist Dominican Archbishop of Canterbury, who in his De ortu

scientiarum written about 1250 took a position against astrological determinism, accepts the

Isidorean division of astrologia in his rejecting judicial astrology as superstitious, while

accepting natural astrology, which deals with the effects of the stars on health, the weather

and so on. He quotes Gundissalinus on the same division, and then realizes that he has

misquoted, since Gundissalinus used the names in the opposite way and so adds the

following clarification: it should be noted that although what we have said is different

[from] the proper way of taking astronimia and astrologia, yet sometimes the name of

the one is used for the other, just as happens with scientia and sapientia, which are properly

different, but sometimes one is used for the other (Tester 1987: 180). Roger Bacon, who,

in contrast to Robert Kilwardby, accepted astrology, uses the terms astronomia and

astrologia much in the way of Gundissalinus. He defines astronomia as practical

astrologia, while also referring to: the true mathematici, which is what we are here calling

astronomi and astrologi, because they are so called indifferently by Ptolemy and Avicenna

and many others (Tester 1987: 180).

Regarding the practitioners of mathematics, the mathematicians, a separate discussion

is necessary, because, as the notion of mathematics changed over time, so did the notion of

the mathematician, but, given the conflicting aspects involved, these changes were not

necessary in step with each other. In the passage of Roger Bacon, cited above, mathematici

(mathematician) is synonymous with astronomi (astronomer) and astrologi (astrologer).

69
INTRODUCTION

That is, a mathematician was one who practiced both or either of the opposing aspects of the

study of the heavens, its physics and its metaphysics. Of these it was the metaphysical aspect

that was predominant, and so when one encounters the term mathematician in the

literature, unless otherwise demonstrated, one might think primarily of a diviner, one who

practices divination. Still, the nuances of the term are important. In antiquity there is a

distinction made between mathematici and acusmatici, though it is drawn sharply in the

sources, exactly what the distinction entails is rather unclear. Mathematici are said to be

superior to acusmatici in a hierarchy not well established (Burkert 1972: 194). Even in the

ancient sources the term mathematici is taken to mean a Pythagorean or a follower of

Pythagoras. While this link between Pythagoras and mathematics is justified, the

Pythagorean school evolved over time, such that the common notion of Pythagoreans as

specialists in numerical calculation and empirical science is misleading when applied to the

notion of the mathematici. From early on mathematici are primarily advocates of

astronomical theories, and these had more to do with the metaphysics of divination and ritual

practice than the subject of modern astronomy. As Charles Burkert says in Lore and Science

in Ancient Pythagoreanism, Greek mathematikoi mathematicians were not

mathematicians in the modern sense at all, but astrologers and ritualists (Burkert 1972: 42-

43, n. 76). These Pythagorean mathematicians, who clearly understood their subject in terms

of medicine and therapeutics, are, he says, to be more associated with shamans, miracle

workers, healers, ascetics and philosophers, than modern mathematicians or scientists

70
INTRODUCTION

(Burkert 1972: 211; Kingsley 1995: 327). Mathematicians in the Middle Ages are

comparable to the magi of yore. Isidore of Seville writes:

Astrologi are so called because they make predictions from the stars;
genethliaci are named because they consider the dates of birth, for they draw
up the births (geneses) of men round the twelve signs of the heavens and
attempt to predict the characters of those born . . . . these are commonly
called mathematici . . . but these same interpreters of the stars were at first
called magi, like those in the Gospel who announced the birth of Christ; after
they were known only by the other name, mathematici. (Isidore of Seville,
On Magi, Etymologiae, Book VIII, Chp. 9: 22-27; cf. Tester, 1987: 125)

Kepler (1571-1630), thought of commonly as an astronomer, was not really an astronomer

at all nor a modern mathematician, but another example of the mathematici. He studied

astrologia at Tbingen University and practiced astrology to support himself while he taught

at Graz. The aim of his work was to reveal through his mathematics a coherent, harmonious

world (Tester 1987: 233-5).

While it is generally wrong to conceive of the mathematici as modern

mathematicians, it is too simple to conceive of them merely as diviners or as astrologers or

astronomers. Indeed, at times mathematici and astrologi were differentiated, as at the

Council of Laodicaea in 364 or 367 (Tester 1987: 55). This differentiation comes at a time

when the Catholic Church was busy with the work of eliminating external access to the

divine. During this process, while the good or evil of astrology was debated, the inherent

evil in magic and magicians was widely held, and the mathematici often fell in with the

latter, as in 357 when Constantius counted as undesirable the mathematici, magi and other

diviners; and in 425 when Theodosius and Valentinian banished them (Tester 1987: 95).

71
INTRODUCTION

The fields of study of the Greek Academy comprised the Seven Liberal Arts (Gr.

X8gbhgD"4 JXP<"4; L. artes liberales). By the sixth century these were divided into two

groups: the trivium: grammar, rhetoric and dialectic; and the quadrivium: arithmetic,

geometry, music and astronomy (Tester 1987: 101; Burkert 1972:1-2). The division

represented the separation of grades of difficulty, and stages of instruction, a knowledge of

grammar, rhetoric and dialectic being necessary for the study of the other four (Tester 1987:

101-2). Grammar meant Latin grammar; rhetoric, the study of figures of speech, forms of

oratory, metrics and literary devices; and dialectic meant Aristotelian logic (Tester 1987:

102). As for the quadrivium, it was little studied either in antiquity or in the early Middle

Ages, but it was held in theory to be necessary for the proper understanding of the Scriptures.

Arithmetic was not concerned with calculation but with numbers. Geometry literally meant

earth-measurement and included both the mathematical geometry of Euclid as well as

geography, the description of the earth and its lands. Music did not concern the practice

of the art but theories of the harmony of the spheres. As for Astronomy astronomia or

astrologia though both names are used with little if any discrimination, in the earlier times

more emphasis was placed on the metaphysical aspect of the subject, while prior to the 12th

century the content is essentially the empirical study of the heavens, what we would call

astronomy (Tester 1987: 102-104). Though these seven liberal arts would eventually become

the ideal or theoretical curriculum of medieval universities, this was not a curriculum ever

studied as a whole by anyone, and other classifications of mathematics were numerous

(Tester 1987: 103-104). One such classification of mathematics, noticed by Etienne

72
INTRODUCTION

Montucla in his Histoire des mathematiques, vol. 4, was found in 16-18th century Europe

to comprise astronomy, theoretical and practical mechanics, optics and navigation (Huang

and Zurcher 1995: 177). This classification, similar to those found in Arab sources of the

10th and 11th centuries, clearly shows Arab influence, without which Modern Science could

not have developed, as mediaeval European interest in mathematics emerged from the

Muslim lands, Spain, and Sicily (Tester 1987: 149). At first, scholars drew from the old

Latin sources of Bothius, Martianus Capella, Cassiodorus, and Isidore of Seville but

gradually began to include the original works of the polymaths of Islam during the late

eleventh and the twelfth centuries (Tester 1987: 149).

It was the Arabs who were the keepers of the cultural heritage of the ancient Greeks.

Not only did they preserve the great works of Hellenistic polymaths the likes of Aristotle,

Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Ptolemy, and others, they translated these works into

Arabic, and so had ready access to the wealth of Greek knowledge at a time when Western

Europe had nothing by these Greek writers themselves except what could be gleaned from

the aforementioned Latin sources (Farmer 1932: 562-564). Great Arab scholars such as Al-

Frbi (L. Alpharabius, d. 950), Ibn Sn (L. Avicenna, d. 1037), and Ibn Rushd (L.

Averroes, 1126-98) took full advantage of these Greek works, mastered them, and then went

on to write original works in the sciences. These were translated into Latin and became the

text-books of the schools of Western Europe (Farmer 1932: 562-564).20

20
Some of the most outstanding of these treatises were by Al-Farabi (L. Alpharabius,
d. 950), 1. Ihs al-ulm (De scientiis); 2. [title unknown] (De ortu scientiarum); by Ibn
Sn (L. Avicenna, d. 1037), 1. Fl-nafs (De anima); 2. F taqsm al-hikma (De divisione

73
INTRODUCTION

In Arabic the genre evolved during the early centuries of Islamic science much as it

did in Europe. The term haya means astronomy in a general sense, but it has a more

specialized meaning as mathematical cosmology. In the 10th century al-nujm (science of

the stars) was used by Al-Frbi and others to include mathematical astronomy and astrology

(Ragep, vol. 1, 1993: 24; Saliba 1994: 66). The Ikhwn al-Saf, a tenth century group of

scholars based in Basra, used the term cilm al-haya (the science of haya) to designate a

certain branch of astronomy specifically identified with knowledge (macrifa) of the

arrangement of the orbs, their configuration (haya) and the configuration of the earth. For

Ibn Sn cilm al-haya replaced cilm al-nujm as the general term for the discipline.

Furthermore, the divinatory aspect of the genre, the astrological mode, was no longer

considered part of the genre (Ragep, vol. 1, 1993: 24-34).

Given the influence of Greek culture on the Arab world, it is not surprising that the

four subjects of the Arab academy would be the same as the Greek quadrivium or mathesis,

i.e., arithmetic, geometry, music, and astrology (Farmer 1925: 61). However, for practical

purposes, Arab theorists made classifications of their own. In his work, Ihsa al-ulum (de

scientiis [Classification of the sciences]), which was well-known in Europe, Al-Frbi (L.

Alpharabius, d. 950) classified mathematics (Ar. talm) as 1. Arithmetic (adad); 2.

Geometry (handasa); 3. Optics (manzir); 4. Astrology (nujm); 5. Music (msq); 6.

Statics (athql); and 7. Mechanics (hiyal). In this mathematics was part of a greater sixfold

scientiarum); and by Ibn Rushd (L. Averroes, 1126-98), Sharh fl-nafs li Aristtlis
(Commentarius in Aristotelis de anima [Farmer 1932: 561-562]).

74
INTRODUCTION

classification of the sciences: 1. Grammar (lisn); 2. Logic (mantiq); 3. Mathematics

(talm); 4. Natural Science (tab); 5. Divinity (ilah); and 6. Theology (kalm [Farmer

1932: 564-568]). The Ikhwn al-Saf classified mathematics as: arithmetic, geometry,

astrology, geography, music, and proportion; in the Mafth al-ul of Ab Abdallh al-

Khwrizm (d. c. 1000) the plan is: arithmetic, geometry, astrology, geography, music,

mechanics and chemistry (Farmer 1932: 564-568). To fit these more refined classifications

of mathematics, fields of specialization were quite narrow in Islam, even in its early

centuries. Titles given to mathematicians and astronomers include the terms riyd

(mathematician); hsib (calculator); muhandis and handas (engineer and geometrician

[representing the two aspects of earth-measurement]) and adad (arithmetician); falak

(astronomer); munajjim (astrologer), rsid (observer) and usturlb (astrolab/instrument

designer [Sayili 1960: 251]).

In China, although the influence between the scientific traditions of the Greeks and

Chinese is much more difficult to trace, the term shu mathematics (Mathews 5865) is

nonetheless similar to those of the Greeks, Arabs and mediaeval Europeans in its association

with the study of the heavens and its broad range of meanings. The term shu (Mathews

5865) refers to numbers, mathematics, counting. The discipline or branch of learning,

shushu (Mathew 5865, 5889) later known as shuxue/shu-hseh (Mathews 5865.c.4), referred

to what we now call mathematics, natural philosophy, numerology, divination, astronomy,

astrology, fengshui and music (Ho 2003: 2). A related term, li (Mathews 3930), as a verb

means to calculate and as a noun means the calendar. Calendrical science is lishu (Ho

75
INTRODUCTION

2003: 12). During the Han dynasty (206 BC AD 220), mathematics belonged to the six arts

of a gentleman, propriety and rites (li), music (yue), archery (she), charioteering or

horsemanship (yu), writing or calligraphy (shu), and mathematics (shu [Ho 2000: 55]). In

the way of specialization, during the Sui (581-618) and Tang (618-907) dynasties a

government agency, the Office of Mathematics (suanguan/suan-kuan), was founded

specifically for training students in the practical matters requiring knowledge of

mathematical calculation, problems of irrigation, taxes, trade, and so on. However, great

Chinese mathematicians such as Yixing (683-727), Shen Gua (1031-1095), Qin Jiushao (fl.

1247) and Guo Shoujing (1231-1316) did not come from here. Rather, they were trained and

worked at a much more important office of the Chinese government, the Bureau of

Astronomy, the name and organization of which varied somewhat from dynasty to dynasty,

but which was consistently responsible for astronomical observations, the making of the

calendar, divination and the coordination of the times for appropriate ritual practice

(Libbrecht 1973: 5; Ho 1969: 137-157; 2000: 55, 82).

Returning now to the question of the genre in Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhism,

mathematics (Mong. to(an-u uqa(an the science of numbers; Tib. rtsis-kyi rig-gnas the

science of numbers; S. jyotirvidy, astronomy,) is considered minor in the classification

of Buddhist sciences as follows: The five major sciences: 1. (Sanskrit) grammar; 2. medicine;

3. logic; 4. art or craftsmanship; 5. metaphysics. The five minor sciences are: 1.

mathematics; 2. poetics; 3. prosody; 4. synonymics and 5. drama (TEDP, 15; Mnkh-Ochir,

2000: 87). Under mathematics falls arithmetic, astronomy, calendar reckoning, astrology and

76
INTRODUCTION

divination (Schuh 1973: 12). Furthermore, it is said to belong to the realm of relative or

conventional reality (Mong. ina(ungki nen; Tib. kun rdzob bden pa; S. samvr}ti-satya) as

contrasted to ultimate reality or supreme truth (Mong. nemleki nen; Tib. don dam pa; S.

paramrtha). This is born out in the legend of the origin of mathematics in which, having

been unable to teach the ultimate truth in China, Buddha instructed Majur to awaken

peoples minds by means of mathematics (Cornu 1997: 39). The manual also makes this

point, as follows:

While those whom the aggregate of doctrines on supreme truth frees from
conceptualization do not strive in conceptualization to be counted as
individuals, those who do not yet understand . . . need conventional truth .
. . . Thus, Buddha, the Bodhisattvas, the god Majuri . . . have taught . . .
mathematics and the benefits of reckoning. (1v)

This relegation of mathematics with common knowledge under the rubric

conventional does not mean, however, that the focus of Buddhist mathematics is practical,

logical computation. On the contrary, mathematics, as has been seen, though comprised of

opposing aspects, physical and metaphysical, is ultimately unconventional in its methods,

language and objectives. The contradiction is explained by the concept of non-duality in

the Middle Way position of the Madhyamaka Buddhist school. As described by Liu in

Madhyamaka Thought in China, knowledge is said to be "non-dual" in that to merely render

a concept into binary opposites is bound to be tentative. This is clear in the term

mathematics which in its opposing aspects comprises three distinct concepts, metaphysics,

physics and both metaphysics and physics. For this reason the Middle Way distinguishes

between two truths, supreme and mundane, but understands concepts in terms of "three

77
INTRODUCTION

forms of two truths (Liu 1994: 39-52). In this analysis of knowledge in terms of three

forms of two truths, while in conventional terms mathematics contains both physical and

metaphysical aspects, in ultimate terms it is metaphysical. However, political and

philosophical reasons dictated that the scientific conception of knowledge, derived

empirically from the study of nature, should not be the supreme truth. As Liu describes,

after Buddhist teachers had minimized the significance of Prajpramit and Madhyamaka

or Middle Way schools in the late 5th century A.D., philosophers in the middle of the 6th

century AD were able to re-assimilate the important teachings of these schools by

transcending the parameters of mathematical metaphysics (Liu 1994: 82). They did so by

assigning "three forms of two truths" to that which was said to belong to the mundane realm,

when it had previously been associated with Supreme truth. This created an absolute

metaphysic of 1. Emptiness, 2. Non-duality of "existence" and "emptiness," 3. Neither

"duality" nor "non-duality," and 4. Non-difference of the three forms of two truths" out of

that which belongs to "Supreme Truth (Liu 1994: 151). In this way, Buddhist "four forms

of two truths" created a metaphysical realm that was beyond the binary coupling of physics

and metaphysics, or beyond the physical realm altogether and in so doing superceded

mathematics.

Nonetheless, even though mathematics is but a minor subject in the classification of

Buddhist sciences and at once removed from the doctrine of supreme truth, its influence is

inescapable. Ultimately, the perception of the nature of the universe, derived from the

empirical study of the heavens, fell under the domain of mathematics. Thus, mathematics

78
INTRODUCTION

determined Buddhist philosophy. Numerology shaped the abstract concepts of Buddhist

dharma, e.g., the four noble truths, the seven jewels of royal power, the twelve stages of

dependent origination, and so on. The almanac, determining of good and bad results, fixing

the circumstances of weddings, and a host of activities had direct influence over the lives of

common people. In modern times when Buddhism was all but annihilated in Mongolia, it

was services such as the drawing of natal horoscopes, the almanac, and ritual healing which

remained indispensable. In the late 19th century the missionaries Huc and Gabet recount their

meeting with two Mongols who, having had two horses stolen, ask them to draw their

horoscope, assuming that this was a function of all clergy (1928: 25-27). In the Middle Ages

their fellow priest, Odoric of Pordenone, makes a similar observation when he notes that

upon falling ill one goes to an astrologer or lama for tis the same (Yule 1967: 174-175).

In these ways mathematics has maintained its role in Buddhism as arbiter of divine

knowledge.

The influence of mathematics is inescapable in both Christianity and Islam as well,

even though the role of mathematics was much more severely restricted. This was especially

so in Christianity, where by the 8th century mathematical texts were all but eliminated from

libraries (Barton 1994: 70-80). This would begin to change in the 11th and 12th centuries at

least in part due to contact with Islam. Here mathematics, through the influence of Greek

culture, played a more prominent role, but even so, though perhaps more deterministic in

outlook than the Christian church, Islamic monotheism left no room for stellar fatalism, and

the arguments of al-Frb (d.950), Ibn Sn (d. 1037) and others against mathematics

79
INTRODUCTION

followed very closely with those of Christian theologians such as St. Augustine (Tester,

1987: 151, 157). But in these traditions as well the power of mathematics was irrevocable.

Copernicus notion of a solar system was greater than all the worldly power of the Catholic

church to quell it.

If knowledge is power, that which controls time and space holds ultimate authority.

As it was mathematics that controlled time and space, it posed an inherent threat to

government, religion or any other establishment. Thus, in the early 20th century, when

Heisenberg and Bohr were making their case for the uncertainty principle at a conference in

Belgium, Einstein, realizing its rhetorical implications, rejected the principle not on empirical

grounds but as an attempt to destroy determinism (Denis 1996: 153-164). Since 1967 atomic

clocks have redefined time away from the movements of the planets, such that one second

is now known as the duration of 9,192,631,77020 particular oscillations within a cesium

133 atom. However, that second, sixty to the minute, is derived ultimately from an ancient

Mesopotamian system based on the movements of Jupiter and Saturn (Macey 1989 20).

To sum up, Buddhist mathematics in its relation to pre-modern Western mathematics

and the mathematical traditions of Eurasia is similar to those previously described not only

in name, but in that it entails a much wider scope than modern mathematics, is intrinsically

linked to astrology, comprises both metaphysical and physical aspects, of which it is the

metaphysical that is predominant, and in metaphysics is linked to apotropaic medicine, ritual,

and magic. It brings order from chaos through the creation of the conventions of time, and

so not only plays a vital role in government, but in a restricted sense remains the dominant

80
INTRODUCTION

discourse in the determination of reality in spite of changing classifications and conflicts

inherent in its own contradictory nature and then, historically, with religion. What is more,

the relationship between Buddhist mathematics and the other aforementioned traditions, as

has be seen in the discussion of the manuals influences, was not only one of natural affinity,

but of shared knowledge.

The natural affinity between Buddhist mathematics and the other scientific traditions

of Eurasia should not be overlooked, for in the contradiction implicit in the concept of

Buddhist mathematics, Greek mthma, and the others, we see a universal quality of the

language of knowledge, repressed in the rhetoric of Modern Science, which abhors

contradiction, and that is, as the Buddhist discussion of the three forms of two truths

demonstrates, the notion of knowledge is inherently tentative and unstable, as is the order it

creates. In this the evolution of terms of knowledge: mathematics, astrology, astronomy, and

science is not due solely to progress, but simply out of an endless begetting of terms,

whereby the one begets two, the two beget three, and the three beget a myriad of terms all

in the struggle to preserve the foundation of knowledge against a rhetorical vortex pulling

it back to chaos.

First principles

The erasure of mathematics from the history of Western civilization has left it broken

into pieces that are studied individually but which, taken out of proper context, are not well

81
INTRODUCTION

understood. Astrology is often portrayed as passing fancy, a prelude to science. The Golden

Bough of James Frazer and Lynn Thorndikes History of Magic and Experimental Science

are painstakingly gathered treasure troves of the various aspects, facets, and nuances of

magic, but though these authors clearly knew magic when they encountered it, they never

define it. What is far worse has been the treatment of ritual. In the early days of

anthropology, at the turn of the twentieth century, the language of ritual was discussed in

terms of evolution, not only of science, but of the species and now tends to be discussed in

what are referred to as emic terms, that is, to culturally specific categories, without the

etic emphasis on universals.21

This is most unfortunate for in avoiding universals, scholars will never know

mathematics. O. Neugebauer, as skeptical as any scholar of attempts to reach synthesis

and convinced that specialization is the only basis of sound knowledge, wrote that even so,

in the study of astrology, ancient mathematics one is compelled to the universal, synthetic,

by the nature of the thing itself(Neugebauer 1968: vii). As it is the specific function of

mathematics to form order from chaos, mathematics faces the void so that philosophers

who perceive no inherent or objective reality, dont have to. Whether the void is

ultimately real or merely imaginary is another issue, but, in terms of phenomenon, the void

is the one true quality of nature. It is commonly referred to as primordial chaos, for there has

always been an order set against it. However, just because order exists, does not mean that

21
For the evolutionary theory, see the works of Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, in particular, How
Natives Think, 1985. Some emic theorists are F. Boaz, Husserl, L. Wittgenstein, and M.
Heidegger.

82
INTRODUCTION

the void goes away forever. The void surrounds us always. Though within the womb of

culture we are shielded from the void and so it appears not to exist, step outside that

protective fold and there it is. When the storm is on the ocean and the ship is sinking, all

distinction between air and water is lost. When you are drowning you can not see fish.

When you are lost in the forest there are no birds or trees or rocks, all is one and

undifferentiated. This is the void. This is what mathematics must tame.

For mathematics, as for any individual, the only way to do so is by arbitrarily fixing

a point any point will do. By fixing an arbitrary point one perceives an endless array of

distinct points. But there is no rationality. Rationality comes by conceiving of a universal.

In this, the movement of the sun from point to point, sunrise, sunset, sunrise, sunset, is

universal. The full moon is universal. The movements of the planets and the stars are

universal. By these successive points the parameters of a rational universe come into focus,

a time and space continuum in three dimensions.

In this transformation from one and undifferentiated to multiplicity and order, it is

the arbitrary term that is crucial, for without some arbitrary action on the part of the observer,

there is no knowledge. All remains chaos. Yet, all is not arbitrary, for through the arbitrary

one finds objective reality, the universals which lead to rationality. Hence, it is the arbitrary

term that links order and chaos inextricably, symbiotically. And so, through language,

society, culture and so on, arbitrary elements are passed from one to another and from

generation to generation. These are essential to forming the matrix of rational order into

which we are born. In the light of the rationality afforded by the matrix around him, the

83
INTRODUCTION

philosopher looks at his world and seeing only the arbitrary terms, says there are no

universals. To the extent that we share conceptions in common with others, he says that we

can be said to have merely reached an agreement as to the nature of the phenomenal world.

But he does not see that without universals, the very rationality by which he repudiates

universals could not exist and that what we share with others everywhere is, if not universals,

then the void.

To understand Buddhist mathematics, not only is an absolute standard necessary, but

manifest in the nature of mathematics, itself. The way to understand Buddhist mathematics

is through the problem of reckoning time, the making of the calendar. Whether this is the

absolute standard for understanding every knowledge system everywhere and always is

debatable, though it is intuitive that this might be so. However, when it comes to Buddhist

mathematics and the mathematical traditions of Eurasia, this problem and its influence on

rhetoric is shared. We see it in the writings of sages who tell us outright that the creation of

order from chaos comes through time (Sivin 1976: 514). But we see it most certainly in that

perfect knowledge, the ability of prediction and retrodiction, is represented in mathematics

as the product of the perfection of time, that is, knowledge of the positions of bodies in

conjunction.

Calendrical science consists of reckoning three naturally reoccurring cycles, the day,

month (about 29.5 days) and year (about 365.25 days or 12.3 months). As these are

incommensurate with each other the problem of the calendar maker is to find a multiple in

days (the shortest natural cycle and hence the prime unit of measure) of both the month and

84
INTRODUCTION

the year. As Libbrecht explains in his monograph on Chinese mathematics, if a day has

duration D, month duration L, and year duration Y, the general problem is as follows:

suppose that at a certain moment there have passed a total amount of days plus a remainder

(r1), a total amount of months plus a remainder (r2), a total amount of years plus a remainder

(r3); there is to be found a certain moment when r1 = r2 = r3 = 0(Libbrecht 1973: 368). The

problem is exacerbated by the fact that the remainders can not be determined precisely by any

absolute measure. The measure of time by the gnomon, a stick planted in the ground,

measures the movement of the suns shadow back and forth along the span, marked by

equally spaced intervals, hours. These units are variable, meaning there is no place or season

at which the shadow lengths occur at equal intervals of time as measured by a water-clock

or clepsydra, which is derived from making a bowl of such size that given a hole in the

bottom it will fill with water in the period approximating the mean average of all the hour

units along the gnomon over the course of a year (Fleet 1915: 213-215; Stone 1981: 182;

Neugebauer 1947: 37-43). When measured by the gnomon the hour is defined by the

occasion or moment the shadow reaches the mark. When measured by the clepsydra the hour

is defined by the duration it takes to fill the bowl. Because these two measurements are

apparently incommensurate, the gnomon, commonly used to measure time during the day,

is said to define a true or apparent representation of time, whereas a clock, commonly used

to measure time during the night, defines a mean or abstract representation (Falk 2000:

109). While time appears in nature to exist from the conjunction of opposing bodies in

succession, that interval, as a unit of time, is incommensurate with any unit given by a system

85
INTRODUCTION

in which time is absolute. Thus, when it comes to determining the position of one celestial

body in relation to another, for instance, the sun and the moon, one cannot find a time

constant which would forever show the relationship between the opposing bodies in terms

of their position. Rather the apparent position of the two leaves not only a remainder in

terms of time measured by a clock, but a remainder that is apparently irrational, that is,

regresses to infinity. The question mathematicians face is which of these two ways of

measuring time is ultimate, that is, reflects the ultimate state of nature? Are the apparently

irrational remainders due to the grossness of their instruments or is this simply the way of

nature, itself, and the precision of their measurements irrelevant?

Those who believe that the universe is ultimately determinate hold that the problem

can be solved if the method of computation is sufficiently refined. All that is needed is the

perfect clock. To them the ultimate method of measuring time is in terms of duration. For

them time means duration. Those who believe that the universe is ultimately indeterminate,

take the measure of time according to the gnomon as ultimate. To them time is ultimately

instantaneous.

From this fundamental perception of the nature of the universe, everything follows.

If the remainders are not ultimately irrational, then the universe is rational. It is finite, with

width and breadth, beginning and end, all of which may be objectively measured. It is

logical, that is, there are not two incommensurate ways of telling time at the same time, but

only one, absolute time, duration. The instant is but an atomic unit of duration. The universe

is mechanical, that is, it functions according laws of physics, which can be known. The

86
INTRODUCTION

system which holds this view of the nature of the universe can be said to be optimistic, in

that at the end of the pursuit of knowledge will come a perfect state of harmony with nature,

utopia. Such a system is progress-minded, and dead set against tradition, the arbitrary terms

passed down from generation to generation out of ignorance of the laws of nature. The void,

to the optimist, is but imaginary. There is no such thing as chance. There is no such thing

as free will. There is only perfect moral order.

If the remainders are ultimately irrational, then the universe is ultimately irrational.

It is infinite, that is, it cannot be known by finite measure. It is contradictory, not logical, that

is, at any given time every one thing may be known dually, in two opposing, incommensurate

ways. How one sees, in terms of the instant or in terms of duration, is merely subjective.

Time is relative, interdependent with space and the point of view of the observer. The instant

is literally metaphysical, that is, beyond measure or the laws of physics. The system which

holds this view of the nature of the universe can be said to be nihilistic, in that at the end of

the pursuit of knowledge comes no fulfillment to ones quest. Such a system is stasis-

oriented, tradition-minded. The void is real. Causation is paradoxical, but ultimately

random. Chance presupposes free will.

It should be noted, these merely logical, empirical implications have a limited utility

in understanding the intellectual history of any people, let alone their political history.

Institutions and philosophies are more complex. A philosophy derived from the problem of

time meets numerous obstacles which reveal its limitations. For instance, in order to be true

to the notion of a rational universe, the philosopher would have to deny the existence of the

87
INTRODUCTION

circle, for pi is an irrational number. This, in fact, is easy to do as all geometric figures, the

point, line, plane and so on, are imaginary, ideal, not found in nature. However, in doing so

the philosopher is forced to say the earth is flat. As it is, the concept of pi does not stem

directly from the problem of time. It stems from number theory. The subject at hand has

two/three names, astrology/astronomy, which imply a basis in time and the stars, and

mathematics, which implies a basis in number. The great Khwarizmian polymath, Al-Brni

(c. 973-1048), who in his travels in India met with the notion that the instant is infinite,

duration finite, quoted a Greek notion that limitation applies to the instant, not duration, for

a thing which can be numbered is finite, while duration is infinite (Sachau 1971: 319). For

Al-Brni the basis is again number, not the empirical study of the movements of celestial

bodies according to a gnomon versus a clock, and so he derives a completely contradictory

notion of infinity. Logic for logics sake yields only such oppositions. We can know

everything, or we can know nothing. If reality is somewhere in between, it is completely

lost. Indeed these nihilistic and deterministic arguments are precisely that upon which

Buddha refused to give a definite opinion, the two extremes he warned monks to avoid (Liu

1994: 7-9). Nonetheless, even though the problem of time is limited to its logical utility, as

the key to the study of mathematics, it is a proper litmus for examining knowledge systems,

for the problem of time is empirical in nature, historically relevant, and so may be used,

indeed must be used, as the best possible standard by which to study the scientific traditions

of different peoples.

88
INTRODUCTION

Structure of the Manual

Indeterminancy

As for the structure of the manual, it makes reference to the point of view by which

it was composed as follows:

If one were to say that the tenets found in edicts, those of Nagarjuna and of
the other supreme sages are different from [what is taught here], it is because
it was taught in the sutras that in times of calamity the sun and moon will lose
their way [among the stars], but the weather of the years, months and quarter
hours will agree (4r).

This statement overtly refers to the distinction between sidereal and tropical points of view.

From a sidereal perspective, due to the precession of the equinoxes, the sun and moon lose

their way from time to time, but even so from a tropical perspective, the seasons remain the

same. It is in essence a statement of deterministic chaos. However, underlying this in reply

to the question why do these systems vary? is the view that the cause of the discrepancy

between calculation and nature is due to nature and not the calculations. In this, the manual

expresses the point of view that the ultimate nature of the universe is indeterminate.

This point of view is common not only in Buddhist sources, but in Chinese

mathematics as well. When asked why the sages cannot discover computational constants

precise enough to be used forever, the famous Han dynasty mathematician, Jia Kui, in AD

92 explains, the Celestial Way being irregular, lacking uniformity, there are bound to be

89
INTRODUCTION

remainders. These remainders will have their own disparities, which cannot be made

uniform (Sivin1986: 157-158).

This is in contrast to the deterministic point of view as given in Ptolemys

Tetrabiblos:

The more observant farmers and herdsmen, indeed, conjecture, from the
winds prevailing at the time of impregnation and of the sowing of the seed,
the quality of what will result. . . . Things that are not of so general a nature,
however, are comprehended by those who have by necessity become used to
making observations, as, for instance, sailors know the special signs of storms
and winds that arise periodically by reason of the aspects of the moon and
fixed stars to the sun. Yet because they cannot in their ignorance accurately
know the times and places of these phenomena, nor the periodic movements
of the planets . . . . it happens that they often err. If, then, a man knows
accurately the movements of all the stars, the sun, and the moon, so that
neither the place nor the time of any of their configurations escapes his notice
. . . . what is to prevent him from being able to tell on each given occasion the
characteristics of the air . . . . Why can he not, too, with respect to an
individual man, perceive the general quality of his temperament from the
ambient at the time of his birth . . . ? (Ptolemy 1980: 10-12)

Time

In keeping with the notion of an indeterminate universe, in the manual time tends to

be represented in its true or apparent aspect, that is, known by a gnomon or sun dial, not

a clock, such that events tend to be defined by the instant or moment of their occurrence and

not their duration. The prominence of this point of view is well-documented in Buddhist

sources, which, maintain that it is the instantaneous quality of time not duration that

indicates the ultimate nature of the universe. Indeed, to Buddhists the instantaneousness of

being is the ultimately real thing; the only thing in the universe which is a non-construction,

90
INTRODUCTION

a non-fiction, the real basis of all constructions (Stcherbatsky 1958: 79-114, esp., 106). This

is in contrast to the prominence of the concept of absolute time in Western civilization prior

to the works of people such as Einstein, Bohr and Heisenberg. In A Brief History of Time

Stephen Hawking notes this as follows:

Both Aristotle and Newton believed in absolute time. That is, they believed
that one could unambiguously measure the interval of time between two
events, and that this time would be the same whoever measured it, provided
they used a good clock. Time was completely separate from and independent
of space. (18)

In the manual reference to the day, month, year, units of time, and so on, is given in

terms of uiral (occasion), tokiyaldul (coincidence) and interval (a(ur-a), as in the passage,

"In the interval [of the second month] the hawk will mate (9r). The measure of time is

according to a stick, the gnomon, referred to in the manual as dolo(an qubi-tu modun (stick

with seven portions). The term for the instant is gan, a Sanskrit term, kshana, which comes

to the Mongols via Uygur (Lessing 388). It is defined in the manual as, "the time it takes an

arrow shot by a marksman to pierce a leaf" (5r). The term is used in connection with another

term, the da(un "sound," which is defined as the sound which is emitted by the act of the

arrow piercing the leaf. It is equal to the length of the act itself (5r). There is a difference

in the two terms in that the latter is associated with duration, while the former remains

unqualified. Whether these two terms are given in this was to represent the distinction

between instant and duration is not explicit, but likely. The issue remains uncertain in that

various sects within Buddhism argued whether the empirical reality of the instant was valid

or not and about how it should be expressed. In the Abhidharmakoa, for instance, a realistic

91
INTRODUCTION

or pluralistic work of the early Abhidharmika school, the instant is defined only in terms of

duration. It is the limit of time and quantified as follows: According to the

Abhidharmikas, there are sixty-five instants in the time that it takes a healthy man to snap

his fingers (Vasubandhu, v. 2, 1988: 474). Even so, in Abhidharma Buddhist philosophy

as well as in later absolutist systems, the Madhyamika and those which stem from it, the

kshana is said to be understood as both a measure of time, the brief moment, on the one

hand and as the moment without duration on the other. This moment without duration is

described by Braj Sinha as the ideal condition of freedom or transcendence.22 The

Mongols of Ordos around the time this manual appears to have been written followed the

tradition of the Gomang School of the Bras-spungs monastery, founded by Jam-yang-zhad-

pa (1648-1722).23 If a definitive answer to this question can be reached, perhaps it is in the

tenets of this tradition.

Reckoning of time by water clock, usun-iyar qono( to(alaqui (counting the days by

water [i.e., a water clock]) is referred to tangentially in the manual as one of numerous ways

of making an intercalary month (3v). Also, time is conceived of as cyclical rather than the

linear conception of the Greeks. The system, based on the Chinese sexagenary cycle

comprised of ten heavenly stems and twelve earthly branches, often used to count years, and

22
For a discussion of the kshana for the Abhidharmika school see Braj M. Sinha, p.
3. For references to the term in Buddhist schools in general, see Stcherbatsky pp. 108-110
and Kloetzli, pp. 137-155.
23
Stcherbatsky states All Mongolia follows the tradition of the Gomang School
(57).

92
INTRODUCTION

days, months, in the manual counts months and hours. Hypothetically, these cycles nest, ever

increasing, ever decreasing, all the way up, and down, to infinity.24

Finally, time is relative. The manual states that whereas the interval between the

breaths of an ignorant commoner is four seconds, for the gods, the interval is 360 times

longer or 24 minutes. This follows an Indian custom in which the time of the gods is 360

times longer than that of man; thus one sidereal year is a day and a night to the gods (Burgess

1859: 152; Stone 1981: 52-53). Relative time and especially time of the gods is

commonplace in antiquity. For the Hindus the day of Brahma equals 1,000 yogas or four

eons (Macey 1989: 43). Psalm 90 in the Bible reads, For a thousand years in [Gods] sight

are but as yesterday when it is past, or as a watch in the night. St. Augustine, following a

Jewish tradition, took this passage out of context, applied it to the creation story in Genesis

in which the world is created in seven days to reckon the world was not more than 6,000

years old, by his reckoning, 5611 years from creation to the taking of Rome by the Goths.25

It should be noted that in China, where mathematics is very ancient and diverse, not

everyone agreed with the idea of astronomical indeterminancy (Sivin1986: 157-158). Nor

in Buddhism. Realists raised an objection that if the point-instant cannot be known by

physical means, it must be nothing but a construction in thought, a mere name without any

24
Concerning the Chinese system, Schipper and Wang state that in Chinese thought
the universe is apprehended as an infinity of nesting time cycles which may be manipulated
as though they were interchangeable (1986: 185; cf. also Sivin 1986: 152).
25
Another example is James Usshers 17th century retrodiction of genesis to 9:00 a.m.,
October 23, 4004 BC (Macey 1989: 48-50).

93
INTRODUCTION

corresponding reality. The orthodox response to this was that the mathematical point-instant

is real since it is established in science. The astronomer makes it the basis of all his

computations (Stcherbatsky 1958: 106). Likewise in the West and in Islam not all agreed

that time is absolute. In his theory of relativity, published at the beginning of the 20th

century, Albert Einstein used experiments to demonstrate the true or apparent nature of

time. Shortly thereafter, Heisenbergs uncertainty principle disproved the basis of Western

determinism.

Nonetheless, time is regarded by modern physicists and the ancient sages alike as the

basis for the most influential and deep-seeded ideas in society (Sivin 1976: 514). As a

dominant discourse, the absolute distinction between the perception of time as instant and

time as duration lives on in the languages and cultures of peoples. In English the word

time, depending on context, can be used to refer either to time as instant or time as

duration. This conflation of meanings occurs as well in the case of the Mongolian word for

time, a(. However, in context time cannot mean both instant and duration at the

same time, but must stand for one or the other. In English if one says, I have no time, the

meaning is that one is very busy. In modern Khalkha Mongolian the phrase yamar ch tsag

baikhgui (I have no time), means that one is not busy. This is because whereas in English

time is perceived ultimately in terms of duration, in Mongolian a(, implies an occasion

or instant. The literal meaning of Mongolian a( is hour, and so another translation of the

phrase above would be the hour (to do something else) is not yet upon me. In Mongolian

leisure is defined instead by space, ilge.

94
INTRODUCTION

In another example, if one were to ask the age of a Mongolian person, one would find

that the Mongolian person is a year older than a person from the West born on the same date.

To ask a Mongol why this is so, the common answer is that a certain kei il air or empty

year passes before one is born because the child spends almost one year in the womb.

This, however, likely refers to the ten month lunar year, which was associated with the term

of pregnancy not only in Middle Mongolian sources (Rybatzki 2003: 260), but also in

Chinese culture as well,26 for nine months does not make a solar year, nor approximate one

closely. Rather, the varying ways of counting, either from the moment of the childs birth,

or from the first anniversary of the childs birth, reflect the perception of the ultimate nature

of time as instant or duration, for if one counts age in terms of the instant or occasion, the

moment of the childs birth is the first year. It is common practice to mark the childs birth

with a nativity showing the positions of the planets at the time of birth. If one counts age in

terms of duration, the childs first year is her first anniversary. It is common practice to

indicate the time of the childs birth by the time on a clock. This difference is sometimes

described as inclusive versus exclusive and ultimately arbitrary. However, knowing that the

two approaches are incommensurate with corresponding rhetorical implications that follow,

clearly it is not arbitrary.

Space

26
The Greco-Roman calendar also had ten lunar months, associated with the period
of human gestation (Macey 1989: 29).

95
INTRODUCTION

While time in the manual is true or apparent, position is abstract, derived through

numerical sequencing in the following ways: 1) according to the twelve animals of the

Chinese zodiac (see table IV.19). Here the deity itgen eke is said to reside in the Cock

place, during the first month of the year, the Ox place during the second month, and so

on (see table IV.8a.2). 2) Relative position. The twenty-eight Hindu nakshatra are divided

such that seven are said to be in the east, seven in the south, and so on. These are arranged

according to their relative position in the sky. It does not account for their movement across

the sky over the course of the year. Nor does it account for the precession of the equinoxes.

Rather, their orientation is fixed in a traditional way beginning with Kerteg (S. Kr}ttik~), the

Pleiades, in ascendent in the east at the time of the vernal equinox. This arrangement would

have been correct at about 2300 B.C. but not possible after 1800 B.C. 3) Pattern. The

position of the stars and planets, themselves metaphysical beings more than celestial bodies,

is determined by pattern. For instance, Tayisui (Ch. Taisui), the Chinese year star, Jupiter,

is described as moving in a consistent pattern over the course of a year, but at an inconsistent

interval from month to month. Beginning in the south, it remains for three months, then

moves clockwise to the west, where it remains for three months; then it moves on to the

north, and spends the final three months of the year in the east. This is not the way a celestial

body moves. Indeed Tayisui is not so much a celestial body as it is a demon or spirit.

Chinese Taisui, the year star, as yin, a counterpart to the planet Jupiter, yang, is said to have

originated in the Warring States period (475-221 BC) when mathematicians, noticing the

96
INTRODUCTION

irregularities of the movement of Jupiter, sometimes progressing, sometimes stationary and

sometimes retrograding, invented an imaginary Counter-Jupiter to move uniformly in the

opposite direction from east to west. At that time the stations of Jupiter were used in the

calendar to denote the year, but because of its uniformity, it was convenient to use the

position of Counter-Jupiter for this purpose instead. Due to the precession of the equinoxes

and the sidereal period of Jupiter being 11.86 instead of the perfect 12 years, as the true

Jupiter cycle would fall out of harmony with Counter-Jupiter, every 84.7 years or so, it would

be said that Counter-Jupiter by-passed a station. In this the movement of Counter-Jupiter,

as opposed to true Jupiter was perfect in its abstraction. Eventually, after Jupiter-stations

were no longer used in the making of the calendar, the movement of Counter-Jupiter (still

found in Chinese almanacs even today), being an imaginary planet, bore no relation to the

movement of planet Jupiter whatsoever. Its position became a mere pattern, an occult

doppelgnger (Ch. xuanxiang/hsan hsiang [Ho 2003: 32-33; Major 1993: 41; Schafer 1977:

3]).27

These abstract representations of position belie the common view that astrologers

used the empirical positions of the planets to discern the fate of human beings.28 In fact, in

27
About this time, a Pythagorean mathematician in Greece, Philolaus of Tarentum (c.
480-400 BC), in order to make the number of heavenly bodies conform to the perfect number
ten, invented a counter-earth. In his scheme the sun, moon, earth, five planets, the sphere
of stars and counter-earth all revolved around a central fire. The central fire and
counter-earth were hidden, he explained because the face of the earth inhabited by men
was always turned away from them (Ho 2000: 6).
28
Tester, for instance, defines astrology as the interpretation and prognostication of
events on earth, and of mens characters and dispositions from the measurement and plotting

97
INTRODUCTION

general, it is just the opposite. Astrologers use an abstract, non-empirical determination of

the planets' position to perform divination. Besides Buddhist mathematics, this is found,

though not uniformly, in Chinese, Indian, Turkish and Old Babylonian mathematics as well.29

It was Stoic philosophers in the 3rd century B.C. who, from a deterministic point of

view by which such contradictory methods of prediction were seen as false, adopted a new

system of astrology in which they would attempt to use the actual positions of the planets to

make predictions.30 What seems to have spurred the Greeks to this notion were advances in

computational mathematics, in particular, geometry. Not only did geometry give them

greater ability to compute position, its requisite for proof validated the notion of a logical

universe. In squaring the circle, doubling the cube, and so on, mathematical logic and

of the movements and relative positions of the heavenly bodies, of the stars and planets,
including among the latter the sun and moon (Tester 1987: 11).
29
In Chinese mathematics, where there is great diversity in systems, there was a
considerable effort to incorporate true positions of celestial bodies into the predictions of
chance events. The common practice for divination was motion prevails over color, color
over position, holding position over lack of position; color over absence of color (Schafer
1977: 64). However, in practice it was the abstract qualities of bodies, their element, color,
direction and so on, that were used to make predictions (Sivin 1969: 3-4; Shigeru 1966: 446-
449). In ancient Mesopotamia, omina, predictions do not depend on celestial observation at
all. Moreover, prediction is conceived of as qualitatively different from empirical work.
While astrologers predictions might have been ridiculed, no evidence shows Mesopotamian
scholars ever tried to verify the results of the predictions with experiments (Koch-
Westenholz 1995: 13-21; Rochberg-Halton 1988: 4).

30
What is usually meant when speaking of the movement of the stars is their diurnal
motions, plotting where they are day by day. Mathematical ability for the observation of the
proper motions of the celestial bodies was not discovered until the time of Edmund Halley
(18th century [Neugebauer, vol. 1, 1975: 1-4; Bobrovnikoff 1990: x]).

98
INTRODUCTION

deductive proof go beyond what is perceptible. This carried Greek geometry far beyond its

predecessors (Burkert 1972: 423). By Platos time geometric mathematics was already so

developed, it had begun to threaten nihilism as the dominant discourse in mathematics

(Burkert 1972: 427).

The astrological system developed by the Greeks in which the actual positions of the

planets are taken into account is known today in technical terms as genethlialogical

astrology.31 Commonly the system is known as the horoscope (though the term

"horoscope" is a misnomer as the term actually refers to the ascendant). It is the form of

astrology commonly practiced in the West today. In his Tetrabiblos, the most famous Stoic

astrologer, Ptolemy, makes clear the distinction between this new mathematics and that of

indeterminate systems, as follows:

"What can be properly comprehended we shall investigate, not by means of


numbers (where no account of causes can be given) but through the proper
observing of the configurations of the stars with relation to their houses."
(Tester 1987: 65)

This passage, though perhaps some 1600 years older, rejects the very qualities which

characterize the manual.32 What this passage means is that, considering it actually possible

to determine ones fate according to the position of the planets, we no longer make up those

31
Genethlialogical astrology probably came to the Greeks from the Chaldeans.
Tradition has it Berosus brought it in the 4th century B.C. Cf. Tester, p. 16. For the
Babylonians the empirical position of the planets was not used in their celestial divination.
The planets were given as malefic or benefic. Cf. Rochberg, p. 10.
32
Ptolemys Tetrabiblos was known in China from the Tang period (Schafer 1977:
11).

99
INTRODUCTION

positions artificially through divination, but empirically, through observation and

computation.

In the astrology of the Stoics the positions of the stars could not yet be determined

such that they would render perfect knowledge (nor have they ever been so determined). For

this reason the new system was by no means understood to be perfect. Ptolemy, himself,

notes this in Tetrabiblos (Ptolemy 1980: 3-19). Thus, in practice genethlialogical astrology

reverts back to divination, pure and simple. However in rhetoric, this had at least two

important implications. First, it denied free will. Second, it rejected the inherent

contradiction between the metaphysical and physical modes of mathematics, and thus,

opened the methods of divining mathematicians to a scrutiny they could not bear, verification

through experiment. If the universe is ultimately determinate and the function of the

astrologer is to give accurate predictions, then the idea of "perfect" predictions implies

improvement of the astrologer's methods. Thus, a common claim of astrologers in a

deterministic system was that, although what they were attempting was possible, their

methods simply were not yet perfected. For this reason they would tend to abandon old

methods in favor of new ones (Geneva 1995: xvi). Ironically, Ptolemy wrote the passage

cited above in his Tetrabiblos, which is more astrology-oriented in its subject matter than

his other, more famous work, the astronomy-minded Almagest. While keeping these two

works distinct is sometimes attributed to Ptolemy's good sense, the distinction is also in

keeping with an established tradition throughout the ancient world of separating the two

100
INTRODUCTION

astrological modes, empirical and non-empirical, a tradition his new approach doomed to end

in Western civilization.

To be sure, the practice of divination according to the true positions of celestial

bodies is known in both Chinese mathematics and the star calculation system (Tib. skar-rtsis)

of Buddhist mathematics, which derives from the deterministic system of the Greeks (TEDP,

415; Cornu 1997: 127). Thus, one might assume that the reason the manual uses abstract

representation and not the empirical positions of the ephemeridae in making predictions is

simply due to an authors ignorance of the ability to empirically calculate those positions.

However, there are other factors to consider. The abstract representation of position found

in the manual is commonplace in Buddhist divination manuals. The celestial bodies are

perceived not as physical entities but as metaphysical, occult, or supernatural. Moreover, if

one does not maintain that the universe is deterministic nor time absolute as is typically the

case in Buddhism, then there is no reason to believe that the positions of the ephemeridae can

be perfectly determined such that the fate of man might ever be known (Cornu 1997: 45-46).

Most importantly, stellar determinism denies freewill. These factors indicate that the abstract

representation of position is likely intentional and inherent to the rhetoric of the system.

Physics and Metaphysics

Although the manual tends to be a metaphysical representation of the universe, it also

describes physical processes. For example, it describes the motion of the sun throughout the

101
INTRODUCTION

course of a year, noting the solstices and the equinoxes and commensurate changes in the

amount of daylight and darkness from month to month. It notes changes in the weather and

biological processes such as the season certain plants bloom, the time fish mate, when birds

migrate, the month the tiger bears its young.

In so doing, it takes what in Buddhism is known as a non-dual approach to the

question of the interrelationship between the physical and metaphysical realms. Given two

incommensurate ways of seeing the universe, in terms of the metaphysical instant and in

terms of physical duration, every one thing can be known in two opposing ways. However,

assuming that the remainders are due to the nature of the universe and not computation, then

it is the metaphysical aspect that predominates. In this duality is conceived of differently

from an indeterminate point of view than from the deterministic point of view. For the

determinist, things are either one or another, male or female, positive or negative. From an

indeterminate point of view, as born out by the concepts of yin and yang, things are both

positive and negative at the same time. That aspect of the thing which is positive is both

positive and negative. That which is positive of that which is positive has both positive and

negative aspects and so on to infinity, such that every one thing is, in a sense, a universe

within a universe. It is only the condition at a given time, the occasion, which determines

which of the binaries is valid.

One implication of this difference in the perception of duality is reflected in the

conception of specialization and the branches of knowledge. In an indeterminate system, the

institution of mathematics divides into two branches, one representing the metaphysical

102
INTRODUCTION

aspect of the universe, the other representing the physical aspect. However, these two

branches are not distinct, but, rather, interrelate, so that both the system and its two branches

are each a microcosm of the universe. Their scope ranges a continuum from chaos to order.

Thus, if each branch is a microcosm of the whole, each branch has both a physical and

metaphysical aspect, so that one branch can only be distinguished from another, as physical

or metaphysical, by a tendency or bent to that extreme. Ultimately, however, as it is the

metaphysical representation of time that is perceived to reveal the true nature of the universe,

the rhetoric of mathematics is metaphysical.

When it comes to specialization this non-dual organization of mathematics takes

on an unusual appearance. As such, knowledge associated with the system tends to be an

unconventional knowledge distinct from common knowledge.33 Because of this distinction

there is a tendency to confuse the common knowledge of a people with the knowledge given

in their scientific literature, as if the scientific literature represents the pinnacle of the

people's learning. Thus it is assumed the people must have been extremely ignorant of the

physical world. Consequently, we are continually amazed to find archeological evidence that

ancient peoples actually knew the physical world well in terms of vital processes, chemical

interactions, mechanical functions, and so on. This is because knowledge of this kind was

conventional and need have nothing to do with mathematics, which, even in empirical

33
In making the distinction between knowledge and transcendent knowledge or non-
knowledge Buddhist texts refer to knowledge as that which belongs to an ignorant
commoner (M. bertegin kbegn). See Liu 1994: 39-52.

103
INTRODUCTION

studies, dealt with unconventional subjects, such as the positions of the planets and lists of

stars.34

Thus, while it is the physical realm and its challenges that require specialization, as

the branches of knowledge are ultimately metaphysical and represented as such, in this

metaphysical aspect, there is no apparent difference between the branches of knowledge. In

this way divination is the basis for every specialist. In the same way, genres dovetail into one

another. The study of the stars interrelates with the study of medicine, for the stars are gods

and demons (gods dovetail with demons), and gods and demons cause illness. Medicine and

magic dovetail, for illness is caused and cured by magic. Magic dovetails with ritual, and

so on.

Contradiction

What divides metaphysics from physics is contradiction pure and simple. In the

manual contradiction is implicit in numerous ways. In one example, the twenty-eight

nakshatra are systematized five different ways according to their element. The elements

themselves are both the five elements predominant in Chinese mathematics and the four

elements predominant in Indian and Western mathematics. Each systematization is different.

Throughout the manual, there is no one express technology for any problem. There are

34
As Sivin says, linking alchemy with chemistry only causes confusion. The aim of
the effort was not knowledge but transcendence. The chemical discoveries themselves were
by-products (Sivin 1986:154).

104
INTRODUCTION

various ways to calculate the day, the week, the month, the intercalary month, the New Year

and so on. By offering multiple, contradictory technologies, the manual offers no semblance

of a physical order, which by its very nature, would appear logical and imperfect. Secondly,

contradiction is inherent in the way predictions are made within the framework of time. As

every event can be defined by any term across the spectrum of temporal units, while the day

might be auspicious, the month or hour might not be, and so on. What is more, in the

following passage the manual gives an explicit example of how physics are transformed to

metaphysics:

In general, when making any of these calculations, one needs to know


unerringly which day to drop. Knowing this, one should examine the star and
the lunar mansions throughout one's lifetime with one's eyes. Thus, one must
also know the moon, how it conforms to the nakshatra, when it is new, when
it waxes full and when it wanes. When one knows this, one needs to know
the number of the moon. Also, if one is confused and uncertain about a
certain star or nakshatra, or does not know these things because clouds have
covered the sky, then the way to learn these things is as follows: Having
risen early the following day, upon washing one's hands and face, putting on
a new robe and adopting a pious frame of mind, if one goes out in the
direction one desires, the sign will be: if that day is the Wood star (Thursday)
one will meet a magician or a physician, or, if not, one will meet a man on a
bay horse. If it is the Sun star (Sunday) one will meet an older man or a
woman who is riding a white horse wearing a white robe and leading a white
dog. . . (4r-4v)

Logic

While in a determinate system, logic rules above all, in an indeterminate universe

logic has a limited function. The rhetoric of mathematics as a whole aims at universal

harmony, not logical consistency (Smith, Richard 1991: 51). By definition the metaphysical

realm, as it appears in nature, is not logical, and so, in representing the universe as it appears

105
INTRODUCTION

in nature, the rhetoric of mathematics intentionally breaks the law of contradiction, the

excluded middle term. Paradoxically, this is the consistent way to represent an illogical

universe.

This paradox has befuddled scholars accustomed to the rhetoric of Western science,

which rejects such contradiction. For the anthropologist Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, the most

incredible aspect of primitive culture was the frequency with which one found the law of

contradiction broken in primitive ritual and what would otherwise be considered science.

This led him to conclude that the science of these peoples is rooted in an "archaic" or "pre-

logical" type of thinking (Levy-Bruhl 1985: 78). While Lvy-Bruhl is correct in highlighting

the breaking of the law of contradiction as significant in ritual and non-Western science, his

conclusion was based on a false premise. The ideology of Social Darwinism formulated by,

among others, Herbert Spencer, which Levy-Bruhl had come to accept, derived from a

Newtonian universe ruled by logic and absolute time (Levy-Bruhl 1985: xiii). Not only is

this view of the universe not necessarily shared by other peoples, in Levy-Bruhls own day

it was challenged by Einstein and rejected by Heisenberg and Bohr.

Because the world is not perfect, logical nor rational, contradiction exists for any

people. However, the suppression of the great contradictions, as in that between physics and

metaphysics, science and religion, creates subtle inconsistencies of its own. Ironically,

assuming that Buddhist mathematics represents an illogical universe and that Modern

Science represents a universe that is logical, the rhetoric of Western science is in ways less

consistent in holding to the principles of its point of view than is Buddhist mathematics.

106
INTRODUCTION

This is in part because, as strict determinism denies freewill, the loss of freewill being more

objectionable than contradiction, it has to be ameliorated by rationales that have no empirical

basis. For instance, though strict determinism maintains that sufficient knowledge of the

positions of the planets will allow firm predictions of the fate of human beings, to lessen the

blow of fatalism, a common conception of Western astrology, quoted by Francis Bacon was

the stars incline, they do not compel (Tester 1987: 2). In this way the heavy burden for

scientific proof forces the rhetoric of determinism away from strict logic to mere empirical

generalization. Thus, because no stellar fatalism is commonly perceived, it is generally held

that the stars have no influence. This may be true, but in Buddhist mathematics one finds

adherence to the first principles of science just the same. Logic demands that, assuming time

is the basis by which all knowledge derives, the ability to reckon the positions of the planets

perfectly is prerequisite to predicting and retrodicting the causal chain, including the fate of

human beings. If we do not have that ability, then there is no causal chain. We can know

nothing. Any other position is illogical. This was true four thousand years ago, and it is still

true today, even though the universe appears so much bigger and our knowledge of it is so

much better than it was when traditional mathematics was the dominant discourse.

While Levy-Bruhls theory was keen but wrongheaded, other theories about non-

Western science often lack perspicuity. Jung, for example, writes in Synchronicity, For the

primitive mind . . . . there is no such thing as chance. No accident, no illness, no death is .

. . . attributable to natural causes. Everything is somehow due to magical influence (Jung

1973: 85). Here Jung, on the one hand, seeing a logical universe, fails to recognize the

107
INTRODUCTION

paradoxical nature of causation and so takes the rhetoric of non-Western science too literally.

On the other hand, inconsistent in the rhetoric of a logical universe, he wrongly assumes that

for the primitive mind . . . . there is no such thing as chance. Rather, it is for the modern

mind that is, the logical, deterministic mind, which discounts magical influence, that there

is no such thing as chance. Claude Levi-Strauss makes a similar error when he writes

magical thought is . . . distinguished from science not by ignorance of determinism but by

imperious uncompromising demand for it, which can be regarded as unreasonable (Levi-

Strauss 1966: 10-11). In assuming that the rhetoric of non-Western science postulates a

complete and all-embracing determinism that Modern Science does not, Levi-Strauss looks

at foreign science ideally but Modern Science only in a vulgar way. To compare both on an

equal footing he would have to acknowledge the imperious determinism of Modern Science.

For this he would not need to think merely in abstraction. The rhetoric of strict determinism

courses through the veins of Western civilization, from antiquity to the present day. The

Stoic, Chrysippus, wrote "no particular event, not even the smallest, can take place otherwise

than in accordance with universal Nature and its logos" (Plutarch SVF 2. 937). In a famous

letter to Napolean, the French mathematician and philosopher, Pierre Simon de Laplace

wrote that he had no need for the hypothesis of a deity. For him Newtons laws of motion

and gravitation were sufficient to determine all phenomena, thereby eliminating the need for

God as well as the role of chance and free will (Leon 1999: 163-164; Sarton 1941: 309-312).

In discussing the significance of the decoding of the human genome, the molecular biologist,

David Baltimore, calls free will a wonderful illusion (2003). If Levi-Strauss had paid

108
INTRODUCTION

Western civilization and Modern Science their due, he would have seen what Ptolemy saw:

that when it comes to determinism, the methods of Western mathematics are rational, the

methods of non-Western mathematics are irrational, and as such, the determinism of non-

Western mathematics is not determinism at all, but merely a pseudo-determinism of a

distinctly metaphysical realm. What both the theories Jung and Levi-Strauss fail to recognize

is the inherent role of contradiction in the rhetoric of an indeterminate universe.

What we see in Buddhist mathematics, rather than the archaic or prelogical is a

rhetoric of binary logic, simple yin/yang, where from an ultimate tai ji, the supreme pole or

supreme ultimate, comes yin and yang. Within yin is yin/yang. Within yang is yin/yang.

Within each of these, the same, and so on to infinity, whereby between every yin and yang

is simple contradiction (Ho 2003: 34; 2000: 34-35). In this binary, ultimately metaphysical

system, the rhetoric of strict determinism is the rhetoric of divination. This gives rise to

another paradox: while the rhetoric of a perfectly logical universe is a rhetoric of flux,

constant change and progress, the rhetoric of an uncertain universe appears perfect, eternal,

and timeless.

Esoteric Language

This paradoxical rhetoric is sustainable only by secret. From the point of view of an

indeterminate universe it is clear that esoteric language needs be to secure order over chaos.

Because arbitrary terms and myth are necessary for a comprehensive scientific rhetoric, there

109
INTRODUCTION

must be an elite to make the myths that others accept on faith. Once we know difference

between ends and means, we are no longer free to confuse them and so the means of perfect

knowledge must be kept from the non-initiated. This basic need for an elite is pervasive in

the mathematical tradition (Kingsley 1995: 344; Geneva 1995: 18; Shigeru 1966: 444);

however, the development of specific forms of arcanum is a different matter and belongs

especially to the Indian tantric tradition. According to O. Neugebauer the language of Greek

and Babylonian mathematics is clear. The introduction of secret astrology comes in the

Indian tradition (1951: 137-138). Tantras are written in specific kind of intentional

language (S. sandh~bh~s}~; Tib. dgongs pai skad), that is, a form of enigmatic speech that

holds a secret meaning (Newman 1987: 38-40; Bharati 1961: 261-262; Lopez 1995: 41-42).

According to Edward Conze, the concept that words have both an obvious and hidden

meaning came largely as a yogcrin concept on sandh~bh~s}~ around AD 300 (1975: 25-26).

John Newman, who has worked extensively on the Klacakratantra and related texts, notes

that a given passage can have both an exoteric and esoteric meaning and cites six alternatives

for tantric speech: intentional/unintentional; literal/non-literal; and provisional/definitive

(Newman 1987: 38-40). This sandh~bh~s}~ form, however, is only one of numerous other

kinds of esoteric language found in tantric texts. A. Bharati, who in his article Intentional

Language in the Tantras discusses the different ways in which the sandh~bh~s}~ tradition has

been interpreted by scholars and poses the question of its ultimate purpose, notes as well that

though sandh~bh~s}~ is a language of light and darkness whereby some passages are

understandable others not, it always appears to describe something. This distinct from the

110
INTRODUCTION

appearance and objective of mantra, which does not designate anything in nature and sets

out as its purpose to bring about change (1961: 261-262). Both of these types of esoteric

language are distinct from kinds of latent meaning found in the language of divination.

In its divination mode the language of the manual is nonsense. That is to say the

predictions the manual appears to make have no basis in sense, but rather are derived through

various methods of divination. Consider the following example: On Tuesday . . . . if a

possession or animal is missing, nine people stole it . . . . They came from the west and

brought it to a house which faces west" (22v). While in isolation this appears to be a

prediction of the future, when taken in full context one finds that the phrase if a possession

or animal is missing is a common omen protasis, which reoccurs throughout the text, not

only under the stars of the days of the week, but under the nakshatra constellations as well.

This particular omen condition, is found not only in this text, but rather is ubiquitous in

Eurasian mathematics, found in Buddhist, Chinese, Indian, Turkish, and even in Old

Babylonian texts. As for the number of people who stole the possessions or animals and the

direction in which they took them, these, along with color schemes and kinds of people are

common tropes found in divination formulae. If one examines the condition, if a possession

or animal is missing from planet to planet and star to star, one finds the sympathetic

associations described above. For instance, on Monday, the day of the moon, one of the

thieves has a pockmarked face (22v), on Wednesday, the day of the Water star, Mercury, the

missing things may be found at the waterside, on Friday, the day of the Gold star, Venus, the

thieves are yellow, they took the stolen goods to a place with yellow soil, and so on.

111
INTRODUCTION

However, just as there is consistency in the manuals overall representation of an

apparently illogical universe, there is meaning within the divination mode as well, a meaning

inside the numbers. In the manuals divination mode, meaning is expressed in terms of

complementary relations which represent natures duality: the rational and irrational,

physical and metaphysical, small and big, male and female, etc.; the logic of the elements;

the meaning of numbers: four, as in the four elements, which may take its origin in the four

seasons; five, as in the five elements, which may take its origin in the five planets known in

antiquity, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, and so on. As will be seen, there is

meaning behind the omens. Meaning is also expressed in terms of pattern, the patterns

behind the movements of supernatural beings.

Problems of Interpretation

That the logos of the text should be in the numbers and not in the literal language

poses a problem of interpretation. How far can one go in ascribing intention, true

significance to the internal structure of the text? It has been stated that the manual is

composed in five parts. That this follows a numerological prescription is quite likely.

However, the number of topics listed in the manual, being over one hundred, with some

manipulation might be counted as the auspicious number, one hundred eight. Is this the

correct way to count or simply reading into the text? It has been stated that the manuals

anonymity creates the effect of perfection and timelessness, but is this its purpose? Certainly

112
INTRODUCTION

anonymity is not unique to this manual specifically. It is commonly found in mathematical

texts. But this does not answer the question. Are mistakes and omissions, breaks in pattern

intentional or merely scribal error? A number of examples illustrate the problem: The star

spirit Qo(osun qumq-a (Empty pitcher) follows a strict pattern from month to month over

the course of the year. However, in the description of the Second month, no reference to

Qo(osun qumq-a is given. According to its pattern, in that month it would logically reside

in the North. Similarly, the star spirit Janggn (The General) breaks pattern in the Eighth

month by jumping to the East, when logically it should remain in the West. The nakshatra

are classified five different times according to their element, sometimes according to the four

elements predominant in India and the West and sometimes according to the five elements

predominant in China. Two of these classifications are identical, excepting one nakshatra,

Tanista (S. Dhanis}t}h~), which in one classification has the element water (21r) and in the

other, the element earth (45v). Logically, its element in should be earth, for to assign it the

element water leaves eight water nakshatra and only six earth nakshatra. As a final

example, on the twenty-first day of the Fourth month, a nakshatra is omitted from the

calendar. Logically it should be irvan (S. ravan}a). Though intentional variation of pattern

is a common trope in mathematics (one that is in keeping with a universe that does not

function in a perfectly logical way), this does not guarantee a correct reading. Likely, except

for the final example, the omission of irvan, the breaks in pattern described above are all

intentional, in that their variation depends on more than just the omission of a single term

(commonly attributable to scribal error). However, this criterion is far from foolproof, and

113
INTRODUCTION

the assessment less than certain. Finally, while focus on the latent workings of the text

reveal the patterns by which the gods and demons move, it does not explain how these

patterns are generated. What is the reason Tayisui moves one way, Janggn another, and so

on?

Judgment

While not to defend the esoteric rhetoric of the manual against the charge of humbug,

for humbug it clearly is, to humbug is not its primary reason for being. Esoteric language is

rooted in representing the unconventional language of the metaphysical realm, the world

beyond the pale of physical representation, the world of true or apparent time.

Furthermore, the inherent deception involved in the conflation of physical and metaphysical

realms is not solely negative, for it hides the arbitrary terms that point back to primordial

chaos, and so protects the established order, the government, which, all things being equal,

is for the common good.

This, however, is by no means special praise. Another term that defines the genre of

this manual is occult, a term associated in the West with pure evil. This association is so

strong, the meaning of the occult has been largely forgotten beyond its superficial aspects,

ghosts, demons and spirits, witches, magic and the like. What the occult means in essence

is the system of knowledge based on the one hand on true or apparent time, in which

demons, magic, ritual, and so on are scientific terms for the empirical qualities of the instant,

114
INTRODUCTION

and on the other hand based on mean or abstract space, where the counterparts of bodies

move in eternal, perfect patterns. The rhetoric of this system, besides being perfect, is

known, not only by outsiders, but by initiates as well, to be static, amoral, contradictory and

superstitious. It is not for no reason that this system was repudiated and step by step

eliminated from the morality and determinism based systems of Western civilization.

Nonetheless, Buddhist mathematics is by no means outmoded by Modern Science.35

It is based squarely on that which is true or apparent in nature and as such will remain viable

until the coming of Utopia. Einsteins theory of relativity and Heisenbergs uncertainty

principle make it relevant. To play devils advocate one could argue that if the concept of

an uncertain universe were fully accepted in Western civilization, the gravity of logic (which

often does more harm than good) would pull the rhetoric of Western scientific discourse into

a form that resembles that of Buddhist mathematics or the Pythagorean mathematics of the

ancient Greeks.

IV. Practice

Metaphysics

35
This is contrary to the idea of Lynn Thorndike in her article The True Place of
Astrology in the History of Science. Here Thorndike states correctly that prior to Newtons
law of gravitation, nature was held to be governed and directed by the movement of the
heavens and celestial bodies (1955: 273-274). Her error is to attribute as the basis for this
a cosmology unique to the European tradition and not the problem of time, common to
calendar makers everywhere. Indeed the problem of time in measuring the position and
momentum of the celestial bodies was key to Newtons own understanding of nature.

115
INTRODUCTION

The discussion of the manuals practical methods is organized according to the

distinction between physics and metaphysics. It begins with the latter, as the metaphysical

aspect of the manual tends to be predominate, and ends with a discussion of marriage, for

that is a prominent mundane utility the manual served. As for its metaphysical methods,

though subjects are very much interrelated and difficult to classify, the main topics are clear

nonetheless and will be dealt with in the following order: divination, medicine, magic, ritual,

and supernatural beings.

Divination

Divination, like "mathematics," is a term pertaining to knowledge. The root of the

word, deus (god) or divus, indicates the source of the seeker's information. If science is

about the prediction of events, from a deterministic point of view, every event is inevitable.

As chance can neither be defined nor understood, science is held to be about causes not

chance (Prigogine 1997: 4-5). Hence, Cicero in De Divinatione argues that since divination

has no application to what is perceived by the senses nor a place within the domain of

science or art, philosophy, dialectic or politics, thus, there is no use for it. In doing so, he

takes on what he considers the Stoic definition of divination as the foreknowledge and

foretelling of things that happen by chance (Cicero 1979: 220). This, however, is a

misstatement of the Stoic argument, for in Stoic determinism chance ought not exist. The

116
INTRODUCTION

rationale for divination, on the other hand, is from the point of view of indeterminancy. Here

every event is random. There is no such thing as causation. Thus, if causation does not

exist, something arbitrary is required in order to act. Divination is simply a way to act when

options seem arbitrary.

While divination as a means of knowledge is universal, the forms of divination are

not. Though a particular method might arise independently in one place or another, it also

happens that traditions of divination methods are passed from generation to generation and

culture to culture. Some of the earliest attested examples of divination are found inscribed

on bones and tortoise shells in China and on cuneiform tablets in Mesopotamia.36

Two ways to classify divination methods according to a psychological point of view

are: a) autoscopic or direct, which simply depends on some change in the consciousness of

the practitioner; b) heteroscopic or indirect, in which the diviner looks beyond himself for

guidance. Examples of autoscopic divination include methods based on sensory perceptions

such as gazing into a crystal or listening to a shell, motor automatisms, such as in the use of

a divining rod, or mental impressions derived from activities such as looking at the palm of

a hand or at cards. For heteroscopic divination the process depends on inference from

external facts. Examples of heteroscopic divination include sortilege "the casting of lots,"

36
For works on these early sources in China, see K. C. Chang 1980: 31-43 and Lowe
1994, passim. For the Mesopotamian sources see Starr and Jeyes. See also O.R. Gurney's
article on Babylonian and Hittite divination in Lowe and Blacker. For a discourse in
antiquity on the value of divination in society or the lack thereof, see Cicero, On Divination.
For bird divination among the Tibetans, see. Laufer, 1914. For Mongolian divination
methods, see Ochirbat's Merge, Tlg. See also, Pallas, v. 2, 1980: 307-340, Ligeti 1930:
passim, and Bawden 1958: 1-44.

117
INTRODUCTION

such as dice or the tarsus bones of sheep; haruspication "the inspection of entrails;

scapulomancy "divination by shoulder-blade;" and so on. While the practitioner must

actively perform these methods, there are also passive types of divination, such as taking an

omen from the weather or from the behavior or cries of birds ("Divination," EB 1911: 332-

333).

The manuals binary system, illogically, considers both causation and chance. The

manual includes causal relationships derived from empirical observation. For instance, in

the calendar it says, [During the fourth month] the orchid flower (akirma(-un iig)

blooms . . . [and] the cuckoo bird will sound (11r). But in keeping with its metaphysical

modality, its metier are chance occurrences, as in the following, If one builds a home, five

people will die (43r). These are derived, as befitting the logic of the system, through

divination. However, the manual is not perfectly logical in its representation in that its

methods are not entirely random. As will be seen, the metaphysical realm is made to appear

moral and good.

Divination in the manual is expressed in four interrelated forms: 1. complementary

relations, yin/yang; 2. rational methods, such as the systems of elements, trigrams and color

schemes, the results of which are derived through logic and appear random against the matrix

of the calendar; 3. irrational methods, including auguromancy, the results of which take on

a statistical significance, and magical formulae/medical treatments; and 4. patterns in the

matrix of the calendar, either orderly or random. These fall under two main classifications

in the Tibeto-Buddhist scheme: 1. Chinese or Black astrology (Tib. nag-rtsis), distinguished

118
INTRODUCTION

principally by the system of elemental divination (Tib. byung-rtsis), based on the

relationships formed between the five elements (TEDP, 11, 414; Cornu 1997: 21-23; Mnkh-

Ochir 2000: 16) and 2. Indian or White astrology (Tib. dkar-rstis), distinguished principally

by the system of the astrology of the stars (Tib. skar-rtsis [TEDP, 11, 415; Cornu 1997: 23-

25; Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 16]).

Yin/Yang

Although the manual does not mention expressly the Chinese terms yin/yang, nor the

Mongolian/Buddhist equivalent of the concept ar(-a bilig (yin/yang or skillful means and

wisdom, the two qualities possessed by the Buddha [S. upya-praj]), complementary

relations are pervasive throughout the text.37 A few types of contrariety will suffice to

demonstrate this: 1. male/female, e.g., in the designation of the months, a month with 30

days is male, a month with no more than 29 days is female. 2. clockwise/counterclockwise,

e.g., If the month is male, count clockwise (b) from the mouth [of the Black Dog of

Heaven]; if the month is female, count counterclockwise (buru(u) from the tail (52v). 3.

up/down, e.g. the sign of a fortunate day is a wish-fulfilling jewel that faces upward; the sign

of the day of death is a wish-fulfilling jewel that faces downward (20r). Other oppositions

include: 1. sun/moon; 2. white/black; 3. rich/poor; 4. Indian/Chinese. The manual seems to

indicate that every aspect contains its opposite at the same time, as follows: The bride

37
For a discussion of Mongolian ar(-a bilig, see Mnkh-Ochir 2000: 104-117.

119
INTRODUCTION

should be made to descend in the man's female [yin] direction (52r). There is also an

implicit opposition in the construction of the manual, empirical vs unempirical, rational vs

irrational, Chinese vs Indian methods.

Though the concept yin/yang in China is well known, a few aspects are worth

mentioning. First according to the famous Chinese classic, the Yijing, yin/yang begins from

an ultimate tai ji, the supreme pole or supreme ultimate. Second, the opposition yin/yang

implies regress to infinity. Every yin contains yin/yang; the yang of every yin contains

yin/yang (Ho 2003: 34; 2000: 34-35). Thus the fundamental idea is not merely dualism, but

one thing in dual form (liwu lingti [Richard Smith, 1991: 52]). Third, the concept yin/yang

is inextricably linked with the five elements (wuxing [Smith, R. 1991: 23; Sun 1997: 107;

Ho 2003: 13-15]). Finally, compared to the asterisms, xiu, the four seasonal animals, xiang,

and the sexagenary cycle, the technology of the yin/yang and wuxing is relatively late.

Scholars tend to agree that it is not found in China prior to the Warring States period, around

the 3rd century BC (Smith 1991: 23; Major 1993: 29-30; Sun 1997: 104).

Less well known is that a comparable system is to be found in the Western

Pythagorean tradition. For thinkers such as Heraclitus (6th century BC), the universe is one.

Its unity is observable in a logos or formula of structure. That logos is contrariety. The

secret of the universe is to recognize the existence of interacting opposites and the fact of

conflict (Philip 1966: 46). Thus the logos of nature includes both logos, a position certainly

arrived at by reasoned argument, and mythos, the conveyor of ideas beyond logical

demonstration (Kingsley 1995: 80). In this the primary opposition is limit vs the unlimited

120
INTRODUCTION

(Philip 1966: 52). The elements of the numbers are, according to Pythagorean doctrine the

even and the odd. The odd stands for limit, the even, for unlimited. In this primeval

cosmic opposition limit is positive; conceived as masculine; the unlimited is feminine

(Burkert 1972:32-33).

The Elements

Even though divination is ultimately illogical or unempirical, as every yin term

contains a yin/yang dualism within, divination contains both a rational or logical aspect as

well as an irrational or illogical aspect. The epitome of rationality in an indeterminate

universe are the elements. It is a fundamental error in the analysis of the rhetoric of these

elements to maintain, as many have, that the theory of the four elements marks a belief in a

rational universe, and that that idea is what sets Western civilization apart from others

(Tester 1987: 59). Elements are first of all not a uniquely Western idea, but most

importantly, they do not indicate a belief in a rational universe at all. They imply just the

opposite in that they are an artificial or sham superimposition of order upon a universe that

is otherwise apparently irrational, dual, not uniform. Mythology aside, what pre-modern

systems of elements are in essence is a homogenous division of the universe into mutually

exclusive parts. The number of terms though based on numerological theory is otherwise

arbitrary. The individual terms themselves, though necessarily exclusive, are subjective.

Once in place, there is nothing that does not belong to one of them and so the otherwise

121
INTRODUCTION

irrational universe is made rational. From the point of view of a deterministic universe on

the other hand, while the irrational is considered to be wholly negative and unacceptable in

proper scientific discourse, so too is classification based on arbitrary terms. As such pre-

modern systems of elements are diametrically opposed to the modern concept of the elements

which is said to date from the time of Robert Boyle (1661) and came to fruition in 1869 with

Mendelyevs periodic table (Parsons 1956: 347; Pauling, 1956: 517). Here irreducible

elements are derived from comprehensive, empirical examination. This modern

conceptualization of elements does indeed set Western civilization apart. Paradoxically,

however, given the true or apparent nature of the universe, this modern system of elements,

derived from the point of view of an ultimately rational universe, is not in fact rational at all,

for the number of elements themselves has never been perfectly determined due to the

mutability of atoms, man-made creation of new elements in nuclear reactions, and the

occasional discovery of new elements in space.

In the manual as the elements define everything, the results of any coincidence are

fixed in a logical way according to the elemental properties of the various terms as follows:

if two earths coincide it is an occasion for accomplishing magic . . . . , etc.


If two waters coincide, it is a rasiyan occasion and by means of an occasion
for a rasiyan, life will flourish . . . . etc. If two fires coincide, it is an
occasion for spreading . . . . etc. If two airs coincide . . . . etc. If water and
earth coincide . . . . etc., etc. [45v-46r]

The logic of the divination mode extends to the stars and planets such that each has its own

distinct quality which thus affects the course of events, as follows:

As for irvan nakshatra, it is the nakshatra of villages and crossroads. Thus,


if one causes others to gather, builds on the land, travels, attacks with cavalry,

122
INTRODUCTION

brings a bride into one's household, performs the ceremony for the gods,
crushes the eliy-e [demons] of the little ones, meets an enemy, performs
meritorious rites for the dead, or gathers the straw of crops, it is good. (30v)

The Mongolian term for the elements is maqabud (S. mah-bhtni; Tib. byung

ba). Their arbitrary quality is easily seen in that the manual gives two different sets: 1. the

four elements (drben maqabud): iroi (earth); kei (air); (al (fire) and usun (water);

predominant in Indian astrology; and 2. the five elements (M. tabun maqabud ; Ch. wu

xing): iroi (earth); modun (wood); (al (fire); usun (water) and altan/temr (gold/iron)

predominant in Chinese astrology. As is the case with the lunar constellations, though a

common origin is unknown, there appears to be some interrelationship between these two

systems. The four elements, often attributed to Aristotle (Physics 192; cf. Tester 1987: 59-

60), first appear in Western culture in the works of Empedocles (Kingsley 1995: 1; Longrigg,

1976: 420-9; 1985: 93-115). The idea is not necessarily Greek, but may have derived in the

East in one form or another, been adapted by the Greeks, and then made its way back to the

East (Kingsley 1995: 6-10). As early as the 4th century BC, a fifth element surfaced in the

Hellenic world when aether, the form and meaning of which had changed over time from

vapor to air as we now know it was reinvented by the Stoics as celestial fire (Kingsley

1995: 13-17; Tester 1987: 59).38 These five Pythagorean elements were: 1. ether; 2. air; 3.

fire; 4. water; 5. earth. In China the five elements, fire, water, earth, wood and metal, are

held to have originated during the Warring States Period, 3rd century BC (Sun and

38
Compare Greek aether with Hebrew hevel vapor, translated as vanity in
Ecclesiastes; Ch. qi/chi (Mathews 554); Mong. a(ur.

123
INTRODUCTION

Kistemaker 1997: 104; Smith, Richard 1991: 23). In India, along with the four Aristotelian

elements that came with the introduction of Greek mathematics, there is also found the

Pythagorean system of five elements: earth, water, fire, wind, and space (MW, 798; Berzin

1987: 18). Common to all systems of elements is their function of bringing order out of chaos

and their association with duality. In ancient Greece the Pythagoreans incorporated their

five elements with an ancient doctrine of opposites: one-many, limited-unlimited, odd-even,

male-female, and so on (Tester, 1987: 59). In China the concept of five elements is

inextricably linked with yin/yang (Sun and Kistemaker 1997: 104). In this, their close

affinity to the Hellenic counterparts suggests Greek influence, not only in terms of the

elements themselves, but the comprehensive system of duality, elements, and the harmony

of the spheres which extended to the conceptualizations of music, medicine and other

subjects as well. Beyond this basic structure, however, there is little similarity in its

application of to suggest the kind of discernable Greek influence found in, for instance, the

Tibetan medical tradition that came by way of India (Ho 2000: 15).39

IV.1 The Elements/Maqabud

Four Elements Five Elements


iroi earth iroi earth

39
For a more detailed comparison of Pythagorean and Chinese systems, see Burkert
1972: 471-472.

124
INTRODUCTION

usun water usun water


(al fire (al fire
kei air modun wood
altan/temr metal

Colors

Color divination is not as prominent a feature in the manual as it is in the Vaidurya

dkar-po and other sources. A five color scheme of blue, red, white, black, and yellow, does

exist, however, in the section that deals with military campaigns (20r-24v). This is the

Chinese color scheme of the five palaces in which blue represents the palace of the Blue

Dragon of the east and spring; red, the palace of the Red Bird of the south and summer;

white, the White Tiger; black, the Black Turtle, and yellow, the central palace of the

emperor, Huangdi (Sun and Kistemaker 1997: 113-123).40

IV.2 The Five Colors

Manual English
1. kke blue

40
The Indian five color scheme found in the Klacakra is yellow (ir-a), blue (kke),
green (no(o(an), red (ula(an), and white (a(an [KOT 273]).

125
INTRODUCTION

2. ula(an red
3. a(an white
4. qara black
5. ir-a yellow

The Trigrams

In the manual the term klil, bundle, bunch; tie, knot, refers to the eight trigrams

of the Yijing (Ch. bagua/pa-kua; Tib. spar-kha brgyad), which come to Mongolian from

Chinese via Tibetan. As with the colors, the trigrams are used less frequently in the manual

than in other sources such as the Vaidurya dkar-po. In the manual its function is limited to

the subject of brides and marriage.41

IV.3 The Eight Trigrams

Manual Tibetan Chinese English Trigram


kun khon kun/kun maternal earth
(Mathews 3684)

41
For more on the trigrams, see the Yijing, passim., TEDP, passim., Williams 1996:
149; Pozdneyev 1978: 534-542; Waddell 1978: 394; Cornu 1997: 107; Ho 2003: 34-35.

126
INTRODUCTION

gen khen gen/ken limit


(Mathews, 3327)
kam kham kan/kan pit
(Mathews 3245)
sn zon sun (Mathews gentle
5550)
jen zin zhen/chen quake/thunder
(Mathews 315)
lii li li (Mathews separate
3902)
dan dva dui/tui exchange
(Mathews, 6560)
gin gin qian/chien paternal heaven
(Mathews, 3233)

The Omens

Irrational divination is represented in the manual by omens, by far the most prevalent

feature in the text. Omens are given either as iro-a "omen" or sayin ma(u r-e the "good and

bad results." In sources on omen literature, omens are described as formally being composed

of two elements: a given condition or protasis, which is then followed by an apodosis or a

result. For example, the first nakshatra, Kr}ttik~ (M. Kerteg), is given in the manual as

having the following auspices:

In the Kr}ttik~ nakshatra if one offers sacrifice to a burqan (Buddha), beckons


fortune, gives alms, erects a temple, hermitage or stupa, performs the rites of
the fearsome ones, teaches knowledge, preaches the dharma, repairs a new
building or fortress, acquires debt, receives an animal sacrifice from another,
or pacifies one's beloved, it is good. . . . (25r)

127
INTRODUCTION

As previously mentioned, the omens belong to a genre of mathematics that has its origins in

ancient Mesopotamia from whence it entered India where it was paired with the nakshatra

and spread to various nations throughout Eurasia.

While the omen conditions in the manual were clearly adapted to suit local customs,

as preserving the old seems to be an important aspect of Mongolian Buddhist mathematics,

omen conditions similar to those found in the manual are also found not only in early

Buddhist sources, but in the very ancient Mesopotamian sources as well, for instance, omens

concerning earthquakes, the death of a king, setting out on a journey, the cutting of hair and

fingernails, plague, illness, business, war, death, fertility, enemies, loss of cattle, famine, and

banditry (Koch-Westenholz 1995: 89, 105-106, 180-182, passim). When it comes to these

omen conditions, the manual and other Mongolian sources tend to preserve archaic elements

in their lexical forms as well. In the manual many of the auspices follow the pre-classical

form. For example, the phrase to take a bride is given in the manual as beri bo(tol-, a

reference to marriage according to an old custom of placing a specific hat, the bo(to, on the

bride. The modern form, as G. Kara notes, is beri ab- to take a bride (Kara 1984: 349-

350).

There are two distinct kinds of results or apodoses. Abstract results complete the

condition with an either/or association, hence the term, good and bad results. In the various

almanacs there are three common ways to show whether a particular auspice is favorable or

unfavorable. In the manual one finds all three. The most common is sayin/ma(u. The form

found most frequently in preclassical sources is oqiqu/l oqiqu (Franke 1964: passim;

128
INTRODUCTION

Cerensodnom and Taube 1993: 214, 221, passim). The third form is bolumui/l bolumui

(60r). There are also omens which end in a concrete result. For example, "In the Kr}ttik~

nakshatra . . . . if there is an earthquake, there will be a drought."

What makes omens an irrational method of divination is that as opposed to the

homogenous, finite representation of a universal found in divinations use of elements, the

omen protases comprise a sample of various events taken from an infinite array of

possibilities, which, as heterogenous terms, regress to infinity. In this their composition is

akin to the bridal custom of wearing something old, something new, something borrowed and

something blue. These four elements, similar to the elements earth, air, fire and water,

comprise a universal set in four terms. What makes the former irrational is the implied

ellipses, a regress to infinity.

The function of omens is complex. Though individually the omens function as

pseudo-predictions, when considered collectively in conjunction with the planets and

nakshatra, they take on a new dimension. To demonstrate this, the phrase "if there is an

earthquake" occurs 28 times in the manual and each occurrence coincides with one of the 28

nakshatra. As such while the nakshatra establish a mathematical universe, the omen

protases or conditions, universal parameters, the apodoses or results of the various conditions

define the constitution or state of the universe both qualitatively and statistically.42 Overall,

the auspices show that the earthquake is a negative influence (14 bad to 1 good result). In

42
The mathematical creation of a universal set does not depend a zodiac. See the
Uygur Irk Bitig, for instance, where the universal set is given by the 64 possibilities of four
and three (Hamilton 1975: 7).

129
INTRODUCTION

the same way, the results of what must be considered good have a statistically positive

outcome. For example, the phrase burqan takibasu (if one offers sacrifice to Buddha) is

usually followed by a good result (11 good to 3 bad). For certain actions the results are

mixed (e.g. for debel eskebes/edkebes [if one tailors a robe] there are 12 good to 11 bad

results). Thus, through a wide sample of possible conditions, the omens reflect the point of

view of a universal man or the state of the nation. This latent function of auguromancy

explains not only a critical facet of the role mathematics played in government and society,

but also what made this literature so important and popular throughout Eurasia.43

To see what kind of state is represented in the manual, whether it is pro-business, pro-

agriculture or what have you, what one need do is survey the relevant omen results. For a

list of the omen conditions found in the manual, see the Subject Vocabulary index. Below

is a survey of twelve of the more common omens in the manual:

IV.4 A Survey of Twelve Omens

1. if one brings a bride into ones household (beri ba(ul(abasu) Abstract results: 12

good/positive to 8 bad/negative. Concrete results: she will die or divorce (40r); two people

43
It is noteworthy as an example of the pervasiveness of this literature that augury was
also considered an intrinsic part of the constitution of the government of the Roman Empire
(Cicero 1979: 216). For a further discussion of omen literature in Tibet, cf. Hummel (1963);
for Manichaean omen literature at Turfan, cf. Reck (1997: 7-23); for an example of omen
literature among the Arabs, cf. Young (1982: 261-278). Another important aspect of this
kind of omen literature is that its original purpose was for state affairs, not personal (Ho
1966: 21; Shigeru 1966: 444).

130
INTRODUCTION

will die (41r); descendants will be cut off (41v); re-used possessions and chattels will have

to satisfy one hundred lives (47v); she will die on the 100th day (60r).

2. if one makes an offering to a Buddha (burqan takibasu) Abstract results: 20

good/positive to 4 bad/negative. Concrete results: it will be distinctive (26v); the harm will

be immediate (34r).

3. if there is an earthquake ((aar kdelbes) Abstract results: 1 good/positive to 2

bad/negative. Concrete results: there will be a drought (25r); there will be a natural disaster

(25v); rain will fall (26r); bad for crops (26v); bad for people (27r, 28r)); there is the danger

of bitter suffering for that nation (27r); a leader of the nation will die (27v); there will be a

great wind (27v); one wont be able to walk (28r); bad for craftsmen (28v); bad for

goldsmiths (28v); grain will be plentiful (29r); a mountain will be annihilated (29v); water

will evaporate; it will be bad for everything else (30r); it will be bad for infant children and

tea merchants (30r); [living beings] will be completely fortunate and happy (30v); it will be

bad for a great many commoners and lamas (30v); bad for those who know the treatises

(30v); bad for animals (31r); bad for those animals which are giving birth (31r); water will

become abundant and living beings will die in the water (31v); bad for those who belong to

the caste of the wretched (31v); those who possess skillful means and wisdom will be

annihilated in their own intermediary state (31v); gods and demons will become few (32r);

bad for all mice (32r).

4. if one disturbs the ground ((aar kndebes) Abstract results: 2 good/positive to 14

bad/negative. Concrete results: become poor (42r); no harm (58r).

131
INTRODUCTION

5. if one tailors a robe (debel ed'kebes) Abstract results: 17 good/positive to 26

bad/negative. Concrete results: it will burn in a fire (25r); it will be distinctive (26v); one

will wear it on his dying day; it is bad (27v); the lord of the house will die; it is bad (35r).

6. if a son is born (kbegn trbes) Abstract results: 3 good/positive to 1

bad/negative. Concrete results: difficult to feed him (22v); good for any kind of deed,

whether coming or going (23v); he will be intelligent and wise (23v-24r); there will be six

[sons] (25r); he will be splendid [25v] and love knowledge and matters of the sacred doctrine

(25v); he will become a splendid hero, perfectly happy (25v); he will be very fortunate;

having been foolish, he will become rich (26r); he will be very fortunate, possess little

wisdom, and his wealth and animals will be abundant (26v); he will become equal to a

Cakravartan king (26v); he will have great fortune (27r); having become learned in elocution,

he will be a scholar, perfectly happy (27v); he will have a very stingy nature; his life will be

short (27v); fully will he keep his vows, and he will be born into a high birth (28r); he will

be spoiled (28r); he will love to amuse himself with exorbitant lascivious folly (28v); having

had many enemies, he will contract an illness (28v); he will vanquish his enemies (29r); he

will fully keep his vows and be perfectly happy in the dharma (29r); his life will be short

(29v); his father will die (29v); having become rich, he will be an alms-giver and love the

sacred doctrine (30r); he will be very wise and help living beings (30r); his merit will be

perfect (30v); he will not get along with his wife and die of suffocation (30v); he will be

stupid and fated to die in the water (31r); he will be possessive and small-minded, without

great wisdom or passion (31r); he will be ignorant and become a thief (31v); he will be

132
INTRODUCTION

without illness and live a long life (32r); he will like to kill and slaughter; his character will

be bad; later he will go to hell (32r); it will be bad [for him] later (40r); he will live in

suffering and lament his troubles saying, "woe is me (47v); his physical appearance having

become handsome and his speech elegant, he will have a ready intellect, many ideas, and be

skeptical; he will live eighty years (61r); he will not speak falsely (61r); he will have a ready

intellect, elegant speech, even thoughts, and he will be well known for his good name (61v);

he will have a severe and fearsome character (61v); he will have a lying, forgetful, bad

character (61v); he will have a straightforward character, and, having become a craftsman,

he will live sixty years, (61v); having suffered in his youth, he will be happy in his old age,

(61v).

7. if one cuts ones hair (sn kir(abasu) Concrete results: become rich; its good (57r,

58r); meritorious advantage will be great (57r); ada and todqor demons will appear (57r);

it will turn white (57r); there will be a quarrel among a great many people (57v); there will

be illness and plague (57v); there will be harm to the eyes (57v); sons and grandchildren will

flourish (57v); one will accomplish one's intended act (58r); there will be an argument (58r);

one will find animals (58r).

8. if one travels (i(ulilabasu) Abstract results: 13 good/positive to 1 bad/negative.

Concrete results: without profit (25v); affairs will proceed slowly (35r); people will die

(60r).

133
INTRODUCTION

9. if one gives away a daughter (okin gbes) Abstract results: 7 good/positive to 10

bad/negative. Concrete results: her life will be short (24r); a son, dear to ones heart, will

die (41v-42r).

10. if a daughter is born (okin trbes) Concrete results: it will be distinctive (23r);

relatives by marriage will be scarce (25r); possessions and animals will increase (25v); she

will be wonderfully intelligent and loving (26r); the rulers of the dragons who effect the

senses will possess her (26v); she will be a thief or have a great many means and tricks (28r);

she will be ignorant and become a thief (31v).

11. if one does business (qudaldu keyibes) Abstract results: 21 good/positive to 4

bad/negative. Concrete results: without profit (34r).

12. if one plants a crop (tariyan taribasu) Abstract results: 7 good/positive to 7

bad/negative. Concrete results: bad for the deeds of those who are older (30r); oxen will die

(34r); it will dry up (47v).

The general state of the nation, however, is easy to judge. Approximately 220 omen

results are bad compared to approximately 360 good results. Whats more, as it is

common in the manual to list far more conditions with a singularly good result than with

a bad result, it is clear that the general state of the nation is by far better than worse. That

the nation generally be good is common in omen texts. In the Irq Bitig, for instance, one

finds that 33 omens are described as "good" 5 as "very good", 17 as "bad" and 2 are "very

bad", for a 2:1 ratio (Clauson 1961: 219). In the Babylonian omen series, the Enuma Anu

134
INTRODUCTION

Enlil, omens inherently produce results in a ratio of 2:1. This is because when two good

signs coincide, they produce a good result, when a bad sign coincides with a good sign the

result is negative, but when two bad signs coincide, the result is good (Koch-Westenholz

1995: 11). However, in the mathematical chapters in the Chinese Jin shu, the official history

of the Jin dynasty (265-420) written by Fang Hsan-ling (578-648), the results are just the

opposite with twice as many bad omens as good ones (Ho 1966: 21).

In this artificial prescription of good and evil the omens appear to have a moral

imperative. Vilhelm Thomsen, who made the first English translation of the Irq Bitig, noted

this moral quality, when, in regards to its meaning and purpose, he described the Turkish

book of omens as a kind of moralizing reader (Thomsen 1912: 192-193). This, however,

is a fundamental error, for omina are in essence amoral. They mark a time for any purpose

under heaven, whether for good or ill, as in the Hebrew Book of Ecclesiastes. For instance,

under Udaribalguni nakshatra it is a good time to kill or slaughter (28r); certain days are

good for sinful deeds and bad for meritorious deeds (45r), and so on. Morality, on the other

hand, belongs to the realm of logic and rationality, and, as such, like the elements, it is

derived from an arbitrary term and homogenous or logical division into constituent parts, as

in the various sets of commandments commonly found throughout Eurasia like the Hebrew

Ten Commandments, there are Ten Commandments in Buddhism as well (Waddell 1978:

134). Al-Brni notes that in India the Hindu keep Nine Commandments (Sachau 1971: 74).

Medicine

135
INTRODUCTION

The salient function of divination in the manual is not to predict but to heal. It has

been observed that while the field of medicine has been around for millennia, the ability to

cure has only existed since the Enlightenment in Europe, raising the question what was it

doctors had been doing all those centuries prior? The answer is divination. In the pre-

Modern world, medicine was inextricably linked with mathematics. This relationship is clear

from the Latin term for the field, iatromathematica, used throughout the Middle Ages in

Europe (Tester 1987: 95, 222). It is too strong to suggest that pre-Modern medicine did not

cure. Scholars of ancient Greek medicine often point out that the Hippocratic schools

developed empirical methods of diagnosis and treatment of illness (Tester 1987: 218).

Unfortunately, they often attribute these empirical methods to uniquely Greek inventions not

found elsewhere in the ancient world, as S. J. Tester does when he says that in Babylonia

medicine was magical. The Greeks were the first to develop scientific medicine (1987: 24).

However, if one turns to Babylonian medicine one finds again that it is not so simple. In

ancient Mesopotamia, although medicine was predominately associated with purely magical

rituals, there were also empirical methods. Cuneiform tables show Babylonians had a deep

knowledge of medicinal herbs and minerals. Found among their ruins are textbooks with

antidotes for poisons, including snake and scorpion bites, and treatments for various ailments

afflicting the eyes, teeth, head, intestines, and so on. These methods were used in

conjunction with magical incantations to treat both physical and metaphysical aspects of

illness (Langdon 1956: 860).

136
INTRODUCTION

To explain the link between mathematics and medicine scholars cite the concept of

the body as a microcosm of the universe. The notion of macro and microcosm is found

among the Greek Pythagoreans (Burkert 1972: 41), the Arabs, in the tantric ritual practices

in India (Subbarayappa 1989: 26; Lopez 1995: 41-2), with the Turks (Esin 1989: 113-124),

and in China (Sivin 1986: 152, 164). The concept of medicine and therapy goes beyond the

self to the concept of the government as microcosm. This is seen especially in China where

the celestial pole corresponds with the emperor, around whom the state revolved (Needham

1959: 2).

As a part of the mathematical tradition, medicine shares many of the same

commonalities across Eurasia. Given by a dual, ultimately uncertain universe medicine had

both physical and metaphysical aspects, of which it was the metaphysical that predominated.

In the metaphysical mode medicine regards no empirical cause. Demons, as in Babylonian

medicine, for instance, are the source of affliction (Langdon 1956: 806). It distinguishes no

illness. Treatments, as in Greek medicine, are universal, that is, apotropaic or sympathetic

(Barton 1994: 185-191). It recognizes no speciality. Everything is therapeutic. For

Pythagoreans as well as Madhyamika Buddhists, the role of logic in philosophy is ultimately

incidental. Polemic is intended to be therapeutic (Kingsley 1995: 327; Liu 1994: 35). So too

is music.

This metaphysical mode, in keeping with its basis in divination, has both rational and

irrational methods. Of specific import to medicine is the system of the humors, which is

similar to the system of elements in that both are a rational division of the universe into

137
INTRODUCTION

homogenous constituent parts. They were used in conjunction with the elements in

diagnosing and treating illness. This does not, however, make the system an empirical

method of diagnosis, as is sometimes assumed. As the logic of the elements is, when it

comes to the unempirical realm, a pseudo-logic, sympathetic and correlative, so too is that

of the humors. In Arab mathematics, for instance, each note of a musical scale had a

therapeutic affect according to the elements (tub) and humors (tabi) They are either hot-

dry and exciting to the blood, cold-dry, hot-moist, or cold-moist (Smith 1843: 207). In the

same way the strings of the lute correspond to the four humors such that the highest string,

the zr, corresponds to yellow bile, the mathn to blood, the mathlath to phlegm, and the

lowest, the bamm, to black bile (Farmer 1928: 516; 1932: 903; 1944: 180). Across the

spectrum of medical practice, this rational, elemental diagnostic system allows not only un-

empirical apotropaics but empirical diagnoses as well. In between is much ambiguity. This

is seen in the description of medicinal plants and herbs in Tibetan medicine. Here medicinal

plants and herbs are said to originate from the five Pythagorean elements which come to

Tibet via Indian Buddhism, earth, water, air and sky. Herbs and plants having the nature of

earth are in quality heavy, strong, smooth, oily, soft and moist and have no pungent smell.

They oil, moisten and smooth the system and combat bile diseases brought on by excessive

bile (Rechung 1973: 64).

To assert that Greek medicine was not the first to invent empirical methods of

diagnosis and treatment is not to denigrate the importance of that tradition. As S. J. Tester

demonstrates, after the Pythagoreans canonized the concept of opposites one-many,

138
INTRODUCTION

limited-unlimited, odd-even, male-female, and so on Zeno of Elea (495-430 BC) took two

pairs of these opposites, hot and cold, and wet and dry, and made all else from them. Next,

Aristotle (384-322 BC) married the two doctrines and made his four simple bodies fire,

air, water and earth, from, in turn, the hot and the dry, the hot and the wet, the cold and the

wet, and the cold and the dry. Then the Stoics simplified the system to fire hot, air cold,

water wet, and earth dry. This synthesis of the elements, the qualities, and the opposites

became pervasive in late Classical mathematics (Tester, 1987: 59-60). These notions of

harmony and balance between the opposing and elemental aspects of mans nature dominated

Greek medical thinking. In the late fifth century BC the Hippocratic treatise On the Nature

of Man discusses the life cycle in relation to the four seasons, the four opposites, and the

four humors, blood, phlegm, choler (yellow bile), and melancholy (black bile). Blood is

warm and moist and associated with spring and childhood; yellow bile is warm and dry and

goes with summer and youth; black bile is cold and dry and goes with autumn, and phlegm

is cold and wet like winter and old age (Tester 1987: 61). This was extensively elaborated

upon in the medical system of Galen (AD 129-c. 200), which together with Ptolemaic

physics and the musical concept of the harmony of the spheres made Greek mathematics an

intellectual force to be reckoned with and very influential throughout Eurasia, especially

among the Arabs and in India from whence it comes to the Tibetans and Mongols via

Buddhism (Beckwith 1979: 297-313; Tester 1987: 50-51; Rechung 1973: 14-5).

As with mathematics in general the main influence of Mongolian medicine is Tibetan

via Buddhism. That system contains Indian and Western systems on the one hand and

139
INTRODUCTION

Chinese practices on the other. There is also much indigenous knowledge gathered in the

various Mongolian compendia (IM, 305). One of the best sources of Mongolian medicine

is the Ana(aqu uqa(an-u drben nds [the four principles of medical knowledge], a

translation of the Tibetan medical classic rGyud-bzhi (the four foundations), that circulated

in Kkenuur, Gansu and neighboring regions of Inner Mongolia during the late 17th century

after the establishment of the Qing dynasty (AUD 2).44 This medical textbook describes a

complex and elaborate system that is distinctly classificatory in nature. The four bases of

medicine referred to in the title are: 1. summary (tobi), 2. theory (onol), 3. medicinal

treatment (emilege), and 4. investigative treatment (inilel asal) referring to the

examination of patients pulse and veins (AUD 1). Besides these there are the eight branches

of medicine (naiman geign), eleven topics (arban nigen oron), and so on. These break

down into further classifications, such as the three methods of diagnosis, looking, touching,

and asking questions (AUD 20), the four methods of healing, diet, activity, medicine, and

treatment (AUD 22-24), the eight kinds of medicines (126-143), and so on. There are two

distinct types of classification, concrete and abstract, of which the latter is by far

predominate. Included among the various abstract classifications are the five elements

(tabun maqabud) not the Chinese system, but the Pythagorean elements which came to

Tibet via India: 1. earth (iroi), 2. water (usu), 3. fire ((al), 4. air (kei) and 5. sky (o(tar(ui

44
It has been edited by members of the research center at the Inner Mongolian
Autonomous Regional Hospital who for some reason removed the distinctly mantric
elements. For the Chinese system, which is largely separate from the Indo-Tibetan system
in the Tibetan rGyud-bzhi, see Ho and Lisowski (1997) and especially Harper (1998).

140
INTRODUCTION

[AUD 120; cf. also Rechung 1973: 64]); the opposites, hot/cold, dry/moist and the three

humors (maqabud): 1. air (kei), 2. bile (ir-a), and 3. bad(an [Tib. bad kan] phlegm (AUD

63). Each of these has certain properties associated with them. For instance people of the

humor air have crooked spines, are thin, with a bluish complexion, and so on (AUD 62; cf.

Rechung 1973: 46). In diagnosis these abstract elemental aspects interact in logical ways.

But because the elements are abstract, logic may lead one towards or away from an empirical

diagnosis. It is this type of classification which makes the efficacy of the system so difficult

to determine. Moreover, though the system is very complex, one is nonetheless working

with a finite set of possibilities, which severely limits the means for diagnosing the

seemingly endless symptoms of illness. The Tibetan rGyud-bzhi, for instance, states that

there are 404 kinds of illness of which 101 are caused by imbalance of humors (Rechung

1973 : 53). These are most likely numerological terms (the Mongolian text states that

illnesses are innumerable [AUD 93]), but it illustrates that the system is logical and rational,

even though it is derived from the point of view of an ultimately irrational universe.45

45
This is to be contrasted with Modern medicine, where, based on the notion of a
rational universe, the medical system, in treating every illness, symptom and person
individually, is ultimately irrational to the extent that there is apparently no end to the
possible variables. This, one may well argue, is what gives Modern medicine its superiority
over traditional medicine when it comes to treating the ailments of the body. Ailments of
the mind, however, are another question. In classifying the unconscious into abstract
constituent parts, Modern psychology treats the mind as traditional medicine treats the body,
in an abstract, logical, rational way. Psychologys projection of an ideal norm around which
all fall mentally ill does not treat individual needs of individual patients at a given time, but,
rather, continually creates new disorders which tend to make the mind less healthy (cf.
Kutchins, Herb and Stuart A. Kirk).

141
INTRODUCTION

In the manual medicine (em) is generally associated with the metaphysical realm.

Medicines as well as poisons (qoor-a) are gathered (em u(la(ul-/ungla(ul), ground

(em nid-), mixed (em neyilegl-/qoor-a neyilegl-), and drunk (em u(uu-). Various kinds

of illness (ebedin) mentioned include wounds (arq-a), splinters (ilige), sores (yar-a),

plagues or epidemics (taqul) and a general condition of mental or physical suffering (eneleki

obalang). Demons such as the ada are the causes of illness. To fall sick is to be touched

by an illness (ebedin krtebes) or to be touched by ada demons (ada-du krte-), to

encounter these demons (ada-du uara-), or to be bedeviled by them (ada adala-). To

recover is ebedin edege-. General terms for treating an illness include emle-, the

denominal verb form of em medicine, ana(a-, the transitive/causative form of the verbal

stem ana- to get well, and asa-, which apart from its medical usage means to put in

order, fix, repair and is used in the pleonastic form asal asa- to prepare a treatment.

Specific forms of treatment include the application of a compress or poultice (ingle-) and

cauterizing by means of a moxa or poultice (tgen-e tgene-). An example of a strictly

metaphysical method mentioned in the text is a white treatment (a(an asal), which, as

opposed to a motely treatment (ala( asal) that consists of spells and charms, consists of the

reciting of texts (Bawden 1962: 166-167). In ritual illness is magically expelled through

paper dolls (sada(-a) or ransom figures (oli(/oliy-a) usually made of dough (Cf. Heissig

1986). Talismans known as the five protectors (tabun qalqala(i) are used to ward off

illness. These include: 1. the quill feather of a raven (qong keriy-e- [=yin] soddu); 2. the

shell of a turtle (yasutu menekei-yin krmeli); 3. the spine of a porcupine (so( ariyan-u

142
INTRODUCTION

rgesn); 4. the horn of an antelope (orong(u-yin eber [cf. Rechung 1973: 71]); 5. the tusk

of a wild boar (bodong (aqay-yin soyo(-a). An example of treatment found in the manual

is as follows:

As for a treatment during a black month, tie nine kinds of wood, the great
black tail of a bull, a bow, a white qada(, as well as things made from
vermillion, sugar, soldering metal and so forth to the pole of a standard, and
having driven it into the ground, make the smell of burnt white butter and the
fat of a bull, and then stick [the standard] into the ground in the contrary
Monkey direction of the Tiger year on the seventh day of the first month. In
this manner, given any day, stick it [in the ground] in that month's contrary
direction. It will be good. (50v)

This mathematical formula is simultaneously ritual, magic and medicine. Note too that, as

medicine, it treats every possible illness and belongs to every kind of specialist, the physician

(emi/otai), mathematician (to(ain), astrologer (mathematician), (iruqayici literally, the

one who makes the drawing), the magician (tarnii), and teacher (ba(si). Beyond the

manual there are a host of other terms for the various specialists. There is the emeri

(seer), ngi (diviner), sinigei (fortuneteller, literally, the one who examines), and so on.

Charles Bawden, in numerous works but especially in his two articles "The

Supernatural Element in Sickness and Dying, Part I and Part II," surveys a number of medical

texts and discusses at length their problematic nature for the interpreter. He notes that

diagnosis has no basis in observation; conditions are understood by arbitrary standards (SE

I, 221); that disease has no effective physical cause, the idea of cause and effect connected

by a logical, observable relationship simply being absent though pseudo-causes are adduced

(SE I, 234); that there is a lack of distinction between sickness and other conditions;

143
INTRODUCTION

metaphysical methods such as spells are recommended not only in handbooks of magic, but

also in serious medical works, which contain prescriptions and also charms for all sorts of

conditions; that the conditions treated this way are intangible, that is, to hasten recovery, to

protect from sickness or danger (SE II, 161); and that various genres, medical, magical and

astrological, all dovetail into one (SE II, 161-164).

Though he astutely recognizes all the qualities of the genre, Bawden neither

understands Mongolian medical practices in terms of Eurasian mathematics nor recognizes

that mathematics, though it comes to the Mongols through Buddhism and so is adapted by

Buddhism, is nonetheless a distinct tradition of its own, with terms and concepts incongruent

with Buddhist teaching. This discord between Buddhist teaching and mathematics has been

noted by Sa-skya pandita, Kun-dga-rgyal-mthsan (1182-1251), the fifth of the grand lamas

of Sa-skya monastery and the reputed author of one of the great classics of Tibeto-Mongolian

literature, the Subhsitaratnanidhi (Treasury of Aphoristic Jewels), who maintained that

mathematics, together with medicine, are profane sciences containing nothing Buddhistic at

all, an opinion shared by the famous historiographer, Bu-ston Rin-poche (1290-1364

[Stcherbatsky 1958: 46]). Hence Bawden makes the mistake of attributing the wildly

irrational, magical methods found in medical texts with a native naive folk religion, which

he states lives side by side with formal medicine even after the introduction of a sophisticated

science and culture (SE I, 217). Rather, irrational, magical methods live side by side within

the same tradition, a tradition given by a true or apparent, dual, indeterministic understanding

of nature.

144
INTRODUCTION

Magic

The therapeutic mode is magic. From a deterministic point of view, because magic

is inherently associated with that which creates supernatural transformation, since this is

impossible, the basic premise of magic is deemed false. Magic is thus understood as mere

conjuring, common tricks or deceptions. As deception is seen as wholly negative, the

denotation of magic becomes negative also. For this reason, in post-Christian, pre-

Enlightenment Europe proponents of astrology such as William Lilly often went out of their

way to disassociate esteemed astrology from base magic (Geneva 1995: 10; Barton 1994:

191-197). In an indeterminate system, however, as the supernatural is merely the true or

apparent aspect of reality, the metaphysical realm that is beyond the pale of absolute time,

magic and mathematics are inextricably linked. In the manual magic" is rendered in

different forms. Two terms derived ultimately from Sanskrit are 1) ridi with qubil(an from

Sanskrit rddhi meaning supernatural transformation (MW, 226; Edgerton, 151) and 2) idi

from Sanskrit siddhi perfection (MW, 1216; Soothill, 237), which is also rendered in the

manual in Mongolian translation by various forms of the verbal stem bt- meaning "to

accomplish from Sanskrit sidh (Lessing, 698; MW, 1215; Egyed 1984: 5).46 These

46
There are eight classical divisions of siddhi in Buddhism: 1) Siddhi which makes
it possible to change any external to another form needed by the contemplator; 2) siddhi of
longevity; 3) siddhi producing a special beverage that yields immortality; 4) siddhi endowing
perspicacity in finding treasure; 5) siddhi making it possible to enter and pass time in the
abodes of the deities; 6) siddhi making it possible to transmute everything into gold; 7)

145
INTRODUCTION

renderings help clarify the meaning of magic which has been lost in Western civilization47

in that while there appears to be nothing inherently supernatural in the terms

transformation or accomplishment, when one realizes that implicit in this context is the

quality of the instant over duration, a new understanding emerges. Magic is instantaneous

transformation or instantaneous accomplishment. Furthermore, when one realizes that

in this context as the difference between natural and supernatural is merely subjective, a

matter of perception, one sees that a common practice of the magician is simply to influence

the perception of another so as to make transformation or accomplishment appear

instantaneous. In other words the magician simply hides the logical processes of the physical

realm and in so doing transcends it to reveal nature as it appears in a moments time, one and

undifferentiated. Hence magic is often characterized by ingenious contraptions that have no

logical purpose. In this way, even a common deception contains a transcendent aspect. One

knows whether one is being tricked by magic or witnessing a supernatural transformation the

way one knows everything else in an indeterminate system, subjectively and in the moment.48

siddhi making it possible to turn earth to gold; 8) siddhi making it possible to acquire the
precious cintmani which satisfies all wishes (RRS 652; Egyed 1984: 7-8).
47
For a discussion of the definition of magic in Western civilization, see Thorndike,
v. 1, 1923: 4-6.
48
See, for example, the story of "The Taming of the Six Heretics" in the Sutra of the
Wise and Foolish. In the story both Buddha and Mra are skilled in magic. In the difference
between the two, one being good, the other evil, the reader perceives a difference between
the Buddha's magic and that of Mra. However, one only get this sense from the perception
that one is good the other evil. Otherwise, there is no clear distinction between the Buddha's
transformations and Mra's magic (Frye, S., 1981: 48-63). Thus it is said that there are two
kinds of supernatural powers (siddhi), lower, psychic powers and higher forms of magic

146
INTRODUCTION

An exhaustive survey of magical treatments and formulae in the manual are given

below:49

IV.5 Magical Treatments/Formulae

Naran odun Sunday


erig mordobasu naran ur(uqui a(-tur If one sets out on a campaign, depart at
morda. ereg-n noyan ula(an debel sunrise. If one wears the commander of
ems igerde morin unuu ula(an kegeri the army's red robe, rides a chestnut horse,
bariu. ula(an imeg-iyer ime suali- holds a red standard, adorns oneself with
yu(an takiu dayisun-u ireg-n noyan-u red ornaments, offers sacrifice to one's
ner-e bii yama(an-u eber-d dr own spirit protector, writes down the
dayisun-i eserg ireki-tr. qan tayii name of the commander of the enemy
timed yosu(ar odu dolo(anta army and fills the horn of a goat with it,
qa[]k[i]ru usun sau(ad (adquldubasu then, when the enemy comes against one,
dayisun-i darui-dur daruyu. (21v-22r). proceeding in accordance with the rules of
the Emperor, the Grand Master, and the
dignitaries, shouting seven times, and
having sprinkled water, when one engages
in battle, one will crush the enemy
immediately.
Saran odun Monday

which result from continuous spiritual training (Poppe 1967: 84). When magic is perceived
to be mere conjuring or slight of hand there is often another term. In Mongolian this term
is usually given as ilbi (<Uy. yelvi). For more elaborate discussions of magic, cf. "magic"
in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1911 and 1998 and also Mauss 1972: 18-24. These sources
point out theories of magic as either objective or subjective; they note the distinction between
magic as a supernatural accomplishment and as mundane conjuring; and they also discuss
magic in terms of ritual and healing, which is the context for magic in the manual.
49
See also Harpers treatment of magical recipes (1998: 148-183).

147
INTRODUCTION

erig mordobasu taulai qoni (aqai ilten If one sets out on a campaign, if one who
qara morin unuu qara kegeri bariju qara is born in the Hare, Ram, or Pig years
imeg-iyer ime dayisun-u ereg-n rides a black horse, holds a black
noyan-u ner-e-[y]i bii (al-dur tleged standard, adorns oneself with black
isn adqu iroi isn aya(-a usun-iyar ornaments, writes down the name of the
snge daru(ad suu ali-yu(an takiju commander of the enemy army, and,
rn-e g uduridbasu dayisun-i daruyu. having set it on fire, extinguishes it with
dayisun eserg irebes tabun kmn qad- nine handfuls of dirt and nine cups of
un imeg-iyer ime miq-a-yi mungnau water, and then if one offers sacrifice to
sau(ad (adquldubasu dayisun-i daruyu one's own spirit protector and leads in a
(22r). westerly direction, one will crush the
enemy. When the enemy comes against
one, if five men adorn themselves with
the ornaments of the sovereign, and one
cuts away pieces of meat and scatters
them [as an offering], then when one
engages in battle, one will crush the
enemy.
'al odun Tuesday
bayiri-dur ken urida mordobasu Whoever sets off first for the battlefield
tere daruyu (22v). will crush the enemy.
Usun odun Wednesday
erig mordobasu edr dli morda. debel If one sets out on a campaign, depart at
quya( mese qara-nu(ud-i ime qara noon. If one adorns oneself with a black
morin unuu qara kiiri bariu dayisun-u robe, a black cuirass, and black weapons,
noyan-u ner-e-yi iruu (aqay-yin tolo(ai- rides a black horse, holds a black
dur dr usun-dur daru(ad rn-e g standard, draws the name of the
ereg uduridbasu dayisun-i daruyu. commander of the enemy, fills the head of
dayisun-i eserg ireki-dr ara-nu(ud- a pig with it, and presses it into the water,
iyar ime ara kiiri bariu kl morin and then leads one's soldiers in a westerly
unuu ol(oldubasu dayisun-i daruyu direction, one will crush the enemy. As
(23r). the enemy approaches, if one meets them
adorned with yellow things, holding a
yellow standard, and riding a fallow horse
(kl morin), one will crush the enemy.
Modun odun Thursday

148
INTRODUCTION

ereg mordobasu erte mana(ar morda. If one sets off on a campaign, depart early
qubad kke-ber ime kke morin the next day. If one adorns oneself in blue
unuu kke kegiri bariu suu ali-yu(an clothes, rides a blue horse, holds a blue
takiu dayisun-u ereg-n noyan-u ner-e- standard, offers sacrifice to one's own
yi bii dolo(an alqu (aar-a isn spirit protector, writes down the name of
doboa( iroi door-a daru(ad emn-e g the commander of the enemy army,
uduridbasu dayisun-i daruyu dayisun presses it down under nine heaps of earth
eserg ireki- dr qubad imeg-iyen at a spot seven paces away, and then leads
a(an-iyar imej a(an keg[i]ri bariu in a southerly direction, one will crush the
qa[]kiru(ad tabun quya(-du kmn-iyer enemy. As the enemy approaches, if one
uduridbasu dayisun-i daruyu (23v). adorns oneself with white clothes and
ornaments, holds a white standard, shouts,
and then leads five people who have a
breast plate, one will crush the enemy.
Altan odun Friday
ereg mordobasu sni dli-yin urida If one sets out on a campaign, depart
morda. bein takiy-a ilten a(an-nu(ud- before midnight. If those born in the
iyar ime gken ari(un kbegn- Monkey or Cock years adorn themselves
iyer suu ali-yu(an takiu dayisun-u ereg- in their white things, if one offers one's
n noyan-u ner-e-yi qabtasun-dur bii own small pure boy as sacrifice to one's
yabuqu mr-dr talbiu egn kl-iyer spirit protector, writes the name of the
dolo(ata darubasu dayisun-i daruyu commander of the enemy army on a
dayisun eserg iriki-dr [=ireki-dr] woodblock, places it on the path one will
nigen kmn sn-iyen ayidu qayinu(- proceed, and steps on it seven times with
dur unuu boskil sauu uduridbasu the left foot, one will crush the enemy.
dayisun-i daruyu (24r). As the enemy approaches, if one man ties
his hair on the crown of his head, rides a
qainug, sprinkles a ?boskil, and leads
[one's soldiers], one will crush the enemy.

iroi odun Saturday

149
INTRODUCTION

ereg mordobasu sarad [=irad]-nu(ud- When setting out on a campaign, if one


iyar ime qong(ur morin unuu ara adorns oneself with one's yellow things,
kegeri bariu suu ali-yu(an takiu rides a fallow horse, holds a yellow
dayisun-u ireg-n noyan-u ner-e-[y]i standard, makes sacrifice to one's own
bii usun-dur urusqau edr dli umara spirit protector, writes down the name of
doron-a ereg uduridbasu dayisun-i the commander of the enemy army, sets it
daruyu dayisun eserg ireki-dr kke adrift in water, and leads one's soldiers to
irai-du kmn-i qara keb-iyer manglai the northeast, one will crush the enemy.
uriyau qara morin unuu modun mir- As the enemy approaches, if a man with a
iyer dokin (adquldubasu dayisun-i daruyu blue face wraps his forehead with black
(24v). silk, rides a black horse, and signals with
his wooden branch when he goes into
battle, he will crush the enemy.
Qara ingpng giki anu The running of the Black ingpng
egni (alqalaqu ar(-a kemebes As for a way to shield them off, if one ties
yama(an-u tolo(ai-u [=tolo(ay-yin] a mirror to the forehead of a goat, and on
manglai-dur toli e tegni isn iruqai it, draws a matrix with nine [squares], like
ene met iruyu tere g qandu(ulbasu this [ ], then, in the direction one faces
qamu( ma(u iles ayilaqu buyu. [the goat], all bad deeds will be avoided.
uara(san bges Altan gerel ungi 42v. If one encounters them, read the Golden
Light.
Qara sarayin asal anu Treatment for a black month
qara sarayin asal anu. isn uil modu. As for a treatment during a black month,
buq-a-yin yeke qara segul. numu a(an tie nine kinds of wood, the great black tail
qada( kiged ingqun. iker qangla(ur of a bull, a bow, a white qada(, as well as
terigten. tu(-un iin-du uyau qadqu(ad things made from vermillion, sugar,
a(an tosun ba. buq-a-yin gekn soldering metal and so forth to the pole of
kengigl keyi. Qubi sarayin dolo(an a standard, and having driven it into the
inide Baras iln qari bein g qadqu. ground, make a burnt smell (kengsigl) of
tegnilen ali edr bges tere sarayin white butter and bulls lard, and then stick
qari g qadqu sayin bui 50v. [the standard] into the ground in the
contrary Monkey direction of the Tiger
year on the seventh day of the first month.
In this manner, given any day, stick it [in
the ground] in that month's contrary
direction. It will be good.

150
INTRODUCTION

Ritual

If magic is the therapeutic mode, ritual is its means. In the manual the concept

ritual is rendered by a pleonastic figura etymologica (the likes of which are common in

Mongolian language) as ile iled- (to do a deed, produce work, or bring about a result).

This is a very ordinary phrase; however, to understand the concept one must again

understand its context. The essential difference between the work of ritual and mundane

work is that ritual belongs to the instant in time and hence the metaphysical realm, with the

properties thereof, irrationality, illogicality, subjectivity, and chance. In this, ritual pertains

to the true or apparent perception of causation, the paradox of which is stated by Karl Popper

as follows:

Common sense inclines, on the one hand, to assert that every event is caused
by some preceding events, so that every event can be explained or predicted
. . . . On the other hand common sense attributes to mature and sane persons
. . . . the ability to choose freely between alternative possibilities of acting."
(Popper 1982: xix)

In other words, ritual reflects the awesome power of freewill to influence the causal chain.

While logical methods produce logical effects, the irrational methods of ritual produce an

effect which cannot be reached through logical means or produce an effect in a metaphysical

way. Understood as such, ritual has nothing whatsoever to do with belief in god, unknown

forces, or belief in anything. Rather, the context is purely scientific and so long as the

appearance or perception of chance exists, ritual needs be for accomplishing certain tasks.50

50
Schipper and Wang argue that Taoist ritual can be seen as a metaphorical pursuit
of science. The Taoist term for ritual is ke measure; science is ke xue the study of

151
INTRODUCTION

Each ritual act ripples through the causal chain. And because the ritual act is

irrational, its effect in a way is predictable. While an intended act may have unintended

consequences, the consequence of ritual can only be as it is intended to be. In a subjective

world, where perception is everything, the rhetoric of ritual has great power for good or ill,

and is used to cause substantial effects in the physical realm. In the manual these effects are

often in the way of apotropaics, i.e., averting evil, curing illness and black magic, cursing and

repelling curses, and include other familiar forms of magic as well, for instance, weather

magic, causing hail to fall (mndr oro(ul- [32r]), and rainmaking (adala-[32r]).51 Largely,

however, ritual is used in the way promoting good over evil, as in the various forms of

blessings.

Though the forms of ritual practice can and at times must be used to accomplish

certain ends in the material world, perhaps the ultimate function of ritual is transcendence,

to transform the perception of multiplicity, order and duration to one, undifferentiated and

eternal. The time of ritual is true or apparent, i.e., instantaneous. When the manual says

that the ritual is to take place at midnight (sni dli) that means it is to take place at the

precise moment when today is not today, nor tomorrow tomorrow, but when all time is one

and undifferentiated. It is the same when the ritual is to take place at dawn or noon or at the

measure (Schipper 1986: 185).


51
For the pervasiveness of weather magic in Inner Asia, see David Utzs A Sogdian
Thaumaturgical Text from Dunhuang and the Origins of Inner Asian Weather Magic (1998:
101-121).

152
INTRODUCTION

full moon, the new moon, the summer solstice, the autumnal equinox or whenever (Chabros

1992: 11, 21-22; Schipper 1986: 197).

The preeminence of metaphysics over physics elevates the importance of ritual in

society over mundane affairs. This distinction between sacred and mundane is born out in

the manual as follows, The deeds of making a blessing are not the same as worldly deeds

(qutu( oroi(ulqu iles yertin-yin iles-dr adali busu bolai [38r]). This affects the

representation of all the various fields of knowledge and human endeavor. There were laws

in government, but the primary manifestation of government was ritual. Geography was

religious and metaphysical. It goes without saying that there should have been a

conventional political geography. The problem is finding it in the sources (Wylie, Turrell

1965: 17-26). This emphasis on ritual over mundane practice is found in sources on

medicine, architecture, in military records, sources on music, in history, literature and so on.

In this way ritual permeates every aspect of existence. In the manual there are

numerous kinds of ritual forms, implements and the like associated specifically with

Buddhism, but ritual practice, implements, etc. are taken from everyday life as well. For

instance, the phrase aar(-a buura buq-a talbi- to release a stallion, bull camel or bull

refers to a common practice in animal husbandry. However, when the breeding males are

selected from a herd there is a special rite performed over them as well. This is confirmed

in the sky, where the constellation tngri-yin qoriyan (Ch. tianjiu/tien-chiu [Mathews 6361,

1201]), the heavenly corral, is an asterism composed of ten stars in the form of a circle to the

north of the 14th Chinese asterism bi/pi, Mongolian Udaribadaribad, the culmination of

153
INTRODUCTION

which at the end of winter indicated the time of the year when horses foal and various related

rituals (Schlegel 1967: 309-315; cf. also Birtalan 2003: 34-62).

In the earthy ritual practices of its people, Mongolia offers some of the most fertile

ground in the world for the study of ritual. Here Buddhist practice comes in direct contact

with that other world, shamanism and what we perceive as the most primordial aspects of

human culture. In Mongolia, Buddhism coexisted and vied for dominance with shamanism

during the Mongol Empire and then again during the second revival of Buddhism beginning

in the sixteenth century. Pertaining to the later time sources show their conflict entailed

Buddhist aggression against shamans and their ong(od, that is, the felt dolls which held the

spirits of their ancestors (Atwood 1996: 130). During these not necessarily so peaceful times

ritual practices were intermixed. Even so, there has been a strong tendency among scholars

to take the ritual forms out of context and lump them under shamanism or popular

religion, even against obvious textual evidence that certain sources of ritual practice, indeed

the vast majority, are expressly Buddhist compositions. Christopher Atwood has pointed out

that, in assuming all ritual practice was shamanic, scholars associated it with not so much

a particular religious tradition with a particular formation in time and space, but more a

universal stage of religion . . . (Atwood, 1996: 113). Here the forms of ritual, which ought

normally be understand as reflecting different conventions, are treated unduly as universals.

The same occurs when the forms of ritual are treated as archetypes, which C. G. Jung claims

to have originated in humanitys pre-logical collective unconscious. The obverse to this is

found when rituals reason for being, which, in the metaphysical realm of the instant, should

154
INTRODUCTION

be understood as universal, is treated in an evolutionary or culturally relative way as arbitrary

and conventional.

Besides these tendencies, a reason for scholars to understand Buddhist ritual forms

as shamanistic might be that the rituals in question contain terms and concepts familiar in the

study of shamanism but not found in Buddhist philosophy. For instance, Buddhism

consistently teaches the non-existence of the soul, yet in the manual and Buddhist ritual

generally, the soul (snesn), which in Buddhism belongs to the conventional realm, is

commonplace.52 This general confusion stems from the fact that in its distinction between

ultimate and provisional truth, Buddhist rhetoric is contradictory. However, in its heavy

emphasis on magic and demons, ritual practice in the manual reflects the specific influence

of Indian tantric Buddhism, which, itself, is not related so much to Buddhist philosophy as

it is to Buddhist mathematics, which as already discussed, ties into the tradition of

mathematics that was shared across Eurasia (Lopez 1995: 41-43, passim; Stone 1981: 18-24).

When it comes to the ritual aspect of mathematics, tracing origins is not easy.53

Sometimes antecedents can be discerned through numerology, cosmology, in the stars to

which a ritual is timed, color schemes, latent patterns, the use of characteristic implements,

and other various forms of textual evidence. Still, it is often difficult to establish the

52
In his article Calling the Soul: A Mongolian Litany Charles Bawden associates
the common Buddhist practice of summoning the soul (snesn alaqu) with shamanism.
For other studies of this type of ritual practice, see Lessing (1976) and Chiodo (1996: 153ff).

53
For an excellent study of how a specific ritual practice changes over time, see Sela
(2004).

155
INTRODUCTION

direction of influence. Scholars of ancient Greek culture are tempted to attribute the fire cult

and even Platos notion of the soul to Central Asian shamanism (Burkert 1972: passim;

Kingsley 1995: passim). However, given the influence of tantric ritual on shamanism, and

the influence of Greek mathematics upon India, perhaps the direction of influence is the other

way around. Still, one should not take the influence of Buddhist ritual in Inner Asia to

suggest, as De Santillana does in Hamlets Mill, that shamanism derives from Buddhism.

De Santillana writes:

The world conception of Ural-Altaic shamanism has been successfully traced


back to India (under Hinduistic and Buddhistic aspects including Tibetan
Lamaism and Bon-po) as well as Iran. When reading Radloffs many
volumes one finds insufficiently disguised Bodhisattvas at every corner
(Manjirae = Manjusri, Maider = Maitreya, etc.). (De Santillana, 123)

There is no disguise here. These are simply Mongolian forms of Sanskrit terms. The

assimilation of Buddhist terms into shamanism is an historical phenomenon, one which does

not define shamanism in the time of the Mongol Empire, nor comprehensively define it from

the 16th century to the present.

This points to a second major problem of the historical method, its reliance on textual

evidence. It only stands to reason that the great wealth of cuneiform texts should entice one

to posit origins in ancient Mesopotamia. However, this allure can be a kind of mirage that

deceives one into thinking that all knowledge sprung from the fertile crescent (Miller, Roy

Andrew 1988: 1). This is not necessarily the case however, for universal knowledge, that is,

knowledge of what is simple and natural, can originate anywhere. Even so, while the ignis

fatuus of ancient Mesopotamia as the ultimate source of learning can be dispelled

156
INTRODUCTION

temporarily by new evidence, it is the very nature of academic work, in particular the study

of traditional mathematics and ancient knowledge systems, that it will always reappear over

another question. Using the fire cult as an example, forms of fire ritual are common in

Mongolia prior to the coming of Buddhism, in early Buddhism, throughout Eurasia and in

ancient Mesopotamia as well (Atwood 2004: 178-179; Langdon 1956: 859). Is it possible

to trace influence all the back to Mesopotamia, and, if not, should we assume fire offerings

originate there anyway?

This leads to a further problem, are certain things such as fire particularly amenable

to ritual? How does one study or comprehend such a thing? What about the soul? Is it

universal? These kinds of questions have their place, but ultimately, as the language and

forms of ritual reflect the conventions of different mathematical (knowledge) systems, these

questions should not preclude nor precede a comparative, historical approach that proceeds

in small steps.

In the ritual forms found in the manual native Mongolian terms with antecedents in

shamanism, such as the ong(od cited above, are found together with what is predominantly

a mix of Hindu tantric ritual and Chinese ritual forms that have been incorporated into the

Tibetan Buddhist tradition. This comes to the Mongols early on via Uigur Turks, elements

of whose own ritual culture, are also found, and then later, directly from Tibet. Besides these

antecedents, there are also Pythagorean elements from the Greeks and Mesopotamian

influences as well.

157
INTRODUCTION

A remaining problem is that just because a ritual practice belongs to one tradition,

does not mean that it cannot be borrowed by another. What is essential to remember is that

ritual can and at times must be seen in terms of science, knowledge systems, not religion.

In other words, religion or metaphysics must be seen not as independent of, but, rather,

interdependent with science. If a Christian begins to pay homage to the Buddha we perceive

he is no longer Christian, but Buddhist. If he begins practicing Buddhist rituals, he is

Buddhist. At the same time, though in the way of ordering chaos we borrow Babylonian

hours based on Babylonian gods the likes of Marduk, Jupiter, we do not perceive ourselves

to be followers of Marduk. People borrow Christian chronology, based on the life of Jesus

of Nazareth, but this does not make them all Christian. These, however, are merely

conventional perceptions. To take the opposing point of view, while on the one hand it is

possible for one to follow both Jesus and Buddha, on the other hand anyone who accepts

Christian chronology, follows Jesus Christ. For our borrowing of the Babylonian hours, our

daily practice makes us worshipers of Marduk. Thus if one simply changes ones perception

of ritual from its conventional to its universal aspect, there is no reason for precluding the

existence of one knowledge system based on the borrowing of the ritual practices of another.

In this way there is no reason why, in the way of causing magical effects, shamans can not

borrow Buddhist ritual forms and still be shamans.

If an apotropaic ritual can treats every possible illness and belong to every specialist.,

why could it not belong to the shaman as well? If it did, this would not mean that there is

no difference between a shaman and a Buddhist for, if the Mongolian people nonetheless

158
INTRODUCTION

understand a difference between mathematicians, astrologers, magicians and physicians, why

wouldnt they understand a difference between a shaman as well? Such is the apparent

reality. In his travels through Mongolia in the 1890s, the Russian scholar Pozdneyev noted:

about twenty Mongol shamans live in [Urga, present day Ulaanbaatar],


although they, properly, may be considered shamanists . . . . all the Urga
shamans are at the same time Buddhists . . . . [here] shamanism exists, not as
any kind of religion, but as soothsaying or fortune telling . . . . (Pozdneyev
1971: 87)

Though it is important to remember that mathematics is a unique tradition of its own

and as such often incongruent with Buddhist teaching, as the relegation of mathematics to

the conventional realm makes clear, the manual is ultimately a Buddhist text. Its language

reflects Buddhist law and culture. Especially extensive in the manual are the forms of ritual

practice, for these largely comprise the omen conditions. For the terminology of Buddhist

law and ritual, see the Subject Vocabulary. Of this terminology, incorporated in the calendar

are the Twelve Stages of Dependent Origination, given in the manual in a colloquial form,

itn barildaqui, instead of the standard itn barildul(-a. Here the various stages of

dependent origination are paired with the twelve animal cycle. This indicates their order

(which varies in some sources). Also, as the forms differ slightly in sources, the list

compiled by Lessing (under sityn barildul(-a) is given for comparison (Lessing, 1183). See

also Pozdneyevs excellent description (1978: 127-133). For the Tibetan context see Cornu

(1997: 41-46).

IV.6 The Twelve Stages of Dependent Origination/itn Barildaqui

159
INTRODUCTION

Manual Lessing Tibetan Sanskrit English Animal


Translation
mungqa( mungqa( ma-rig-pa avidy ignorance tiger
iledki quran du-byed samskra activity hare
ildeki
medeki teyin rnam-par vijnna consciousness dragon
medeki shes-pa
ner-e ngge/ ner-e ngge ming-dang- nmarpa name and snake
ngge ni(ur gzugs form

ir(u(an trn skye-mched sadyatana six senses horse


orod tgeki drug
krteki krteki reg-pa sparsa contact ram
sereki sereki tshor-ba vedan sensation monkey
quriaqui quraaqui sred-pa tr}s}n~} desire cock
abqui iqula abqui len-pa updna accepting dog
bolqui sansar srid-pa bhava becoming pig
trki trl skye-ba cyuti birth rat
telki telki rgad-shi jarmarana old age and ox
kki kk death

The manual also refers to a number of ritual implements and symbols. Those drawn

in the calendar and in the sections of the text that correspond with the them are listed below:

IV.7 Symbols of the Times of Various Spirits

160
INTRODUCTION

1. rug (debisker)

a) variegated rug (ala( debisker)

The symbol of the day when gods and demons battle is a variegated

rug (20v, 43r).

b) square black rug (drbelin qara debisker)

The symbol of day when the violent [spirits] of the planets (gara() search

for food is a square black rug (20v, 44r).

2. square (drbelin)

a) three-eyed square ((urban nidt drbelin)

The symbol of the day when the dog of the earth looks for food is a

three-eyed square (20v, 44r).

3. drop (dusul)

a) two black drops (qoyar qara dusul)

The symbol of the day when the ginggang run is two black drops (20v, 43r)

b) one red drop (nigen ula(an dusul)

The symbol of the day when the baling do(in run is one red drop (20v).

The symbol of the day when the servants of the gara(, the

baling do(in, seek food [for their lords] is one red drop (40r).

c) one black drop (nigen qara dusul)

The symbol of the lesser black day is one black drop (20v, 41v).

d) three black drops ((urban qara dusul)

161
INTRODUCTION

The symbol of the empty day is three black drops (20v).

The symbol of the days when the good and bad auspices are seen by the

conjunction of the nakshatra with the twelve years is three black

drops (46v).

e) variegated drop (ala( dusul)

The symbol of the day when mendicants return empty-handed is a

variegated drop (20v, 43v).

4. jewel (erdeni)

The symbol of the day of holy water (raiyan) is the jewel (20r).

a) upward facing jewel (degegi qandu(san erdeni)

The symbol of the seven occasions for ambrosia is the upward facing

jewel (44v).

b) downward facing jewel (doro(i qandu(san erdini)

The symbol of the day to die is a downward facing jewel (20r).

5. wish-fulfilling jewel (jindamuni)

a) upward facing wish-fulfilling jewel (gede qandu(san jindamuni)

The symbol of the day in which happiness abides is an upward facing

wish-fulfilling jewel (20r).

The symbol of the seven occasions when happiness abides is a

wish-fulfilling jewel that faces upward (44v).

b) downward facing wish-fulfilling jewel (doro(i qandu(san jindamuni)

162
INTRODUCTION

The inauspicious symbol of an occasion for death is a wish-fulfilling

jewel that faces downward (45r).

c) black wish-fulfilling jewel (qara jindamuni)

The symbol of a sinful day is a black wish-fulfilling jewel (20r, 45r).

4. lance ((adusun/(adasun)

a) downward facing lance (doro(i qandu(san (adusun)

The symbol of the day when the eight classes (naiman ayima() assemble

is a downward facing lance (20r, 39r).

b) upward facing lance (gede qandu(san (adusun)

The symbol of the day when the eight classes (naiman ayima() return

is an upward facing lance (20r, 39r).

5. triangle ((urbalin)

a) red triangle ((urbalin ula(an)

The symbol of the impoverishing day is a red triangle (20v).

b) black triangle ((urbalin qara)

The symbol of a great black day is a black triangle (20v).

6. skull cup (gabala)

The symbol of the day when Okin tngri descends is a skull cup (20r, 47r).

7. cross (solbi(san iruqai)

a) variegated cross (solbi(san ala( iruqai)

The symbol of the day when not to inter a corpse is a two-colored cross (20r).

163
INTRODUCTION

b) black cross (solbi(san qara iruqai)

The symbol of the day for burning is the black cross (20v, 20v, 44r).

8. blue lake (kke na(ur)

The symbol of the day when the Naga kings assemble is a blue

lake (20r, 39v).

9. sun (nara)

a) red sun (ula(an nara)

The symbol of the day when the Naga kings return is a red sun (20r, 39v).

b) black sun (qara nara)

The symbol of the day when imnus demons are vanquished is the

black sun (20r, 45r).

10. eye (nidn)

a) variegated eye (ala( nidn)

The symbol of the day when Bati bata runs is a variegated eye (20v).

11. sickle (qada(ur)

The symbol of the day of annihilation is a sickle (20v).

a) black cycle (qara qada(ur)

The symbol of the day when run the destructive lords of the earth is a

black sickle (43v).

12. pitcher (qumq-a)

The symbol of the glorious day is the pitcher (20r, 47r).

164
INTRODUCTION

13. moon (sar-a)

a) yellow moon (ara sar-a)

1) upward facing yellow moon (gede qandu(san ara sar-a)

The symbol of the day when the Powers (erketen) congregate is

the upward facing yellow moon (20r).

2) downward facing yellow moon (doro(i qandu(san ara sar-a)

The symbol of the day when the Powers return is the downward

facing yellow moon (20r).

b) downward facing black moon (doro(i qandu(san qara sara)

The symbol of the day when the dog of heaven looks for food is the

downward facing black moon (20v).

14. stupa (subur(-a)

a) downward facing stupa (doro(i qandu(sun subur(-a)

The symbol of the day of the imnus demons is the downward facing

stupa (20r, 45r).

15. razor (tong(ori()

The symbol of the day when Mahkla descends is a razor (20r, 47r).

16. letter (sg)

a) black [Tibetan] letter ki (qara ging sg)

The symbol of the day when the ginggang look for food is a black

letter, "king" (20v).

165
INTRODUCTION

b) black [Tibetan] letter tshe (qara jva sg)

The symbol of the ferocious day is the black letter, "tshe" (20r).

c) black [Tibetan] letter zi (qara jii/ji sg)

The symbol of the day when the (black) ingpng54 run is the black letter,

"zi" (20v, 42v).

d) [Tibetan] letter sa (sa sg)

1) red [Tibetan] letter sa (ula(an sa sg)

The symbol of the day when the Lords of the Earth congregate is

the red letter, "sa" (20r).

2) black [Tibetan] letter sa (qara sa sg)

The symbol of the day when the Lords of the Earth return is

the black letter, "sa" (20r).

e) red [Tibetan] letter a (ula(an aa sg)

The symbol of the day when the sages55 speak is the red letter, ")A" (20r).

The symbol of the bad day which foretold by sages [such as] Yang

Gungyi is a red letter, a (47v).

17. vajra (vair)

The symbol of the day when the eight classes congregate is a

vajra (20r, 38r).

54
For Singpng, Tib. Zin p'ung, a kind of genius loci, cf. Waddell 1978: 458.
55
ari; Tib. drang srong; S. rshi. Cf. Lessing, p. 1161.

166
INTRODUCTION

a) half vajra (arimdu( vair)

The symbol of the day when the eight classes return is a

half-vajra (20r, 38r).

Supernatural Beings

According to the rhetoric of absolute time and strict determinism, god does not exist.

This notion gained prominence in Western civilization during the scientific revolution

inspired largely by the physics of Isaac Newton (Leon 1999: 163-183), but its antecedents

reach back to antiquity. Plato notes in the Laws, that in the days of Anaxagoras (500-?428

BC), it was commonly held that astrology (that is, the determinism of mathematics) led to

atheism (Burkert 1972: 325). Under this rhetoric god is commonly spoken of in terms of

belief or unbelief. However, under the rhetoric of true or apparent time and

indeterminancy, the question of god is not one of belief or disbelief, but of perception. God

is empirically real, experienced commonly in everyday life in innumerable facets. That the

void is god is a self-evident truth. The first cause is god a priori, induced logically from the

apparent chain of causation in nature. As al-Brni notes, Hindus speak of god as a point,

referring to that to which the qualities of bodies do not apply (Sachau 1971: 32). Though a

point has no quantity, no length, width nor thickness, it is by means of the point that order

is derived from chaos. The point is paradoxical. As Zeno of Elea notes, if the world were

logical, Achilles could not pass a tortoise if the tortoise had a head start because even if

Achilles runs ten times faster, when he reaches the point the tortoise was, the tortoise would

167
INTRODUCTION

be ahead. Paradox, arising from the irrationality of an infinite universe, is a form of god.

If one were to stand between the tracks of a cart as they extend across an expansive plain, one

could see god on the horizon, for that point is infinite. Infinity is a word for god. That which

breaks the law of contradiction is god, the beginning and the end, unity and multiplicity at

once. The ineffable is god. Although Albert Einstein did not believe in chance, chance

appears to exist in nature; chance is a form of god; and so on, and so on. From this point of

view, mathematics is the subject most near and dear to god.56

Demons also have a basis in science. Inextricably linked with causation, demons, as

the agents of change, represent the influence of random chance in daily life. Demons create

obstacles which hinder mundane progress or fate (SE II 153; Krueger 1965: 250). However,

while generally their role is negative, demons are known to affect positive change as well.

It is only that the status quo is generally seen as good, that demons are generally seen as evil.

In the manual are a host of metaphysical beings. Foremost among them is Majuri

(Manjuari), the Celestial Architect and patron of mathematics, who holds the book of

wisdom and wields the sword of knowledge (Waddell 1978: 355-356; Cornu 1997: 39;

Getty 1988: 109-113). Other well-known deities of the Buddhist pantheon include Amitbha

(Amindiu-a), the fourth dhyni-Buddha and the ethereal form of kyamuni (Getty 1988: 37-

39); the dharmaplas Lha-mo (Okin tngri), the girl god (RRS, 430-432; Waddell 1978: 334,

364; ODT, 23), Yama (Erlig; kln een), ruler of hell, god of death, comparable to Pluto

(Getty 1988: 152-153), and Mahkla (Maqagala/ Mahagala) "The Great Black One

56
This was Platos view (Burkert 1972: 325).

168
INTRODUCTION

proclaimed tutelary deity of Mongolia from the time of Altan Khan in the sixteenth century

(ODT, 38-67; Getty 1988: 160-162); and the wife of Siva, Uma (Clarke 1965: 177).57 Lesser

gods and demons commonly found in Buddhist sources going back to India are the asura

(asuri), a class of demi-gods, enemies of the gods in Hindu mythology, comparable to the

titans in Greek mythology (Lessing, 1161; Waddell 1978: 81-82); rksasa

(ra(as/ra(is/ra(is), ogres, demons associated with the Yeaks, a Dravidian people from

the south of India (Hackin 1963: 214-215; ODT, 14, passim); and the yaksha (ya(as/yaa(-

a), a class of demigods, guardians of riches attendants of the god of wealth (Bisman-Kubera),

sometimes described as evil (Lessing, 1172; ODT, 663; Waddell 1978: 84; Cornu 1997:

252).

In addition to these, heaven and the celestial bodies have a metaphysical aspect. The

Mongolian term for god is tngri (heaven); the nakshatra are divided into clans, the eminently

accommodating clan (mai okilan obo(), the eminently just clan (mai tbin obo(), the

vacillating restless clan (urbau l tbidk obo(), and so on; they bestow various destinies

as in the eight fortunate nakshatra (li qutu( oroi(san naiman na(idar), and assume

various forms, such as the carnivorous elephant (miqai a(an). The planets (gara() are

known as seizers in Indian astrology because they lay hold of the fates of men with their

supernatural influence (Burgess 1859: 275). For the most part that influence is harmful. The

planets are known to be violent (do(in gara() and go about destroying life in search of food

(idei eriki). Among the five planets, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, as Jupiter

57
For a full list of the supernatural beings in the text see the Subject Vocabulary.

169
INTRODUCTION

plays a special role in the calendrical systems of both India and China, it takes on special

supernatural manifestations accordingly. In the Chinese calendrical system, the position of

Jupiter denoted the year and so was known as the year star Taisui (il-n Tayisui), but as that

position became an abstraction, Taisui became a doppelgnger, the yin counterpart to the

planet Jupiter, and a star god that presides over the year (compare Indra). Similarly in Indian

astronomy are two imaginary planets, Rhu and Ketu, the moons ascending and descending

nodes respectively. They are demons who devour the sun or moon at eclipses. Rhu in

particular has a detailed assortment of attributes and forms, one of which is the Tibetan king

kang (ginggang), a terrifying deity (DO, 548; ODT, 147). All together these comprise

various forms of a week either seven, eight, or nine days long. As such they are the rulers

of their time.

Also in the way of mastering time, there is a twelve day cycle of Chinese origin

known in Mongolian as the twelve lords (arban qoyar ein). These each have specific

powers as the one that masters (eilegi), the one that purifies (aril(a(i), the one that fills

(dgrgi), etc. The times themselves are supernatural. There are black times when the

day, month, year, and hours (il kiged sar-a edr a(-un qara) manifest roaming demons.

Numerous kinds of demons are found in the manual. The ada demons are borrowed

from Uygur in which the term has the primary meaning danger (Clauson 1972: 40). They

manifest in different ways in different sources. Nebesky-Wojkowitz associates the ada with

Tibetan chung sri, a type of demon which attacks children (ODT, 539). Charles Bawden

believes the term is more commonly connected with Tibetan gdon, demons which also prey

170
INTRODUCTION

on children but have other aims as well (SE I, 234, n. 58). Sometimes these demons afflict

children in particular (gked-n ada). Other times they simply bring illness (ebedin

ada) or harm and trouble (qoor ada). The ada demons are often combined with todqor

demons, which also act independently on occasion. These again come from Uygur and have

the primary meaning obstacle, hindrance. The Mongolian term for obstacle, hindrance

(qari) is another form of demon (Lessing, 940).

The eliy-e demons are described by C.R. Bawden as "an evil hostile spirit in the form

of a bird, goblin, devil," Tib. 'gon po. Tib. 'gon po, he notes, is equivalent in the pentaglot

dictionary to Mo. klin, Manchu ekin, "an ugly demon. "Eliy-e," is given here he says,

"as a terrifying demon . . . . mentioned as the agent of disease or death without any

indications that would serve to define its nature more exactly." However, the pentaglot

dictionary gives for eliy-e Tib. bya 'dre, which Jschke translates as "a winged diabolical

creature, harpy" (SE I, 243-245). To this description it should be added that one meaning for

eliy-e is as a hawk-like bird, another is a kind of demon. In the pre-classical language initial

h- distinguished bird (heliy-e) from demon (Golden 2000: 198A6, 186C20, 200A25). In the

manual these demons also sometimes attack children (gked-n eliy-e).

The imnu demons originally come to the Mongols through Uygur mnu from

Sogdian (Christian) imn, meaning demon, evil spirit. In Buddhism the term imnu is

commonly associated with The Evil One, The Tempter Tibetan Bdud; Sanskrit Mra

(Lessing, 710, 1183; Ligeti 1974: 393-395). Pozdneyev describes them as follows: simnus,

or silmu(s), T. bdud, from S. ama, tranquility, and na, destruction. These are spirits which

171
INTRODUCTION

entangle one in a web of passion and try to involve them in sins to shake their faith. They

are instigators of sensual enjoyment, rulers of the sam}s~ra, adversaries of nirvana. There are

four kinds (drben imnus-ud): those of heaven which instigate lasciviousness; those of the

body which bring ignorance; those of the spirit which cause anger; and those of the king of

death which promote avarice (RRS, 645). Besides these there are black imnu demons (qara

imnus), imnus that hunt (grgein imnus), and those that fight with gods (tngri im[n]us

(adqulduqu).

Other kinds of demons include the albin/alban which sometimes ensnare victims in

their devils net (albin salm-a) or manifest themselves as bandits (albin-u degeremei); and

the idker, pl. idkd, which occasionally disturb corpses (kger-n idkd) or those who

are beloved (engkri idkd); the wolf (inu-a), i.e., the lubin or werewolf, serves as minion

to the planets (gara(-ud-un inu-a) or to Erlig khan, the lord of the underworld (erlig-n

inu-a); also belonging to the Lord of Death are the modun erlig (wooden erlig [ODT 82; SE

I, 238, n. 70]); the luus-un qad (dragon kings) are the minions of the Ngas (Waddell 1978:

345, n. 1; ODT, 32); the five senses (erketen) bedevil one at times; and so on.

Demons descend (ba(uqu) into reality and run (gyk) their course, wreaking havoc

and injury.58 When something sets them in motion (udusq-a [DO, 723a; MMAD, 14, note

28]), they set out in search for food (idei eri-) and bedevil (adala-). To become intimate

with demons is to be possessed (nki- [Lessing, 593]). To be touched by a demon is to fall

ill (ada-du krte-). They must be crushed (daru-) or suppressed (daru(ul-), or if not then

58
For the place of residence of the spirits cf. Rachmati 1972: #19.

172
INTRODUCTION

pacified (nomo(adqa-) or expelled (lde-). To influence their running, terms for preventing

or inviting them deal with geometric forms associated with travel and passage, such as lines

and circles. One finds rituals given to stopping up a hole through which demons may enter

the body, or rituals involving the cutting of a rope through which demons might pass

(Srkzi 1985; 39-44; 1989: 321). For the same reason, days for cutting one's hair and

fingernails are regulated. Conversely, once demons have taken possession of the body and

are said to be running, they are expelled through a substitute (M. joli( or joliy-a), which is

then burned, buried in the ground or thrown away (RRS, 559-561, 591-594; Srkzi 1989:

316-322).

The means of pacifying and expelling demons can become demonic or supernatural

as well. Such is the case for the baling do(in (Tib. gtor ma; S. bali), a food offering to

deities, usually made of dough kneaded into various (often pyramidal) shapes (Lessing, 80;

RRS, 426-428); oliy-a mr (ransom path), the road on which the ransom figure is to be cast;

cf. the "yas" road (Waddell 1978: 458); and modun gokimoi (withering wood), which is

wood decorated with cloth and expelled as a ransom figure (SE II, 173, n. 78).

As with perceived ritual and medical practices such as calling the soul and

expelling illness through a substitute, there is a tendency among scholars to associate demons

with native Mongolian folk religion or shamanism and not with Buddhism (SE I 234, n. 58;

ODT 539). However, the context for the vast majority of texts is Buddhist tantra, in which

demons play an active role. The Mongolian version of the Pacaraks, for instance, a

primary object of which is to suppress all negative influences in the world, cites a wide

173
INTRODUCTION

assortment of demons including ada, todqar, tidker, idkr, and imnu, all of which

translate forms that go back to Sanskrit (Aalto 1961: passim).

Demons not only haunt people and objects, but places as well. Among the spirits of

places are the ingpng/ingbng [Tib. Zin p'ung (Waddell 1978: 458)] and the lords of land

and water ((aar usun-u eid S. bhmipati; Tib. sa-bdag). These are said to be infinite in

number (TEDP, 120, 419; Waddell 1978: 371-372; RRS, 522).

Oft counted among these lords of the earth are deities which actually have their

origins in the heavens. For instance the blue dragon (kke luu) refers to the Blue Dragon of

spring, which together with the White Tiger of autumn (a(an baras) , the Red Bird of

summer (ula(an aa(ai) and the Black Tortoise of winter (qara yasutu menekei) make up

the four Chinese sky animals (Needham 1959: 242; Sun and Kistmaker 1997: 113-119); the

foot of the blue dragon (kke luu-yin kl) refers to the third Chinese lunar mansion (Ch. di/ti

(Mathews 6187) foundation), which lies at the end of the eastern spring palace, comprising

four stars (Schlegel 1967: 102); and so on. A list of the star spirits found in the manual

(excluding those related to the planets and nakshatra) follows:

IV.8 Star Spirits

1. altan ordo the golden celestial palace (Dor, v. 6, p. 11, v. 9, p. 21), 49r.

2. amatu sn-e ?milk at the mouth; given as another name for Burvabadaribad (S.

Purvabhdrapada), 34r; also known as yeke amatu sn-e, 33v.

174
INTRODUCTION

3. a(an baras the White Tiger of autumn, which, together with the Red Bird of summer,

the Blue Dragon of spring (kke luu), and the Black Tortoise of winter (qara yasutu menekei)

make up the four Chinese sky animals (cf. Stall 1984: passim; Needham 1959: 242; Sun and

Kistmaker 1997: 113-119), 41r, 49r, 49r, 49r.

4. a(an baras-un kl the leg of the white tiger, i.e., the base of the western constellation

of autumn, the White Tiger, 49r.

5. a(an baras-un niru(un the back of the white tiger tiger, i.e., the heart or middle of

the western constellation of autumn, the White Tiger, 49r.

6. a(an baras-un terign the head of the white tiger, i.e., the head of the western

constellation of autumn, the White Tiger, 49r.

7. ua( [Tib. chu-tshags]; 1. sieve; 2. watering pot (Jschke, 158; TEDP, 129-132), 49v

8. dada qan [Ch. tianhuang dadi/tien-huang ta-di]; Emperor Dada; a Chinese asterism

comprising one star, Polaris, the North Pole; known as the central palace of heaven and ruler

of the sky (Schlegel 1967: 523; Staal 1984: 126; Allred 2002: 117); the pole star is

commonly referred to in Mongolian as Altan (adasu the golden spike (TU, 896), 49v.

9. dayang [Ch. dayang/ta-yang]; while Chinese taiyang refers to the sun, the reference here

is likely to an asterism, dayang, so named because it marks the path of the sun (Schlegel,

1967: 113, 818-819, nn. 365-369); see also the Mongolian star naran (TU, 903), 49v.

10. dayiwang tayiqu [Ch. daiwang; Ch. taihou (Mathews, 6020.a.10)]; mother and father

of the emperor; as one of the four demons of a bride, context suggests that this pair belong

175
INTRODUCTION

as one (52r); compare the celestial emperor (tianwang) and the heavenly empress (tianhou

[Schlegel 1967: 100, 149, 164]), 53r.

11. degreng sang ?full treasury; there are numerous Chinese asterisms related to

granaries (cf. Schlegel 1967: 117, 337, 381), 49r.

12. doto(adu ordo internal palace; the northern circumpolar stars; in China, India and

ancient Mesopotamia the sky is divided into three divisions, outer, middle, and inner, the

middle being the stars of the ecliptic, outer, the stars south of the ecliptic; and inner, the

northern and circumpolar stars (Needham, v. 3, 1959: 242-243, 255-257); a binary division

of the sky is also found, in which the inner palace refers to the stars beyond the twenty-

eight lunar mansions (Ch. xiu); this again indicates the northern circumpolar stars (Allred,

2002: 12; Needham, v. 3, 1959: 242-243); the inner palace is also represented by specific

constellations, the six stars of gouzhen (angular arranger, in Ursa Minor, Camelopardalis, and

Cepheus), nine stars of wei (the tail, the 6th xiu) and four stars of ji (the basket, the 7th xiu

[Ho 1966: 67, 97-98]), 49r.

13. (aar-un egde [Tib. sa-sgo]; the earthly gate; a celestial passageway, counterpart

to the heavenly gate (tngri-yin egde); in the manual the earthly gate refers to the nakshatra

Barani (S. Bharan} [33r]); through these gateways spirits pass, often bringing negative

influence (TEDP, 86; ODT, 285-298; Krueger 1976: 207, 234, 253, 272; Srkzi 1989: 320;

Dollfus 1994), 33r.

14. (aar-un noqai the dog of the earth; mundane or earthly counterpart to the Dog of

Heaven (tngri-yin noqai), 20v.

176
INTRODUCTION

15. janggn/sanggn [Ch. jiangjun/chiang-chn, the general (Mathews 656.h.13)] ike

jangjun tenggeri (Pentagot dictionary, 17445, p. 998); the Chinese asterism

tiandajiangjun/tien-ta-chiang-chn (the great celestial general), (, < and another star in

Andromeda and *, ,, ( and another star in Triangulum; ( Andromeda represented the Great

celestial general (Schlegel 1967: 339; Staal 1984: 55; Allen 1963: 416; Ho 1966: 89); Tib.

tsan-kun, (TEDP, 122-126), 8r, 9v, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r.

16. il-n Tayisui [Ch. taisui jinian (Ho 2003: 32-33); Tib. lo-skar che-ba]; see under

tayisui, 55v.

17. obalang-un tngri [Ch. huo calamity; misfortune; judgements from heaven,

(Mathews 2399); Tib. pung lha]; god of suffering; ike jobalanggun tenggeri (Pentaglot,

17450, p. 998), 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r, 56v.

18. kke luu [Ch. canglong/ tsang-lung (Mathews 6714, 4258)]; the Blue Dragon of

spring, which together with the White Tiger of autumn (a(an baras) , the Red Bird of

summer (ula(an aa(ai) and the Black Tortoise of winter (qara yasutu menekei) make up

the four Chinese sky animals (cf. Stall 1984: passim.; Needham, 1959: 242; and Sun and

Kistmaker 1997: 113-119), 49r, 49r.

19. kke luu-yin kl the foot of the blue dragon; refers to the third Chinese lunar

mansion (Ch. di/ti (Mathews 6187) foundation); it lies at the end of the eastern spring

palace, the Blue Dragon, comprising four stars (Schlegel 1967: 102), 49r.

177
INTRODUCTION

20. kke luu-yin niru(un the back of the blue dragon; refers to the second Chinese lunar

mansion (Ch. gang/kang [Mathews 3273] throat); it lies in the midst of the eastern spring

palace, the Blue Dragon, and comprises four stars (Schlegel 1967: 93), 49r.

21. kke luu-yin terign the head of the blue dragon; refers to the first Chinese lunar

mansion (Ch. jiao/chiao [Mathews 1174] horn); it lies at the head of the eastern spring

palace, the Blue Dragon, comprising two stars, " and . Virgo, (Schlegel 1967: 87), 49r.

22. luu-yin qutu( dragons bliss; this likely refers to the Chinese asterism tianfu/tien-fu

(Mathews 6359, 1978) celestial bliss comprising two stars, perhaps 3 Scorpii and 8

Librae; the association with the dragon lies in that it is located in the palace of the Blue

Dragon of Spring (Ho 1966: 83), 49r.

23. qangpan qongpan Queen Qangpan (TEDP, 122), 53r.

24. qara yasutu meneki the black-shelled turtle; refers to the Black Tortoise of winter,

which, together with the Blue Dragon of spring (kke luu), the White Tiger of autumn (a(an

baras), and the Red Bird of summer (ula(an aa(ai), make up the four Chinese sky

animals, (cf. Stall 1984: passim.; Needham 1959: 242; Sun and Kistmaker 1997: 113-119),

49r.

25. qo(osun qumq-a empty pitcher, 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r,

58v.

26. sang quriyang(ui treasure collection; perhaps this refers to the Chinese constellation

gulou/ku-lou (Mathews 3496, 4143), the treasury, comprising ten stars in the lower center

of Virgo (Schlegel 1967: 136), 49r.

178
INTRODUCTION

27. sarayin (al fire of the moon; perhaps this is associated with what is given in the

Indian Srya Siddhnta as "malignant aspects of the sun and moon" (Burgess 1959: 379-

383); these malignant aspects are said to result in "consuming fire" and at these moments the

time is "forbidden for all works (l sedk); see "fiery lunar days"in Cornu (1997: 212),

9r, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r.

28. sarayin qo(osun [Ch. yuekong]; moon void; an imaginary celestial spirit (cf. Ho

2003: 122-123), 40r.

29. sing ?(49v).

30. sng [Ch. song/sung (Mathews 5565)]; an asterism comprising one star; it represents

the state of Sung, situated to the east of the modern province of Hunan; Schlegel gives it as

0 Serpens (1967: 537); Staal gives it as 0 Ophiuchi (1984: 135); (cf. also TU, 899), 49v.

31. tayisui [Ch. taisui/tai-sui (Mathews 6020.a 22)]; Jupiter; the "Great Year" star in

Chinese astrology; yin counterpart to the planet Jupiter; a star god that presides over the year;

cf. Smith, Chinese Astrology (1992: 6, 11); compare the Hindu god, Indra, 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r,

12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r; 55v.

32. tngri-yin ayul ?heavenly danger, 49r.

33. tngri-yin i(ta(-a the celestial rope; this asterism is ista (S. Jyes}t}h~), comprising

three stars that form an almost straight line (Burgess 1859: 337), 33v, 34r.

34. tngri-yin egde(n)/egde [Tib. gnam-sgo; Ch. tianmen/tien-men]; the heavenly

gate; a constellation comprising two stars in Virgo; it marks the arrival of the vernal equinox

(Schlegel 1967: 488); according to the Vaidrya dKar-po, it is through the heavenly gate that

179
INTRODUCTION

people are exposed to avalanches, lightning bolts, stroke and epilepsy; these calamities are

remedied by ritual thread crosses; the term also refers to the smoke-hole of a Mongolian tent

(TEDP, 86, note 92; ODT, 369-397; Dor, v. 6, 1966: 36; Ho, 1966: 91; Camman 1963: 20;

Srkzi 1989: 320), 33r, 33r, 49r, 49v, 59r.

35. tngri-yin erdeni [Ch. tian bao/tien pao]; the heavenly jewel (Dor, v. 6, p. 11), 49r.

36. tngri-yin (al fire of heaven; in Chinese sources the celestial fire is Antares, also

known as anti-Ares, peer of Mars (Schafer 1977: 117), 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r, 12r,13r, 14r, 15r, 16r,

17r, 18r, 19r.

37. tngri-yin mr [tianjie/tian-chieh]; the heavenly way; perhaps the first star of the

Northern Dipper (Allred 2002: 65); perhaps an asterism comprising two stars between the

Pleiades and Hyades; this asterism is said to guard barriers, passes, and the frontier of the

empire (Schlegel 1967: 372-373), 49r.

38. tngri-yin (qara) noqai [Ch. tiangou/tien-gou; Tib. gnam-khyi]; the dog of heaven;

a demonic star spirit; it is used synonymously with tngri-yin qara noqai (the black dog of

heaven [55r, 55v]); this refers to the Chinese constellation tiangou/tien-kou, comprising

seven stars, including ( and h of Canis Major (Schlegel 1967: 433-434; TU, 916; Staal 1984:

152-153); the constellation is thus related to the greater lore of the celestial dog throughout

Eurasia; it likely takes its name from its proximity to Sirius, the dog or jackal (see under

gebri), (Allen, 1963: 120-134), 20v, 32v, 52r, 52v, 55r, 55v.

39. tngri-yin okin the daughter of heaven [=Vima], 32v.

40. tngri-yin ordo the heavenly palace, 49r.

180
INTRODUCTION

41. tngri-yin qo(olai ?the throat of heaven, (49v).

42. tngri-yin qoriyan [Ch. tianjiu/tien-chiu (Mathews 6361, 1201)]; the heavenly corral;

an asterism composed of ten stars in the form of a circle to the north of the 14th Chinese

asterism bi/pi, Mongolian Udaribadaribad; the culmination of this asterism at the end of

winter indicated the time of the year when horses foal and various related rituals, (Schlegel,

1967: 309-315; Staal, 1984: 98-99; TU, 1991: 910), 49r.

43. tngri-yin qula(ai ?the heavenly thief, 49r.

44. tngri-yin sang heavenly treasure; a constellation comprising six stars under Auvani

[= 16th Chinese lunar mansion, lou (TU, 912)], 49r.

45. tngri-yin segder ?the shadow of heaven, 49v.

46. ula(an aa(ai [Ch. zhuque/ chu-cheh red bird (Mathews 1346.17)]; red magpie;

refers to the Red Bird of summer, which together with the Blue Dragon (kke luu), the White

Tiger (a(a(an bars) and the Black Tortoise (qara yasutu menekei) make up the four

Chinese sky animals (Stall 1984: passim.; Needham 1959: 242; and Sun and Kistmaker

1997: 113-119), 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r, 17r, 18r, 19r, 48r, 49r.

47. ker-n sn the hair of the ox; a celestial palace; a star spirit; perhaps this refers to

the Chinese asterism niu, the ox, the constellation marking the winter solstice, (Schlegel,

1967: 492), 49r.

48. vimading ?(49v).

49. yeke tngri great god (cf. Waddell, 372, n. 2), 8r, 9r, 10r, 11r, 12r, 13r, 14r, 15r, 16r,

17r, 18r, 19r.

181
INTRODUCTION

Of these star spirits one that has an especially extensive demonology in both

Mongolian and Tibetan sources is the dog of heaven (tngri-yin noqai; Tib. gnam-khyi). Also

known as the black dog of heaven (tngri-yin qara noqai), in the manual a section given to

its descent describes seven parts of the dogs body, the left and right ribs, head, mouth, spine,

tail and belly (55r). This refers to the Chinese constellation tiangou/tien-kou, comprising

seven stars, including ( and h of Canis Major (Schlegel 1967: 433-434; TU 1990: 916; Staal

1984: 152-153). This constellation likely takes its name from its proximity to Sirius, the Dog

Star, and belongs to the greater lore of the celestial dog throughout Eurasia (Allen 1963: 120-

134; TEDP, 212; ODT, 295-296; Dor, v. 1, 1966: 27, 60).

Almost all of the star spirits found in the manual are identifiable in Chinese sources.

This is true for the star spirits in the Vaidurya dkar-po (TEDP, passim) and in the Uygur

Turfan texts as well (Rachmati 1972: #14, pp. 310-312). In the manual some of these are

given in transcription of the Chinese, as in Mongolian dayang for Chinese dayang/ta-yang.

and sng for Chinese song/sung. Other terms translate the Chinese as in the case of

Mongolian tngri-yin egden for Chinese tianmen/tien-men the heavenly gate and tngri-yin

mr for Chinese tianjie/tian-chieh the heavenly way. Sometimes the Mongolian form is

a transcription of Tibetan as in ua( for Tibetan chu-tshags, a sieve or watering pot

(Jschke, 158; TEDP, 129-132). Other times both Mongolian and Tibetan forms transcribe

Chinese as in Mongolian janggn/sanggn, Tibetan tsan-kun for Chinese jiangjun/chiang-

chn, the Chinese asterism tiandajiangjun/ tien-ta-chiang-chn the great celestial general.

Of those star spirits still to be identified most share vague similarities with Chinese

182
INTRODUCTION

asterisms (see Uncertain Terms in the Subject Vocabulary). For instance, Mongolian ker-n

sn (hair of the ox) is reminiscent of Chinese niu, the ox, a constellation marking the winter

solstice (Schlegel 1967: 492). However, a question remains whether all the star spirits must

necessarily have their antecedents in Chinese? As an example, the Mongolian qo(osun

qumq-a (empty pitcher), though almost certainly a celestial influence of some kind, seems

to refer to an occult form or doppelgnger (qo(osun) of Aquarius the Pitcher (qumq-a), but

perhaps it refers instead to Chinese tianchi/tien-chi (Mathews 6361, 549), which is another

name for the 18th Chinese asterim, mao, the Pleiades (Schlegel 1967: 353). Charles Bawden

in W. Heissig's catalogue of the Copenhagen collection describes an illustration of qo(osun

qumq-a this way:

A diagram with four vases disposed around a central yin-yang figure; around
each vase are three of the twelve animal-cycle names. Explanations follow.
. . . Top headings are the twelve animal-cycle names. Side headings are
forty-two names of days and other occurrences. Within the table are given
numbers, names from the animal-cycle, colours, directions, etc. etc. In the
following folios the various occurrences are elucidated. (Heissig and
Bawden, 1971: 173, Mong. 375)

The terms described here, yin/yang and the twelve animals, indicate a Chinese system, but

this does not necessarily preclude the sign of the zodiac, Aquarius the pitcher. This leads to

another question. Do all the supernatural influences mentioned in the calendar (see Table

IV.9a) either directly or indirectly refer to star spirits? Clearly some do, such as Taisui,

Janggn, etc., but what about others such as Amin-u saki(ulsun, l sedk, and so on?

One unidentified celestial influence likely of Indian origin is Vima. This term is

found in the interrogative section of the text, based on the Indian system. Not to be confused

183
INTRODUCTION

with the kinds of star spirits that refer to celestial palaces and gates used in divination, Vima

is a queen, the daughter of heaven (tngri-yin okin), who answers questions about the nature

of the universe.

Other spiritual influences abound. The term ong(od [pl. of ong(on] is a Mongolian

word with a wide range of meanings. It can be a spirit inhabiting a material object, genie,

guardian spirit, tutelary deity; spirit of a deceased person, ghost; tomb of a saint or an

imminent person, family tomb; shamanist ancestral idol; or naturally white hair (Lessing,

614; SE II, 168-173). In the manual the ong(od are propitiatory and receive offerings as

would a Buddha (burqan) or god (tngri). They are treated like other Buddhist objects of

veneration, that is, they are enlivened with a core essence or heart (ong(od-un dotor-a (ool

irken oro(ul- [36v]). Other protective influences include saki(ulsun and suu ali,

protective animals (qalqalaqu amitan) and talismans (qalqala(i). Beyond these there are

heroes (ba(atud), the six heretics (ir(u(an teryinar), she-devils (ekener; Tib. ma-mo),

monsters (mang(us), living gods (qubil(an), consorts (gdanm-a), souls (snesn), the eight

classes of supernatural beings (naiman ayima(), and so on. Many assemble (i(ul-) and

gather around (kriyelegl-) at their given times and places, where they indulge themselves

(tai(ura-) in the celebration of the feast of Rhula (Raqula-yin na(adun-iyar

inggeldmi).

As these supernatural beings are not logically distinct from each other, but run

together or dovetail, the flux between definition and classification together with the fact that

there are a number of various types of demons, demigods, and godlings, makes a careful

184
INTRODUCTION

analysis of demonology in Buddhism an exceedingly arduous and complex task, one which

inevitably offers no escape from their labyrinth.59

Though it is possible to describe the supernatural beings in the manual in a myriad

of ways, a few specific representations seem most relevant. These spirits are agents of

healing and sickness. They are the revealers of opposites, an unexcluded middle term, that

is both one and its opposite at the same time. The stars, planets, celestial palaces and gates

are represented either exclusively as spirits or as spirits and physical bodies both (Ho 2003:

9-10; Meister 1954: 1-5). That the stars manifest god is not a conventional idea, but inherent

in their function as the bases of time, space, the universal and hence rational order.

Pattern

Another facet of the supernatural in the manual is pattern. Spirits exhibit patterns

which are consistent, hence predictable, and so, as the lords of the times and places, they

drive the wheels of causation that determine fate. In the various tables below a wide, though

not exhaustive, survey of the patterns found in the manual are given. The first three tables

are derived from plotting the positions or times of the spirits mentioned in the calendrical

part of the manual (8r-19v). These patterns taken as whole show an matrix of forms. Jupiter

or Tayisui remains in the south for three months, then moves clockwise to the west, where

it remains for three months; then it moves on to the north, and spends the final three months

59
For a more careful description of demonology in Buddhism, Nebesky-Wojkowitz
and Waddell, together with Pozdneyev, are excellent sources with which to begin.

185
INTRODUCTION

of the year in the east. Yeke tngri "Great God" or "Great Heaven, like Tayisui, moves

clockwise throughout the year. It does so three times faster than Tayisui at a consistent

interval through the four directions over the course of the year. obalang-un tngri God of

Suffering reflects a contrary point of view. It begins in the south, as does Yeke tngri, and

moves at the same rate, but it in the opposite direction, counter-clockwise. Perhaps this

contrary motion accounts for the negative harsh quality of its influence, for, in a similar way,

kln ein Lord of Death, also distinctly negative, moves counterclockwise, from one

position to the next. Other influences move clockwise, but they do not move in the same rate

from month to month, so that their pattern has a non-radial symmetry. For instance, oliy-a

mr "Ransom Path" moves in a variegated pattern which gives an intricate sense of

symmetry. Ula(an aa(ai "Red Magpie moves in only three directions, in a triangular

pattern. Another influence, Amin saki(ulsun "Life Protector" seems to have a chaotic

pattern. The positions or times of some of these spirits are repeated later in the text (47v-

48r). In the cases of Gokimoi/Modun gokimoi and l sedk, the patterns are the same. In

the case of Ula(an aa(ai, the pattern is different.

In the three tables of the Patterns of the Spirits of the Calendar Months months are

indicated by their number, 1-12. Throughout these tables the abbreviations of the twelve

animals are according to the Mongolian forms bar = baras tiger, tau = taulai hare, etc.

IV.9 Patterns of the Spirits of the Times and Places

IV.9a Patterns of the Spirits of the Calendar Months (8r-19r)

186
INTRODUCTION

IV.9a.1 Their Positions According to the Eight Directions

South SW West NW North NE East SE


amin-u 3, 8, 7 4 2, 6, 1, 5, 9
saki(ulsun 11, 10
12
oliy-a mr 5, 9 1 2, 6, 3, 7, 4 8, 12
10 11
yeke tngri 2, 6, 3, 7, 4, 8, 1, 5,
10 11 12 9
qo(osun qumq-a 4, 8, 1, 5, [2], 6, 3, 7,
12 9 10 11
tayisui 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10,
3 6 9 11,
12
janggn 4, 5, 7, 10, 1, 2,
6 [8], 9 11, 3,
12 <8>

IV.9a.2 The Positions of itgen Eke According to the Twelve Animal Zodiac

Bar Tau Luu Mo Mor Qon Be Tak Noq 'a Qul k


itgen 4 9 11 3 5 8 12 1 6 7 10 2
eke

IV.9a.3 The Days of the Spirits According to the Twelve Animals

187
INTRODUCTION

Spirit/Day Bar Tau Luu Mo Mor Qon Be Tak No 'a Qu k

(okimui 9 5 1 12 8 4 11 7 3 10 6 2
obalan 2, 1, 4, 3,
g-un 6, 5, 9 8, 7,
tngri 10 12 11
tngri-yin 2, 3, 7, 4, 1,
(al 6, 11 8, 5, 9
19 12
l 10 8 6 1 11 9 4 2 12 7 5 3
sedk
ula(an 1, 2, 3,
aa(ai 4, 5, 6,
7, 8, 9,
10 11 12
modun 1 5 9 2 8 12 3 7 11 4 6 10
erlig
kln 4, 8, 3, 7, 2, 1,
een 12 11 6, 5, 9
10
(aar-un 9 [8] 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 12 11 10
(al
sarayin 4 3 2 [1] 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5
(al

IV.9b Where the do(in baling dwell

[For its pattern see the table 40r-40v]

IV.9c The Empty Moon (40r)

188
INTRODUCTION

Bar Tau Luu Mo Mor Qon Be Tak Noq 'aq Qul k


1st X
mo.
2nd X
3rd X
4th X
5th X
6th X
7th X
8th X
9th X
10th X
11th X
12th X

IV.9d Table of the Heavens for the Day To Set Out on a Journey During Any Month

Day The The The The The The The The


Gate of Dog's Shadow Nose Dog's Dog's Treasury Throat
Heave Snout of of the Head Back of of
n is is bad Heaven Dog is is good is bad Heaven Heave
good is good good is good n is
bad
1 X
2 X
3 X
4 X

189
INTRODUCTION

5 X
6 X
7 X
8
9 X
10 X
11 X
12 X
13 X
14 X
15 X
16 X
17 X
18 X
19 X
20 X
21 X
22 X
23 X
24 X
25 X
26 X
27 X
28 X
29 X

190
INTRODUCTION

30 X

IV.9e Fortunate Way For A Bride To Set Off On Her Journey (54r)

East South West North Intermediate


directions
Rat X
Ox X
Tiger X
Hare X
Dragon X
Snake X
Horse X
Ram X
Monkey X
Cock X
Dog X
Pig X

IV.9f Way of Affliction For A Bride To Set Off On Her Journey (54r)

East South West North Intermediate


directions
Rat X
Ox X

191
INTRODUCTION

Tiger X
Hare X
Dragon X
Snake X
Horse X
Ram X
Monkey
Cock
Dog X
Pig X

IV.9g Yellow Dust (60r)

Bar Tau Luu Mo Mor Qon Be Tak Noq 'aq Qul k


1st X
mo.
2nd X
3rd X
4th X
5th X
6th X
7th X
8th X
9th X
10th X

192
INTRODUCTION

11th X
12th X

IV.9h Red Dust (60r)

Bar Tau Luu Mo Mor Qon Be Tak Noq 'aq Qul k


1st X
mo.
2nd X
3rd X
4th X
5th X
6th X
7th X
8th X
9th X
10th X
11th X
12th X

Physics

To examine individually the physical applications employed in the manual, these are

divided into the following categories, astronomy and uranography, orientation, time

reckoning, and the seasons.

193
INTRODUCTION

Astronomy and Uranography

As for astronomy and uranography, the following technologies are included in the

manual:

Horoscope

Though commonly taken for the nativity or birth story, which is derived from it,

the term horoscope (L. horoscopus) refers to the ascendent, the point of the ecliptic rising

above the horizon, and the subsequent divisions of the ecliptic into houses (L. loci; Mong.

ger). In the ancient world, for the early Egyptians, Babylonians and Greeks, the sun and stars

were seen as strong and young in the east, rising to their greatest power in the midheaven,

i.e., the point where the meridian cuts the ecliptic, and declining into old age and weakness

in the west. In this way the divisions of the ecliptic were related to the cycle of human life

hence the nativity genre now dubbed horoscope (Ptolemy 1980: 2; Tester 1987: 24-25;

Rochberg 1998: 2).60 While the Mongolian terms do not correspond exactly with the four

quadrants of the Western horoscope, it is possible to assume their order based on their

association with the cycle of life. Although the terms in the manual refer to the movement

of the planets along the ecliptic, they were not derived from empirical observation, but

through divination. The terms are as follows:

60
Western horoscope divination, i.e., the nativity, which supplanted or even
superseded Mesopotamian juridical astrology, arrived in China during the Tang dynasty
(Schafer 1977: 61). It is prominent in the Vaidrya dKar-po but not found in the manual.

194
INTRODUCTION

IV.10 The Horoscope

Mongolian English
1. tegs full; perfect; i.e., ascendent
2. kn tegs powerful and full; referring to the point of
mid-heaven
3. ba(uram declining
4. meks weak, i.e., when a celestial body moves
into the western sky
5. ebderek disintegrating

From the most basic division of the ecliptic into four quadrants, other schemes were

derived in antiquity (most prominent being those of eight and twelve loci [Tester,1987: 25-

27]). With these came various classifications of the stages of life. Classifying life into

stages then took on a life of its own, that is, became a part of philosophy and esoteric

schools. In De die natale (the natal day [AD 238]), the Roman critic, Censorinus, describes

the Five Stages of Varro, Seven Stages of Hippocrates, Ten Stages of Solon, and the

Twelve Stages of Staseas (Censorinus 1900: 11). Common in the Renaissance were

Seven Stages of Man: infancy, childhood, schoolboy, lover, young manhood, manhood,

old age (Tester 1987: 86). It is in this context that one might appreciate the Buddhist

Twelve Stages of Dependent Origination (S. prattyasamutpda/nidna; Tib. rten-brel;

Mong. itn barildul(-a). Similarly, the four times (drben a() referred to in the manual,

195
INTRODUCTION

the kalpa of formation, continuance, decline and disintegration derive from the horoscope

as well (DBT,118).

The Stars

With the naked eye people can see approximately 3000 stars (Sun 1997: 1). As was

common in the ancient world, in the manual the term odu(n) describes both the fixed stars

as well as the sun, moon and planets. The phrase odun ba na(idar-un uaral (the occasion

of the stars and nakshatra) refers to the coincidences of the wandering stars among the Indian

nakshatra asterisms. It is through such conjunctions that prognostications are foretold. In

so doing the stars are assigned elements. The stars also have characteristics beyond the

elements. For instance, there are stars which make a poor man wealthy, a wealthy man poor,

multiply sheep one hundred fold and so on (33r). The stars are divided into three divisions:

those which circle the summit of the sacred Mt. Sumeru (Smber a(ula-yin orgil-iyar

to(ori(i odun), those which circle the middle (dumda bki-yi to(orin yabu(i odun), and

those which circle its base (a(ula-yin door-a to(orin yabu(i odun [32v]). This threefold

division of the sky, here of Indian origin, is also found in both ancient Mesopotamia and

China. The middle belt are the stars of the ecliptic; the stars circling the summit or Mt.

Sumeru are the circumpolar stars; and the stars at the base of the mountain refer to the stars

outside or south of the ecliptic (Koch-Westenholz 1995: 24; Needham, v. 3, 1959: 242-243,

255-257).

196
INTRODUCTION

Sun, Moon and The Wandering Stars

While in the ancient world no essential difference was perceived between stars and

planets the term star commonly referring to both an apparent difference was known

(Kennedy 1966; Jones, C. W. 1935-6). The stars were known as the fixed stars (Mong.

aida-yin odun) that is, those stars that dont lose their relational appearance to each other.

The planets were known as wandering stars (yabuqui odun [32v]) because they do not

move steadily along the zodiac as do the sun and moon but at irregular intervals that seem

to slow down in their courses, remain stationary and move westwards. There are two distinct

groups of planets, 1). the inferior or inner planets, Mercury and Venus, whose orbits around

the sun are inside that of Earth, so they can only be seen within a certain distance

(elongation) from the sun and are only visible in the evening after sunset or in the morning

before sunrise; 2) the superior or outer planets, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, whose orbits are

outside that of Earth and so can be viewed in opposition to the sun. Visible all night, they

move east along the zodiac as do the sun and moon but in an irregular way. The Indian

treatise Sryasiddhnta lists eight kinds of motions of the planets: retrograde, somewhat

retrograde, transverse, slow, very slow, even, very swift, and swift (Burgess 1859: 194).

There are two terms for these wandering stars in the manual (and the sun and moon

as well), a Mongolian term, odun, star, planet, and gara( from Sankskrit graha, known

as seizers in Indian astrology because they lay hold of the fates of men with their

supernatural influence (Burgess 1859: 275). The two terms are interchangeable and refer

either to a celestial body, a day of the week, a deity or all three at once.

197
INTRODUCTION

There a number of classifications of the planets. The term tabun gara( (five planets)

refers to the five planets known to the ancient world, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and

Saturn. The dolo(an gara(/odun (seven planets) are the aforementioned five planets

together with the sun and moon. These seven stars comprise the seven day week. In the

Klacakra and Vaidurya dkar-po systems an eight day week is standard. The manual,

though not incorporating this system of eight days a week, mentions the eighth wandering

star which completes it, Sanskrit Rhu, given in the manual as Luuq-a odun, from the

Chinese transcription of the term, Luohou (45v). Rhu designates the moon's ascending

node. It is a mythological planet and belongs to the monster in the heavens, which by the

ancient Hindus and others was believed to occasion the eclipses of the sun and moon by

attempting to devour them (Burgess 1859: 194). These eight planets plus Ketu, the moon's

descending node, deified in a similar way, complete the isn gara( (nine planets), a system

originated in ancient Hindu astrology (Stone 1981: 25-36). Indian Rhu and Ketu have an

antecedent in Babylonian Tiamat, the dragon, that stretched across the heavens, her head and

her tail on the equator at opposite ends of a diameter (Tester 1987: 121).

Apart from these classifications, the planets are systematized in at least two different

ways, by element according to Chinese and Indian traditions. In the table of nakshatra,

planets and their elements (21r-21v), there are seven planets given, each of which takes one

of the four elements. This is in keeping with Indian custom. Immediately following, in the

section discussing the seven planets individually (21v-24v), the Chinese five elements are

used. Later, the nakshatra and planets are classified according to their elements once again

198
INTRODUCTION

(45r-45v). The classification is almost entirely the same as the first (21r-21v), except that

in regards to the planets, instead of seven, the eighth planet, Luuq-q odun, is included. The

manual states that this classification is according to the Klacakra system (45r).

When it comes to the sun and moon, the manual describes the basic aspects of their

cycles. The moon, of which more will be mentioned in the discussion of the month, is said

to wax (sara degrki) and wane (sara bara(daqui). The new moon is also mentioned

(ineleki sara). The sun is said to progress to the north and to the south (nara emnei

odqui ba. umar-a g odqui), that is, move along the celestial equator from solstice to

solstice over the course of the tropical year. Numerous terms are used to describe the

solstices, but three main concepts define it. Nara ba(uqu (the falling of the sun) refers to

the suns declination at the time of the solstice; nara bayiqu (the stopping of the sun) refers

to the time when the sun stops its progress; and nara urbaqui (the sun turns back) refers to

the time when it changes direction and begins to return. As three distinct phases mark a

single phenomenon, when it comes to cutting days out of the calendar in order to rectify lunar

and solar cycles, two days may be dropped at the time of each solstice (nara keiy-e bayiqu

tende qoiyad qoiyad qono( tasuramui) [3r]). Another Mongolian term used to describe

the solstice is til (apogee, limit). Chinese terms are also found: dngi (Ch. dong zhi), the

winter solstice; and aji (Ch. xia zhi), the summer solstice. The Mongolian term for the

equinox is qu(us. Chinese terms include: n un (Ch. chunzhong) the middle of spring,

i.e., the vernal equinox; and teng iu un (Ch. dengqiuzhong) the middle of autumn, i.e., the

199
INTRODUCTION

autumnal equinox. There are two terms for sunrise nara mandu- and nara ur(u-. Sunset is

nara ingge-.

IV.11 The Wandering Stars

Name English Celestial Regent Element Day of the


Body four/five Week
Naran odun Sun-star Sun planet of the gods fire/fire Sunday
(tngri)
Saran odun Moon- Moon planet of the water/ Monday
star nether rulers of the water
ngas (door-a
luus-un qad)
'al odun Fire-star Mars planet of the titans fire/fire Tuesday
(asuri-nar)
Usun odun Water- Mercury planet of the ruler water/ Wednesday
star of the yksas water
(yaa(-a-un
[=yaa(-a-yin]
qa(an)
Modun Wood- Jupiter planet of the soft air/wood Thursday
odun star kalpavrksa tree
(gelen
galbaranjan
modun)
Altan odun Gold/ Venus planet of the earth/ Friday
Metal- blessed jewel king metal
star (keig erdeni
qa(an)
iroi odun Earth- Saturn the planet of the earth/ Saturday
star Lords of all the earth
middle lands
(dumdadu bk
(aar-un ein)

200
INTRODUCTION

Luuq-a mytho- air/


odun logical
Rhu, the
moons
ascending
node and
eclipse
demon

The Twenty-eight Nakshatra

Mongolian na(idar, via Uygur and Tocharian, derives from Sanskrit nakshatra.

Often translated lunar mansion for the affinity of their number with the lunar cycle, as their

functions in Indian sources and elsewhere bear no particular relationship to the moon (nor

apparently does the etymology of the term), the most appropriate translation is simply

asterism (Burgess 1859: 351). In the manual there are twenty-eight nakshatra beginning

with Kerteg (S. Kr}ttik~), the Pleiades. The arrangement is noteworthy for its variance with

nakshatra systems found in other sources, such as the Klacakratantra and the Vaidrya

dkar-po, the two main sources of classical Tibeto-Mongolian mathematics, and modern

almanacs. The differences in nakshatra systems has its roots in India, where the nakshatra

developed in variegated systems of 27 or 28 asterisms. In early Vedic period sources the

nakshatra were 27 in number. The list of 28 is given for the first time at the beginning of

the last millennium BC in the Atharvaveda and various Brhmanas, when Abhijit, the star

Vega in Lyra, was added (only to be subsequently dropped in Hindu systems [Pingree 1963:

230]). The individual names of the nakshatra refer to a principal star (yogatr) among what

is in most cases a group of stars. The actual nakshatra asterisms are of variable lengths

201
INTRODUCTION

along the celestial equator. Eventually, however, their position was rationalized to 27 units

of 13020'. This may have happened around 600 B.C., for the Vedanga Jyautisa refers to

nakshatra divisions in the sky and not to the nakshatra stars (Krupp 1991: 208). This

rationalization of the nakshatra became known as the equal space system. Another form

of rationalization were the unequal space systems developed by famous Hindu astrologers

of antiquity, Garga and Brahmagupta (Stone 1981: 185).

The first in the series, defined by the position of the sun at the time of the spring

equinox, was traditionally Kr}ttik~, the Pleiades. However, because of the earth's precession,

the arrangement would have been correct at about 2300 BC but not possible after 1800 BC.61

By the beginning of the Christian Era, the equinox fell under Avini. Eventually, through

Greek influence, Hindu astrology began to reflect the change in manuals that give Avini as

the first nakshatra and Kr}ttik~ as the third (Clerke 1911: 996a). Still, systems beginning

with Kr}ttik~ (such as that found in the Ashtottari dasa) were maintained and even preferred

to others in deference to ancient Vedic tradition, especially when it came to ritual practice

(Stone 1981: 206; Richmond 1956: 77-78).

61
The precession of the equinoxes is thought to have been discovered in 343 BC in
Mesopotamia by the Babylonian, Kidinnu, director of the mathematical school at Sippra (Ho
1982: 22; Archibald 1936: 64-65). Among the Greeks its reputed discoverer was Hipparchus
(d. after 127 BC). In China the precession of the equinoxes was known by the 4th century AD
(Schafer 1977: 12).

202
INTRODUCTION

Today, what in Tibetan is known as the 27 rgyu-skar is the Buddhist division of the

28 nakshatra into 27 equal units of 1320' beginning with Avini (Cornu 1997: 130-9).62

Rather than dividing the sky into 27 equal portions according to the daily average motion of

the moon and then allotting the remainder, 415', to Abhijit, as Brahmagupta had done (7th

century CE), the Buddhist reconfiguration is accomplished by including Abhijit with the 21st

nakshatra, ravan}a. The modern Mongolian system follows the Tibetan method (Terbish

2001: 26, 28).

Thus, in using the actual 28 nakshatra asterisms beginning with Kr}ttik~, Mostaerts

manual, which, itself is not old, employs a technology that is in keeping with Hindu ritual

texts and pre-dates classical Buddhist grub-rtsis astronomy of the 15-17th century (Schuh,

1973: 21). The manual, itself, verifies this in indicating how the nakshatra were composed:

na(idar anu burqan-u nomla(san Naran-u irken neret sudur-lu(-a Kitad-un to(oin-u

yosu(ar tokiyaldu(ulu(san okiyabai (the nakshatra were composed by integrating that

which is in keeping with the custom of the Chinese astrologers together with the Naran-u

jirken neret sudur (Heart of the sun sutra; S. Sryagarbhastra), which was preached by

the Buddha [MMAD, 2v]). As for the Naran-u irken, it is found in the Mongol Kanjur,

vol. 82, no. 1014, 125v-313v (Ligeti, 1944: 272). The Sanskrit Sryagarbhastra, which

belongs to the cycle of Mahsam}nip~ta sutras, was translated into Chinese in the middle

of the 6th century CE (Nattier 1992: 171-172).

62
In the Tibetan system of reckoning each skar-ma is divided into 60 degrees and each
degree into 60 minutes; thus there are 1620 degrees in the zodiac (27 x 60 [Berzin 1987:
19]).

203
INTRODUCTION

In the nakshatra terms a key is given as to how Indian stars filled the Mongolian

sky. Their lexical forms clearly indicate that they were borrowed from the Uygur, which in

turn reflect the Uygurs own borrowing of the terms either from Tocharian or Sogdian. A

guide to determining which is as follows: If Sanskrit final -a is dropped, as is the case in the

majority of terms, it came to Uygur via Tocharian; if final -a turns to -i, as is the case in

Sanskrit Citr, Mongolian Jayitari, the term came to Uygur from Sogdian. An additional

alteration of the final consonant occurs in the case of Mongolian Ali(. Here Sanskrit

Alea came to Uygur via Tocharian as Ali. However, because they used the final gamma

with two dots on the right side of the ligature to note a final , with the diacritics often

omitted, the final consonant was confused for a gamma, (, rendering Ali(. In the table

below, the linguistic forms of the nakshatra in the manual, Uygur and Sanskrit are compared.

The Uygur forms are taken from Rachmati (1972: 299-301). For reference in the sky, their

junction star is provided as well:

IV.12 The Twenty-eight Nakshatra: Linguistic Forms and Junction Star

Manual Uygur Sanskrit Junction star


Kerteg Kirdik Kr}ttik~ Pleiades
Rkini, Rokini Urukini, Uru(uni Rohin} Aldebaran
Margiar Mrgair Mr}gair~ 8 Orionis
Ardar Ardir rdr " Orionis
(Betelgeuse)

204
INTRODUCTION

Burnavasu Punarvasu Punarvas $ Geminorum


(Pollux)
Bus, Pus Pu, Pus, Bus Pus}ya 5 Cancri
Asli( Ali }les}a " Hydrae
Mig Mag Magh " Leonis (Regulus)
Burvabalguni Purvapalguni Purva-Phlgun * Leonis (Zosma)
Udaribalguni Utrapalguni Uttara-Phlgun $ Leonis
(Denebola)
Qasta Xasta Hasta * Corvi (Algorab)
Jayitari, Jayitar aidir Citr " Virginis (Spica)
Suvadi/Suvad'i Suvadi Svt " Botis (Arcturus)
Sua(, ua( Suak, Viak Vikh " Librae
Anurad Anurad Anurdh * Scorpii (Iridis)
ista it Jyes}t}h~ " Scorpii (Antares)
Mul Mul Mla 8 Scorpii (Schaula)
Burvasad Purvaadi, Purvaat Purvsadh * Sagittarii
Udarisad Utraadi, Uttarsadh F Sagittarii
U(t/d)araat (Pelagus)
Abiji Abii Abiji " Lyra (Vega)
irvang, irvan iravan ravan}a " Aquilae (Altair)
Tanista, Tanis Dani, Danita Dhanis}t}h~ $ Delphinium
Sadabis Satabi Satabhisak 8 Aquarii
Burvabadaribad Purvabadaribat Purvabhdrapada " Pagasi (Markab)
Udaribadaribad Utrabadrabat Uttarabhdrapada ( Pegasi & "
Andromeda
Rivadi/Rivad'i Iravadi, Rivadi Revati . Piscum

205
INTRODUCTION

Aivani, Auvani Avini Avini $ Arietis


(Scheratan)
Barani Barani Bharan} 35 Arietis

In the manual the nakshatra, either by their element or other specific characteristics,

are used in their conjunctions with the wandering stars and the like for divination. In a

similar way, they comprise the universal parameter for the statistical definition of the

universe or state of the nation according to the omina. In addition the nakshatra are found

in the calendar as one of several ways of naming the day. In India the months are named for

twelve nakshatra. This custom is included in the manual along with other names of the

months and referred to as the custom of the Klacakrists of India. In two specific sections,

25r-32r and 59v, the nakshatra are described with widely varying figures, numbers of stars

and epithets. Throughout the manual, they are classified by the elements five different times:

1. 21r-21v; 2. 25r-32r; 3. 45v; 4. 59v; 5. 61r. Of these the first and third classifications are

almost identical. Both divide the nakshatra into four elements, but in the first classification

the nakshatra Tanista (S. Dhanis}t}h~) has the element water (giving eight water nakshatra

and only six earth nakshatra) (21r) and in the other, the element earth (45v). The later

classification is according to the Klacakra. The second classification divides the nakshatra

into four groups of seven according to the four directions beginning with Kr}ttik~ in the east.

The earliest source for this distribution seems to be in the Gargasamhit, perhaps 1st century

BC (Pingree 1978, vol. 2: 389, 394; Stone 1981: 88). This orientation differs from that

typically found in Chinese sources, where the first nakshatra of the east is Citr (Spica) with

206
INTRODUCTION

Kr}ttik~ (Pleiades) in the west (Soothill 22). However, rather than the four elements one

would expect, the nakshatra are classified according to four of the five elements: in the east,

wood; south, fire; in the west, gold/metal; and in the north, water. The fifth classification

is into five groups according to the full five elements. The table below gives the nakshatra

according to their epithet, figure, direction, element and number of stars. Names of the

months are in bold, so too are classifications according to the five elements. Other

classifications of the nakshatra found in the manual follow.

IV.13 The Twenty-Eight Nakshatra: Epithet, Figure, Direction,

Element, Number of Stars

Name (Names Epithet Figure Direction Element Number


of the twelve (four/ of stars
months in bold) five)
Kerteg the nakshatra razor for east fire/ six/six
known as the city shaving wood/
on the verge of hair/ razor fire/fire/
entering a nine- for wood
eyed iron net, the shaving
majestic one/ hair
Constellation of the
gate of the god who
does battle
Rkini, Rokini the nakshatra of wheel of a east earth/ five/
the spirit of the cart/ cart wood/ seven
Rakshasa/ earth/
Constellation earth/
which makes a rich wood
person poor

207
INTRODUCTION

Margiar the nakshatra in antelope east air/ three/


which gods, head/ wood/ three
humans and antelope air/air/
demons, all three, head wood
are gathered/
Constellation of
uniform gentle
appearance
Ardar the nakshatra saw/two east earth/ nine/two
which was flowers wood/
calculated in the earth/
astrology of Biqar water/
monastery/ wood
Constellation of the
demons by which a
thing is lost in the
water
Burnavasu the nakshatra in legs of a east air/ three/
which one is cut off tripod/ wood/ eight
from one's ridge-pole air/ air/
relatives; this is the of a house wood
nakshatra in which
the traveller sets
out on a journey/
Constellation
which makes the
way of the traveller
difficult
Bus, Pus the nakshatra of scissors/ east fire/ three/
the orphan boy who turtle wood/ three
seizes all of the fire/ fire/
great middle lands/ wood
Constellation of the
lord of solitary and
orphaned people

208
INTRODUCTION

Asli( the nakshatra in snake east water/ six/five


which the three head/ wood/
thieves deliberate/ snake water/
Constellation head water/
which [makes] a earth
line to the
northwest
Mig the nakshatra in snout/ south fire/ fire/ six/six
which one is horse fire/ fire/
entangled in the fire
devil's (albin
demons') net/
Constellation of the
albin [demon]
bandits
Burvabalguni the nakshatra rat/tree south fire/ fire/ two/two
which is like the fire/ fire/
throat of the fire
rakshasa; known as
the predator's spirit
nakshatra; called
the howling red
jackal/
Constellation of all
those who cry out
Udaribalguni the nakshatra of sword/ south air/ fire/ two/two
the tngri (gods); chair air/ air/
known as the fire
nakshatra in which
the good fortune of
a feast is disrupted/
Constellation of the
corpse-like black
messenger

209
INTRODUCTION

Qasta the nakshatra of hand/ south air/ fire/ five/five


that which goes hand air/ air/
fast. This is called fire
the nakshatra in
which Erlig's
wolves run/
Constellation in
which wood is
encircled by
flaming fire.
Jayitari, /Constellation of saber/ south air/ fire/ one/one
Jayitar the vastness of a lotus air/ air/
stag's antlers fire
Suvad'i turns one person wish- south air/ fire/ four/four
into one hundred. fulfilling air/ air/
This is known as jewel/ fire
the nakshatra in wish-
which the rakshasa fulfilling
were flayed in the jewel
land of the gods/
Constellation in
which to
accomplish
something
Sua(, ua( the nakshatra of mountain/ south fire/ fire/ four/four
the foreign goat head fire/ fire/
Chinese. This is earth
known as the
nakshatra by which
ada and todqor
(demons)
congregate/
Constellation in
which to build a
treasury

210
INTRODUCTION

Anurad the nakshatra in elephant west earth/ six/five


which a widowed head/ metal/
woman seizes all elephant earth/
the lands/ head earth/
Constellation in metal
which one woman
crushes nine men
ista the nakshatra of antelope west earth/ three/
the simnus. This is king/ metal/ three
known as the holes of a earth/
nakshatra in which corpse earth/
the fearsome ones [eyes and metal
are satisfied/ nose]
Constellation
which makes the
line of the gods
Mul the nakshatra of antelope west water/ three/
the albin (demons). kings metal/ three
This is known as hair/ mane water/
the nakshatra in of a lion water/
which one wears a metal
breast plate/
Constellation in
which a king is
born and dies
Burvasad the nakshatra of tail/stupa west water/ four/four
the powerful ones/ metal/
Prosperous water/
constellation water/
possessing the metal
seven good
fortunes
Udarisad the nakshatra for elephant/p west earth/ five/four
becoming a jewel incers metal/
of the ministers of earth/
state/ Constellation earth/
of the square metal
bushel

211
INTRODUCTION

Abiji the nakshatra of jewel west earth/ four/


the gods; the horse/ metal/ three
nakshatra of death/ elephant earth/
Constellation of the head earth/
singing orphan metal
irvang, irvan the nakshatra of elephant west water/ three/
villages and head/ metal/ three
crossroads/ bellows water/
Constellation of earth/
those who in earth
vanquishing are
crushed
Tanista, Tanis / Constellation of vajra/bird north water/ four/four
the simnus water/
[demons] who hunt earth/
water/
water
Sadabis / Constellation of everlastin north water/ two/two
all meat-eaters g flower/ water/
flowers water/
earth/
water
Burvabadaribad / Constellation of cart/tree north fire/ two/one
the great Sun-a water/
fire/ fire/
water
Udaribadaribad / Constellation of picket north water/ two/two
the meat-eating post/trees water/
elephant water/
water/
water
Rivad'i the old woman's boat/boat north water/ thirty-
spirit nakshatra/ water/ two
Constellation water/ thirty-
which cuts off water/ two
descendants water

212
INTRODUCTION

Aivani, / Constellation of horse north air/ three/


Auvani one person who head/hors water/ three
crushes the enemy e head air/ air/
[menacing] the water
frontier
Barani / Constellation of lotus/knif north fire/ three/
the eliy-e [demons] e water/ three
who seize people fire/ fire/
earth

IV.14 Other Nakshatra classifications

1. The eight fortunate nakshatra (li qutu( oroi(san naiman na(idar [60v])

a. in the east

1. Margiar

2. Bus

b. in the south

3. Mig

4. Suvadi

c. in the west

5. Burvasad

6. Udarisad

d. in the north

7. Udaribadaribad

8. Aivani qoyar

2. The eight personal nakshatra (naiman ber-n odun [60v])

213
INTRODUCTION

a. in the east

1. Ardar

2. Burnavasu

b. in the south

3. Qasta

4. Jayitari

c. in the west

5. Anurad

6. Tanisa

d. in the north

7. Sadabis

8. Burvabadaribad

3. The four nakshatra in which descendants are cut off (drben r-e tasura(san odun [60v])

1. Asli(

2. ua(

3. Abaji

4. Barani

4. The four ?tan nakshatra [?indicating significance for those of rank, to whom tan is used

as an honorific; or perhaps more likely for tana pearl, the four pearl stars] (drben tan

odun [61r])

1. Rokini

214
INTRODUCTION

2. Udaribalguni

3. Mul

4. Rivad'i

5. The four widow stars (drben belbesn odun [61r])

1. Kerteg

2. ista

3. Burvabalguni

4. irvan

6. The Seven clans (61r-61v)

1. The four-wheels clan (drben krdn obo()

1. Bus

2. Qastan

3. Abaji

4. Aivani

2. The unshakeable clan (ingbatu obo()

1. Rokini

2. Udaribalguni

3. Burvasad

4. Udaribadaribad

3. The eminently accommodating clan (mai okilan obo()

1. Margaar

215
INTRODUCTION

2. Asli(

3. Jayitari

4. Anurad

5. Rivad'i

4. The severe and fearsome clan (qata(uu do(in obo()

1. Ardar

2. Burvabalguni

3. ista

4. Mul

5. The vacillating restless clan (urbau l tbidk obo()

1. Burnavasu

2. Suvad'i

3. irvan

4. Tanis

5. Sadabis

6. The eminently just clan (mai tbin obo()

1. Mig

2. Burvasad

3. Burvabadaribad

4. Barani

7. The firm but gentle clan (ing bged gelen obo()

216
INTRODUCTION

1. Kerteg

2. ua(

Star systems similar to the nakshatra exist among the Chinese and Arabs. Whereas

scholars are now fairly certain the Arab system, known as al-manzil, was based primarily

on that of the Hindus (Clerke 1911: 997a; Pingree 1963: 229f), the relationship between the

nakshatra and the Chinese system, known as the xiu, is still uncertain. The Indian nakshatra

are part of ancient Indian astrology. They are mentioned in the Rg Veda, but there their

meaning may be more general. By 1,000-800 B.C. the system was undoubtedly in place

(Krupp 1991: 208). The names of 25 xiu show up in oracle-bone inscriptions from the Shang

dynasty (1766-1122 BC). However, the full system of 28 terms is found intact only in 433

BC (Sun 1997: 19). In the early comparative studies of these three systems, a rousing debate

over their origins or ultimate origin was waged by the likes of the French physicist J-B. Biot,

who argued for a Chinese origin; M. Mller and E. Burgess, who argued that as for the

nakshatra, they are of Indian origin; and W. Whitney and Weber, who argued that all three

systems likely derived from Mesopotamia (Whitney 1866: 1-94, 382-398; Burgess 1866:

309-334).63 In recent years the idea of an ultimate Mesopotamian origin was carried on by

Joseph Needham, although David Pingree points out, no parallel cuneiform tablet has yet

been found (Pingree 1963: 229; cf. also Falk 2000: 107-108). Nonetheless, in ancient

63
The first attested appearance of the nakshatra in China is in AD 230 with the
translation of the Mtanga-stra into Chinese (Ho 2000: 83).

217
INTRODUCTION

Mesopotamia there was a system of seventeen constellations, described as Gods standing

in the path of the moon, which also began with the Pleiades in ascendent at the time of the

vernal equinox (Koch-Westenholz 1995: 132; Falk 2000: 107-108).

The two nakshatra systems given in the manual, as mentioned, are combinations of

both the Indian and Chinese systems. As for Indian nakshatra systems, after an uneven first

attempt by William Jones (Jones 1799: 289-305), these are described in H. T. Colbrookes

article, On the Indian and Arabian Divisions of the Zodiack, Asiatic Researches 9 (1809):

322-376. In making his study Colebrooke synthesizes a number of sources, including: the

Ratnaml of Srpati; Sryasiddhnta; Sirmani; Grahalghava; Muhrta Chintmani;

Abharana; as well as works by Vasishtha and Sacalya. Of these Srpatis Ratnaml is the

best source for the figures of the asterisms, as well as for their number (Colebrooke 1809:

325). This is the main source for Jones, Colebrooke and Burgess later studies as well. In

his translation and explication of the Sryasiddhnta, E. Burgess supplements Colebrookes

work with Al-Birunis explication of the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka, a treatise or a chapter of a treatise

by Brahmagupta, the works of whom Colebrooke did not have available (Burgess 1859: 325-

355; cf. also Sachau 1971: 84-5). An extension of the sphere of the Indian nakshatra is

found in the Uygur system given in G. R. Rachmati's Trkische Turfan-Texte VII (Rachmati

1972: 299-301). The Chinese xiu are described in G. Schlegels Uranographie chinois of

1875. Schlegel uses the Tian yuan lili quanshu (Complete treatise on Calendars) by Xu Fa,

1682, to give a complete survey of Chinese star names and correlate them with their Western

equivalents. Schlegels study has been followed closely with minor corrections by J. Staal.

218
INTRODUCTION

Western correspondences of the constellations also can be found in Mathews dictionary

(Mathews, 1177). For the nakshatra stars in Tibetan sources there is W. Petris synoptic

study of the Tibetan, Uygur and Hindu systems (Petri 1966: 83-90). Two sources of the

nakshatra in other Mongolian sources are 1) Kowaleski's Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-

Franais, which references the 'urban il ge qadamal eki-dr kilbar bol(a(san biig

(Polyglot easy reference guide) for some of the nakshatra (Kowalewski 1941: passim), and

2) Tngri-yin udq-a, a translation of the Chinese system into Mongolian (and Tibetan) made

between 1711 and 1712 and carved in 1715 (TU, 1).

In the table of correspondences below (A) and (B) refer to the two nakshatra systems

found in the manual; (K) = Kowalewskis dictionary; (T) = Tngri-yin udq-a; (kh) = the

Khan}d}a-Kat}aka. Following Burgess table of correspondences, under the column Indian

and Chinese the criteria for correspondence is less exacting than otherwise. The respective

asterisms share some of the same stars, though not necessarily all, nor the same number of

stars (Burgess 1859: 344). When correspondence is merely general, the number is in

parentheses. Parentheses are not used when correspondence is more or less exact. Petris

results are not included in this study because in no case do Tibetan discrepancies with Indian

sources correspond to the discrepancies in the manual.

IV.15 Correspondences of the Asterism Systems:

the Manual, Indian, Uygur, Chinese and Other Mongolian Sources

219
INTRODUCTION

M ongolian M anual M anual M anual M anual Indian Indian Chinese and


Name and and and and Other and and Other
Indian Uygur Chinese M ongolian Chinese Uygur M ongolian
Sources Sources

Kerteg 1 1 -- -- (1) 1 1
Rkini 2 2 -- -- (2) 2 2
Margiar 3 3 1 -- 3 3 --
Ardar -- -- -- 1 (B/K) -- 4 --
Burnavasu -- -- 2 (B) 2 (B) -- 5 3
Bus 4 4 -- -- (4) 6 4
Asli( 5 5 -- -- (5) 7 5
Mig 6 6 -- -- -- 8 6
Burva- 7 7 -- 3 -- 9 7 (T)
balguni (A,B/K)
Udari- 8 8 -- -- -- 10 8
balguni
Qasta 9 9 -- 4 (6) -- --
(A,B/T)
Jayitari 10 10 -- 5 (7) 11 9 (T)
(A,B/K)
Suvad'i -- -- 3 6 (8) 12 10
ua( 11 4 7 9 13 11
Anurad ? ?11 -- -- 10 14 12
ista 12 12 5 8 11 15 13
Mul -- -- -- -- 12 ? 14
Burvasad 13 13 6 9 13 16 15
(A,B/
kh)
Udarisad 14 14 -- -- (14) 17 16
(B/kh) (kh)

220
INTRODUCTION

Abiji 15 (B) 15 (B) -- -- -- 18 17


irvang 16 16 -- -- -- 19 18
Tanista 17 17 -- -- -- 20 19
Sadabis -- -- -- -- -- -- 20 (T)
Burva- 18 (A) 18 (A) 7 (A) 10 (A) 15 21 21
badaribad
Udari- 19 19 8 11 16 22 22
badaribad
Rivad'i 20 ? -- -- ? ? 23
Aivani 21 20 9 12 17 23 24
Barani 22 21 -- ? ?18 24 25

What this table shows is that while the manual does not correspond perfectly with any

of the sources given here, it is much more closely aligned with the Indian and Uygur systems

than those of the Chinese. There is also little correlation between the manual and the other

Mongolian sources, although there is more correspondence with the nakstatra given in

Kowaleski's Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-Franais (Kowalewski 1844: passim) than with

those found in Tngri-yin udq-a, which very consistently follow the Chinese (as is obvious

from comparison with Schlegel [Tngri-yin udq-a, 1990: 895-919]). In two instances the

manual does not correspond to any other source, Mul and Sadabis. In five cases system A

in the manual does not correspond with any other: Ardar, Burnavasu, Mul, Abiji, Sadabid.

In three cases system B does not correspond with any other: Mul, Sadabis, Burvabadaribad.

In three instances, Ardar, Mul, Sadabis, neither system in the manual conforms to the Indian,

Uygur, or Chinese. In system B Ardar corresponds with Kowalewskis source, but no other,

221
INTRODUCTION

either Indian or Chinese. In only one case does the manual (system B) correspond with the

Chinese, when the Chinese does not correspond with the Indian, Burnavasu. Sadabis in

Kowalewski corresponds with the Uygur.

As for the general study of these asterism systems, the table shows four important

phenomena. First, the correspondence between Indian and Chinese systems is rather high;

second, the Indian system is more variable or fluid than the Chinese; third, intermingling of

both Indian and Chinese systems is common; and four, the study reveals a gradual

assimilation of Chinese stars into the Indian system. ua( in early Hindu sources has two

stars. Later sources give the same four stars as the 3rd Chinese asterism, Di. The manual also

has four stars and expressly notes the asterism is of foreign Chinese origin (29r). The Uygur

system retains the two stars of the earlier Hindu sources. With Aivani, the manual, Uygur,

and later Indian sources all conform to the 16th Chinese asterism Lou comprising three stars,

", $, ( Aries, while early Hindu sources give two stars, a number given in the etymology of

the nakshatra, Avin the two horsemen.

As for star-lore, the nakshatra epithets or regents bear no relationship with those of

the Indian and Chinese systems. There is some correspondence, however, between the

figures given in the manual and those of the Indian or the Chinese systems. This

correspondence is much closer to the Indian systems than the Chinese. For the Indian

sources, see Burgess (1858: 327-344) and Colebrooke (1809: 330-346). For the Chinese

sources, see Mathews (passim) and Schafer (1977: 76-77, 81).

222
INTRODUCTION

IV.16 Table of Nakshatra Figures in Manual, Indian and Chinese Sources

Nakshatra Manual Indian Sources Chinese


Kerteg razor razor setting sun/mane
Rkini cart wain, i.e., a large hand-net/net
cart
Margiar antelopes head antelopes head mouth/beak
Ardar saw/two flowers gem supreme
commander/triaster
Burnavasu tripod/ridgepole of a house well
house
Bus scissors/turtle ?arrow disembodied spirit
(mane or ghost)
Asli( snakes head sarps (serpents) willow
Mig snout/horse house/lions mane and asterism
heart
Burvabalguni rat/tree couch or bedstead net/spread
Udaribalguni sword/chair couch or bedstead wing
Qasta hand hand carriage/axle tree
Jayitari sword/lotus pear or lamp horn
Suvad'i wish fulfilling name means sword; neck/gullet
jewel figured as coral bead,
gem or pearl
ua( mountain/goats gateway foundation/base
head
Anurad elephants head ?a row of oblations house/chamber
ista antelope king/holes ring, earring or heart
of a corpse pendant

223
INTRODUCTION

Mul hairs of the head of lions tail tail


the antelope
king/lions mane
Burvasad tail/stupa bed, couch or basket/winnower
elephants tusk
Udarisad elephant/basket bed, couch or peck/dipper
elephants tusk
Abiji jewel horse/head of triangle ox
an elephant
irvan elephant three footsteps of virgin/woman
head/bellows Vishnu or triangle
Tanista vajra/bird ?drum or tabor empty/barrens
Sadabis everlasting cluster of stars figured summit/roof
flower/flower by a circle
Burvabadaribad cart/tree couch or bed, a Janus- house
faced figure, or twins
Udaribadaribad picketpost/tree couch or bed, a Janus- wall
faced figure, or twins
Rivad'i boat drum or tabor pace/straddler
Aivani horses head horses head reaper
Barani lotus/knife yoni or pudendum grain guard/
muliebre stomach

The table shows five more or less exact correspondences and eight near correspondences

between the manual and Indian systems. In addition to these there are other correspondences,

as well. The least ambiguous of these is that in system B the manual gives a basket as the

figure of Udarisad. This corresponds in figure and number of stars to the 7th Chinese

asterism, ji the basket, which goes with the preceding nakshatra, Burvasad. As the figures

224
INTRODUCTION

of these two asterisms form a pair, their figure is more or less arbitrary, and so, in this respect

the correspondence with the Chinese can be said to be exact.

A description of each nakshatra is as follows:

IV.17 The Twenty-eight Nakshatra

Kerteg [S. kr}ttik~]; the Pleiades; 1st of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the final month of

winter in the Klacakra (17r); first of the stars (33r); the good gate (33r); the gate of heaven

(33r); the cord of west and east (34r); a good day for building a temple, hermitage or house

(37r); planting a crop (55v); mixing medicine (56r); when it coincides with Monday, it is a

time to die (45r); when it coincides with Sunday, it is one of the seven days of demons (45r);

when it coincides with Wednesday it is one of the seven days in which to conquer imnus

demons (45r); it is a bad day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter

(53r); the head of its protective animal is the monkeys (59r); one of the meritorious

asterisms; good for performing pious and meritorious acts (60v); on of the four widow stars

(61r); it belongs to the firm and soft clan (61v); its orientation is east; of the four elements,

its element is fire (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is water (25r, 61r); in one

system it is known as the city on the verge of entering a nine-eyed iron net, the majestic one;

its figure is a razor; and its number of stars is six; in another system it is known as the gate

of the god who goes to battle; its figure is again a razor; and its number of stars again is six;

in the Uygur Turfan texts its comprised of six stars, the Pleiades, the brightest of which is

0 Tauri (Rachmati 1972: 299); in Indian sources the regent of the asterism is Agni, the god

225
INTRODUCTION

of fire; it is also composed of six stars and figured as a razor (Burgess 1859: 328-329); it

corresponds to the 18th Chinese asterism, mao (Mathews 4370), comprising seven stars, the

Pleiades (Schlegel 1967: 351); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Kirtig,

the seven stars of Pleiades (Kowalewski 1941: 2553); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Kirtig; seven

stars (TU, 912).

Rkini/Rokini [S. rohin} ruddy]; 2nd of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the one that makes

one oxen one hundred (33v); makes a rich man poor (33v); it is a good day for a ruler to take

the throne or a noble to receive a title (37r); building a temple or dwelling (37r); blessing a

temple, scripture or Buddha image (37v); bringing a bride into ones household (51r);

planting a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); under it one will vanquish others

(37v); when it coincides with Saturday, it is one of seven fortunate occasions of the

nakshatra and wandering stars (45r); if one takes a bride when it coincides with Thursday

or Saturday, the bride will bring danger (52r); when it coincides with Friday, the bride will

not suit (52r); it is a bad day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter

(53r); it is one of the fortunate stars (keig-n odun), 60v); the head of its protective animal

is the dogs (59r); it is one of the four tan stars (61r); it belongs to the unshakeable (ingbatu)

clan (61r); its orientation is east; of the four elements, its element is earth (21r, 45v, 59v);

of the five elements, its element is wood (25v, 61r); in one system it is known as the

nakshatra of the spirit of the Rakshasa; its figure is the wheel of a cart; its number of stars

is five; in another system it is known as the asterism which makes a rich person poor; its

figure is a cart; and its number of stars is seven; in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of

226
INTRODUCTION

five stars, g *,(,h, " Tauri (Rachmati 1972: 299); in Indian sources its divinity is Prajpati,

the lord of created beings,; it contains five stars; its figure is usually a wain, i.e., a large

cart; in some it is a temple; it also is comprised of g *,(,h, " Tauri (Burgess 1859: 329);

it corresponds to the 19th Chinese asterism, bi/pi, the hand-net(Mathews 5120), comprising

eight stars at the head of Taurus, namely, Hyades (Schlegel 1967: 365-366); as for other

Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Rokini, a lunar station in Taurus (Kowalewski

1941: 2662); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Rkini, eight stars (TU, 913).

Margiar [S. mr}gair~ha antelopes head]; 3rd of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the first

month of winter in the Klacakra (18r); according to the customs of the tantra of Vajrad}~kin

and Cakrasambara the New Year is celebrated on the sixteenth day of the Margiar month,

on the day of the winter solstice (3r); it is known as a very great nakshatra (25v); the one that

makes a ruler lose his descendants (33v); if it coincides with Thursday, it is a bad occasion

bringing death (45r); when it coincides with Thursday, it is one of seven days of the imnus

demons (45r); if it coincides with a Ram day, it is bad (46v); it is a good day for setting out

on a journey (48v); doing battle with an enemy (48v); bringing a bride into ones household

(51r, 53r); planting a crop (55v); mixing medicine (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or

becoming a monk (56v); it is one of the virtuous stars (60v); it belongs to the eminently

accommodating clan (61r); in it the peace will last (37v); the head of its protective animal

is the foxs (59r); its orientation is east; of the four elements, its element is air (21r, 45v,

59v); of the five elements, its element is wood (25v, 61r); in one system it is known as the

nakshatra in which gods, humans and demons, all three, are gathered; its figure is an

227
INTRODUCTION

antelope head and its number of stars is three; in another system is known as the nakshatra

of uniform and gentle appearance; its figure is again the antelope head and its number of stars

is three; in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of three stars, 8,n1,n2 Orionis; in Indian

sources its divinity is Soma, the moon; it also contains three stars, 8,n1,n2 Orionis (Burgess

1859: 329-330); it corresponds to the 20th Chinese asterism, zui/tsui (Mathews 6856), the

mouth, comprising three stars forming a triangle, 8,n1,n2 Orionis (Schlegel 1967: 391);

Tngri-yin udq-a gives Margir, seven stars (TU, 914).

Ardar [S. rdr moist]; 4th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; it is a good day for blessing

a monastery, scripture or Buddha image (37v); mounting a military campaign (48v); doing

battle with an enemy (48v); in it good fortune increases well (37v); when it coincides with

Tuesday, it is an occasion for burning (45r); when it coincides with Wednesday, it is one of

the seven days of the imnus demons (45r); if it coincides with the Ram day, the omen is bad

(46v); it is bad day for bringing a bride into ones household or marrying off a daughter

(53r); for putting on a robe (56r); it is one of the stars of travelers; travelers should not depart

(60v); it belongs to the severe and fearsome clan (61v); the head of its protective animal is

the cows (59r); its orientation is east; of the four elements its element is either earth (21r,

45v) or water (59v); of the five elements, its element is wood (26r, 61r); in one system it is

the nakshatra which was calculated in the astrology of ?Biqar monastery; its figure is a saw;

its number of stars is nine; in another system it is known as the nakshatra of the demons by

which a thing is lost in the water; its figure is two flowers; its number of stars is two; in the

Uygur Turfan texts it is given as one star, " Orionis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources

228
INTRODUCTION

its regent is Rudra, the storm-god; it is figured like a gem; and comprises one star, " Orionis

(Burgess 1859: 330); it corresponds to the 21st Chinese asterism, shen (Mathews 6685.h) the

august,comprising seven stars, ., ,, *, " Betelgeuse, ( Bellatrix, P and $ of Orion (Schlegel

1967: 392); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Ardir, N, P of Orion

(Kowalewski 1941: 161); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Ardii, three stars (TU, 914).

Burnavasu [S. punarvasu < punar again; vasu good]; 5th of the twenty-eight nakshatra;

the one that brings about the kalpa of air (33r); causes a master the let go in the interval of

seizing demons (33v); when it coincides with Thursday it is one of the seven days in which

to conquer imnus demons ( 45r); it is a good day for setting out on a journey (48v);

mounting a military campaign (48v); bringing a bride into ones household (53r); planting

a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); putting in a robe (56r); teaching writing or

mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v); the head of its protective animal is

the pigs (59r); one of the asterisms of good fortune (60v); on of the personal nakshatra

(60v); it belongs to the vacillating and restless clan (61v); its orientation is east; of the four

elements, its element is air (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is wood (26r,

61r); in one system it is known as the nakshatra in which one is cut off from one's relatives;

this is the nakshatra in which the traveler sets out on a journey; its figure is the legs of a

tripod; its number of stars is three; in another system it is the nakshatra which makes the way

of the traveler difficult; its figure is the ridgepole of a house; and its number of stars is eight;

in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of two stars, $, " Geminorum (Rachmati 1972:

300); in Indian sources its regent is Aditi, the mother of the dityas; it usually comprises two

229
INTRODUCTION

stars, $, " Geminorum, sometimes four stars; in the latter case, it is figured as a house

(Burgess 1859: 330-331); it corresponds to the 22nd Chinese asterism, jing/ching (Mathews

1143), the well, comprising eight stars, 8, ., *, ,, >, (, <, : Gemini (Schlegel 1967: 404);

as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Burnavasu, , , ., 0, 8, :, <, >, h of

Gemini (Kowalewski 1941: 1219); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Burnavau, eight stars (TU, 915).

Bus/Pus [S. pus}ya < push nourish, thrive]; 6th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the

celebration of the Bodhisattva Majuri's birth is the day when the thirteenth, the Tiger day,

together with Thursday coincide with the Pus}ya nakshatra (2v); the middle month of winter

in the Klacakra (19r); it is a good day to bless a temple, scripture, or Buddha image (37v);

setting out on a journey (48v); mounting a military campaign (48v); bringing a bride into

ones household (51r); bringing a bride into ones household (53r); tailoring a robe or

clothing (55v); mixing medicine (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to

become a monk (56v); receiving a consecration (56v); when it coincides with Friday it is one

of the seven days of the imnus demons (45r); if one takes a bride when it coincides with

Friday, the bride will bring danger (52r); the head of its protective animal is the goats (59r);

one of eight nakshatra in which good fortune resides (60v); it is one of the nakshatra for

performing magic (btgek-yin odun); it is good for the deeds of the recipients [of a magical

rite] (60v); it belongs to the four-wheels clan (61r); its orientation is east; of the four

elements, its element is fire (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is wood (27r,

61r); in one system it is known as the nakshatra of the orphan boy who seizes all of the great

middle lands; its figure is a scissors; its number of stars is three; in another system it is the

230
INTRODUCTION

nakshatra of the lord of solitary and orphaned people; its figure is the turtle; and its number

of stars is three; in the Uygur Turfan texts its three stars are *, (, h Cancri (Rachmati 1972:

300); in Indian sources its divinity is Brhaspati, the priest and teacher of the gods; it usually

comprises three stars, *, (, h Cancri; in the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka it has but one star (Burgess

1859: 331); it corresponds to the 23rd Chinese asterism, gui/kuei (Mathews 3634),

disembodied spirit, mane, comprising four stars, (, *, 0, 2 (Schlegel 1967: 435); as for

other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Bus sara, the 12th month (Kowalewski 1941:

1168); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Bus, four stars (TU, 916).

Asli(/Asli( [S. les the one that entwines; embraces]; 7th of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; the one that multiplies sheep one hundred fold (33v); it is a bad day for mounting

a miliary campaign (48v); a good day for receiving a consecration (56v); one of the travelers

stars; travelers should not depart (60v); one the four stars in which descendants are cut off

(61r); belongs to the eminently accommodating clan (61r); the head of its protective animal

is the snakes (59r); its orientation is east; of the four elements, its element is water (21r, 45v,

59v); of the five elements, its element is either wood (27r) or earth (61r); in one system it is

known as the nakshatra in which the three thieves deliberate; its figure is a snakes head; and

its number of stars is six; in another system it is the nakshatra which [makes] a line to the

northwest; its figure is again a snakes head; but its number of stars is five; in the Uygur

Turfan texts its diagram shows six stars, but only five are named, g, *, F, 0, k Hydrae

(Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources it is ruled by the sarps, serpents; their

configuration is represented by a wheel; the number of stars is stated as five by all authorities

231
INTRODUCTION

except the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka, which gives six; the five stars are again 0,F, *, g, k Hydrae

(Burgess 1859: 332); it corresponds to the 24th Chinese asterism, liu the willow (Mathews

4097), comprising eight stars, *, F, 0, D, ,, ., T, h Hydra (Schlegel 1967: 441); as for other

Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Aslis, *, ,, ., 0, 2, k, F, T of Hydra (Kowalewski

1941: 57); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Aslis, eight stars (TU, 916).

Mig [S. magh mighty]; 8th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; according to the Chinese

sutra, Lii-du ting sang, it conforms with the Tiger month, the first month of spring (2v);

according to the Klacakrists of India it is the final month of winter (8r); the one that allows

a crippled person to climb a rock (33v); the auspicious great elephant (34r); it is a good day

for building a citadel (37r); building a temple or home (37r); doing battle with an enemy

(48v); planting a crop (55v); when it coincides with Sunday, it is an occasion for burning

(45r); when it coincides with Tuesday, it is one of the seven days of the imnus demons (45r);

if one takes a bride when it coincides with Friday, she will divorce (52r); it is generally a

good day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter (53r); it is a bad day

to put on a robe (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become a monk

(56v); the head of its protective animal is the snakes (59r); it is one of the asterisms of

enemies (60v); one of the stars in the south in which good fortune resides (60v); it belongs

to the eminently just clan (61v); its orientation is south; of either the four or five elements,

its element is fire (21r, 27v, 45v, 59v, 61r); in one system it is the nakshatra in which one

is entangled in the devil's (albin demons') net; its figure is a snout and its number of stars is

six; in another system it is the nakshatra of the albin [demon] bandits; its figure is a horse

232
INTRODUCTION

and its number of stars again is six; in the Uygur Turfan texts its diagram shows seven stars,

but six are named, ", 0, (, ., :, g Leonis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its regent

are the pitaras, fathers or manes of the departed; it is figured as a house; whereas other

Indian sources usually give five stars, the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka gives six; the five stars are The

Sickle, ", 0, ., :, g Leonis (Burgess 1859: 332-333); it corresponds to the 25th Chinese

asterism, xing/hsing the constellation (Mathews 2772), comprising seven stars in the shape

of a hook to the southeast of the constellation Leo (Schlegel 1967: 448); Tngri-yin udq-a

gives Mig, seven stars (TU, 917).

Burvabalguni [S. prvphalgun < prv former; phalgun a kind of fig tree]; 9th of

the twenty-eight nakshatra; causes order to be disrupted at a feast (33v); it is a good day for

building a citadel (37r); building a temple or home (37r); doing battle with an enemy (48v);

bringing a bride into ones household (51r); if one takes a bride when it coincides with

Sunday, the bride will not suit (52r); the head of its protective animal is the peacocks (59r);

one of the nakshatra of death (60v); one of the four widow nakshtatra (61r); belongs to the

severe and fearsome clan (61v); its orientation is south; of both the four and five elements,

its element is fire (21r, 27v, 45v, 59v, 61r); in one system it is known as the nakshatra which

is like the throat of the rakshasa; known as the predator's spirit nakshatra; called the howling

red jackal; its figure is a rat and its number of stars is two; in another system it is known as

the nakshatra of all those who cry out; its figure is a tree; its number of stars is two; in the

Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of two stars, *, h Leonis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian

sources a couch or bedstead is given for the figure of this or its complementary nakshatra,

233
INTRODUCTION

Uttaraphalgun; it is comprised of two stars, *, h Leonis; the corresponding Arab asterism

is called az-Zubrah, the mane i.e., of the Lion (Burgess 1859: 333-334); it corresponds to

the 26th Chinese asterism, zhang/chang (Mathews 195), the net, comprising six stars, L,

8, N, :, P, < Hydra (Schlegel 1967: 463); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists

it as Burvabalguni, the 11th constellation comprised of two stars, one of which is * of Leo)

(Kowalewski 1941: 1224); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Burvapalguni, six stars (TU, 917).

Udaribalguni/Udarabalguni [S. uttaraphalgun the latter phalgun]; 10th of the twenty-

eight nakshatra; the first month of spring in the Klacakra (9r); it is a good day for building

a citadel (37r); a ruler to take the throne or a noble to receive a title (37r); building a temple

or home (37r); blessing a temple, scripture or Buddha image (37v); mounting a military

campaign (48v); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v);in

this a blessing becomes great (37v); if it coincides with the Dog day it is bad (46v); it is

generally a good day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter (53r); it

is one of the enemy stars (60v); its one of the four tan stars (61r); it belongs to the

unshakeable clan (61r); the head of its protective animal is the bears (59r); its orientation

is south; of the four elements, its element is air (21r, 45v, 59r); of the five elements, its

element is fire (28r, 61r); in one system it is known as the nakshatra of the gods (tngri-ner)

(27v); the nakshatra in which the good fortune of a feast is disrupted; its figure is a sword

and its number of stars is two; in another system it is known as the nakshatra of the corpse-

like black messenger; its figure is a chair and its number of stars again is two; in the Uygur

Turfan texts its diagram shows six stars, but only two are stated, $, 93 Leonis (Rachmati

234
INTRODUCTION

1972: 300); in Indian sources a couch or bedstead is given for the figure; it is comprised of

two stars, again, $, 93 Leonis (Burgess 1859: 333-334) it corresponds to the 27th Chinese

asterism, yi/i (Mathews 3051), wing, comprising twenty-two stars in Crater and Hydra

(Schlegel 1967: 466-467); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as

Udaribalguni, the 12th constellation; contains all of the stars of the Vase (Aquarius) [sic] and

11 others in Hydra (Kowalewski 1941: 383); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Udaripalguni, twenty-

two stars (TU, 918).

Qasta [S. hasta hand]; 11th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the one that causes a lowly

commoner to enter the ranks of ministers (33v); Queen Vim-a (34r); if it coincides with

Sunday it is one of the seven holy water occasions (44v); if it coincides with Sunday it is one

of the seven fortunate occasions (44v); if it coincides with Saturday it is bad occasion that

brings death (45r); if it coincides with a Dog day it is bad (46v); it is a good day for setting

out on a journey (48v); mounting a military campaign (48v); tailoring a robe or clothing

(55v); mixing medicine (56r); it is a bad day to bring a bride into one's household or marry

off a daughter (53r); one of six nakshatra good for receiving a consecration (56v); one of the

erlig stars (60v); one of the eight personal stars (60v); it belongs to the four-wheels clan

(61r); the head of its protective animal is the snakes (59r); its orientation is south; of the four

elements, its element is air (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is fire (28r, 61r);

in one system it is known as the nakshatra of that which goes fast. This is called the

nakshatra in which Erlig's wolves run; its figure is a hand and its number of stars is five; in

another system, it is the nakshatra in which wood is encircled by flaming fire; its figure again

235
INTRODUCTION

is a hand and its number of stars, five; in the Uygur Turfan texts it comprises one star *

Corvi (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its regent is Savitar, the sun; it is figured as

a hand and contains five stars, *, (, g, ", $ Corvi (Burgess 1859: 334); it corresponds to the

28th Chinese asterism, zhen/chen the carriage (Mathews 307), comprising four central stars

$, *, (, , Corvus and two others " and 0 Corvus (Schlegel 1967: 477-478); as for other

Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Qasta hand; horn; a lunar constellation; $, (,

* Corbeau (Kowalewski 1941: 767); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Qasta, five stars (TU, 918).

Jayitari/ayitari/Jayitar [S. citr brilliant]; 12th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the

middle month of spring in the Klacakra (10r); the middle month of spring in the Klacakra

is made the first month of the year (3r); the one that brings about the kalpa of water (33r);

the meat-eating elephant (34r); it is a bad day for building a temple or home (37v); if one

takes a bride, if it coincides with Saturday, the bride will divorce (52r); it is a good day for

planting a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); mixing medicine (56r); the head of

its protective animal is the tigers (59r); one of the meritorious stars (60v); it belongs to the

eminently accommodating clan (61r); its orientation is south; of the four elements, its

element is air (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is fire (28r, 61r); in one

system its figure is a saber; this attribute, however, more likely belongs to the following

nakshatra, Suvadi (S. svti sword); its number of stars is one; in another system it is

known as the nakshatra of the vastness of a stag's antlers; its figure is a lotus and its number

of stars is one; in the Uygur Turfan texts its comprised of one star, " Virginis (Spica)

(Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its divinity is Tvashtar, the shaper, artificer; it is

236
INTRODUCTION

figured as a pearl or as a lamp; its one star again is " Virginis (Spica) (Burgess 1859: 334);

it corresponds to the 1st Chinese asterism, jiao/chiao horn (Mathews 1174), comprising

two stars, " and . Virgo (Schlegel 1967: 87-89); as for other Mongolian sources,

Kowalewski lists it as ayitar-a odun, the 14th lunar asterism; where one finds the star " at

the center of Virgo (Kowalewski 1941: 2076); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Jidra, two stars (TU,

900).

Suvadi/Suvadi [S. svti sword]; 13th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the one that

multiplies one man one hundred fold (33v); it is a bad day for building a temple or home

(37v); when it coincides with Saturday it is one the seven days for conquering the imnus

demons (45r); it is a good day for bringing a bride into ones household (51r); planting a crop

(55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (56r); mixing medicine (56r); teaching writing or

mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v); it is generally a good day to bring a

bride into one's household or marry off a daughter (53r); it is one of the stars for

accomplishing [magic]; it is good for the recipient [of magical rites] (60v); it is one of the

fortunate nakshatra in the south (60v); it belongs to the vacillating restless clan (61v);

the head of its protective animal is the stags (59r); its orientation is south; of the four

elements, its element is air (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is fire (28v, 61r);

in one system it is known as the nakshatra that turns one person into one hundred. This is

known as the nakshatra in which the rakshasa were flayed in the land of the gods; its figure

is a wish-fulfilling jewel (cintmani); its number of stars is four; in another system it is the

nakshatra in which to accomplish something, i.e., to do magic; its figure again is the wish-

237
INTRODUCTION

fulfilling jewel (cintmani) and its number is four; in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised

of one star " Bootis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources it comprises a single star, "

Bootis, and is figured as a coral bead, gem, or pearl (Burgess 1859: 335); it corresponds to

the 2nd Chinese asterism, kang/kang (> gang/kang neck, i.e., the neck of the Blue Dragon

(Mathews 3273)), comprising four stars, 4, 6, 8, : Virgo (Schlegel 1967: 93-96); as for other

Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Suvadi, 4, P, 8, < of Virgo (Kowalewski 1941:

1419); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Suvadi, four stars (TU, 901).

ua(/Sua( [S. vikh having spreading branches]; 14th of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; it is the final month of spring in the Klacakra (11r); it is known as the nakshatra

of the foreign Chinese (29r); it is a bad day for building a temple or home (37v); when it

coincides with Wednesday it is one of seven occasions for holy water (44v); when it

coincides with Monday it is an occasion for burning (45r); if one takes a bride when it

coincides with Wednesday, the bride will bring danger (52r); it is good for bringing a bride

into ones household (53r); it is a good day for tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); putting on

a robe (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v); it is

one of six nakshatra good for receiving a consecration (56v); one of the enemy stars (60v);

it belongs to the firm but gentle clan (61v); the head of its protective animal is the tigers

(59r); its orientation is south; of the four elements, its element is fire (21r, 45v, 59v); of the

five elements, its element is either fire (29r) or earth (61r); in one system it is known as the

nakshatra by which ada and todqor (demons) congregate; its figure is a mountain and its

number is four; in another system it is the nakshatra in which to build a treasury; its figure

238
INTRODUCTION

is a goats head and its number is four; in the Uygur Turfan texts it comprises two stars, 4 and

( Librae (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources it comes under the regency of Indra and

Agni; early sources, including the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka, give two stars. Later authorities give four

stars: (, $, ", 4 Librae, figured as a gateway (Burgess 1859: 335); it corresponds to the 3rd

Chinese asterism, di/ti foundation (Mathews 6187), comprising four stars, ", $, (, 4 Libre

(Schlegel 1967: 102); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as ua(, ", $, (,

4 of Libra (Kowalewski 1941: 1540); Tngri-yin udq-a gives ua(, four stars (TU, 902).

Anurad [S. anurdh success]; the 15th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; Anurad day (8v,

9v, 10v, 11v, 12v, 13v, 14v, 15v, 16v, 17v, 17v, 18v, 19v); on the 24th day (of the Tiger

month) by its coincidence with Monday, the good and bad auspices of the hours will be

foretold (8r); the one that brings sight to the blind (33v); the six sickle stars (34r); the one

that causes a woman to see the face of nine men (34r); in it supreme magic is found (38r);

when it coincides with Monday, there will be an occasion for one of the seven ambrosia

(44v); when it coincides with Wednesday there is an occasion for one of the seven blessings

(44v); when it coincides with Sunday it is a bad occasion that brings death (45r); it is a good

day for setting out on a journey (48v); it is a bad day for mounting a military campaign (48v);

it is a good day for doing battle with an enemy (48v); if one takes a bride when it coincides

with Monday or Tuesday, the bride will not suit (52r); it is a bad day for bringing a bride into

ones household (53r); it is a good day for planting a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing

(55v); putting on a robe (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become

a monk (56v); the head of its protective animal is the ?bears (geresengeri) (59r); it is one

239
INTRODUCTION

of the meritorious nakshatra (60v); one of the personal nakshatra (60v); it belongs to the

eminently accommodating clan (61r); its orientation is west; of the four elements, its element

is earth (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is metal (29r, 61r); in one system

it is known as the nakshatra in which a widowed woman seizes all the lands; its figure is an

elephants head and its number of stars is six; in another system it is the nakshatra in which

one woman crushes nine men; its figure is again an elephants head, but its number of stars

is five; in the Uygur Turfan texts its diagram shows five stars, but only three are named, *,

$, B Scorpionis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its divinity is Mitra, friend, one

of the dityas; according to the akalya, it is composed of three stars; all other sources give

four stars; it is figured as a bali or vali, ?a row of oblations; the three stars are as those in

the Uygur text above; the four stars are $,*, B, k Scorpionis (Burgess 1859: 337); it

corresponds to the 4th Chinese asterism, fang house (Mathews 1806), comprising four stars,

$, *, B, D Scorpio (Schlegel 1967: 113); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists

it as Anarad/Anurad, the 17th nakshatra, $, *, B, k of Scorpio (Kowalewski 1941: 11); Tngri-

yin udq-a gives Anurad, four stars (TU, 903).

ista [S. jyes}t}h~ oldest]; 16th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the ista day (8v, 9v, 10v,

11v, 12v, 13v, 14v, 15v, 16v, 17v, 17v, 18v, 19v); the first month of summer in the

Klacakra (12r); the celestial rope (i(ta(-a) (34r); it is a good day for blessing a temple,

scripture or Buddha image (37v); fighting with an enemy (48v); bringing a bride into ones

household (53r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v);

it is one of the good nakshatra (37v); it is one of six stars for receiving a consecration (56v);

240
INTRODUCTION

it is one of the traveler stars; travelers should not depart (60v); it is one of the four widow

stars (61r); it belongs to the severe and fearsome clan (61v); the head of its protective animal

is the monkeys (59r); its orientation is west; of the four elements, its element is earth (21r,

45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is metal (29v, 61r); in one system it is known as

the nakshatra of the simnus. This is known as the nakshatra in which the fearsome ones are

satisfied; its figure is the antelope king and its number of stars is three; in another system it

is the nakshatra which makes the line of the gods; its figure is the holes of a corpse, i.e., the

eyes and nose; its number of stars again is three; in the Uygur Turfan texts it comprises three

stars, ", F, J Scorpionis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its regent is Indra, god of

the clear sky; it contains three stars and is figured as a ring or earring, perhaps a pendant

earring as its three stars form nearly a straight line (Burgess 1859: 337); it corresponds to the

5th Chinese asterism, xin/hsin heart (Mathews 2735), comprising three stars, Antares and

F, J Scorpio (Schlegel 1967: 138-151); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it

as ista, the 5th Indian month (Kowalewski 1941: 2154); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Jista, three

stars (TU, 903).

Mul [S. mla root]; 17th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; Mul day (8v, 9v, 10v, 11v, 12v,

13v, 14v, 15v, 16v, 17v, 18v, 18v, 19v); nakshatra of the albin demons (29v); the one that

makes a poor man rich (33v); the one that cuts off descendants (34r); it is a good day for

blessing a temple, scripture or Buddha image (37v); setting out on a journey (48v); doing

battle with an enemy (48v); bringing a bride into ones household (51r); in this one edicts are

made known (37v); when it coincides with Wednesday it is an occasion for burning (45r);

241
INTRODUCTION

when it coincides with Sunday, it is one of seven days for conquering the imnus demons

(45r); if one takes a bride when it coincides with Wednesday, the bride will not suit (52r);

it is generally a good day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter (53r);

it is a bad day for mixing medicine (56r); the head of its protective animal is the peacocks

(59r); one of the death stars; it is bad for everything (60v); one of the four tan stars (61r); it

belongs to the severe and fearsome clan (61r); its orientation is west; of the four elements,

its element is water (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is metal (30r, 61r); in

one system it is the nakshatra in which one wears a breast plate; its figure is the hairs of the

antelope kings head and its number of stars is three; in another system it is the nakshatra

in which a king is born and dies; its figure is a lions mane and its number of stars again is

three; in the Uygur Turfan texts its diagram shows an indefinite number of stars, 8 etc.

Scorpionis (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its presiding divinity is nirrti,

calamity, regent of the southwestern quarter; it is configured as a lions tail; most sources

give nine stars, some eleven, others two (Burgess 1859: 337); it corresponds to the 6th

Chinese asterism, wei tail (Mathews 7109), comprising nine stars, ,, :, ., 0, 2, 4, 6, 8, <

Scorpio (Schlegel 1967: 153); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Mul,

,, ., 0, 2, 4, 6, 8, :, < of Scorpio (Kowalewski 1941: 2042); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Mul, nine

stars (TU, 903).

Burvasad [S. prv~s}~d}h~ < prva former; as}~d}h~ unsubdued]; 18th of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; Burvasad day (8v, 9v, 10v, 11v, 12v, 13v, 14v, 15v, 16v, 17v, 18v, 18v, 19v); the

one that causes profit to be found in stone (33v); the one that destroys good fortune (34r); it

242
INTRODUCTION

is a good day for building a citadel (37r); building a temple or home (37v); blessing a temple,

scripture, or Buddha image (37v); doing battle with an enemy (48v); planting a crop (55v);

teaching writing or mathematics or allowing a one to become a monk (56v); a good

nakshatra (37v); on this one sons and grandchildren will be many (38r); when it coincides

with Saturday it is an occasion for burning (45r); when it coincides with Friday it is an

occasion for conquering the imnus demons (45r); when it coincides with the Ox day, the

omen is bad (46v); if one takes a bride when it coincides with Saturday, the bride will not

suit (52r); it is bad for bringing a bride into ones household (53r); the head of its protective

animal is the lions (59r); one of the nakshatra of good fortune (60v); one of the nakshatra

in the south in which good fortune resides (60v); it belongs to the unshakeable clan (61r);

belongs to the eminently just clan (61v); its orientation is west; of the four elements, its

element is water (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is metal (30r, 61r); in one

system it is the nakshatra of the powerful ones; its figure is a tail and its number of stars is

four; in another system it is known as the prosperous nakshatra possessing the seven good

fortunes; its figure is a stupa and its number of stars again is four; in the Uygur Turfan texts

its diagram shows four stars, but one is named, * Sagittarius (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian

sources its divinity is pas, the waters; it usually has two stars, together with two in its

complementary nakshatra Uttar~s~d}h~ there are four; the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka gives four, (2, *,

g, 0 Sagittarius; it is usually configured together with Uttar~s~d}h~ as a bed or couch or the

one as a bed and the other as an elephants tusk (Burgess 1859: 338-339); it corresponds to

the 7th Chinese asterism, ji/chi the basket (Mathews 402), comprising four stars, (, *, ,,

243
INTRODUCTION

$ Sagittarius (Schlegel 1967: 161); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as

Burvasad, the 20th lunar asterism; (, *, ,, 0 of Sagittarius (Kowalewski 1941: 1224); Tngri-

yin udq-a gives Burvasad, four stars (TU, 903).

Udarisad/Udarasad [S. uttar~s~d}h~ the latter as~d}h~]; 19th of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; Udarisad day (8v, 9v, 10v, 11v, 12v, 13v, 14v, 15v, 16v, 17v, 18v, 19v); the seal

with seven banners (34r); it is a good day for a ruler to take the throne, or a noble to receive

a title (37r); building a temple or home (37v); blessing a temple, scripture, or Buddha image

(37v); setting out on a journey (48v); mounting a military campaign (48v); bringing a bride

into the household (51r); planting a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); putting on

a new robe (56r); teaching writing or mathematics or allowing one to become a monk (56v);

in this sons and grandchildren abound (38r); if it coincides with the Ox day it is bad (46v);

bringing a bride into the household (53r); the head of its protective animal is the yellow

bears (59r); it is one of the stars of accomplishing [magic]; it is good for the recipient [of

magical rites] (60v); it is one of the nakshatra in the west in which good fortune resides

(60v); its orientation is west; of the four elements, its element is earth (21r, 45v, 59v); of the

five elements, its element is metal (30v, 61r); in one system it is known as the nakshatra for

becoming a jewel of the ministers of state; its figure is an elephant and its number of stars

is five; in another system it is the nakshatra of the square basket; its figure is a basket; its

number of stars if four; this description corresponds to the 7th Chinese asterism, ji/chi

(Mathews 402), the basket which commonly corresponds to Prv~s}~d}h~ (see above under

Burvasad); in the Uygur Turfan texts its diagram shows four stars, but one is named, k

244
INTRODUCTION

Sagittarius (Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources its divinity is vive devs the collective

gods; it usually has two stars, together with two in its complementary nakshatra Prv~s}~d}h~

there are four; the Khan}d}a-Kat}aka gives four, n, F, J, . Sagittarius; it is usually configured

together with Prv~s}~d}h~ as a bed or couch or the one as a bed and the other as an elephants

tusk (Burgess 1859: 338-339); it corresponds to the 8th Chinese asterism, dou/tou peck

(Mathews, 6472), comprising six stars, :, 8, N, F, J, . Sagittarius (Schlegel 1967: 172-173);

as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Udarasad, the 21st constellation, .,

8, :, F, J, N of Sagittarius (Kowalewski 1941: 383); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Udarisad, six

stars (TU, 904).

Abiji/Abaji [S. abijit conquering]; the 20th nakshatra; the final month of summer in the

Klacakra (14r); the nakshatra of the gods (tngri-ner-n na(idar bui 30v); it is the

nakshatra of death (30v); the nakshatra which causes officials to fall from their rank

(timed-n erge-ee ba(ur(ulu(i Abaji buyu 33v); the nakshatra that causes one thief to

see nine kings (nigen qula(ayii kmn-i isn qa(an-i eglgi Abiji buyu 34r); when the

Abiji day falls on a Monday, it is one of seven days for conquering the imnus demons

(im[n]us-un ila(u(san dolo(an edr inu [. . . ] Saran odun Abaji qoyar 45r); of the four

elements, its element is earth (21r, 45v, 59v); of the five elements its element is metal (31r,

61r); it is a good day for setting off on a journey (48v); a good day for bringing a bride into

ones household (51r); a good day for planting crops (55v); a good day for putting on a new

robe (56r); it is the star of the erlig (60v); its orientation is west; one of four stars that cut

off descendants (drben r-e tasura(san odun 61r); one of four nakshatra in the four wheels

245
INTRODUCTION

clan (drben krdn obo( 61r); the constellation of the singing orphan (da(ulai nin

odun 59r); the head of its protective animal is the stags (59r); in one system the appearance

of its four stars is like the jewel horse (30v); in another its three stars are like the head of an

elephant (59v); in Indian sources it usually has three stars, ", g, . Lyrae, shaped in a triangle,

as is found in a Uygur Turfan text as well (Burgess 1859: 339; Rachmati 1972: 300); its

regent is Brahma (Burgess 1859: 339); this corresponds to the 9th Chinese asterism, niu ox

(Mathews 4737), comprising six stars, ", $, >, @, B, D Capricorn (Schlegel 1967: 181); as for

other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Abii/Abiji, ", $, >, B, k of Capricorn

(Kowalewski 1941: 43); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Abiji, six stars (TU, 905).

irvan/irvang/iravan [S. ravan}a hearing, ear]; 21st of the twenty-eight nakshatra;

it is a good day for blessing a temple, scripture or Buddha image (37v); making a

consecration of a temple, stupa, or scripture (37v); setting out on a journey (48v); planting

a crop (55v); wearing a robe (56r); it is a bad day for teach writing or mathematics or

allowing one to become a lama (56v); its coincidence with Monday is one of seven blessed

coincidences of the nakshatra and the wandering stars (44v); it is the star of death (60v); one

of the four widow stars (61r); it belongs to the vacillating and restless clan (urbau l

tbidk obo() (61v); its orientation is west; of the four elements, its element is either water

(21r, 45v) or earth (59v); of the five elements, its element is either metal (30v) or earth (61r);

the head of its protective animal is the horses (59r); in the first systematization it is known

as the nakshatra of villages and crossroads (30v); its figure is an elephant head; and its

number of stars is three; in the second systematization it is the asterism of those who in

246
INTRODUCTION

vanquishing are themselves crushed (59r); its figure is a bellows and its number of stars

again is three (59v); in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of three stars, ", $, ( Aquilae

(Rachmati 1972: 300); in Indian sources it comprises the same three stars; its regent is

Vishnu and its figure is either the three footsteps by which Vishnu strode through heaven or

a trident (Burgess 1859: 340); it corresponds to the 10th Chinese asterism, n virgin

(Mathews 4776), comprising four stars, ,, :, <, 9 Aquarius (Mathews, 1931: 1177); as for

other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Siravang, the 7th month, in which the moon

is full in the constellation Aquila (Kowalewski 1941: 1522); Tngri-yin udq-a gives iravan,

four stars (TU, 906).

Tanista/Tanis/Tanisa [S. dhanis}t}h~ the most wealthy]; 22nd of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; it is the nakshatra that causes profit to be found while seizing human bones (33v);

the one that causes tears to fall from the faces of queens (34r); together with Jupiter it is an

occasion for burning (45r); in conjunction with Saturday it is one of the seven days of the

imnus demons (45r); it is a good day for setting out on a journey (48v); setting out on a

military campaign (48v); wearing a new robe (56v); and mixing medicine (56r); if one takes

a bride when it falls on Sunday, the bride will divorce; when it falls on Monday, the bride

will bring danger; when it falls on Thursday, the bride will not be suitable (52r); it is a bad

day for giving away a daughter (53r); it is one of traveler stars; travelers should not depart

(60v); it is one of the personal stars (ber-n odun) (60v); it belongs to the vacillating and

restless clan (urbau l tbidk obo() (61v); the head of its protective animal is the yellow

birds (59r); its orientation is north; of the four elements, its element is either water (21r,

247
INTRODUCTION

59v) or earth (45v); of the five elements, its element is water (31r, 61r); in the first system

its figure is a vajra and its number of stars is four (31r); in the second system it is the

asterism of the predatory simnus [demons] (59r); its figure is a bird and its number of stars

is four (59v); in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised of four stars, $, ", (, * Delphini

(Rachmati 1972: 300); In Indian sources it usually comprises the same four stars; the

Khan}d}a-Kat}aka and kalya give five; its regents are a class of deities known as the vasus

bright, good (Burgess 1859: 340-341); it corresponds to the 11th Chinese asterism, xu/hs

empty (Mathews 2821), comprising two stars, $ Aquarius and " Equuleus (Schlegel 1967:

214); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Tanis/Danista/Danis, the 24th

lunar mansion; ", $, (, * Dauphin (Kowalewski 1941: 1560); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Danista,

two stars (TU, 907).

Sadabis [S. atabhisaj having one hundred physicians]; 23rd of the twenty-eight

nakshatra; it is a good day for building a citadel (37r); a ruler to take the throne or a noble

receive a title (37r); for setting out on a military campaign (48v); when it falls on a Tuesday,

this is a bad occasion that brings death (45r); it is generally a good day to bring a bride into

one's household or marry off a daughter (53r); it is one of the stars of fortune (keig-n

odun); one should not distribute possessions or livestock (61v); it is one of the eight personal

stars (61r); it belongs to the vacillating and restless clan (urbau l tbidk obo() (61v);

the head of its protective animal is the mules (59r); its orientation is north; of the four

elements, its element is either water (21r, 45v) or earth (59v); of the five elements, its

element is water (31r, 61r); in one system its figure is the everlasting flower (rglji seig)

248
INTRODUCTION

and its number of stars is two; in another system it is known as the asterism of all meat-eaters

(59r); its figure is flowers and its number of stars is two (59v); in the Uygur Turfan texts it

is comprised of five stars, the principal of which is 8 Aquari; in Indian sources this nakshatra

is said to be composed of 100 stars of which the brightest is 8 Aquari; the regent of the

asterism is Varuna, chief of the dityas, but later the god of water (Burgess 1859: 341); it

corresponds to the 12th Chinese asterism, wei (Mathews 7056), the summit, three stars, "

Aquarius and ,, 2 Pegasus (Schlegel 1967: 233); as for other Mongolian sources,

Kowalewski lists it as Sadabis, the 25th lunar constellation containing five stars found amidst

those of " of Aquarius and ,, 2 of Pegasis (Kowalewski 1941: 1306); Tngri-yin udq-a gives

Sadabis, three stars (TU, 908).

Burvabadaribad/Burvabadaripad [S. prvbhdrapad < prv the former, bhadra

beautiful, happy pada foot]; 24th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; the first month of winter

in the Klacakra (15r); it is the star that makes one mare one hundred (33v); the asterism of

amatu sn-e, one should not mount a cavalry charge (34r); it is a good day for blessing a

temple, monastery, scripture, or Buddha image (37v); setting out on a journey (48v); bringing

a bride into ones household (51r); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); and mixing medicine

(56r); when it falls on a Tuesday it is one of the seven days for conquering the imnus

demons (45r); if it coincides with a Dragon day, the omen is bad (46v); it is one of the

asterisms of Erlig khan (60v); one of the personal asterisms (61r); it belongs to the eminently

just clan (61v); its orientation is north; of the four elements, its element is fire (21r, 45v,

59v); of the five elements, its element is water (31r, 61r); in one system its figure is a cart;

249
INTRODUCTION

its number of stars is two; in another system it is known as the asterism of the great Sun-a;

its figure is a tree; and its number of stars is one; in the Uygur Turfan texts it is comprised

of ", $ Pegasi; in Indian sources it comprises the same two stars; its figure is either a couch

or bed, a Janus-faced figure, or twins; its regent is a mythological one-footed goat; the

regent of the next asterism, Uttara-bhdrapad, is the mythological bottom-snake

(Burgess 1859: 341-343); in the manual the head of its protective animal is the snakes (59r);

it corresponds to the 13th Chinese asterism shi/shih house (Mathews 5820), comprising two

stars, " and $ Pegasus (Schlegel 1967: 275); as for other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski

lists it as Burvabadaribad, the first of two lunar constellations Bhdrapad, comprised of

" and $ Pegasis (Kowalewski 1941: 1224); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Burvabadarabad, two

stars (TU, 909).

Udaribadaribad/Udaribadaripad [S. uttarabhdrapad < uttara the latter, bhadra

beautiful, happy pada foot]; 25th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; it is the asterism that

causes the wolfs claws to protract (33v); it is a good day for building a citadel (37r);

building a temple or home (37v); setting out on a journey (48v); mounting a military

campaign (48v); doing battle with an enemy (48v); bringing a bride into ones household

(51r); planting a crop (55v); tailoring a robe or clothing (55v); mixing medicine (56r); in this

nakshatra a blessing becomes great (38r); if it coincides with the Dragon day, the omen is bad

(46v); if the day for taking a bride is to be when it coincides with Monday, the bride will get

divorced (52r); it is generally a good day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off

a daughter (53r); the head of its protective animal is the mules (59r); it is one of the

250
INTRODUCTION

asterisms of erlig (60v); it is one of two fortunate asterisms in the north (60v); it belongs to

the unshakeable clan (ingbatu obo(), 61r; its orientation is north; of either the four or five

elements, its element is water (21v, 31v, 45v, 59v, 61r); in one system its figure is a picket

post; its number of stars is two; in another system it is known as the asterism of the meat-

eating elephant; its figure is tree; it number of stars is two; in the Uygur Turfan texts it is

comprised of two stars, ( Pegasi, " Andromedae (Rachmati 1972: 301); in Indian sources

it comprises the same two stars; its figure is either a couch or bed, a Janus-faced figure, or

twins; its regent is a mythological bottom-snake (Burgess 1859: 341-343); it corresponds

to the 14th Chinese asterism bi/pi wall, cliff (Mathews 5113), comprising two stars, (

Pegasus and " Andromeda (Schlegel 1967: 302-302); as for other Mongolian sources,

Kowalewski lists it as Udaribadaribad, the 26th constellation; two stars: " of Andromeda and

( of Pegasis (Kowalewski 1941: 383); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Udaribadirabad, two stars (TU,

910).

Rivadi/Rivadi [S. revat wealthy, abundant]; 26th of the twenty-eight nakshatra; it is

the nakshatra that causes a handful of grain to fill one hundred silos (33v); the one that

causes the birds nest to be burned in a conflagration (33v); it is a good day for building a

temple or home (37v); and mixing medicne (56r); it is one of the nakshatra for performing

magic (btgek-yin odun); it is good for the deeds of those who receive [a magical rite]

(60v); one of the four tan stars (61r); belongs to the eminently accommodating clan (mai

okilan obo() (61r); the head of its protective animal is the horses (59r); its orientation is

north; of either the four or five elements, its element is water (21v, 31v, 45v, 59v, 61r); in

251
INTRODUCTION

one system it is known as the old woman's spirit nakshatra; its figure is a boat; and its

number of stars is thirty-two; in another system it is known as the nakshatra that cuts of

descendants; again its figure is a boat; and its number of stars is thirty-two; in the Uygur

Turfan texts its one star is . Piscium; in Indian sources it is said to contain thirty-two stars,

the junction star being . Piscium; its regent is Pshan, the prosperer, one of the dityas;

it figure is a drum or tabor (Burgess 1859: 343); it corresponds to the 15th Chinese asterism

kui/kuei pace (Mathews 3643), comprising sixteen stars, 0, ., 4, ,, *, B, <, :, $

Andromeda and F, J, L, <, N, P, R Pisces (Schlegel 1967: 316-317); as for other Mongolian

sources, Kowalewski lists it as Rivadi, $, *, 0, ., :, <, B, 4 of Andromeda, <, F, N?, R, and

five others of Pisces (Kowalewski 1941: 2661); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Rivadi, sixteen stars

(TU, 910).

Aivani/Auvani [S. avin the two horsemen]; the 27th nakshatra; the middle month of

winter in the Klacakra (16r); when it coincides with Tuesday, it is one of seven occasions

for a blessing of holy water (44v); when it coincides with Tuesday it is one of seven

occasions for finding good fortune (44v); when it coincides with Wednesday and Friday, it

is a bad occasion bringing death (45r); it is a good day for setting out on a journey (48v);

mounting a military campaign (48v); bringing a bride into ones household (51r); wearing

a new robe (56r); receiving a consecration (56v); if one takes a bride when it coincides with

Tuesday, there will be a divorce (52r); it is one of the enemy stars (dayisun-u odun) (60v);

one of two stars in the north where good fortune resides (60v); it belongs to the four wheels

clan (drben krdn obo() (61r); the head of its protective animal is the rams (59r); its

252
INTRODUCTION

orientation is north; of the four elements, its element is air (21v, 45v, 59v); of the five

elements, its element is water (32r, 61r); in one system its figure is a horse head; its number

of stars is three; in another system it is known as the nakshatra of the lone person who

crushes the enemy [menacing] the frontier; its figure again is the horse head; and the number

of stars again is three; in the Uygur Turfan texts its three stars are $, (, ", Arietis (Rachmati

1972: 301); in Indian sources the two horsemen are the Avins, mythological people of

ancient Hindu mythology, nearly corresponding to Castor and Pollox of the Greeks; they are

the divinities of the asterism; as in the manual, the asterism is figured as a horses head; as

a group of two stars it is composed of $ and ( Arietis; as a group of three it comprises $, (,

", Arietis (Burgess 1859: 327); it corresponds to the 16th Chinese asterism lou/lou (Mathews

4136), reaper, harvester, comprising three stars ", $, ( Aries (Schlegel 1967: 331); as for

other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Asuvani/Asavani, the first constellation of

the Indian zodiac; ", $, ( of the Ram (Kowalewski 1941: 55); Tngri-yin udq-a gives

Auvani, three stars (TU, 911).

Barani [S. bharan} < bhar carry]; the 28th nakshatra; it is the bade gate (33r); the

mundane or earthly gate (33r); the one that brings about the kalpa of fire (33r); the one that

erases or lessens bad enterprises or bad deeds (33v); when it coincides with Monday it is one

of the seven days of demons (45r); if one takes a bride when it coincides with Tuesday, the

bride will bring danger (52r); when it coincides with Wednesday, there will be a divorce

(52r); it is a bad day to bring a bride into one's household or marry off a daughter (53r);

253
INTRODUCTION

the head of its protective animal is the oxs (59r); it is one of the asterisms of death; bad for

all things (60v); one of the four nakshatra that cut off descendants (61r); it belongs to the

eminently just clan (61v); its orientation is north; of the four elements, its element is fire

(21v, 45v, 59v); of the five elements, its element is either water (32r) or earth (61r); in one

system its figure is a lotus; its number of stars is three; in another system it is known as the

nakshatra of the eliy-e [demons] who seize people; its figure is a knife (or sharp instrument);

its number of stars is also three; in the Uygur Turfan texts its three stars are 35, 39, 41 Arietis

(Rachmati 1972: 301); in Indian sources its ruler is Yama, ruler of the world of departed

spirits; it is figured as the yoni or pudendum muliebre; its three stars are also 35, 39, 41

Arietis (Burgess 1859: 328); it corresponds to the 17th Chinese asterism wei (Mathews 7075)

the grain guard, comprising three stars, a, b, c Musca Borealis (Schlegel 1967: 341); as for

other Mongolian sources, Kowalewski lists it as Barani, the 2nd lunar asterism containing

three stars; *, ., J Aries (Kowalewski 1941: 1092); Tngri-yin udq-a gives Barani three stars

(TU, 912).

The Four Sky Animals

Among the tables of the good and bad times to set out on a journey, the table for the

final four months mentions the Red Magpie, White Tiger, Black Turtle and the Blue Dragon

(49r). In addition to these references, special attention is given to the movements of the Red

Magpie in the calendar each month. These four animals comprise the four seasonal palaces

of the 28 xiu in Chinese mathematics: 1. Spring Palace of the Azure Dragon of the East; 2.

254
INTRODUCTION

Summer Palace of the Red Bird of the South; 3. Autumn Palace of the White Tiger of the

West; 4. Winter Palace of the Black Warrior of the North, which is figured as a turtle (Sun

1997: 117). As for their antiquity, J. Needham posits the scheme existed around the time of

the ruler Wuding (1339-1281 BC [Needham 1959: 242]). Sun and Kistemaker argue that

around the Han time the xiu were divided into four quarters and related to the four compass

directions with four animal images, the xiang (Sun 1997: 113). Gaubil, Biot, and de

Saussure considered them much older. A. Gaubil dates the scheme to 2155-2796 BC (the

time of Yao Di (2300 BC)) (Sun, 1997: 16). Others such as Iijima Tadoa conclude that it

originated much later (400 BC) through Middle Eastern influence (Sun 1997: 16). Sun and

Kristemaker, in calculating the right Ascensions of the four xiu constellations within these

palaces that marked the vernal equinox, niao, summer solstice, huo, autumnal equinox, xu,

and the winter solstice, mao, find that at the year 2400 BC the values fit the cardinal points

rather well, suggesting a first use of these cardinal asterisms about 2300 BC . With an

uncertainty of plus or minus 250 years, this includes reign of Sargon in Akkad and Yao Di

(Sun 1997: 17-18). Sun and Kistemaker also show that a tomb excavated near Puyang,

Henan, contains images representing the Dragon and the Tiger. The age of the tomb is 3000

BC (Sun 1997: 116). It is worth noting that in ancient Mesopotamia on a stele of

Nebuchadnezzar I, from the 12th century BC, are four animals marking the seasons, one of

which, the winter Turtle corresponds with the Chinese. These are: Bull Spring; Scorpion

Autumn; Turtle Winter; Lamp Summer (Lindsay 1971: 53).

255
INTRODUCTION

IV.18 The Four Sky Animals

Manual English Chinese English Season Orientation

Kke luu Blue Dragon Canglong/ Azure spring east


Tsang-lung Dragon
(Mathews 6714,
4258)
Ula(an Red Magpie Zhuque/ Chu- Red bird summer south
aa(ai cheh (Mathews
1346.17)
a(an White Tiger Baihu/ White autumn west
baras Pai-hu (Mathews Tiger
2161.52)
Qara Black Turtle Xuanwu /Hsan- The Black winter north
yasutu wu (Mathews Warrior
meneki 2881, 7195)

The Zodiac

The zodiac is an imaginary zone of the heavens within which lie the paths of the sun

and the moon and the wandering stars. It is bounded by two circles of equal distance from

the ecliptic, about eighteen degrees apart; and it is divided into twelve signs and marked by

twelve constellations (Clerke, 1911: 993a). In the description of each month, the manual

gives the sign of the zodiac in the manner of the first month as follows: Because the sun has

entered the house of Aquarius the pitcher, on the earth wine will taste good (nara Qumqan-u

ger-dr oro(san-u tula. yirtin-teki darasun amtatu bolumui [8r]). These twelve signs,

256
INTRODUCTION

along with the corresponding term in Uygur, Sanskrit, Modern Khalkha, and English, are

given in the table below:

IV.19 The Twelve Signs of the Zodiac64

Manual Uygur Sanskrit Modern Babylonian English


(Translation) Khalkha
Mongolian
Qumqan Kumba Kumbha Khumkh Gu (the Aquarius
(Pitcher) (Pitcher) great one) the Water
Bearer
Ji(asun (Fish) Mina Mna Dzagas Kun, Kun- Pisces the
(Fish) me, Zib- Fishes
me (the
tails)
Qonin Mi Mesa Khonin Hun, Lu Aries the
(Sheep) (Ram) (hireling) Ram
ker (Cattle) Vri Vr}isha kher Gu-an (bull Taurus the
(Bull) of heaven), Bull
Ml-ml
(the stars)
Qamtudqui Maidun Mithuna Khamtadgakh Ma-ma Gemini the
(Union) (Couple) (the great Twins
twins)
Gargada Karkad Karkat}a Melkhii Alla (crab) Cancer the
(Crab) (Crab) Crab
Arsalan Sinx-a Sim}ha Arslan A, Ur-a Leo the
(Lion) (Lion) (lion) Lion

64
For the Uygur terms see Rachmati 1972: 299; for the Babylonian terms see
Rochberg 1998: 29.

257
INTRODUCTION

Okin (Virgin) Kany-a Kany Okhin Absin Virgo the


(Virgin) (furrow) Virgin
inglegr Tuly-a Tul Jinglr Rn (the Libra the
(Scale) (Scale) scales) Balance
Tiler Vrik Vr}icika Khilents Gr-tab Scorpio the
(Scorpion) (Scorpio) (scorpion) Scorpion
Numun Tanu Dhanus Nom Pa Sagittarius
(Bow) (Bow) the Archer
Matar (Sea- Makara Makara Matar M (Goat- Capricorn
monster) (Sea- fish) the Goat
monster)

In the manual the order of the signs follows the Chinese mathematical calendar in which the

vernal equinox falls in the middle of the second sign, Ji(asun (Pisces). In ancient

Mesopotamia the vernal equinox fell on the first point of Aries the Ram. In the manual the

term for the house of the zodiac is ger, whereas in modern Khalkha the form is ord

palace. Thus, as the manual gives Qumqan-u ger for the first sign, modern Khalkha has

Khumkhyn ord (Terbish 1997: 4). The fifth sign, Qamtudquy-yin ger, is noteworthy in that

it shows a specific Indian influence. In the West, as in the original Babylonian, the term

refers to twins. Here, due to the ambiguity of Sanskrit mithuna, which can mean twins, but

more generally refers to a pair, especially male and female and the sexual act, the reference

is to the union of man and woman (MW 816-817; Jones 1799: 292). This was carried over

in the Chinese translation of the term (Ho 2003: 71) and is witnessed in the manual in the

monthly sign as follows, Because the sun has entered Gemini, a lustful mind will be born

in all living beings of the world (naran Qamtudquy-yin ger-dr oron-u tula. yirtin-yin

258
INTRODUCTION

qamu( amitan quraaqui sedkil trmi [12r]). The tenth sign, Tiler-n ger, is sometimes

also given in Mongolian sources as gey-yin ger (Bese 1972: 158) but more commonly as

Kilinet-yin ger Scorpio (see, for instance, Khilentsiin ger in the almanacs published by

Dechinchoinkhor monastery and Terbish; cf. also kiline in the Klacakra [KOT 68]). The

eleventh sign, Numun-u ger, again shows a variation from the Western conception of the sign

in that here the sign is designated only by the stars of the bow (Jones, William 1799: 292).

This too is found in the first translation of the term into Chinese (Ho 2003: 71). Finally, the

sixth and twelfth signs again betray the Indian origins of the signs of the zodiac in Mongolia.

The term gargada in the sign of Cancer is S. karkat}a crab. The more commonly found

Mongolian term for crab sometimes found instead is naimali from the stem naiman

"eight" referring to the crabs eight claws.65 However, this sign of the zodiac is now

commonly referred to as Meneki-yin ger (the frog [see, for instance, Melkhiin ger in the

modern Mongolian almanacs of Dechinchoinkhor monastery and Terbish]). The term matar

in the twelfth sign, Matar-un ger, is from Sanskrit makara sea monster, crocodile. The

difference between this and the Western form, the Goat, again shows the ultimate origin of

these twelve signs in ancient Mesopotamia, where there was a constellation of a mythological

creature, suhur.m (the goat-fish [Koch-Westenholz 1995: 164]). The Greeks, in borrowing

the Babylonian zodiac created a mythological goat that Westerners know as Capricorn.

Hindus, however, in borrowing the zodiac, went the other way and created a mythological

fish or sea-monster (S. makara, Mong. matar [Schlegel 1967: 664]).

65
For a Mongolian system with Naimali-yin ger see a(i 1993: 75.

259
INTRODUCTION

According to O. Neugebauer, the time of the invention of the zodiac is most likely

around 450 BC. It appears for the first time in 419 BC, although the constellations by which

the signs are named are much older (Neugebaur 1951, 97-98). It replaced the earlier series

of seventeen constellations in the path of the moon. Though first used in Babylonian time

reckoning, the zodiac soon came to play an important role in astrology and astro-magic, for

it led to the rise of nativities, also known as the horoscope (Koch-Westenholz 1995:163).

This marks the beginning of the trend towards a focus on the individual in mathematics. In

part stimulated by more precise computations, this trend came at a time when the political

role of diviners in government was weakened under the Persian Achaemenids (Barton 1994:

94). The oldest Babylonian text yet known that refers to signs of the zodiac, not the

constellations, is a horoscope from 410 BC (See Neugebauer 1968: 187; Burkert 1972: 334).

It is said that the twelve signs of the zodiac were introduced to Greece by Cleostratus of

Tenedos, a pupil of Anaximander (Burkert 1972: 333). Yano Michio shows that they were

first introduced into China in the Xiu yaojing, an early work of tantric Buddhism in China,

translated into Chinese in AD 759 and then again 764 (Ho 2003: 69-71; Needham 1959: 258;

Schafer 1977: 10).

The Twelve Animals

Long before the arrival of the Western zodiac, the Chinese had a zodiacal system of

their own. Though often mistaken for a distortion of the Western zodiac, it is completely

unique (Needham, 1959: 258). Based on the cycle of Jupiter, the twelve Jupiter stations

260
INTRODUCTION

ci/tzu (Mathews 6980) divide the ecliptic unequally, according to the xiu asterisms and the

four animal palaces, xiang, in a retrograde direction, i.e., against the course of the sun

(Needham, 1959: 258). At some point in time (perhaps the 6th century BC), this duodenary

division became associated with the famous cycle of animals, rat, ox, tiger, etc. The origin

of this animal cycle has been greatly debated. Some, such as Edouard Chavannes believed

the Chinese borrowed the cycle from the Turks (Chavannes 1906: 51-122). Others believed

that the cycle is essentially Chinese. Among these, L. de Saussure argued that the animal

cycle went from the four celestial animals, the dragon, bird, tiger and turtle, to six, eight and

then twelve terms (de Saussure 1967: 309-402). That the animal cycle came to the Turks

from China was demonstrated by Paul Pelliot who deciphered texts showing the gradual

assimilation of the Chinese calendrical system as Turkish peoples established relations with

China (Pelliot 1928: 26, 201).

This view is supported by Turcologists such as Louis Bazin who show that the

calendrical knowledge of the Turks of Central Asia derived from Chinese culture (Needham,

1959: 406; Bazin, 1991: 120-122). Bazin argues that during the Han dynasty, around the

beginning of the Christian era, the cycle of the twelve animals becomes the popular substitute

for the abstract Chinese astrological cycle of the twelve branches, zhi/chih ([Mathews 937]

Bazin, 1991: 122). Because New Year was celebrated at different times, at the winter solstice

among the Chinese and at the vernal equinox among the Turks, rectifying the two systems

was a problem for them in adopting the official Chinese calendar. So the Turks only

followed the Chinese usage concerning the beginning and end of the four seasons. (They

261
INTRODUCTION

also took the intercalary system, 13th month, to justify solar and lunar means of reckoning

[Bazin 1991:120]). In the manual the twelve animal cycle is found in the sexagenary

calendar matrix together with a transcription of the ten abstract Chinese celestial stems and

in place of the abstract Chinese earthly branches (7v), a custom common among the Uygurs

(Rachmati 1972: #4, 301). The animal cycle is also used to denote the year, month, day, hour

and orientation. In the calendar, the twelve animals are paired with the twelve stages of

dependent origination (itn barildaqui). Though the Chinese animal cycle starts with the

rat, in the manual the cycle begins with the third animal in the series, the tiger. This came

about during the Mongol Empire when Phags-pa lama under Qubilai khan synchronized the

Chinese and Tibetan calendars (Schuh 1973: 5-8). However, the day, in keeping with

Chinese custom, begins in the midst of the Rat hour. Also, in the manuals section on

marriage, the cycle of years begins with the Rat, revealing an older Chinese technology

included in the text (53r).

IV.20 The Twelve Animals

Mongolian Chinese English

262
INTRODUCTION

1. Bars 3. Hu (Mathews 2161) Tiger


2. Taulai 4. Tu/Tu (Mathews 6534) Hare
3. Luu 5. Long/Lung (Mathews 4258) Dragon
4. Mo(ai 6. She/Sh (Mathews 5698) Snake
5. Morin 7. Ma (Mathews 4310) Horse
6. Qonin 8. Yang (Mathews 7247) Ram
7. Bein 9. Hou (Mathews 2139) Monkey
8. Takiy-a 10. Ji/Chi (Mathews 428) Cock
9. Noqai 11. Gou/Kou (Mathews 3413) Dog
10. 'aqai 12. Ju/Chu (Mathews 1357) Pig
11. Qulu(ana 1. Shu (Mathews 5871) Rat
12. ker 2. Niu (Mathews 4737) Ox

Orientation

While sets of five and ten directions (g) are common in Mongolian sources, the

manual offers two schemes different from these.66 The first, of eight, gives the cardinal and

intermediate (obkis) directions, as is common in English, except that the way of naming the

intermediate directions is inverse in Mongolian to that of English. Northeast is written

east north in Mongolian (doron-a umar-a), and so on. The manual often mixes these

forms. The other scheme is of twelve directions, according to the twelve animals, in which

the first animal, the tiger (baras) corresponds to the east.

IV.21 The Eight Directions

66
Five and ten direction schemes are common in Chinese sources. A ten direction
system is also common in Indian Buddhist sources. For instance, the Klacakra has both
eight and ten direction systems (KOT 93, 181); cf. also Poppe (1967: 21, 68).

263
INTRODUCTION

Manual English
1. doron-a/drn-e/dorona east
2. doron-a umara/umara doron-a northeast
3. umar-a/umara north
4. rn-e umar-a northwest
5. rn-e west
6. rn-e emn-e/emn-e rn-e southwest
7. emn-e south
8. doron-a emn-e southeast

Time Reckoning

Sexagenary Cycle

The chronology in the manual is based on a sexagenary cycle invented in China

centuries ago. The abstract characters of the cycle are among the most common on the

oracle-bones of the 2nd millennium BC. In the Shang period they were used strictly as a day

count. Only during the Han dynasty in the first century BC were they used to count the years

as well (Needham 1959: 396). This Chinese cycle, which has been widely adopted in Inner

Asia, is comparable to the Indian sixty year cycle. Both are based on the motion of Jupiter.

The Chinese system is attested in Tibetan sources from the 9th century, prior to the coming

of the Indian system, which was introduced with the Klacakratantra. The two have co-

existed in Tibet, though with the Yuan period calendar realignment the Indian rab-byung

264
INTRODUCTION

cycle begins three years after the start of the Chinese cycle, that is, with the Fire-female-hare

year instead of the Wood-male-rat (Uray 1984: 341-345).

The Chinese system is comprised of two sets of binary terms, the ten heavenly stems

and the twelve earthly branches, the etymologies of which have been lost over time

(Needham 1959: 396). Assigning the first stem to the first branch, the second stem to the

second branch and so on, the cycle completes itself in sixty years and begins again after the

first terms in each series coincide once more, the heavenly stems repeating six times, the

earthly branches, five times. In another manner of speaking, the sexagenary cycle is

generated within the matrix of ten stems and twelve branches. The 60 terms of the cycle fall

within 120 matrix terms. This greater dimension to the matrix, creates ambiguities for the

shaping of its meaning. First of all, in each decade of the sexagenary cycle there are always

two signs of the twelve branches that remain unused. These two signs are termed orphan

(Schipper 1986: 201). More importantly, given the terms of the cycle (six sets of the ten

heavenly stems and five sets of the twelve earthly branches), a factor of two remains. Given

this factor of two, one sees that the terms of the matrix can be defined in two different ways,

either in terms of the ten heavenly stems or in terms of the twelve earthly branches. If one

were to mark them accordingly, one would find that the matrix appears differently whether

one counts five cycles of twelve or six cycles of ten. As such opposing traditions read the

matrix differently, emphasizing different numerologies.

While the names of the years as given by the abstract terms of the ten heavenly stems

and 12 earthly branches give no indication of the meaning of the matrix, examining the

265
INTRODUCTION

contents of Chinese almanacs and other sources, especially the names of the years in various

traditions based on the Chinese system, reveal how the matrix is to be understood. This is

because these traditions often express the binary cycle in three terms instead of only two.

The year 1997, for example, is given in Mongolian almanacs as the Ula(a(in ker il

(Female-red-ox year) of the 17th 60 year cycle. In this year the term ox is from the Chinese

zodiac so often used instead of the twelve earthly branches. Red reflects the ten heavenly

stems. However, the system gives only five colors, red, yellow, white, black and blue not

ten. Thus, in this system the years follow a sequence such that two red years are followed

by two yellow years, and so on. Of these pairs, one red year, is distinguished from

another by gender (Everding 1982: 475-477; Poucha 1962: 192-204). Thus, in this scheme

the mathematics of the matrix reveal three terms, twelve, five and two instead of twelve

and ten or ten, six and two. In this scheme the dual combinations includes every other stem:

1 and 2, 3 and 4, 5 and 6, etc. While this scheme is very common (see the dual

combinations in Mathews, 1176), dual combinations of the ten stems can be formed by

uniting every fifth stem as well, i.e., 1 and 6, 2 and 7, 3 and 8, etc. This latter method is

found in the manual. Hypothetically, the same could be done from the opposing perspective

with the twelve branches also.

In the manual chronology is represented in terms of 60 months. The title to the

chronological table reads, arban qoyar sarayin ngge medek krdn ene bui (this is the

table by which one knows the appearance of the twelve months). These 60 months fall under

year headings, five of them, comprised of dual combinations of the ten heavenly stems in

266
INTRODUCTION

which the combination is every fifth. The first year is ja jii (Ch. jia ji, the first and sixth

stems), the second year is yi geng (Ch. yi geng, the second and seventh stems), and so on.

The names of the months are given in terms of the Chinese ten heavenly stems and the

twelve animals. The first month given is Bing-baras sara (the Ping-tiger month). In this one

does not find the exact equivalents of the traditional Chinese terms, ding zhou, wu yin, and

so on; nor exactly equivalents for the Tibetan variations of those terms, fire ox, earth

tiger, and so on, but rather a combination of the two methods, ding ox, wu tiger, and so on.

This method was an Uygur variation of the Chinese system, adopted by the Mongols during

the imperial period into the Mongolian calendar (Kennedy 1964: 435; Rachmati 1972: #4,

p. 301; Cleaves 1951: 56). It epitomizes the nature of Uygur astrological influence, which

was to synthesize disparate traditions, especially those of India and China. As such, this

method is distinct from numerous other variations on the sexagenary cycle employed during

the Qing, a list of which follows:

Uygur stem-animal
Mongol (gender-) color-animal
Tibetan element-animal
Chinese stem-branch and/or reign number
Tibeto-Qing element-animal and reign number
(Elverskog 2005: 161).

In traditional Chinese reckoning, the terms ping and tiger represent the third heavenly stem

and earthly branch respectively. They are given here first according to the calendar

realignment during the Mongol Empire when Phags-pa lama under Qubilai khan

synchronized the Chinese and Tibetan calendars (Schuh 1973: 5-8). In the same table, 60

267
INTRODUCTION

hours fall under the headings of five days, which take the same forms as the years. However,

as for the 60 hours, instead of beginning with the third terms of the heavenly stems and

branches, as do the 60 months, they begin with the fourth terms of the respective cycles,

making the first term ding taulai a( (7v).

IV.22 The Ten Heavenly Stems

# MANUAL UIGUR CHINESE


1. a kap jia/chia (Mathews 610)
2. ii ir yi/i (Mathews 3017)
3. bing pi/pii/ping bing/ping (Mathews 5284)
4. ding ti/ting ding/ting (Mathews 6381)
5. uu uu/bu/buu wu (Mathews 7197)
6. i/yii/gi/gii ki ji/chi (Mathews 429)
7. geng/ging k/king geng/keng (Mathews, 3339)
8. in/ing sin xin/hsin (Mathews 2739)
9. im im/im/im ren/jen (Mathews 3100)
10. gi ki gui/kuei (Mathews 3628)

In this table the variant Uygur terms, gathered from among the Turfan texts, show an ongoing

relationship with Chinese. The Uygur term for the first heavenly stem, kap, Ch. jia, retains

a Middle Chinese final -p. The -r in the Uygur term for the second stem, ir, Ch. yi,

transcribes Middle Chinese final -t. Of the variant forms for the third stem, pi transcribes an

268
INTRODUCTION

earlier Middle Chinese pronunciation than does ping (Bazin 1991: 351; Rachmati 1972:

passim). This nasalization of the vowels took place in late Middle Chinese and can be seen

in the variant Uygur forms for the 4th and 7th stems as well. The Mongolian term for the 9th

heavenly stem, im (< Uy. im), retains Middle Chinese final -m. Final -p and -t, however,

are absent in the 1st and 2nd stems. This indicates a late Middle Chinese assimilation of the

Chinese system (via Uygur) since by the time of the Mongol Empire final -p, -t, and -k had

disappeared in northern Chinese (Pulleyblank 1971: 138). The dual combinations of the ten

heavenly stems is given below:

IV.23 Dual Combinations of the Ten Heavenly Stems (7v)

1. a and 6. i/yii/gi/gii
2. ii and 7. geng/ging
3. bing and 8. in/ing
4. ding and 9. im
5. uu and 10. gi

The complete sexagenary cycle is as follows:

IV.24 Sexagenary Cycle

269
INTRODUCTION

jia yi bing ding wu ji geng xin ren gui


tiger 1 13 25 37 49
rabbit 2 14 26 38 50
dragon 51 3 15 27 39
snake 52 4 16 28 40
horse 41 53 5 17 29
ram 42 54 6 18 30
monkey 31 43 55 7 19
cock 32 44 56 8 20
dog 21 33 45 57 9
pig 22 34 46 58 10
rat 11 23 35 47 59
ox 12 24 36 48 60

The Calendar

The sexagenary cycle, described above, does not depend on the solar or lunar cycles,

but conforms to an approximation of those cycles, a year of 360 days, 12 months in a year,

and a month of 30 days. These terms form the matrix of a calendar (8r-19v). Because no

certain method is given for fixing the solar and lunar cycles and the New Year, the manual

contains no calendar per se.67

67
For a discussion of the various calendrical systems used by the Mongols during the
late 19 and early 20th centuries see Appendix E of Christopher Atwoods Young Mongols
th

and Vigilantes in Inner Mongolias Interregnum Decades, 1911-1931. Here Atwood


mentions the various Tibetan calendars described in detail by D. Schuh (1973: 133-137), the
Chinese lunar calendar which is well known, and points out a uniquely Mongolian calendar

270
INTRODUCTION

The Days

The day is the smallest unit of natural time. The Mongolian term qono( refers

specifically to the nychthemeron, a day and its night or a full day, while edr, as in English,

though sometimes referring to the full day, is especially used for the period of daylight. The

term for night is sni. As in the West today, in the manual the day begins at midnight (sni

dli [6v]). It begins in the midst of the Rat hour, which in keeping with Chinese tradition,

is twice as long as the Western hour, making 12 hours in a day instead of 24. The first half

of the Rat hour belongs to the preceding day, the last half belongs to the coming day (6v).

When the sun has not yet risen, if one does not recognize the face of someone at a distance

of ten yards and one foot, it is in the outer limits of the night. If one recognizes the face it

is in the outer limits of the day. When the sun sets, if one recognizes the face of someone

at a distance of ten yards and one foot, it is in the outer limits of the day. If one does not

recognize the face, it is in the outer limits of the night (6v). The manual, as is common in

Indian and Tibetan mathematics, distinguishes three kinds of day (qono(-un (urban il),

reflecting three incommensurate cycles in nature: 1. the zodiac or sidereal day (Tib. khyim-

zhag), the time it takes the sun to progress one out of 360 degrees of the zodiac or the

movement of the sun across the celestial meridian; there are 360 such days in a year; this is

the longest type of day; 2. the doin, the solar or natural day (Tib. nyin-zhag), the period from

dawn to dawn; there are 365 such days per year; 3. the date or lunar day (Tib. tshes-zhag),

the period of time it takes the moon to travel one-thirtieth the distance between new moon

of the Khalkha (Atwood 2002: 1067-1070).

271
INTRODUCTION

positions in each successive sign of the zodiac; there are 375 lunar days in a year; this is the

shortest type of day (Berzin 1987: 20-21; Schuh 1973: 84). As for the natural or solar day,

in the calendar, the manual shows the variations in lengths of day and night over the course

of the year (8r-19v):

IV.25 Hours of Light and Darkness

Month Hours of Daylight Hours of Darkness


(Mong.) qubi (Eng.) hours (Mong.) qubi (Eng.) hours
Tiger 26 10 hr. 24 min. 34 13 hr. 36 min.
Hare 28 11 hr. 12 min. 32 12 hr. 48 min.
Dragon 30 12 30 12
Horse 32 12 hr. 48 min. 28 11 hr. 12 min.
Snake 34 13 hr. 36 min. 26 10 hr. 24 min.
Ram 36 14 hr. 24 min. 24 9 hr. 36 min.
Monkey 34 13 hr. 36 min. 26 10 hr. 24 min.
Cock 32 12 hr. 48 min. 28 11 hr. 12 min.
Dog 30 12 30 12
Pig 28 11 hr. 12 min. 32 12 hr. 48 min.
Rat 26 10 hr. 24 min. 34 13 hr. 36 min.
Ox 24 9 hr. 36 min. 36 14 hr. 24 min.

The Week

272
INTRODUCTION

Besides the number of the day of the month, one through thirty, there are seven other

daily cycles given in the manual: 1. the seven day week; 2. eight day week; 3. nine day week

or nine graha; 4. 28 nakshatra; 5. twelve animals; 6. twelve stages of dependent origination;

7. twelve lords of the day. Of these the primary reckoning system is the seven day week.

Today referred to in Mongolian as the dolo(an qono( (seven days), in the manual it is

referred to in the traditional way as dolo(an gara(/dolo(an odun (the seven stars). These

are, of course, the sun and moon, and the five planets known to the ancient world: Saturn,

Jupiter, Venus, Mars, and Mercury. The seven day week originated in ancient Mesopotamia,

and is found in the creation story in the Bible (Genesis 1-2 [Thompson, v. 2, 1900: xxiii]).

However, the form of the seven day week that has come down to us is not Babylonian, but

a Greek creation, which synthesizes the traditions of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. This

is clear from the study of their order, which is in descending order according to their sidereal

rotation, the underlying assumption for this order being that the longer one of them takes to

go through the heavens, the farther it is from earth. Their order is from farthest to nearest:

Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. Taking these in this order, every hour

of the day is then given a ruler. The ruler of the first hour of the first day is Saturn, the

ruler of the second hour of the first day is Jupiter and so on for twenty-four hours. Then the

first hour of the next day goes to the Sun; so Sunday, and so on, giving us the names of the

days of the week (Tester 1987: 4). It is Greek in origin because its basis is the arrangement

of celestial bodies according to their distance from earth and it supposes a division of the day

273
INTRODUCTION

into 24 hours, a form of reckoning not Babylonian but ultimately of Egyptian origin

(Neugebaur 1951: 162-163).

One finds the same order in India, except that the designation of the first hour of the

first day of the week is given to the sun, Sunday, as the sun is lord of all planets (Burgess

1859: 175-176). In Europe Sunday became the first day of the week when Christians adapted

the Mithraists festival of the Birth of the Unconquered Sun (natalais solis invicti). This

festival was celebrated on December 25 as the day the suns light begins to increase after the

winter solstice. It was inaugurated by the Emperor Aurelian in AD 274. Christians, in

associating the birth of the sun with the birth of Christ, began to celebrate Christmas on

December 25, AD 336 and made December 25 the first day of the Church year and Sunday

the first day of the week (Macey 1989: 26). For the Jews the week begins on Saturday. In

China, the absence of the seven day week from almanacs has led some to believe that the

planetary week was not known prior to the coming of Jesuits in the 16th century

(Bobrovnikoff 1984: 24). E. G. Richards, in his monograph on the history of calendars,

states that the planetary week was first used in 1207 (Richards 1998: 165). However, as he

does not cite his source, given the multiplicity of systems in China, the context is unknown.

Nonetheless, even though the planetary week was not incorporated into the Xia calendar (the

primary calendrical system of China from 104 BC during the Han dynasty until the

promulgation of the Gregorian calendar in 1912), it was not unknown (Wilkinson 1998:

190). The seven day week is attested in the Muslim calendar (Mong. qotong iruqai) found

in China in the department for Muslim astrology (Ch. Hui hui ke) established during the

274
INTRODUCTION

Mongol empire (a(i 1993: 78). From the Sui-Tang period at least, the planetary week

(Ch. qiyao/chi-yao seven luminaries [Mathews, #7305; Soothill and Hodous, 12])

according to the Indian system was known in China through Buddhist sources. The Indian

planetary week (Ch. qiyao/chi-yao seven luminaries [Mathews, #7305; Soothill and

Hodous, 12]) first appeared in China in AD 230 with the translation of the Mtanga-stra

into Chinese (Ho 2000: 83). Prior to this time the planetary week according to the original

system beginning with Saturday, had also been known from Iranian culture, Persia and

Sogdia, via Central Asia (Needham 1959: 204-205; Schafer 1977: 10-11). The earliest

references to seven luminary systems are in the Hou Hanshu, i.e., before AD 210

(Needham, 1959: 205). As for the Turks of Central Asia, certainly by the middle of the 8th

century AD the seven day week in numerous forms that reflected the diversity of that

region was being used in their calendars together with the twelve year animal cycle of

Chinese origin. Among the Uygurs the Chinese system was most common (Bazin 1991: 124,

251; Golden 1995: 363-375; Gyarmati 1995; Rybatzki 2003: 263).

In the manuals calendar, following Chinese custom, Saturday (iroi odun) is the first

day of the week (8v-19v), but in the description of the seven planets (21v-24v) and

throughout the section of various items (37r-61v) Sunday (Naran odun), following Indian

custom, is given first. The manual mentions the two customs in discussing the birthday of

the Bodhisattva Majuri, when it says, if one counts according to the custom of beginning

with the Earth star on the first day of the month, then, the celebration of the Bodhisattva

Majuri's birth is the day when the thirteenth, the Tiger day, coincides with the Wood star

275
INTRODUCTION

(2r). In Mongolia (and throughout Asia) naming schemes for the days of the week abound.

A common method is to list the days by their number (nowadays typically beginning with

Monday as the first day of the week). Also found is the use of Tibetan and Sanskrit terms

for the days of the week (Ligeti 1972: 371-375). The manual, however, consistently uses the

Mongolian translations of the Chinese names for the wandering stars, which was the Uygur

practice as well (Gyarmati 1995).

IV.26 The Seven Day Week

Manual Chinese Mongolo- Sanskrit Mongolo- Tibetan English


Sanskrit Tibetan
Naran odun Ri/Jih Adiya ditya Nima Nyi ma Sunday

Saran odun Yue Sumiya Soma Daba Zla ba Monday

'al odun Huoxing/ Anggira ( Angraka M i(mar Mig dmar Tuesday


Huo-hsing

Usun odun Shuixing/ Bod Budha Lha (ba Lhag pa W ednesday


Shui-hsing

Modun Muxing/ Bragasbadi Brhaspati Prb Phur bu Thursday


odun Mu-hsing

Altan odun Jinxing/ ugra ukra Ba (asang/Ba Pa sangs Friday


Chin- sang
hsing

iroi odun Tuxing/ Saniar anaicara Bimba Spen pa Saturday


Tu-hsing

276
INTRODUCTION

The eight day week is comprised of the seven days previously mentioned plus Rhu,

given in the manual as Luuq-a, via Chinese transcription, Luohou. The eight day week is

common in both the Klacakra and Vaidurya dkar-po systems. The manual mentions that

the source here is the Klacakra (45v).

The term nine days or nine planets (isn gara() is mentioned in the text, though the

individual terms are not given. This system refers to the original sun, moon and the five

wandering stars, plus the two lunar nodes, the previously mentioned Rhu, and the

descending node, Ket (32v).

IV.27 The Seven, Eight and Nine Day Weeks

Seven Day Eight Day Nine Day English


Week Week Week
Planet Day of the
Week
Naran odun Naran odun Naran odun Sun Sunday
Saran odun Saran odun Saran odun Moon Monday
'al odun 'al odun 'al odun Mars Tuesday
Usun odun Usun odun Usun odun Mercury Wednesday
Modun odun Modun odun Modun odun Jupiter Thursday
Altan odun Altan odun Altan odun Venus Friday
iroi odun iroi odun iroi odun Saturn Saturday
Luuq-a odun Luuq-a odun Rhu: the moons
ascending node

277
INTRODUCTION

[Ket odun] Ketu: the moons


descending node

The twelve animals are found in the calendar together with the twelve stages of dependent

origination (itn barildaqui [8v-19v]). For the Twelve Animals see above under Zodiac.

For the Twelve Stages of Dependent Origination/itn Barildaqui, see above under Ritual.

The Twelve Lords

The twelve lords of the day (arban qoyar een) is a cycle of twelve days of Chinese

origin, commonly found in Mongolian sources (see, for example, MONG. 156, 128, 282 and

511 (Heissig 1971: 182.). It belongs to an ancient astrological system, known as jianchu

(after the first two terms in the cycle) that dates to at least the Western Han (Allred 2002: 65,

n. 136). The term lord of the day (Mong. edr-n een) refers to the day of the week in

Chinese as well as in Greek and Sanskrit (Burgess 1859: 175-176). Chinese qizheng/chi-

cheng seven rulers of the times and seasons (Mathews 7305.16) is also used in reference

to the seven day week. As with the seven planets that comprise the days of the week, the

twelve lords of the day are deified, and, as such, are listed in the Manchu pentaglot dictionary

under the Manchu heading Enduri i hacin (kinds of deities [Pentaglot, 997]). The manual

gives a transcription of the Chinese terms: jan, uu, man, bing, ding, gi [=ji], p, i, eng,

iu, ke, bi; their Mongolian translation: ejilegi, aril(a(i, dgrgi, tbsidkegi, to(ta(i,

saki(i, ebdegi, tigi [=tgigi], btgi, quriya(i, negegi, qa(a(i, and then the

combination of the two: an eilegi edr, etc. This combination is similar in form to that

278
INTRODUCTION

of the calendar terms a baras sara, etc. (7v), and, as with the calendar terms, this synthesis

of Chinese and Mongolian forms is also found in the Uygur Turfan documents. Four of the

twelve lords of the day return in the manual under the topic a good day to set out on a

journey (mr (arqu edrn sayin [48v]).68

IV.28 The Twelve Lords/Arban Qoyar Een

Manual Uygur Chinese English


an eilegi kin turmaq jian/chien The One Who
(Mathews 853)] Dominates
uu aril(a(i [uu . . . .] qu/chu (Mathews The One Who
1391) Eradicates
man dgrgi [ma]n tolmaq man (Mathews The One Who Fills
4326)
ping tbidkegi pi tz qoy(u ping/ping The One Who
(Mathews 5303) Levels
ding to(ta(i [ti] ornanmaq ding/ting (Mathews The One Who
6393) Stabilizes
gi saki(i ip t[ut]maq zhi/chih (Mathews The One Who
996) Guards
p ebdegi pa buzulmaq Ch. po/po The One Who
(Mathews 5344) Destroys
i t[g]igi kuu alp yol wei (Mathews The One Who
7056) Trembles

68
See MMAD, 21, n. 61; Pentaglot, 17428-17440, pp. 997-998. For these twelve lords
in Uygur sources, cf. Rachmati 1972: #11, p. 308 and Bazin 1991: 287-288.

279
INTRODUCTION

eng btgi q[. .]ma(u ol cheng/cheng The One Who


(Mathews 379) Accomplishes
iu quryiya(i iu qoy(u shou (Mathews The One Who
5837) Assembles
ke negegi [q]ai almaq kai/kai (Mathews The One Who
3204) Opens
bi qa(a(i [pii . . . . lm [. . .] bi/pi (Mathews The One Who
5092) Closes

The Month

As might be expected in a luni-solar calendric system, the manual pays special

attention to the reckoning of the cycle of the moon with that of the sun in the making of the

calendar. The sixty term cycle of the ten heavenly stems and the twelve animals, usually

expressed in years and days, is given in the manual in terms of months and hours. Months

are comprised of either thirty days or of no more than twenty-nine days. A number of

different terms are used to designate this: the former are variously referred to as yeke sara

(great month) and er-e sara (masculine month), while the latter are ba(-a sara (small

month), ken sar-a (small month), em-e sara (feminine month), and okin sara (maiden

month). Large and small months alternate. Of the small months, for some it is the thirtieth

day that is missing. For others it is the fifteenth day. This too alternates, as follows (3v):

IV.29 The Large and Small Months

280
INTRODUCTION

# Large Month Small Month


Minus Thirtieth Minus Fifteenth
1. Tiger
2. Hare
3. Dragon
4. Snake
5. Horse
6. Ram
7. Monkey
8. Cock
9. Dog
10. Pig
11. Rat
12. Ox

The first ten days of the month are referred to as in-e (new), while the final ten days of the

month are qa(uin (cf. also Rybatzki 2003: 270-271; Kara 1994: 201). The first month of

a particular season is referred to either as terign sara or ekin sara. In the calendar the

second month ends on Tuesday, 'al odun, but then instead of Wednesday, Usun odun, the

third month begins again on Tuesday, 'al odun (8v and 9v). It is the same for the sixth and

seventh months; again the sixth month ends on Tuesday, while the seventh month begins on

Tuesday (13v and 14v), and so on for the tenth and eleventh months (17v and 18v). This

gives a distinct four month pattern such that every fifth month begins on Saturday, Siroi

281
INTRODUCTION

odun. The manual mentions in the introduction that this is a Chinese custom, [The

calendar] was composed according to the Chinese custom of beginning the Tiger, Horse and

Dog months on a Saturday (Baras Morin Noqai sara-yi iroi odun-iyar ekileki terigten

Kitad-un to(oin-u yosu(ar okiyabai), 2v.

In the calendar months are given in three different ways, according to 1. the season,

e.g., the First Month of Spring; 2. the twelve animals, e.g., the Tiger Month; and 3. the

Mongolian system, which contains two systems: a) season and animal terms; and b) ordinal

numbers. Furthermore, each month is given according to five different mathematical

systems: 1. Indian Klacakra; 2. Chinese Peasant; 3. Chinese Mathematical; 4. Tibetan; 5.

Mongolian. This is represented in the manual as follows:

According to the Klacakrists of India it is the Burvabadaribad month, the


First Month of Autumn. For the peasants it is the Final Month of Autumn.
For the astrologers of black China it is the Middle Month of Autumn. In
Tibet it is the Rooster Month. In Mongolia it is the Eighth Month. (15r)

The custom of identifying the month in composite fashion according to the designation of

the season in different customs began during the Qing (Elverskog 2005: 161).69 The forms

given in the manual are as follows:

IV.30 The Months

69
For other examples of this type of designation of the month see Ligeti 1933: 62;
Bese 1972: 149-173.

282
INTRODUCTION

Klacakra Peasant Black Chinese Tibetan Mongolian


Mathematics
Ebl-n es Qabur-un Qabur-un Baras sara Qubi sara/
Mig sara (Mig, dumdadu sara terign sara (Tiger month) Nigen sara
the final month (the middle (the first (the first
of winter) month of month of month)
spring) spring)

Qabur-un Qabur-un es Qabur-un Taulai sara Qoyar sara


terign sara (the final dumdadu sara (Hare month) (the second
Udaribalguni month of (the middle month)
sara spring) month of
(Udaribalguni, spring)
the first month
of spring)

Qabur-un un-u terign Qabur-un es Luu sara 'urban sara


dumdadu sara (the first sara (the final (Dragon (The third
Jayitari month of month of month) month)
sara (Jayitari, summer) spring)
the middle
month of
spring)
Qabur-un es un-u dumdadu un-u terign Mo(ai sar-a Drben sar-a
ua( sara sara (the sara (the first (Snake month) (the fourth
(ua(, the middle month month of month)
final month of of summer) summer)
spring)
un-u terign un-u es un-u dumdadu Morin sara Tabun sara
ista sar-a sara (the final sara (the (Horse month) (the fifth
(ista, the first month of middle month month)
month of summer) of summer)
summer)

283
INTRODUCTION

un-u dumdadu Namur-un un-u es Qonin sara ir(u(an sara


[Burvasad] terign sara sara (the final (Ram month) (the sixth
sar-a (the first month of month)
([Burvasad], month of summer)
the middle autumn)
month of
summer)
un-u es Namur-un Namur-un Bein sar-a Dolo(an sar-a
Abiji sara dumdadu sara terign sara (Monkey (the seventh
(Abiji, the final (the middle (the first month) month)
month of month of month of
summer) autumn) autumn)
Namur-un Namur-un es Namur-un Takiy-a sara Naiman sara
terign sara (the final dumdadu sara (Cock month) (the eighth
Burvabadari- month of (the middle month)
bad sara autumn) month of
(Burvabadari- autumn)
bad, the first
month of
autumn)
Namur-un Ebl-n Namur-un es Noqai sara Isn sara (the
dumdadu terign sara sara (the final (Dog month) ninth month)
Aivani sara (the first month of
(Aivani, the month of autumn)
middle month winter)
of autumn)
Namur-un es Ebl-n Ebl-n 'aqai sar-a [Arban sara]
Kerteg dumdadu sara terign sara (Pig month) (the tenth
sar-a (Kerteg, (the middle (the first month)
the final month month of month of
of autumn) winter) winter)
Ebl-n Ebl-n es Ebl-n Qulu(an-a Arban nigen
terign sara (the final dumdadu sara sar-a (Rat sar-a (the
Margiar month of (the middle month) eleventh
sar-a winter) month of month)
(Margiar, the winter)
first month of
winter)

284
INTRODUCTION

Ebl-n Qabur-un Ebl-n es ker sar-a (Ox Kgeler-n


dumdadu terign sara sara (the final month) sara/Arban
Bus sar-a (Bus, (the first month of qoyar sara
the middle month of winter) (The twelfth
month of spring) month)
winter)

The Mongolian names within this greater designation are interesting in and of

themselves. They too show a synthesis of elements. From the second through the eleventh

months of the yearly series, the names of the Mongolian months are ordinal numbers, Second

month, Third month, etc. This is a common designation for the months. It is used by the

Chinese and among peoples of Central Asia. It was also used by the Babylonians in

Mesopotamia. However, the first and last months of the year have distinctly Mongolian

names, qubi sara and kgeler sara respectively. The independent designation of the 1st and

12th months is in Uygur also (Kara 1979: 194). This designation of the month according to

ordinal numbers was introduced into Buddhist systems by 'Phags-pa lama, Qubilai's advisor

in 1268 (Schuh 1973: 6-7). Interestingly, the early Greco-Roman calendar had ten lunar

months designated by ordinal numbers. The first two months were originally not included

in the calendar. The earliest Roman year, that of Romulus, had ten lunar months,

associated with the period of human gestation just as is found in Chinese and Middle

Mongolian sources (Macey 1989: 29; Rybatzki 2003: 260), so it is quite likely that the

ordinal month numbers in the Mongolian calendar mark the lunar cycle within the solar

year. The only technology in the manual that can be said to be of Mongolian origin, this

system of ordinal numbers is known in Tibetan as hor-zla (the Mongolian month). As the

285
INTRODUCTION

Tibetan term hor refers to both Mongols and Uygurs, the meaning of hor-zla is often

confused. This is exacerbated by the fact that the Mongolian system is borrowed directly

from the Uygur. Nonetheless, the origin of the term hor-zla comes specifically at this time.

This designation of the month was used throughout the Mongol Empire (Melville 1994: 84).

As for the names of the first and last months, these terms derive from a unique

Mongolian series, which Mostaert cites in full from the 9th series of the Long wei bi shu,

found in the Yi shih ji yu (chap. IV, f. 19) from the time of the Ming dynasty (Mostaert 1937:

131-132, n. 2). They are included in this study for the sake of further disseminating this

arcane series:

IV.31 The Ancient Mongolian Months

Mongolian English
1. qubi sara portion or destiny moon
2. quir sara soda moon
3. gelin sara hoopoe moon
4. kkei/ kkege/ kkge sara cuckoo moon
5. ularu sara snowcock moon
6. ?r sara ?crow moon
7. (uran sara roebuck moon
8. bu(u sara stag moon
9. qua sara ram moon
10. ? ?
11. itelg sara falcon moon

286
INTRODUCTION

12. kgeler sara ?

Apart from qubi and kgeler sara other terms from this list are included separately in either

the ordinal number or twelve animal systems. The term for the second, quir sara, is found

in the popular Ordos calendar and in the birch bark collections from Xarbuxyn Balgas (Bazin

1991: 393; Choido 2000: 212). The seventh month, (uran sara, is mentioned in The Secret

History of the Mongols (Supplement II, II f. 58 recto). Cerensodnom and Taube refer to the

Secret History reference as well in Die Mongolica der Berliner Turfansammlung (1993:

147); however, here they refer to it as quran sara (rain moon). As for the twelfth month,

Louis Bazin gives an etymology of kgeler sara as the Month of Mating. However, G. Kara

states that this etymology (< Old Turkish kgler, plur., to kg) has phonetic difficulties (Kara

1979: 194, note 23).70

Intercalary month

Because the cycles of the sun and moon are incommensurate, an intercalary method

is necessary in order to maintain the integrity of both. In terms of the solar cycle, the

calendar must consistently represent the seasons, that is the equinoxes and solstices. These

70
Cf. also Kara 1994: 201-206; 1973: 94-96; Ligeti 1933: 45, where this series of
terms is cited for the first time; the term sara in Karas study of the Zhiyuan Yiyu (1990:
321); and Rybatzkis discussion of the names of the months in Middle Mongolian (2003:
263-266). For the series given here, cf. Mostaerts Textes oraux ordos (1937: 131-132, note
2).

287
INTRODUCTION

must fall in the middle of the middle month of the season, the vernal equinox coming in the

middle of the Dragon month, the summer solstice in the Ram month, the autumnal equinox

in the Dog month, and the winter solstice in the Ox month. In terms of the lunar cycle, the

calendar must consistently represent the new moon (at the beginning of each month) and the

full moon (in the middle of the month). In this because it is the lunar cycle with

approximately 354 days per lunar year that falls behind the solar cycle, approximately 365

days per year, the preferred method was to insert an intercalary month (saban sara).71 In

China the model for doing this was according to the observation that 235 synodic months

correspond to 19 solar years. Thus, as one lunar month lasts just over 29.5 days, in order not

to lose the integrity of the day, the lunar year is made up of and five to seven months of 30

days, and five to seven months of 29 days. This gives 354 days on average although some

years have 7 small months and 5 big months, and so on. Each lunar year, therefore, falls

short of the solar year by 10, 11, or 12 days. After three years of falling short, there are

enough of these extra days to make another full month. It is inserted after the month which

corresponds with the number of the year. Thus, over the nineteen year period, seven years

have an intercalary month (Palmer 1986: 64-66; Cullen 1996: 22-23). This nineteen year

cycle was already known and used in Babylonian calendars beginning in the 5th Cent. B.C.

In Western astronomy it is known as the Metonic cycle, after Meton, who tried,

71
The form saban is not a common term for the intercalary month, which is usually
expressed by the attribute ileg extra. In preclassical sources the form n < Uy. n <
Ch. run extra is also attested (Rybatzki 2003: 260-261; Kara 1994: 201).

288
INTRODUCTION

unsuccessfully, to introduce it into Greek calendar reckoning.72 In the classical Tibetan

system, the observation is that 67 synodic months correspond to 65 solar months, and so over

the course of 65 solar years 24 synodic months are intercalary (Schuh 1973: 4-5).

While these are general parameters for understanding the intercalary month, the

precise method of intercalation involves other factors, which make the system complex and

ultimately subjective or arbitrary, but without which the efficacy of predictions are lost. As

the manual says, If one . . . continues to count without knowing which days to drop or the

intercalary month, then the good and bad results will not be accomplished (4r). These

factors pertain to the days which are cut from the calendar (qono( tasura-) and the method

of inserting the intercalary month (saban sara-yi orii(ulqui ar(-a).

In the manual a number of different intercalary methods are mentioned. One method

attributed to the Klacakra and Ngrjuna is that in a year of twelve months, while six

masculine months have 30 days, six feminine months have no more than twenty-nine days.

Thus, six days are dropped. Then, at the respective solstices, two days are dropped. Adding

these together makes ten days cut from the calendar each year. In three years they will make

an intercalary month (3r).

Also in the Klacakra, the method concerning the custom of dropping six days is

further refined according to the tenets of the Abhidharma (Mong. abidarma; Tib. chos

72
Cf. Neugebauer 1951: 7. Neugebauer explains that up to 480 B.C. intercalations
of lunar calendars show no regularity. The 19 year seven intercalary cycle not only settled
the problem, but also seems to be an important step preceding later astrological methods.
In this period (c. 450 B.C.) probably falls the invention of the zodiac (Neugebauer 1951: 97).

289
INTRODUCTION

mngon pa),73 which states that of those months with no more that 29 days, days should be

dropped alternately from the end of the month, the 30th, and from the middle of the month,

the 15th (3r-3v).

Another intercalary method is cited for those who uphold the custom of Vinaya

disciplinary regulations of the lamas and the general tenets for counting the days by

clepsydra. According to that system there will be an intercalary month after the lustrum

(tabun il), that is, after five solar years of 366 days. In this time the sun and moon have

completed a nearly whole number of sidereal revolutions, the former 5, the latter 67. Over

that period they have come into conjunction 62 times, for which reason a lustrum comprises

62 synodic months, each reckoned at 29 16/31 solar days but artificially divided into 30 lunar

days (Vogel 1964: 232-233).74

Returning to the previously stated method, regarding the six months in which days

are dropped, in the tenets of Ngrjuna these days are dropped according to a sign which

indicates whether a day be dropped from the last part of the month instead of from the first.

That sign is as follows, if by looking with one eye, the external lunar mansion of this day

73
Name of the third section of the Buddhist basic scriptures, constituting a
systematization of Buddhist doctrine. Cf. Lessing, 1159.
74
D. Schuh states that the Vinaya calendar had a 32 month intercalary period that
was used for internal church affairs, so perhaps the translation of lustrum for tabun il
incorrect. The Vinaya calendar is used for internal church matters in modern times in Se-ra,
whereas in dGa-ldun and Bras-spungs only skar-rtsis calendar is used. There is no
evidence that such calendars were used to record dates of historical events (Schuh 1973: 8-
9);

290
INTRODUCTION

has passed in front of the moon, it is the external nakshatra of the next day, and it is this day

which should be dropped (3v).

As for dropping four days during the solstices, two days are dropped at each solstice

because (when there is no clear day to drop otherwise) the sun resides in the same place for

three days at each solstice, the day it declines (nara ba(uqu edr), the day the sun stops

(nara bayiqu edr) and the day it returns (nara urbaqu edr). Thus, as the nakshatra star

is the same each day, two days may be dropped (3v-4r). Ngrjuna modified this by stating

that two days should be dropped at the vernal equinox in the Rat year, at the summer solstice

in the Hare year, at the autumnal equinox in the Horse year, and at the autumnal equinox in

the Cock year. Also, two days should be cut from the intercalary month as well (4r).

In summary the manual states that:

[I]f one studies these methods for counting [which days to drop] and tries to
bring them all under one system, one must be careful not to drop days in only
one direction. Some months one will drop a day from the initial fifteen days.
Other months one will drop a day from the latter fifteen days. (4r)

Another stipulation for an intercalary month is that, as there are thirty days in a

calendrical month, if there are two moons [in the period of a thirty day month] one will be

an intercalary month (5v).

A third intercalary method is as follows: Assuming that three hundred sixty-six days

make one year, then six days are left over. Also, if one calculates making the twelve months

into six big months and six small months, then six more days remain. This makes 12 days

per year, 36 days in three years. Thus, if one makes 30 of these days into an intercalary

month, six days will be left over. These remaining six days are joined with the 24 days of

291
INTRODUCTION

the following two years to make another intercalary month. In this way intercalary months

fall alternately after three years and then after two years (6v).

Finally, as for the method to insert an intercalary month, the manual states that one

must count back 47 years, exclusive of the present year. If there is an intercalary month in

that year, the intercalary month of the present year should be inserted after the intercalary

month of that year. If there is no intercalary month in the 47th year, then one must judge as

follows: if there is no change of season in the latter fifteen days of the month in question,

then that month is an intercalary month. In this case the year begins with an intercalary

month. If, on the other hand, there is a change of season, then there is no intercalary month.

This is known as a contrary year (Mong. qari il [6v-7r]).

The Years

The year is defined according to Chinese tradition from winter solstice to winter

solstice according to the shadow length of a gnomon, which is at its longest at noon on the

winter solstice and disappears at noon on the summer solstice (6r). This is the tropical year

of 360 days. This gnomon measurement is known to have existed in antiquity not only in

China, but in India and Mesopotamia as well (Pingree 1998: 128b; Falk 2000: 108). The

period of the sidereal year, somewhat longer because of the effect of the earths precession,

is, as already mentioned, given at 366 days (6v). The lunar year of 354 days is referred to

as a small year (ken il [33r]). An obstacle or contrary year (qari il) is defined

above in relation to the intercalary month. It is commonly found in Chinese almanacs

292
INTRODUCTION

signified in the picture on the cover which gives subtle indications of the characteristics of

the year to come (Smith, Richard1992: 20-21; DO, 297a). There are two designations for

the year, on and il (Rybatzki 2003: 256-257). The term on marks a period of one years

duration.75 Contrast this with il which marks the year by its moment of inception. Thus, in

terms of counting, whereas il marks the sequence of time inclusively, on marks it

exclusively.

New Year

From the time of the Mongol Empire until the present day, the Mongols have

celebrated the coming of the New Year with a festival known as a(an sar-a (the white

month). Marco Polo describes the celebration at the court of Qubilai saying the Khaan and

all his subjects dress in the auspicious color white so that all may prosper in the coming year.

It was also customary to present the emperor with white horses and other gifts in the

fortunate number nine times nine or 81 (Polo, vol. 1, 1929: 390-393). In modern times, as

New Years day is reckoned somewhat differently in the Chinese and Mongolian calendars

the holiday tends to begin on separate days in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia. Also its

practice in these places has been variously influenced by the governments (Atwood 2004:

584-587).

75
This term is likely related to Kitan po season, Jurchen pon/fon, Manchu fon time,
season, marks a period of one years duration (Kara 1994: 201).

293
INTRODUCTION

In the manual New Year is referred to with a verbal stem, inele- to make new,

i.e., to celebrate the New Year or more completely as il ur(uqui-yin terign-dr inele- to

celebrate the beginning of the coming year (3r). The manual enumerates three different

occasions for celebrating New Year according to three different traditions, as follows:

As for designating the beginning of the New Year, in keeping with the
Klacakra, making the first of the year the Citr month, which comes in the
middle of spring, it will be celebrated when the leaves, which have since
fallen, begin to reappear. In keeping with the custom of the tantras of
Vajrad}~kin and Cakrasamvara it will be celebrated on the sixteenth day of
the Mr}gair~ month when the winter sun descends. [And] it will be
celebrated after the Pus}ya month of the Chinese mathematicians has left this
land (China) and the dust has settled, making the Magh~ month the first
month of spring. (3r)

Of these three systems the one favored in the manual, the first month listed in the calendar,

is the method of the Chinese. The name of the month is given in the manual as follows:

According to the Klacakrists of India this is the Magh month, the final
month of winter. For the peasants it is the middle month of spring. For the
mathematicians of black China it is the first month of spring. In Tibet it is
the Tiger month. In Mongolia it is known as the first month. (8r)

This came about under Qubilai khan through his Imperial Preceptor, Phags-pa lama, who

established the first month of the Wood Mouse Year, 1264, as the epoch. However, while

New Year was fixed at the beginning of the Magh month instead of at the Citr as is

followed in India, the name of the month according to the twelve animals would retain its

order. Hence instead of the Rat, the first month of the year became the Tiger (Schuh 1973:

5).

294
INTRODUCTION

The Hours

The Mongolian term a( refers both to hour and time in their dovetailing senses

as instant and duration. The term, (urban a( the three times, means the past, present, and

future (Lessing, 369). In the phrase naran ur(uqui a( (the hour of sunrise) a( refers to

time as instant or occasion. As a unit of time measurement a( indicates duration when the

method is a clock, the instant when the method is the gnomon. When measured by a gnomon

or sundial, the hour is variable. As there is no season, place or time of day when its duration

is the same, the hour as measured by a gnomon is totally incommensurate with the hour as

measured by a clock. Today it is common to conceive of the hour in terms of duration, but

in the manual, as in the ancient world in general, the hour was understood as variable.76 In

the manual there are twelve hours (a() in a day. This is based on Chinese tradition, the 12

Double-Hour System in which the day was reckoned from midnight to midnight, that is, half

way through the first double-hour which begins at 11:00 p.m. (Wilkinson, 213). The first

extant enumeration of the 12 periods of the day is found in two popular almanacs dating from

about 217 B.C. The almanacs were used for determining the lucky and unlucky times for

various actions (Wilkinson, 213). The twelve hour day is found much earlier in ancient

Mesopotamia (Thompson 1900: xix; Neugebauer 1951: 81; Rochberg 1998: 35-38). The

twenty-four hour day, as is common in the West, is said to have been an invention of the

76
In Chaucers time, for instance, the hour was still conceived as variable (Macey
1989: xi).

295
INTRODUCTION

Egyptians (Neugebauer 1951: 162-163). In the calendar matrix described above, the day

begins with the Ding-taulai (Ding-hare) hour (7v). Otherwise, the day begins in the Rat hour

with midnight (sni dli) falling in the very middle of the period, in keeping with the

Chinese custom (6v). Vogel, in his article on Tibetan chronology states incorrectly that in

Tibetan reckoning the hours proceed from the Rat hour 0-2 a.m., 2-4 a.m., etc. (Vogel 1964:

231). Rather, hours are reckoned in Tibet as they are in China (TEDP 89).

IV.32 The Twelve Hours

Manual Name Hour


Qulu(an-a a( Rat hour 11 p.m. 1 a.m.
ker a( Ox hour 1 a.m. 3 a.m.
Baras a( Tiger hour 3 a.m. 5 a.m.
Taulai a( Hare hour 5 a.m. 7 a.m.
Luu a( Dragon hour 7 a.m. 9 a.m.
Mo(ai a( Snake hour 9 a.m. 11 a.m.
Morin a( Horse hour 11 a.m. 1 p.m.
Qonin a( Ram hour 1 p.m. 3 p.m.
Bein a( Monkey hour 3 p.m. 5 p.m.
Takiy-a a( Cock hour 5 p.m. 7 p.m.
Noqai a( Dog hour 7 p.m. 9 p.m.
'aqai a( Pig hour 9 p.m. 11 p.m.

296
INTRODUCTION

The Kalpa

The kalpa is well known to be of Indian origin. Lesser known, however, is its affinity

with the numerology of ancient Mesopotamia. In Indian mathematics the kalpa equals

4,320,000,000 years. In this it comprises 1000 great ages (mayyuga) each of 4,320,000

years. Each mayyuga contains four smaller yuga in ratios to each other of 4:3, 3:2 and 2:1.

The last yuga, the kaliyuga, is 1/10 mayyuga or 432,000 years. This is a Babylonian

number, the span of time given to the Babylonian kingdom before the Great Flood (Pingree

1963: 238-240). This number, 432,000 years, is made up of 10,800(4); 10,800 equals

108(100); 108 is a common numerological term.77

Two classifications of the kalpa or eon (Mong. galab) are mentioned in the manual.

In the interrogative section in which the celestial maiden, Vima, describes the cosmos, three

kalpa are mentioned. These are the kalpa of the past, present and future, but named by three

of the four elements, the kalpa of fire ((al-un galab), kalpa of water (usun-u galab), and the

kalpa of air (key-yin galab) (33r). The second reference to the kalpa comes in the term, the

four times (drben a(), these refer to the four kalpas, kalpa of formation, continuance,

decline and disintegration (DBT 118). These, as the twelve sitn barildaqui, are derived

from the horoscope (38v, 59v).

IV.33 The Three Kalpa

77
While David Pingree concludes this to be a distinctly Mesopotamian influence on
India, Harry Falk accuses him of not being aware of the impact of sexagesimal counting in
Indian thought (2000: 110, n. 2).

297
INTRODUCTION

Manual English
1. (al-un galab the kalpa of fire
2. usun(-u) galab the kalpa of water
3. key-yin galab the kalpa of air

Units of Time Measurement

Three systems of time measurement are given in the manual. Two are of Indian

origin, the other is Chinese.

IV.34 Time Reckoning Systems

IV.34a System A

This division is based on an Indian system, the ordinary Puranic division of the day (Burgess

1859: 149). Here the principle unit is the muhrta (Mong. qubi). This unit is shown by H.

Jacobi to be based on a natural phenomenon (1920: 248). Assuming a month of 30 days, the

subdivision of the day into 30 parts, each 48 minutes long marks the time the moon loses

each day to the rising or setting time of the sun until both unite again after one month. As

H. Falk shows, The difference in muhrtas expressed in cardinal numbers defines the day

of the month in ordinal numbers. Vice versa, the date of the day allows [one] to judge at

what time the moon will rise or set (Falk 2000: 113).

298
INTRODUCTION

basa a(-un il(al-<y>i medesgei Also, if one would like to know how to
kemebes nigen gan-aa ekile edr count the variations of time, then there are
sni sar-a il bol(au to(alaqui inu eng two items, known as the very first
terign gan kiged nige da(un kemek moment (ksana) and the single sound
qoyar il buyu. eng terign gan (da(un), by which to reckon [time]
kemebes mergen kmn- qarbu(san beginning from a single moment (ksana),
sumun-iyar nigen nabi to(alaqui tedi and making the day, night, month and
buyu. tegn-lu(-a [=tegn-lge] nigen year. As for the very first moment
da(un (arqui inu sau(u-yin] tula. nigen (ksana), it equals the time it takes an
da(un (arumui. tegber iran da(un arrow that is shot by a marksman [to
nigen me. (uin mi nigen qubi (uin pierce] a leaf. Because the sound that is
qubi nigen qono(. (uin qono( nigen sar- emitted with this is equal to the length of
a. arban qoyar sar-a nigen il. tegn-ee the act itself, one sound (da(un) is made.
qolidqau ligsen-i [=legsen-i] saban Thus, sixty da(un equal one me
sara bolumui (5r) (branch); thirty me equal one qubi
(share); thirty qubi equal one day; thirty
days equal one month; and twelve months
equal one year. What remains after
joining these [units of time] becomes the
intercalary month.
1 gan = the time of an arrow shot by a gan = the time of an arrow shot by a
marksman to pierce a leaf = 1 da(un marksman to pierce a leaf = 1 da(un.
60 da(un = 1 me da(un =1.6 seconds
30 me = 1 qubi me = 1.6 minutes or 96 seconds (S.
30 qubi = qono( kal)
30 qono( = 1 sar-a qubi = 48 minutes (S. muhrta)
12 sar-a = il qono( = 24 hours
sar-a = 1 month
il = 1 year

IV.34b System B

System B is derived from an Indian system commonly used in Indian astronomical texts. It

is different from the ordinary Puranic division of the day (Burgess 1859: 149). In this system

Hindu astronomers reckon mean time from mean sunrise on the principal meridian which

299
INTRODUCTION

passes through an imaginary spot on the Equator called Lanka and the city of Ujjain. The

divisions of the day are as follows:

1 day or doin = 60 ghat}ikas (24 hours);

1 ghat}ika = 60 palas (24 minutes)

1 pala = 60 vipalas (24 seconds)

1 vipala = 60 vipratipalas, etc.

In other words: 2 ghat}ikas = 1 hour; 2 palas = 1 minute; 2 vipalas = 1 second

(Richmond 1956: 82-83). The ghat}ika is also known as the nad and the dan}d}a; the pala is

also known as the vind and the nlik (Burgess 1859: 149). Here the pala, at 24 minutes

is half the period of the muhrta because as the lunation consists of both the waxing and

waning of the moon and the day of both day and night, the muhrta was divided into two

(Falk 2000: 113). This system is found in the Klacakara (KOT 67; Newman 1987: 519-

520). It is described in the manual is as follows:

300
INTRODUCTION

basa dusul-iyar to(alaqui kemebes Also, as for measuring by the dusul


bertegin arad nigen amisqaqu-yin (drop), if one counts the interval between
a(uraki-yi to(alau (urban a(un iran the breaths of an ignorant commoner,
bol(abasu nigen dusul bolumui. tere three hundred sixty of these [5v] make a
kemebes tngri-nern nigen amisqaqui- dusul. This is equal to a single breath of
lu(-a sau(uu bolumui. qoyar amisqaqui the gods. Two breaths equal one qubi.
anu qubi bolumui. qubi to(alaqui-dur When counting a qubi, it is said that in
ir(u(an amisqaquy-i nigen me iran one me there are six breaths; there are
mi nigen qubi nigen qubi-dur nigen sixty me in one qubi; in one qubi there
dusul qoyar qubi nigen tediken is one dusul two qubi is as much as one
kememi. iran qubi bolbasu nigen qono( of the common [qubi]. Sixty qubi make
bolumui. (uin qono( bolbasu nigen sar-a one day; thirty days make one month. If
bolumui (5r-5v) there are two moons [in the period of a
thirty day month] one will be an
intercalary month.
360 bertegin arad nigen amisqaqu-yin bertegin arad nigen amisqaqu-yin
a(uraki = 1 dusul = 1 tngri-nern a(uraki (the duration of the breath of an
amisqaqui ignorant commoner) = 4 seconds (S.
2 (tngri-nern) amisqaqui = 1 (tediken) prna);
qubi tngri-nern amisqaqui (the breath of the
6 (bertegin arad-un) amisqaqui = 1 me gods) = 24 minutes;
60 mi = 1 qubi me = 24 seconds (S. vind);
1 qubi = 1 dusul dusul = 24 minutes;
2 qubi = 1 tediken (qubi) (tediken) qubi = 48 minutes;
60 qubi = qono( qubi = 24 minutes (S. nd);
30 qono( = 1 sar-a qono( = 24 hours;
sar-a = 30 days.

IV.34c System C

This is the Chinese baike system (Mong. a(un me), based on the clepsydra (Wilkinson

1998: 203-205). By the time of the manual, this system was no longer in use in China. The

government abandoned the 100-ke system in 1670 in favor of the Western 24-hour system

introduced into China by Matteo Ricci (1552-1610 [Wilkinson 1998: 222]).

301
INTRODUCTION

basa nigen qono(-i a(un mi bol(an Also, as for the system of calculating by
to(alaquy-yin yosun inu nigen edr qoyar making the day one hundred me, in one
sni-dr a(un mi buyu. egni arban day and two nights there are one hundred
qoyar a(tur qubiyau amui. nigen a(tur me. These are divided into twelve
naiman me drben qubi (urban adqu hours. In one hour there are eight me,
bui. arban qubi bolbasu nigen mi bui. four qubi and three adqu (handful). Ten
arban adqu bolbasu nigen qubi bui. qubi make one me. Ten adqu make one
tegber tngri (aar-un qorin drben a(ur qubi. By this means, the twenty-four
a(-i quriyau amui 6r breaths and joints of the sky and land are
divided up.
1 qono( = 100 mi adqu = 8.64 seconds
100 mi = 12 a( qubi = 86.4 seconds
1 a( = 8 me, 4 qubi, 3 adqu mi = 14 minutes 24 seconds (Ch. ke/ke
10 qubi = 1 mi (Mathews 3322.b)
10 adqu = 1 qubi a( = 2 hours
qono( = 24 hours

For a comparison of the Tibetan terminology, see the passages below, one from Rechung

Rinpoche Jampal Kunzangs book on Tibetan medicine and another from C. Vogels study

of Tibetan chronology:

The smallest conceivable division of time is the 120th part of one moment or
skad-chig-ma (time required for the sound of snapping ones fingers); sixty
such skad-chig-ma or moments make one thang; thirty thang make one yud-
tsam (a small portion of time stated to vary from eight seconds to one and a
half minutes); thirty yud-tsam make a day and a night, or one nyin-shag (if
one nyin-shag equals twenty-four hours, then one yud-tsam equals forty-eight
minutes, and one thang is one minute and thirty-six seconds, and one skad-
chig-ma is one and three-fifths of a second); thirty nyin-shag make one month
or zla-ba; two zla-ba make a season, and six seasons make a year. (Rechung
1973: 56)

The day is comprised of twelve double-hours; 0-2 am = midnight, mouse


hour, etc. [11pm -1am = midnight, mouse hour, etc.]; one double hour falls
into five water-clock hours (chu-tsod) of 24 minutes, one water-clock hour
is divided into 60 water-clock minutes of 24 seconds, one water-clock minute

302
INTRODUCTION

is divided into 60 breaths (dbugs) of 24 thirds, and one breath into 60


particles of 24 fourths; or, the smallest unit of time is called either a moment,
a twinkle, or a snap of the fingers. (Vogel 1964: 225-238)

Finally, worth comparing are the units of time of ancient Mesopotamia, as follows:

1 gar = 4 seconds

60 gar = 1 u (4 minutes)

20 u = 1 mana (80 minutes (1 1/3 hours))

30 u = 1 bru (2 hours)

12 bru = 1 day

(Rochberg 1998: 38). The DANNA (bru) double hour( = 30 U or 120 minutes) were, of

course, seasonal hours, twelve divisions of the day whose number remain fixed but whose

lengths depend on the time of the year and on geographical latitude (Neugebauer 1951: 81;

Rochberg 1998: 6).

The Seasons

Seasons are indicative of yearly climate. As climate varies from place to place, they

are conventional. In ancient Egypt there were three seasons of four months: 1. Inundation,

2. Emergence, 3. Dryness. The celestial phenomenon upon which they are based was the

rising of the star, Sirius, the sign of the flooding of the Nile (Neugebauer 1975: 559). In

India, the monsoon governs the seasons. The Vedanga Jyotisha gives six seasons, each two

months long, associated with cold, heat, spring, autumn and the monsoon (Stone 1981: 13;

Brennand 1896: 68). These have been adopted in Tibet as well, although the climate there

303
INTRODUCTION

is much different (Rechung 1973: 55). In China, in keeping with the cosmology of the five

elements, a fifth season is derived from adding the last month of summer to the traditional

four seasons (Sun 1997: 104). However, seasons are not merely weather terms. The four

seasons, as we know them and as they are known in China, Tibet, India and throughout the

world, are no sham, but true or apparent and defined by four points, the summer and winter

solstices and the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, marking the suns path along the celestial

equator over the course of the year, the corresponding length of day and night, and the

fluctuation of the climate. Through this relationship between the weather on the earth and

the position of the sun, the seasons, both in the West and in the East, became an integral part

of the voluminous concept of the harmony of the spheres, under the rubric of which,

weather was linked to the notes of the musical scale, elements, colors, directions and so on,

and became of special significance in medicine.78 The fundamental need the seasons serve,

however, is agricultural. The rising of Sirius, sign of the season of inundation, marked the

time of planting in ancient Egypt (Neugebauer 1951: 82). For the ancient Babylonians there

were two seasons, planting and harvesting (Richards 1998: 147). The Chinese solar calendar

is known as the peasant calendar. Devised for agriculture, it divides the tropical year into

twenty-four seasons, the joints and breaths (ershisi jieqi). The cycle begins when the sun

enters Aquarius (M. Qumqan-u ger), around the end of January or the beginning of February.

78
Compare, for instance, the first seven chapters of the Hippocratic treatise On the
Nature of Man with Rechung Rinpoche Jampal Kunzangs translation of the biography of
the Elder gYu-thog Yon-tan mGon-po, court physician of King Khri-srong-lde-bstan (8th
century AD [Rechung, 1973: 55-56]).

304
INTRODUCTION

The next term falls when the sun enters the fifteenth degree of the zodiac sign, and so on

throughout the year. These twenty-four terms bear names which predict the conditions of the

season and the times of sunrise and sunset. Lichun (M. lii un), The Beginning of Spring,

starts at 7:01 a.m. and ends at 6:14 p.m. Yshui (M. yuu sui), Constant Rain, starts at 6:53

a.m., ends at 6:22 p.m., and so on. Because of the climate it describes, it is believed to have

been developed in northern China, the ancient homeland of the Han people (Palmer 1986:

64-66).

In China and other parts of the ancient world, in Egypt and Mesopotamia, a simple

vertical pole, the gnomon, was used to determine the seasons of the year according to the

length of the shadow that it cast (Sayili 1960: 346). From ancient times in both China and

Mesopotamia, the seasons were also known according to the sidereal division of the

nighttime sky into four quadrants. In ancient Babylon these were: 1. the Bull of spring; 2.

the Lamp of summer; 3. the Scorpion of autumn; and 4. the Turtle of winter (Lindsay 1971:

53). In China: 1. the Blue Dragon of spring; 2. the Red Bird of Summer; 3. the White Tiger

of autumn; and the Black Turtle of winter (Needham 1959: 242; Sun and Kistmaker

1997:113-119). The distinction between tropical and sidereal seasons is significant in that

due to the precession of the earth, over time the rising of a star, for example, Sirius, will no

longer correspond to its season on earth, that is, the flooding of the Nile. However, although,

the tropical year varies from year to year by twenty minutes or so due to the effect of

nutation, the wobbling of the earth upon its axis, and weather patterns change over time, the

seasons are nonetheless intrinsically linked with the solar year. This is likely the distinction

305
INTRODUCTION

made in the manuals passage, the sun and moon will lose their way in times of calamity,

but the weather of the years, months and quarter hours will agree (b-n a(tur nara sara

mr tgerek kiged il sara mi-yin a(ur okiramui [4v]). The manual incorporates the

Chinese twenty-four joints and breaths as qorin drben a(ur a( but names only two

specific terms, the first and second, li un (Ch. lichun/li-chun) the beginning of spring and

yuu sui (Ch. yushui) constant rain, respectively.79 Rather, it is the four seasons (drben

a(-un a(ur), listed as follows, that are found in the calendar (cf. also Rybatzki 2003: 258-

260):

IV.35 The Four Seasons

Manual English
1. qabur spring
2. un summer
3. namur autumn
4. ebl winter

Also in the calendar are descriptions of the seasons in keeping with the twelve

monthly signs of the zodiac. These twelve signs of the seasons are as follows:

IV.36 The Signs of the Seasons (8r-19r)

79
For the entire series, see Wilkinson 1998: 185; Palmer 1986: 66.

306
INTRODUCTION

MONGOLIAN ENGLISH
Month Sign Month Sign
Baras baras ula(alamui Tiger the tiger brings forth young
Taulai modun bgde Hare hares notice all the buds on the
ula(ala(san-i taulai trees, eat their fill, then mate.
mede ide addu(ad
qoiyalamui
Luu a(ur oroqui-dur luu Dragon when the pneuma [of a change
dong(oddumui of weather] arrives the dragon
will sound.
Mo(ai mo(ai arisun-iyan nken- Snake the snake leaves its skin inside
dr orkimui a hole
Morin morin qulan terigten Horse the horse, onager and so on
tar(ulu ngge sn will fatten-up and fill out their
giimi 12r. appearance and color.
Qonin qonin addu(ad tar(u Ram sheep are satiated and grow
giiu fat.
Bein modun cim[e]g bein inu Monkey the monkey, ornament of the
imis ide iddu(ad. trees, having eaten its fill of
ula(an-iyan teigemi fruit, feeds its young.
Takiy-a qamu( iba(un tariyan Cock all birds eat their fill of grain
imis ide iddumui and fruit.
Noqai noqai quraiu [=quriau] Dog dogs are in heat and mate.
qoiyalamui
'aqai (aqai nasu to(alan Pig pigs mature and bring forth
ula(alamui young.
Qulu(an-a tarba(-a qulu(an-a nken- Rat the marmot and the rat will
ee l (arumui not leave their holes.
ker ker-n bey-e qala(un bolu Ox the body of the ox becomes
ebesn idtala idemi hot, and it eats its fill of grass.

307
INTRODUCTION

Comparative Mathematics

In summarizing the manuals technology, one thing that stands out is its blatant

indifference to change. A time-line demonstrates this well:

19th century

The anonymous manual is written out.

1715

Tngri-yin udq-a, the astronomical system based on Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) is

carved in Mongolian language. After this time Mongolian star systems tend to align

around that of the Chinese. The manual, however, retains the older star system

similar to that of the Uygurs and Hindus.

1683-1685

The Vaidrya dKar-po White Beryl is written by Sang rgyas rGya-mtsho (1653-

1705). This becomes the main source for Tibeto-Mongolian mathematics. Though

it shares some similarities with the manual, these are relatively few. What is

common between them likely comes through earlier sources.

1670

Though the Chinese government abandons the 100-ke system in favor of the Western

24-hour system introduced into China by Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), this system is

found in the manual (Wilkinson 1998: 222).

308
INTRODUCTION

17th century

The Qing begins to identify the months in composite fashion by the designation of

the season according to different customs (Elverskog 2005: 161). This method is

found in the manual.

15-17th century AD

Buddhist reconfiguration of the nakshatra is accomplished by including Abhijit with

the 21st nakshatra, ravan}a. The modern Mongolian system follows the Tibetan

method (Terbish 2001: 26, 28). The manuals star system does not.

1268

Under Qubilai Khan Phags-pa lama reconciles the Tibetan and Chinese calendrical

systems. The manuals technology reflects this change in the name for the month

(Tib. hor-zla) and in the order of the duodenary animal cycle, which subsequently

begins with the tiger (Mong. baras). When it comes to marriage customs, however,

the manual maintains the older Chinese way, beginning with the rat (Mong.

qulu(an).

1202

An almanac (T.II Y.29) shows that the Uygurs at Qocho are using a number of

systems very similar to those found in the manual. These include the 28 nakshatra

beginning with Kr}ttik~, the terms for the sexagenary cycle, and the twelve lords of

the day (Rachmati 1972: passim).

5-11th century CE

309
INTRODUCTION

Indian astronomical systems develop from Greek influence beginning with works

such as the Sryasiddhnta some time in the 5th century and culminating with the

Klacakra.in the 11th century. The nakshatra system in the manual does not follow

the unequal space systems developed by famous Hindu astrologers, Brahmagupta

(7th century CE) and Garga (?1st century BC [Stone 1981: 88, 185]) nor the system

of 27 nakshatra found in the Klacakra (Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra 1966: 38v

[p. 80]). Some time during this period comes the assimilation of the 3rd and 16th

Chinese asterisms, Di and Lou, into the Indian constellations Vikh and Avin,

respectively.

8th century CE

Tantric Buddhism develops in China bringing with it Greek and Babylonian

mathematical systems including the signs of the zodiac (Ho: 2003: 69-82).

6th century CE

The Sanskrit Sryagarbhastra, cited as a source for the composition of the

nakshatra in the manual, is translated into Chinese (Nattier 1992: 171-172).

4th century CE

The precession of equinoxes is known in both China and India. In India by the

beginning of the Christian era, as the vernal equinox fell under Avini, eventually,

through Greek influence Hindu astrology began to reflect the change in manuals that

give Avini as the first nakshatra and Kr}ttik~ as the third (Clerke 1911: 996a). The

310
INTRODUCTION

system used in the manual, however, gives the long obsolete configuration beginning

with Kr}ttik~.

2nd century CE

In his Tetrabiblos Ptolemy repudiates the practice of using numerology to derive the

positions of the stars in favor of empirical observation. Some 1600 years later, in the

manual position is still derived from numbers.

1st century CE

After repudiating omina as superstitious, Buddhists synthesize the Indian nakshatra

with omen literature from Mesopotamia. This nakshatra astrology similar in

essence to that found in the manual is exported into Iran and Central Asia from

whence it eventually reaches China (Pingree 1963: 233).

3rd century BC

The five elements, earth, fire, wood, metal and water, are attested in China during the

Warring States Period (Sun and Kistemaker 1997: 104; Smith, Richard 1991: 23).

4th century BC

The five Pythagorean elements, ether, air, fire, water, and earth, are attested in Greek

sources (Kingsley 1995: 13-17; Tester 1987: 59).

5th century BC

According to O. Neugebauer, the time of the invention of the zodiac is most likely

around 450 BC. It appears for the first time in 419 BC, although the constellations

by which the signs are named are much older (Neugebaur 1951, 97-98).

311
INTRODUCTION

6th century BC

Perhaps during this period the twelve Jupiter stations (Ch. ci) become associated with

the famous cycle of animals, rat, ox, tiger, etc. (Needham, 1959: 258).

1st millennium BC

The list of 28 nakshatra is given for the first time in the Atharvaveda and various

Brhmanas, when Abhijit, the star Vega in Lyra, is added (only to be subsequently

dropped in Hindu systems [Pingree 1963: 230]). This is the number of asterisms in

the manual.

2nd millennium BC

The chronology in the manual is based on a sexagenary cycle invented in China in

the 2nd millennium BC. In the Shang period the terms of the cycle are used strictly

as a day count. Only during the Han dynasty in the first century BC are they used to

count the years as well (Needham 1959: 396).

2300 to 1800 BC

In the manual the first nakshatra, defined by the position of the sun at the time of the

spring equinox, is Kr}ttik~, the Pleiades. However, because of the earth's precession,

the arrangement would have been correct only during this period. Concerning the

Chinese asterisms, Sun and Kristemaker, in calculating the right Ascensions of the

four xiu constellations that marked the vernal equinox, niao, summer solstice, huo,

autumnal equinox, xu, and the winter solstice, mao, find that at the year 2400 BC the

values fit the cardinal points rather well, suggesting a first use of these cardinal

312
INTRODUCTION

asterisms about 2300 BC . With an uncertainty of plus or minus 250 years, this

includes reign of Sargon in Akkad and Yao Di (Sun 1997: 17-18). Sun and

Kistemaker also show that a tomb excavated near Puyang, Henan, contains images

representing the Dragon and the Tiger. The age of the tomb is 3000 BC (Sun 1997:

116).

To draw out some of the main strands of influence and shared conventions seen in

the study of the manuals technology, in India common units of time along with the great

cycles ending in the kalpa were derived from those in Mesopotamia. The zodiac was

borrowed in India from Mesopotamia. This is apparently distinct from Greek influence, for

the Greeks also borrowed the zodiac but translated it differently. There is Greek influence

in the days of the week and in the four elements. In the five elements Indian mathematics

shares similarity with the Pythagorean tradition. Indian mathematics also shares similarity

with Chinese mathematics in regards to the twenty-eight asterisms. While eight out of 28

are roughly similar, ten are almost exactly the same. The comparative study of different

asterism systems shows Chinese influence on the Indian nakshatra. The 19 year intercalary

cycle is found in ancient Mesopotamia, Greece, India and China.

As for the question of the relationship between Mesopotamian culture and Chinese

mathematics, it has been a part of a longstanding argument among Sinologists over the

antiquity of Chinese astronomy, and what, if any, influence foreign sources have had. In a

monograph on Chinese mathematics, Li, Qi and Shu, Ho Peng Yoke succinctly summarizes

313
INTRODUCTION

the ideas of some of the most influential scholars on the subject over the past 150 years or

so. He states that based on the mathematical information in the Shijing (Historical Classics),

scholars such as Gaubil, J. B. Biot and de Saussure were of the opinon that celestial

observations were being made in China by about 2300 BC. Schlegel devotes a section of his

uranography of Chinese asterisms to arguing for a prehistoric origin around 16,000 BC.

Shinjo Shinzo also held the view that Chinese astronomy was indigenous. While Henri

Maspero agreed that Chinese mathematics was indigenous, he thought that it did not arise

in China until the 6th or 5th century BC. On the other hand Iijima Tadao believed Chinese

mathematics came from the Greeks or Babylonians. Joseph Needham believed in

Babylonian influence (Ho 2001: 116-117). Edward Schafer in Pacing the Void speculates

that native Chinese mathematics was probably modified by Babylonian methods by at least

the 6th century BC (Schafer 1977: 10).

Without unduly emphasizing the case for Mesopotamian influence as such

questions are best left to those with first hand knowledge some salient aspects of

Mesopotamian culture are worth noting. As with Chinese mathematics, the Mesopotamian

tradition emphasized the lunar cycle over the solar in contrast to the ancient Egyptians. They

emphasized omina over morality in contrast to the Hebrews. They emphasized true or

apparent time as measured by a gnomon over absolute or clock time. In both Chinese and

Mesopotamian traditions one finds base ten and base 60 number systems and the intercalary

cycle of 19 years. In very ancient times both have systems of four seasonal constellations,

one of which, the constellation for winter and the north, is signified by the turtle. Dragons

314
INTRODUCTION

are common in Mesopotamia, China, and throughout Eurasia. In early Chinese omen

literature of the Han dynasty, one finds the twelve hour day, common also in ancient

Mesopotamia. David Pingree demonstrates that omen literature, transmitted via India and

Buddhism through Central Asia, is also of Mesopotamian origin.

Also through Buddhist influence came the Chaldean zodiac, the four elements, and

the seven day week, although in a form originated by the Greeks. Tangentially, the Chinese

share similarity with the Pythagorean tradition in the cosmology of opposing forces and five

homogenous elements. Not only are three of the elements the same, this cosmology

manifested in highly similar conceptions of the harmony of the spheres, macrocosm and

microcosm, and associations with medicine and music.

As for links between Mesopotamia and Central Asia, in addition to what has been

mentioned already, months are named according to their number in Mesopotamia, among the

Chinese, Turks and eventually among the Mongols. New Year was celebrated at the vernal

equinox in ancient Mesopotamia and among the Turks and Mongols.

These are only some of the similarities between Eurasian mathematical traditions,

found merely in the study of Mostaerts manual.

Marriage

As birth, death and marriage were generally the three most popular subjects for

divination practice, while the Vaidrya dKar-po pays special attention to each, the manual

deals little with death, even less with birth, offering virtually nothing for a persons nativity,

315
INTRODUCTION

but, though not rivaling the coverage of the Vaidrya dKar-po, it does provide an extensive

treatment of marriage. This technology, though likely not taken from the Vaidrya dKar-po

itself, reflects an antecedent in Chinese marriage practice, perhaps coming to the Mongols

via Tibetan.80 In the section of the manual dealing with marriage, the twelve year animal

cycle begins not with the Tiger as is found elsewhere in the manual but with the Rat year.

This shows that the source is older than the Yuan calendar reconciliation in 1268 (54v).

Chinese influence is also found in the general procedure for marriage, the significance of the

eight trigrams and in the various kinds of brides (54r-54v).

As may be gleaned from the information in the manual, the basic progression of the

nuptial rite begins with the girls engagement, signified by the placing of a special hat, the

bo(to, upon her head. When the day of marriage arrives, she is adorned in a special robe,

placed upon a horse and led to the home of her groom, where she is greeted, helped to

dismount, brought over the threshold into the home. There, after she is given something to

eat and her face washed, she prostrates herself before the fire in the hearth.

In order for a marriage to be fortunate, a great many factors must be taken into

account. A divination is performed to find under which of the eight trigrams the bride will

fall. This is the only situation in the manual, where the eight trigrams, so prevalent

throughout the Vaidrya dKar-po, come into play. The bride who comes under the li

trigram, for instance, is a bride who holds a sickle in her hand. It is bad. It is especially bad

80
For a brief description of Chinese marriage customs see Dor, Henry, Researches
into Chinese Superstitions, vol. 1, pp. 29-40.

316
INTRODUCTION

if she is born either in the Snake or Horse years (54r-54v). The years of the bride and groom

must be suitable. For instance, if the man and woman are both born in the Rat year, it is

good, for they will have many sons, but a girl born in the Rat year should not be given to a

man born in the year of the Hare, etc (54v). The right day to become engaged and to be

married must be determined (53v). Age is an important factor. If a man born in the Rat year

takes a bride who is either fifteen, twenty-seven or thirty years old, it is bad, etc. (53r). The

year of the girl and the year of her guardian (ibegel) must also be suitable, as should the day

she sets out on her way, the color of her robe, the color of the horse she rides, the direction

she should take when she sets out on her way, the direction she should face when she

dismounts, the hour at which she prostrates herself before the fire of the hearth, and so on.

Other considerations include certain occasions of the day and the nakshatra under which one

should not take a bride (52r)and the four demons of a bride (beri-yin drben ilmus [52r]).

Significant people in the marriage ceremony, other than the bride and groom and the

astrologer, are the matchmaker or go-between (i(ui), the guardian of the bride (ibegel), the

one who delivers her (krgegi), the one leads her (ktelgi), the one who greets her

(u(tu(i), the one who supports the trivet (tul(-a tulu(i), the one who starts the fire ((al

tlegi), the one who washes the brides face (ni(ur ugiya(i), the one who has her enter the

household (gerte oro (ulu(i), and the one who offers her food (idegen ideglgi). As for

the bride herself, the various kinds of bride are listed below:

IV.37 The Kinds of Bride

317
INTRODUCTION

1. the bride who brings danger (ayul bolqu beri [52r]).

2. bride who holds good fortune (buyan keig bari(san beri [54r]).

3. bride who comes under the dui trigram (dan-dur ucira(san beri [54r]).

4. a superior bride, i.e., descendants and animals will flourish; it is good (deged beri [52r]).

5. a fair bride, i.e., one who give birth to a daughter (dumda beri [52r]).

6. a poor bride, i.e., descendants will be few (es beri [52r]).

7. bride who holds a sickle in her hand ((ar-ta(an qada(ur bari(san beri [54r]).

8. bride who holds a braid casing in her hand ((arta(an irbegel bari(san beri [54v]).

9. bride who holds a hearth in her hands ((ar-ta(an odu( bari(san beri [54r]).

10. bride who comes under the gen trigram (gen-dr uira(san beri [54r]).

11. bride who comes under the qian trigram (gin-dr uira(san beri [54r]).

12. bride who comes under the zhen trigram (jen-dr uira(san beri [54v]).

13. bride who comes under the kan trigram (kam-dur uira(san beri [54r]).

14. bride who pulls the leg with a hook (kl gq-a-bar tata(ci beri [54v]).

15. bride who comes under the kun trigram (kun-dur uira(san beri [54r]).

16. bride who holds a human skeleton (kmn- yasun bari(san beri [54r]).

17. bride who comes under the li trigram (lii-dr uira(san beri [54r]).

18. bride who carries a sack on her back (niru(un-ta(an u(uuta egrgsen beri [54r]).

19. bride who holds a Chinese sickle on the top of her head (oroi-ta(an Kitad qadu(ur

bari(san beri [54r]).

318
INTRODUCTION

20. bride who separates (qa(aiqu beri [52r, 52r]).

21. bride who comes under the sun trigram (sn-dr uira(san beri [54v]).

22. bride who will die (kk beri [52r]).

23. bride who does not suit (l okiqu beri [52r]).

A survey of the studies on marriage customs shows that practices differed greatly not

only in Ordos but throughout Mongolia. In none of these studies does the marriage rite

follow exactly what is found in the manual. However, though some customs, such as the

placing of the bo(to hat upon the brides head, were obsolete in Ordos by the 19th century

(when the manual was written out) and early 20th century (when it was used by Sangwar) and

for the most part throughout Mongolia during this period, both the general procedure of the

ceremony and variations on specific practices, such as the brides bowing before the fire,

were still extant.81 What is more, the manual was almost certainly used by Sangwar for

determining the suitability of the bride and groom, the time and place of the ceremony, and

so on.82

81
Concerning the bo(to hat, which was worn by Mongolian women during the time
of the Mongol Empire, though its style, tall, thin shaped, with a feather on top, was by the
Qing time obsolete, the adornment of a hat to signify marriage was still a common practice.
Also the term bo(tala- to put the bo(to cap on a woman, i.e. to marry her off; to become
engaged is attested not only in the manual but in Khorchin weddings as well (Pao 1964: 52).

82
This is the case for the Vaidrya dKar-po as well. For descriptions of the nuptial
rites throughout Mongolia and in Tibet and China see Pozdneyev 1978: 564-574; Dor, vol.
1, 1966: 29-40; Kler 1935: 165-190; Serruys, Paul, 1944: 73-154; Mostaert 1956: 270-278;
Pao 1964: 29ff; Serruys, Henry, 1974: 247-331; 1975: 275-360; Hangin 1975: 41ff.;

319
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES

Aalto, Pentti, A catalogue of the Hedin collection of Mongolian literature, Contributions

to Ethnography, Linguistics and History of Religion, Stockholm: Statens

Ethnografiska Museum, 1954.

Aalto, Pentti, Qutu(-tu Pacaraks kemek tabun sakiyan neret Yeke Klgen sudur,

Asiatische Forschungen, Band 10, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1961.

Akhmedov, A., Astronomy, astrology, observatories and calendars, History of civilizations

of Central Asia, vols. IV, Unesco, 1992: 195.

Al-Brn, The book of instruction in the elements of the art of Astrology, R. Ramsay Wright,

transl., London: Luzac & Co., 1934.

Allred, David T., The circumpolar constellations of ancient China, [thesis], Indiana

University, 2003.

Altangerel, D., Orchin tsagiin Mongol-Angli toli, Ulaanbaatar, 1998.

Ana(aqu uqa(an-u drben nds [the four bases of medical knowledge], [Kkeqota]:

br Mong(ol-un Arad-un Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1978.

Arban dolodo(ar jiran-u ula(a(in ker jil-un mong(ol jiruqai-yin a( ularil-un to(an-u

biig (Mongolian almanac for the Female-red-ox year of the 17th 60 year cycle),

Deinoinkhorlin Khiid, 1996.

Archibald, R. C., Babylonian mathematics, Isis 26 (1936): 63-81.

Miyawaki 1992: 361 ff.; Miyawaki-Okada 2001: 82-89; Shastri 1994: 755 ff.; Badamkhatan
1987: 298-300; TEDP 194-223.

320
Aristotle, On the Heavens I & II, Leggatt, Stuart, ed., Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1995.

Arlotto, Anthony, Old turkic oracle books, MS 29 (1970-1): 685-696.

Atwood, Christopher P., Buddhism and popular ritual in Mongolian religion: a

reexamination of the fire cult, History of Religions, 36 (1996): 112-139.

Atwood, Ch., Young Mongols and Vigilantes in Inner Mongolias Interregnum Decades,

1911-1931, 2 vols., Leiden: Brill, 2002.

Atwood, Ch., Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, Facts on File, Inc., 2004.

Aveni, Anthony F., Empires of Time: Calendars, Clocks, and Cultures, New York: Basic

Books, 1989.

Ayto, John, Dictionary of Word Origins, New York: Arcade, 1991.

Baavgai, Ch. and B. Boldsaikhan, Mongolyn ulamjlalt anagaakh ukhaan [Mongolian

traditional medicine], Ulaanbaatar: Ulsyn Khevleliin Gazar, 1990.

Badamkhatan, S., BNMAU-yn Ugsaatny Zui, vol. 1, Ulaanbaatar, Ulsyn Khevleliin Gazar,

1987.

Badarchin, D. et. al., Z Tnr Zasal, Ulaanbaatar, Ulsyn Khevleliin Gazar, 1989.

Bakich, Michael E., The Cambridge Guide to the Constellations, Cambridge: CUP, 1995.

Bandyopadhyaya, Biswanath, A note on the Klacakratantra and its commentary, Journal

of the Asiatic Society, 18 (1952): 71-76.

Baranovskaia, L.S., Iz Istorii Mongolskoi Astronomii [On the history of astronomy

among the Mongols], Trudy Instituta Istorii Yestestvoznania i Tekhniki 5 (1955).

Barker, Peter and Ariew, Roger, ed., Revolution and Continuity, Washington D.C.: Catholic

University of Amer. Press, 1991.

321
REFERENCES

Barton, T., Ancient Astrology, London: Routledge, 1994.

Bawden, C. R., Scapulimancy Among the Mongols, CAJ 4 (1958-59): 1-44.

Bawden, C. R., Astrologie und Divination bei den Mongolen ZDMG, Band 108,

Wiesbaden: Kommission Franz Steiner GMBH, 1958.

Bawden, C. R., "The Supernatural Element in Sickness and Death According to Mongol

Tradition" Part I, Asia Major 8 (1960-61): 215-257.

Bawden, C. R., "The Supernatural Element in Sickness and Death According to Mongol

Tradition" Part II, Asia Major 9 (1962): 153-178.

Bawden, C. R., The Chester Beatty Library: A Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection by

David L. Snellgrove And a Catalogue of the Mongolian Collection by C. R. Bawden,

Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co., Ltd., 1969.

Bawden, C. R., Calling the Soul: A Mongolian Litany, BSOAS 35 (1962): 81-103.

Bawden, Charles, Divination, Die Mongolen, Innsbruck, 1989.

Bawden, C. R., Confronting the Supernatural: Mongolian Traditional Ways and Means,

Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1994.

Bawden, Charles, Some Mongolian divinatory practices, CAJ 46 (2002): 5-33.

Bazin, L., Les noms turcs et mongols de la constellation des Pliades, AOH 10 (1959):

295.

Bazin, L., Les systmes chronologiques dans le monde turc ancien, Budapest: Akadmai

Kiad, 1991.

322
REFERENCES

Beckwith, C. I., "The Introduction of Greek Medicine into Tibet in the 7-8th Centuries,"

JAOS 99.2 (1979): 297-313.

Beckwith, C. I., Tibetan science at the court of the Great Khans, JTS 7 (1987): 5-11.

Bell, Catherine, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, New York: Oxford University Press,

1992.

Bell, Catherine, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, New York: Oxford University Press,

1997.

Berggren, J. L., The mathematical sciences, History of civilizations of Central Asia, vol.

IV, Unesco, 1992: 182.

Berzin, A., "An Introduction to Tibetan Astronomy and Astrology," The Tibetan Journal 12

(1987): 17-28.

Bese, L., An old Mongolian calendar fragment, AOH 25 (1972): 149-173.

Bese, L., The Mongolian collection in Berkeley, California, AOH 31 (1977): 17.

Beyer, Stephen, The Cult of Tara, Berkeley: University of Cal. Press, 1973.

Bharati, A., Intentional language in the tantras, JAOS, 81 (1961): 261-270.

Biot, J. B., tudes sur l Astronomie indienne et sur l Astronomie chinoise, Paris: Levy,

1862.

Birtalan gnes, Scapulimancy and purifying ceremony, Proceedings of the 35th permanent

international Altaistic conference, Taipei, 1992: 1.

Birtalan, ., Ritualistic Use of Livestock bones in the Mongolian Belief System and

Customs, Altaica Budapestinensia [PIAC 45], Budapest, 2003: 34-62.

323
REFERENCES

Bobrovnikoff, Nicholas T., Astronomy Before the Telescope Volume I, Tucson: Pachart

Publishing House, 1984.

Bobrovnikoff, Nicholas T., Astronomy Before the Telescope Volume II The Solar System,

Tucson: Pachart Publishing House, 1990.

Bocking, Brian, Ngrjuna in China: A Translation of the Middle Treatise, Lewiston: The

Edwin Mellen Press, 1995.

Bogan, M. L. C., Manchu customs and superstitions, Tientsin, 1928.

Bokenkamp, Stephen R., Time after time: Taoist apocalyptic history and the founding of

the Tang dynasty, Asia Major (1984-86): 59-88.

Bonnefoy, Yves, Mythologies: A Restructured Translation of Dictionnaire des mythologies

et des religions des socits traditionnelles et du monde antique, 2 vols., Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1991.

Born, Max, ed., The Born-Einstein Letters, New York: Walker, 1971.

Brennand, W., Hindu Astronomy, London: Straker, 1896.

Bunce, Fredrick W., An Encyclopaedia of Buddhist Deities, Demigods, Godlings, Saints and

Demons: With a Special Focus on Iconographic Attributes, New Delhi: D.K.

Printworld, 1994.

Bruce, J. P., A selection of the Tung Shu, BSOAS 4 (1926-28): 97.

Burgess, E., "Translation of the Srya-Siddhnta, a Textbook of Hindu Astronomy; with

Notes, and an Appendix by Rev. Ebenezer Burgess," JAOS, 1859-1860: 141-499.

324
REFERENCES

Burgess, Ebenezer, Rev., On the origin of the lunar division of the Zodiac represented in

the Nakshatra system of the Hindus, JAOS 8 (1864-6): 309-334.

Burgess, Ebenezer, On the origin of the lunar division of the zodiac represented in the

nakshatra system of the Hindus, JAOS 8 (1866): 309-333.

Burgess, E., On Hindu Astronomy, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1893: 758.

Burkert, Walter, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972.

Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub, The Collected Works of Bu-ston, 28 vol., ed. Lokesh Chandra, New

Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1965-1971.

a(i geled and Nim-a, Yuwan Ulus-us Astronomi-yin Teuke-yin ?Nabtara( [History of

the astronomy of the Yuan dynasty], [Kkeqota], br Mong(ol-un Sinjilek

Uqa(an Teknik Mergejil-n Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1993.

Cammann, Schuyler., the evolution of magic squares in China, JAOS 80 (1960): 116-124.

Camman, Schuyler, "Mongol Dwellings--with special reference to Inner Mongolia," Aspects

of Altaic Civilization, Bloomington: IU, 1963.

Cardona, George, A path still taken: some early Indian arguments concerning time, JAOS

111 (1991): 445-464.

eden, et. al., analyst, Tngri-yin Udq-a, [Kkeqota], br Mong(ol-un Sinjilek Uqa(an

Teknik Mergejil-n Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1990.

Censorinus (A.D. 238), De die natale [the natal day], William Maude, transl., New York:

Cambridge Encyclopedia Co. 1900.

325
REFERENCES

Cerensodnom, D. and Taube, M., "Die Mongolica der Berliner Turfansammlung, Akademie

Verlag, 1993.

Chabros, Krystyna, Beckoning Fortune: A Study of the Mongol dalal(a Ritual, Wiesbaden:

Otto Harrassowitz, 1992.

Chakravarty, A. K., The asterisms, History of Oriental Astronomy, Cambridge: CUP,

1987: 23-28.

Chang, Kwang-chih, Shang Civilization, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980.

Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad, Making of astronomy in ancient India, Cosmic perspectives,

Cambridge: CUP, 1989: 41.

Chavannes, E., Le Cycle turc des douze animaux, TP 7 (1906): 51-122.

Ch'en, Paul Heng-chao, Chinese Legal Tradition Under the Mongols, Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 1979.

Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianwenxue shi [History of Chinese Astronomy], 2 vols., Shanghai,

1982.

Chigchitu, Mong(ol ana(aqu uqa(an-u tobi nayira(ulul [Survey of Mongolian medicine],

[Kkeqota]: br Mong(ol-un Arad-un Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1983.

Chiodo, Elisabetta, The Jarud Mongol ritual calling the soul with the breast, (kk-ber

snes da(udaqu), ZAS 26 (1996): 153.

Chiodo, Elisabetta, The Mongolian Manuscripts on Birch Bark from Xarbuxyn Balgas in

the Collection of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Part 1, Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000.

326
REFERENCES

Cicero, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione, William Armistead Falconer, transl.

Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979.

Clarke, Walter Eugene, Two Lamaistic Pantheons, 2 vol., New York: Paragon Book Reprint

Corp., 1965.

Clauson, Gerard, Notes on the Irk Bitig, Ural-Altaische Jahrbcher, vol. 34, Wiesbaden,

Otto Harrassowitz,1961: 218-225.

Clauson, Sir Gerard, An Etymological dictionary of pre-thirteenth-century Turkish,

Oxford:Clarendon, 1972.

Cleaves, F. W., The Sino-Mongolian inscription of 1338 in memory of Jigntei, HJAS 14

(1951): 1.

Cleaves, F. W., transl. and ed., The Secret History of the Mongols, Cambridge: Harvard

Univ. Press, 1982.

Clerke, Agnes, Zodiac, Encyclopedia Britannica, 1911.

Colebrooke, H. T., On the Indian and Arabian divisions of the zodiac, AR 9 (1809): 323-

376.

Colson, F. H., The Week: an Essay on the Origin and Development of the Seven-day Cycle,

Cambridge, 1926.

Conze, Edward, Buddhism and Gnosis, Further Buddhist Studies: Selected Essays,

Oxford: Luzac, 1975: 15-32.

Cornu, P., Tibetan Astrology, Gregor, H., transl., Boston: Shambhala, 1997.

327
REFERENCES

Csoma de Krs, Alexander., Note on the origin of the Kla-Chakra and Adi-Buddha

system, JASB 2 (1833): 57-59.

Csoma de Krs, A., A grammar of the Tibetan language, in English, Calcutta, 1834.

Csoma de Krs, A., Analysis of a Tibetan medical work, Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society Bengal, 4 (1835): 1-20.

Cullen, Christopher, Astronomy and mathematics in ancient China: the Zhou bi suan jing,

Cambridge: CUP, 1996.

Curry, P., ed., Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays, Boydell Press, 1987.

Das, Sarat Chandra, Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms, Alipore: West

Bengal Government Press, 1960. (Reprint)

Dictionary of Buddhist Terms and Concepts, Tokyo: Nichiren Shoshu International Center,

1983.

Doerfer, Gerhard, Elemente im Neupersischen Band II, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag

GMBH, 1965.

Dollfus, Pascale, Porte de la Terre, Porte du Ciel, un rituel de ranon au Ladakh,Tibetan

Studies, [6th seminar], vol. 1, Oslo, 1994.

Dor, Henry, Researches into Chinese Superstitions, Vol. I-XIII, Kennelly, M., transl.,

Taipei: Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, 1966.

Duncan, M. H., Customs and Superstitions of Tibetans, London: The Mitre Press, 1964.

Durkheim, Emile, The elementary forms of the religious life, Joseph Ward Swain, transl.,

New York: The Free Press, 1965.

328
REFERENCES

Eberhard, Wolfram, Contributions to the astronomy of the Han Period III: astronomy of the

Later Han Period, HJAS 1 (1936): 194-241.

Eberhard, W., and R. Mueller, Contributions to the astronomy of the San-kuo period, MS

2 (1937): 149.

Eberhard, W., Untersuchungen an astronomischen Texten des chinesischen Tripitaka, MS

5 (1940): 208.

Eberhard, W., Index zu den Arbeiten ber Astronomie, Astrologie und Elementenlehre,

MS 7 (1942): 242.

Eberhard, W. Chinese festivals, New York: Schuman, 1978 [first pub., 1952].

Eberhard, W., "The Political Function of Astronomy and Astronomers," Chinese Thought

and Institutions, Fairbanks, J. K., ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1957.

Eberhard, W., A dictionary of Chinese symbols, G. L. Campbell, transl., London: Routledge,

1983.

Edgerton, Franklin, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary, Delhi: Motilal

Banarsidass, 1970.

Edkins, J., Babylonian origin of Chinese astronomy and astrology, China Review, 14

(1885): 90.

Edkins, J., Star names among the ancient Chinese, China Review, 39 (1888): 309.

Egyed, A., The Eighty-four Siddhas, a Tibetan blockprint from Mongolia, Budapest,

Akademiai Kiado (Debter, Debther, Debtelin 3: Fontes Tibetani II), 1984.

Ekvall, Robert B., Religious observances in Tibet, Chicago, 1964.

329
REFERENCES

Eliade, Mircea, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion, New York: Macmillan, 1987.

Elverskog, Johan, Uygur Buddhist Literature Silk Road Studies I, Brepols, 1997.

Elverskog, Johan, The jewel translucent sutra: Altan Khan and the Mongols in the sixteenth

century, Leiden: Brill, 2003.

Elverskog, Johan, Mongol Time Enters a Qing World, Time, Temporality, and Imperial

Transition: East Asia from Ming to Qing, Lynn A. Struve, ed., Honolulu: Association

for Asian Studies, 2005.

Erkes, Eduard, The God of Death in ancient China, TP 35 (1940): 185.

Esin, Emel, The cosmic man in Turkish texts and iconography, Religious and lay

symbolism in the Altaic world and other papers, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz,

1989: 113-124.

Everding, Karl-Heinz, "Die 60er-Zyklen, Eine Konkordanztafel," Zentralasiatische Studien

16 (1982): 475-479.

Falk, Harry, Measuring time in Mesopotamia and ancient India, ZDMG 150 (2000): 107-

132.

Farmer, H. G., Clues for the Arabian influence on European musical theory, JRAS 1925:

61-80.

Farmer, H. G., Ibn Khurddhbih on musical instruments, JRAS 1928: 509-518.

Farmer, H. G., The influence of Al-Farabis Ihsa al-ulum (De scientiis) on the

writers on music in Western Europe, JRAS 1932: 561-592.

Farmer, H. G., Maimonides on listening to music, JRAS 1933: 867-905.

330
REFERENCES

Farmer, H. G., The music of the Arabian Nights, JRAS 1944: 172-185; 1945: 39-60.

Farquhar, David M., A description of the Mongolian manuscripts and xylographs in

Washington, D. C., CAJ 1 (1955): 161.

Feuerstein, G., Tantra, the Path of Ecstasy, Boston: Shambhala, 1998.

Finckh, Elisabeth, Behaviour an important part of Tibetan medicine, Tibetan Studies, [6th

seminar], vol. 1, Oslo, 1994.

Firmicus Maternus, Julius, Ancient Astrology: Theory and Practice = Matheseos Libri VIII,

Jean Rhys Bram, transl., Park Ridge: Noyes Press, 1975.

Fleet, J. F., The ancient Indian water-clock, JRAS 1915: 213-230.

Franke, H., Mittelmongolische Kalenderfragmente aus Turfan, Mnchen: Verlag der

Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1964.

Frazer, James G., The magic art and the evolution of Kings, the Golden Bough, vol. 1,

London, 1913.

Frazer, J. T., et. al., ed., Time, Science, and Society in China and the West: The Study of

Time V, Amherst, Univ. of Mass. Press, 1986.

Frye, Richard, The Heritage of Central Asia: From Antiquity to the Turkish expansion,

Princeton: Marcus Wiener Publishers, 1996.

Frye, Stanley, transl., The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish or the Ocean of Narratives,

Dharmasala: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 1981.

Galilei, Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems--Ptolemaic and Copernican,

Drake, S. transl., Einstein, A., foreword, Berkeley, Univ. of Cal. Press, 1953.

331
REFERENCES

Geneva, A., Astrology and the 17th Century Mind: William Lilly and the Language of the

Stars, Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1995.

Geller, M. J., More magic spells and formulae, BSOAS 60 (1997): 327-335.

Geller, M. J., Fragments of magic, medicine and mythology from Nimrud, BSOAS 63

(2000): 331-339.

Getty, Alice, The Gods of Northern Buddhism: Their History and Iconography, New York:

Dover Publications 1988/1928.

Giles, H. A., A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, London: B. Quaritch, 1898/1962.

Golden, P. B., The days of the week in Turkic: notes on the Cumano-Qipaq pattern, AOH

48 (1995): 363-375.

Golden, Peter B., ed., The Kings Dictionary. The Raslid Hexaglot: Fourteenth Century

Vocabularies in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian and Mongol, Leiden:

Brill, 2000.

Grimes, John, A Concise Dictionary of Indian Philosophy, New York: State University of

New York Press, 1996.

de Groot, J. J. L., The religious system of China, 6 vols., Leiden: Brill, 1892-1910.

Grnbaum, A., Modern Science and Zeno's Paradoxes, Middletown: Wesleyan Univ. Press,

1967.

Grnwedel, Die Stern schnuppen im Vaidrya dkar-po, Festschrift Edward Seler, 1922:

129-146.

332
REFERENCES

Guo Shoujing, et al., Shoushili yijing [Explanations and manual of the Shoushi (works and

days) calendar], juan 52, 53, 54, 55 of the Yuanshi.

Gurshtein, A. A., On the origin of the zodiacal constellations, Vistas in Astronomy, 36

(1993): 171-90.

Gyarmati, I., Trkische Planetennamen, entstanden durch Lehnbersetzung, AOH 48

(1995): 377-382.

Gyurme Dorje, comm. and transl., Tibetan elemental divination paintings illuminated

manuscripts from The White Beryl of Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho [the Vaidrya dkar-

po] with the Moonbeams treatise of Lo-chen Dharmar, London, 2001.

Hackin, J., Asiatic Mythology: A Detailed Description and Explanation of the Mythologies

of all the Great Nations of Asia, New York: Crescent Books, 1963.

Hamilton, James, Le Colophon de Irq Bitig, Turcica 7 (1975): 7-19.

Hangin, John G., Marriage customs of certain Chahar banners, MSJ 2 (1975): 41.

Hangin, Gombajab, A Modern Mongolian-English Dictionary, Indiana University, Research

Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1986.

Harper, Donald J., Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts,

London: Kegan Paul, 1998.

Hartner, Willy, the Pseudo planetary nodes of the Moons Orbit in Hindu and Islamic

Iconographies, Ars Islamica 5 (1938);

333
REFERENCES

Hartner, W., The astronomical instruments of Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting, their identification, and

their relations to the instruments of the Observatory of Maragha, Isis 41 (1950):

184-194.

Haskins, C. H., Arabic science in Western Europe, Isis, 7 (1925): 478-485.

Hastings, James, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, New York: Scribners, 1927.

Hawking, Stephen, A Brief History of Time, New York: Bantam Books, 1988.

Heissig, W., Die Pekinger lamaistischen Blockdrucke in mongolischer Sprache (PLB),

Gttinger Asiatische Forschungen, Bd. 2, Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1954.

Heissig, W., "The Mongol Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Belgian Scheut Mission,"

CAJ 3 (1957): 161-169.

Heissig, W. with C. R. Bawden, Catalogue of Mongol Books, Manuscripts and Xylographs,

Copenhagen: The Royal Library, 1971.

Heissig, W., Mongolische Handschriften, Blockdrucke, Landkarten, Wiesbaden: Franz

Steiner Verlag GMBTT, 1961.

Heissig, W., Die mongolischen HandschriftenReste aus Olon sume, Innere Mongolei (16.-

17. Jhdt), Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1976.

Heissig, W., Banishing illnesses into effigies in Mongolia, Asian Folklore Studies 45

(1986): 33-43.

Heissig, W., Schamanen und Geisterbeschwrer in der stlichen Mongolei, Wiesbaden:

Otto Harrassowitz, 1992.

334
REFERENCES

Ho Peng Yoke, transl., The astronomical chapters of the Chin shu [by Fang Hsan-ling (578-

648)], Paris, Mouton & Co., 1966.

Ho Peng-yoke, "Astronomical Bureau in Ming China," JAH 3 (1969): 137-157.

Ho Peng-yoke, Magic Squares in East and West, Papers on Far Eastern History, 8 (1973):

115-142.

Ho, Peng Yoke, Modern scholarship on the History of Chinese Astronomy, Canberra:

Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1977.

Ho Peng Yoke, The swinging pendulum: science in East and West with special reference to

China, Brinsbane: School of Modern Asian Studies, 1982.

Ho Peng Yoke and F.P. Lisowski, A brief history of Chinese medicine, 2nd ed., River Edge:

World Scientific, 1997.

Ho Peng Yoke, Li, qi, and shu an introduction to science and civilization in China, Dover,

2000.

Ho Peng Yoke, Chinese mathematical astrology: reaching out to the stars, London: Curzon,

2003.

Hoffleit, D. and C. Jaschek, The Bright Star Catalogue, Yale University Observatory, New

Haven, 1982.

Hoffmann, Helmut, Das Klacakra, die letzte Phase des Buddhismus in Indien, Saeculum

15 (1964): 125-131.

Hoffman, Helmut H. R., "Klacakra Studies I: Manichaeism, Christianity, and Islam in the

Klacakra Tantra," CAJ 13 (1969): 52-73.

335
REFERENCES

Hoffmann, Helmut H. R., Klacakra Studies I, Addenda et Corrigenda, CAJ 15 (1971-2):

298.

Hommel, Fritz, Ueber den Ursprung und das Alter der arabischen Sternnamen und

insbesondere der Mondstationen, ZDMG 45 (1891): 592.

Huang, Chun-chieh and Zrcher, Erik, ed., Time and Space in Chinese Culture, Leiden: E.J.

Brill, 1995.

Huber, E., Termes persans dans lAstrologie bouddhique chinoise, (Part 7 of Etudes de

Littrature bouddhique.) Bulletin de lEcole franaise de lExtrme Orient 6, 1906.

Huc,variste Rgis, Souvenirs dun voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet et la Chine pendant

les annes 1844, 1845 et 1846, 2 vols. Paris, 1850.

Huebotter, Fraz, Beitrge zur Kenntnis der chinesischen sowie der tibetisch-mongolischen

Pharmakologie, Berlin, 1913.

Huff, Toby E., The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China, and the West, Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Hummel, Siegbert, Gnstige und ungnstige Zeiten und Zeichen nach der Tibetischen des

Chags-med-rin-po-che, Asian Folklore Studies 22 (1963): 89-132.

Humphrey, C. and Onon, U., Shamans and Elders, Oxford: Claredon Press, 1996.

Humphrey, C., Rituals of Death in Mongolia: Their Implication for Understanding the

Mutual Constitution of Persons and Objects and Certain Concepts of Property, Inner

Asia 1/1 (1999): 59.

336
REFERENCES

Huc, variste-Rgis and Gabet, Joseph, Travels in Tartary, Thibet and China, 1844-46, vol.

1, Hazlitt, W., transl., New York: Harper & Brothers, 1928/1853.

Information Mongolia, Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1990.

Jacobi, Hermann, Einteilung des Tages und Zeitmessung im alten Indien, ZDMG 74

(1920): 247-263.

Jadamba, Collection of Mongolian manuscripts from the private collection of his Holiness

Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu in the State public library, Studia Mongolia, vol. 1, 1959,

pt. 6.

Jadamba, Ulsyn Niitiin Nomyn Sangiin bichmal uran zokhiolyn nomyn garchig, Studia

Mongolica, vol. 1, 1959 pt. 11.

Jschke, H. A., A Tibetan-English Dictionary, London: Routledge & Paul, 1949 [reprint].

Jeyes, U., Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum, Istanbul

Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, 1989.

Jiao, Jian, The Yuan Dynasty: Foreign Relations, Science, and Culture, China

Reconstructs (Peking) 29, no. 7 (July 1980), 69-71.

Johnson, M. C., Greek, Moslem, and Chinese instrument design in the surviving Mongol

equatorials of 1279 AD, Isis 32 (1940): 27-43.

Jones, C. W., A note on concepts of the inferior planets in the early Middle Ages, Isis, 24

(1935-6): 397-399.

Jones, William, On the antiquity of the Indian zodiac, Asiatic Researches 2 (1799): 289-

306.

337
REFERENCES

Jung, C. G., Synchronicity: An Acausal Connecting Principle, Hull, F. C., transl., Bollingen

Series, Princeton Univ. Press, 1973.

Kara, G., "Manual of Mongol Astrology and Divination, with a Critical Introduction by the

Reverend Antoine Mostaert, C.I.C.M. and an Editor's Foreword by Francis Woodman

Cleaves," review, JAOS 93.1 (1973): 94-96.

Kara, G., "Weitere mittelmongolische Bruchstcke aus der Berliner Turfansammlung,"

Altorientalische Forschungen, VI, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1979: 181-203.

Kara, G., "Zu den mittelmongolischen Kalendarausdrcken," Altorientalische Forschungen,

11:2 (1984): 347-352.

Kara, G., Zhiyuan Yiyu, index alphabetique des mots mongols, AOH 44 (1990): 279-344.

Kara, G., L. Bazin, Les systmes chronologiques dans le monde turc ancien, review, AOH

47 (1994): 201-206.

Kara, G., The Mongol and Manchu manuscripts and blockprints in the Library of the

Hungarian Academy of Sciences Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmiaa, Budapest:

Akadmiai Kiad, 2000.

Kennedy, Edward S., "The Chinese-Uighur Calendar as Described in the Islamic Sources,"

Isis 55:2, 1964: 435-443.

Kennedy, E. S., Late medieval planetary theory, Isis 57 (1966): 365-378.

Kennedy, Edward S., Astronomy and Astrology in the Medieval Islamic World, Aldershot,

Ashgate, 1998.

338
REFERENCES

Kielhorn, Franz, The sixty-year cycle of Jupiter, Indian Antiquary 18 (1889): 193-209,

380-386.

Kingsley, P., Ancient Philosophy, Mystery, and Magic: Empedocles and Pythagorean

Tradition, Oxford: Clarendon, 1995.

Kiripolsk, Marta, A description of the Mongolian manuscripts and blockprints in Prague

collections, AOH 49 (1996): 277.

Kiripolsk, Marta, More Mongol Manuscripts in the university Library of Oslo, AO 60

(1999): 178.

Kler, Joseph, Quelques notes sur les coutumes matrimoniales des Mongols Ortos,

Anthropos 30 (1935): 165-190.

Kloetzli, Randy, Buddhist Cosmology, From Single World System to Pure Land: Science

and Theology in the Images of Motion and Light, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983.

Knappert, Jan, Indian Mythology: an Encyclopedia of Myth and Legend, London: Aquarian

Press, 1991.

Koch-Westenholz, U., Mesopotamian Astrology: An Introduction to Babylonian and

Assyrian Celestial Divination, Univ. of Copenhagen, 1995.

Korvin-Krasinski, P. Cyrill von, Die tibetische Medizinphilosophe. Der Mensch als

Mikrokosmos, Zurich, 1953/1964.

Kowalewski, Joseph tienne [= Jsef Szczepan], Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-Franais, 3

vols., Tientsin, 1941. (Reprint)

339
REFERENCES

Krader, Lawrence, Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads, Uralic and

Altaic Series, vol. 20, The Hague, 1963.

Krueger, John R., the Altan Saba (The golden vessel): a Mongolian lamaist burial manual,

MS 24 (1965): 207-272.

Krueger, J. R., Catalogue of the Laufer collections in Chicago, JAOS 86 (1966): 156-183.

Krupp, E. C., Beyond the Blue Horizon: Myths and Legends of the Sun, Moon, Stars, and

Planets, New York: HarperCollins, 1991.

Kutchins, Herb and Stuart A. Kirk, Making Us Crazy: DSM: The Psychiatric Bible and the

Creation of Mental Disorders, New York: Free Press, 1997.

Kvaerne, P., Tibet Bon Religion: A Death Ritual of the Tibetan Bonpos, Leiden: E.J. Brill,

1985.

Langdon, Stephen, Babylonian and Assyrian Religion, EB 1956: 857-861.

Laufer, Berthold, "The Application of the Tibetan Sexagenary Cycle," TP 14 (1913): 569-

596.

Laufer, B., "Bird Divination among the Tibetans, TP 15 (1914): 1-110.

Leon, J. C., Science and Philosophy in the West, Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1999.

Lessing, F., "Calling the Soul: A Lamaist Ritual," Ritual and Symbol: Collected Essays on

Lamaism and Chinese Symbolism, Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1976.

Lessing, F., ed., Mongolian-English Dictionary, Bloomington: The Mongolia Society, 1982.

340
REFERENCES

Lessing, F. and A. Wayman, A., Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems, transl. from

MKHAS GRUB RJE'S Rgud sde spyihi rnam par gzag pa rgyas par brjod, Delhi,

Motilal Banarsidass, 1968.

Levy-Bruhl, L., How Natives Think, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1985.

Libbrecht, Ulrich, Chinese Mathematics in the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge: MIT Press,

1973.

Ligeti, L., La Collection Mongole Schilling von Canstadt, Toung Pao, 27, 1930.

Ligeti, L., Rapport prliminaire d'un voyage d'exploration fait en mongolie chinoise 1928-

1931, Budapest: Otto Harrassowitz, 1933.

Ligeti, L., Catalogue du Kanjur mongol imprim, Budapest: Socit Krsi Csoma, 1944.

Ligeti, L., Monuments prclassiques I, Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad, 1970.

Ligeti, L., Les noms kalmouks des jours de la semaine, AOH 26 (1972): 371-375.

Ligeti, L., Les douze actes du Bouddha, Indices Verborum Linguae Mongolicae, Monumentis

Traditorum V, Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad, 1974.

Lindsay, Jack, Origins of astrology, London: 1971.

Lingat, R., Dharma et Temps, JA 249 (1961): 487.

Lippielle, T., Auspicious omens and miracles in ancient China, Han, Three Kingdoms and

Six Dynasties, Monumenta Serica Series XXXIX.

Liu, M., Madhyamaka Thought in China, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994.

Loewe, M., The Almanac (jih-shu) from Shui-hu-ti: a preliminary survey, AM 1.2 (1988):

1-27.

341
REFERENCES

Loewe, M., Divination, mythology and Monarchy in Han China, Cambridge, CUP, 1994.

Loewe, M. and Blacker, C., ed., Divination and Oracles, London: George Allen and Unwin,

1981.

Longrigg, James, The roots of all things, Isis 67 (1976): 420-438.

Longrigg, James, Elements an after: a study in Presocratic physics of the second half of the

fifth century, Apeiron 19 (1985): 93-115.

Lopez, Donald S., Jr., ed., Religions of India in Practice, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press,

1995.

Lopez, Donald S., Jr., ed., Religions of China in Practice, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press,

1996.

Lopez, Donald S., Jr., ed., Religions of Tibet in Practice, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press,

1997.

Macey, Samuel L., The Dynamics of Progress: Time, Method, and Measure, Athens:Univ.

of Georgia Press, 1989.

Major, John S., Heaven and Earth in early Han thought: Chapters Three, Four and Five of

the Huainanzi, Albany: State University of NY Press, 1993.

Mankiewicz, Richard, The Story of Mathematics, Princeton: Princeton University Press,

2000.

Mathews, R. H., Mathews Chinese-English Dictionary, revised, American ed., Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 2000.

342
REFERENCES

Mauss, Marcel, A General Theory of Magic, Brain, Robert, transl. from French, London:

Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972.

Meister, P. W., Buddhistiche Planetdarstellungen in China, OrE 1 (1954): 1-5.

Melville, C., "The Chinese-Uighur Animal Calendar in Persian Historiography of the

Mongol Period," Iran 32, 1994, pp. 83-98.

Meserve, Ruth, The snowcocks of Central Asia and Mongolia, The Black Master: essays

on Central Eurasia in honor of Gyrgy Kara on his 70th birthday, Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005.

Miller, G. A., Different types of mathematical history, Isis, 4 (1921-2): 5-12.

Miller, Roy Andrew, Pleiades perceived: Mul.Mul to Subaru, JAOS 108 (1988): 1-26.

Miyawaki Junko, The nomadic kingship based on marital alliances: the case of the 17th-18th

century Oyirad, Proceedings of the 35th permanent international Altaistic

conference, Taipei, 1992: 361.

Miyawaki-Okada, Junko, "Women's property in history of Nomadic society," Altaic

Affinities, 2001, 82-89.

Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899/1960.

Montucla, Etienne, Histoire des mathematiques, 4 vol., Paris, 1799-1802.

Mostaert, A., Le Dialecte des Mongols Urdus (Sud). Etude Phontique, Anthropos XXI

(1926): 851-869.

Mostaert, A., Ordosica, Les noms de clan chez les Mongols Ordos dans Bull. no. 9 of the

Catholic University of Peking, Peking, 1934.

343
REFERENCES

Mostaert, A., Textes oraux ordos, Peiping: Unversitatis Catholicae, 1937.

Mostaert, A., Folklore Ordos (traduction des textes oraux ordos), Peiping: Catholic

University, 1947.

Mostaert, A., "Introduction," Erdeni-yin Tobi Mongolian Crhonicle by Sa(ang Seen,

Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1956.

Mostaert, A., "Matriaux ethnographiques relatifs aux Mongols Ordos," CAJ 2 (1956): 241-

294.

Mostaert, A., "A propos d'une prire au feu," American Studies in Altaic Linguistics, ed.,

Nicholas Poppe, Bloomington: Indiana University, 1962.

Mostaert, A., Dictionnaire ordos, New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1968. (reprint)

Mostaert, A., Manual of Mongolian Astrology and Divination, Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 1969.

Mnkh-Ochir, D., Mongol Zurkhain Tkh [The history of Mongolian astrology],

Ulaanbaatar, 2000.

Mukhopadhyaya, Sujitkumar, ed., The rdlakarnvadna, Calcutta: Viabharati

Santiniketan, 1954.

Mushtaq, Q., Introduction: the mathematicians and their heritage, History of civilizations

of Central Asia, vols. IV, Unesco, 1992.

Nadeliaev, V. M., ed., Drevnetyurkskii Slovar, Leningrad: Nauka, 1969.

Namjildorji, Monggol undusuten-u dalu sinjilge [Mongolian scapulimancy], Kokeqota:

Obor Monggol-un Arad-un Keblel-un Qoriy-a, 1998.

344
REFERENCES

Nasanbuyan, D., Mongol em domyn zasal [Mongolian medical treatments], Ullanbaatar,

1991.

Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, Science and Civilisation in Islam, Cambridge, 1968.

Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, Islamic Science: an Illustrated Study, London, 1976.

Nattier, Jan, Once upon a future time: studies in a Buddhist prophecy of decline, Berkeley,

1992.

Naylor, P. I. H., Astrology: An Historical Examination, London: Robert Maxwell, 1967.

de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Rne, The use of thread crosses, Eastern Anthropologist, 1

(1950): 65-87.

de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Rne, Oracles and Demons of Tibet: The Cult and Iconography of

the Tibetan Protective Deities, The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1956.

Needham, J., "The Science of the Heavens," Science and Civilization in China, v. 3,

Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1959.

Needham, J., Wang Ling and Derek J. de Solla Price, Heavenly clockwork: the great

astronomical clocks of medieval China, Cambridge: CUP, 1960.

Needham, J., Time and knowledge in China and the West, The Voices of Time, J. T.

Fraser, ed., New York, 1966: 92-135.

Needham, J., "Roles of Europe and China in evolution of oecumenical science," JAH 1

(1967): 3.

Needham, Joseph, The Grand Titration: Science and Society in East and West, Toronto:

University of Toronto Press, 1970.

345
REFERENCES

Needham, J., "Astronomy in Ancient and Medieval China," Cosmic Perspectives, ed. S. K.

Biswas, Cambridge: CUP, 1989.

Neugebauer, O., The water clock in Babylonian astronomy, Isis 37 (1947): 37-43.

Neugebauer, O., Exact Science in Antiquity, Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1951, 1968.

Neugebauer, O., A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, 3 vols., Berlin, Springer-

Verlag, 1975.

Newman, John R., The Outer Wheel of Time: Vajrayana Buddhist Cosmology in the

Kalacakra Tantra, UMI, dissertation, 1987.

Newman, John, Klacakra, Encyclopedia of Buddhism, 2 vols., Robert E. Buswell, Jr., ed.,

MacMillan Reference USA, 2004: 408-411.

Ochirbat, D., Merge Tlg, Ulaanbaatar: Ulsyn Khevleliin Gazar, 1990.

Okada H., The Khan as the Sun, the Jinong as the Moon, Altaica Berolinensia: the

Concept of Sovereignty in the Altaic World [PIAC 34], Wiesbaden: Otto

Harrassowitz, 1993: 185.

Olschak, Blanche Christine, The art of healing in ancient Tibet, Ciba Symposium, 12

(1964): 129-34.

ONeil, W. M., Time and the calendars, Sydney University Press, 1975.

ONeil, W. M., Early astronomy: from Babylonia to Copernicus, Sydney: Sydney Univ.

Press, 1986.

Ovenden, M. W., The origin of the constellations, Philosophical Journal, 3 (1966): 1-18.

346
REFERENCES

Pallas, Peter Simon, Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten ber die mongolischen

Vlkerschaften, 2v., Graz: Akademische Druck, 1980.

Palmer, Martin, ed., T'ung Shu: The Ancient Chinese Almanac, Boston: Shambhala, 1986.

Pelliot, Paul, "Le cycle sexagnaire dans la chronologie tibtaine," JA, 11/1 (1913): 633-667.

Pelliot, P., Neuf notes sur des questions dAsie Centrale, TP 26 (1928): 201.

Pao, Kuo-yi, Marriage customs of a Khorchin village, CAJ 9 (1964): 29.

Parsons, James Bayard, Elements, Chemical, EB, 1956: 347-349.

Pauling, Linu Carl, Periodic Law, EB, 1956: 517-521.

Petri, Winfried, "Uigur and Tibetan lists of the Indian Lunar Mansions," Indian Journal of

History of Science, 1/2 (1966): 83-90.

Philip, James A., Pythagoras and Early Pythagoreanism, Toronto: Toronto University Press,

1966.

Pingree, David., "Astronomy and Astrology in India and Iran," Isis 54 (1963): 229-246.

Pingree, D., "Astrology," Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal

Ideas Vol. 1, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973.

Pingree, D., Greek influence on early Islamic mathematical astronomy, JAOS 93 (1973):

32-43.

Pingree, D., The Yavanajtaka of Sphujidhvaja, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 2 vols.,

1978.

347
REFERENCES

Pingree, D., Mesopotamian astronomy and astral omens in other civilizations,

Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, v. 2, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1978: 613-

631.

Pingree, D., From Astral Omens to Astrology: From Babylon to Bkner, Rome: Instituto

Italiano per L'Africa E L'Oriente, 1997.

Pingree, D., The Legacy of Mesopotamia, Legacies in Astronomy and Celestial Omens,

Oxford, 1998: 125-137.

Polo, Marco, The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian Concerning the Kingdoms and

Marvels of the East, Henry Yule, ed., 2 vols., London, John Murray, 1929.

Poppe, N., Leon Hurvitz, Hidehiro Okada, Catalogue of the Manchu-Mongol section of the

Toyo Bunko, Seattle: Univ. of Wash. Press, 1964.

Poppe, N., Grammar of Written Mongolian, Wiesbaden: O. Harr., 1954.

Poppe, N., "Introduction to Mongolian Comparative Studies," Suomalais-Ugrilaisen seuran

toimituksia/Mmoires de la Socit Finno-Ougrienne (110), Helsinki: Suomalais-

Ugrilainen Seura, 1955.

Poppe, N., The Twelve Deeds of Buddha: A Mongolian Version of the Lalitavistara,

Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967.

Poppe, N., "Antoine Mostaert, C.I.C.M. August 10-1881-June 2, 1971," CAJ 15 (1971): 164-

169.

Popper Karl, The Open Universe: An Argument for Indeterminism, Totowa: Rowman and

Littlefield, 1982.

348
REFERENCES

Porter, Jonathan, Bureaucracy and science in early modern China: The Imperial

Astronomical Board in the Ching period, JOS 18 (1980): 61-76.

Poucha, Pavel, Mongolische Miszellen VII: Innerasiatische Chronologie, CAJ 7 (1962):

192-204.

Powers, John, Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism, Ithaca: Snow Lion Publications, 1995.

Pozdneev, A. M., Uchebnik tibetskoi meditsiny. S mongolskago I tibetskago pereved

(Textbook of Tibetan Medicine. Translated from the Mongolian and Tibetan), St.

Petersburg, 1908.

Pozdneyev, A. M., Mongolia and the Mongols, 2 vols., Bloomington: Indiana University,

1971.

Pozdneyev, A. M., Religion and Ritual in Society: Lamaist Buddhism in Late 19th-Century

Mongolia, Krueger, John R., transl. from Russian and ed., Bloomington: The

Mongolia Society, 1978.

Prigogine, I., The End of Certainty: Time, Chaos, and the New Laws of Nature, New York:

The Free Press, 1997.

Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, Robbins, F. E., ed. and transl., Loeb Classical Library, 1980.

Pulleyblank, E.G., Late Middle Chinese, AM 16 (1971): 121-168.

Pulleyblank, E.G., Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology, Vancouver: University

of British Columbia Press, 1984.

de Rachewiltz, Igor, Index to the Secret History of the Mongols, Bloomington: Indiana

University, 1972.

349
REFERENCES

de Rachewiltz, Igor, "Yeh-l Ch'u--ts'ai (1189-1243): Buddhist Idealist and Confucian

Statesman," Confucian Personalities, Wright, Arthur F. and Twitchett, Denis, ed.,

Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1962: 189-216.

Rachmati, G. R., Eberhard, W., "Trkische Turfan-Texte VII," Sprachwissenschaftliche

Ergebnisse der deutschen Turfan-Forschung, Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der

Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, 1972. (Reprint)

Raghu Vira, Mongol-Sanskrit Dictionary with a Sanskrit-Mongol Index, New Delhi:

International Academy of Indian Culture, 1959. (Reprint)

Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra, ed., Klacakra-tantra and Other Texts, Part 1, New Delhi:

International Academy of Indian Culture, 1966.

Rechung Rinpoche Jampal Kunzang, Tibetan Medicine, Berkeley: UCP, 1973.

Reck, Christiane and Werner Sundermann, Ein illustrierter mittelpersischer manichishcer

Omen-Text aus Turfan, ZAS 27 (1997): 7-23.

Richards, E. G., Mapping time: the calendar and its history, Oxford, OUP, 1998.

Richer, Jean, Sacred Geography of the Ancient Greeks: Astrological Symbolism in Art,

Architecture, and Landscape, Rhone, Christine, transl., Albany: State University of

New York Press, 1994.

Richmond, B., Time measurement and calendar construction, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1956.

Rintchen, Y., Manuscrits mongols de las collection du professeur I. Kowalewski

Vilnius,CAJ 19 (1975): 105.

350
REFERENCES

Rochberg-Halton, Francesca, Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: the Lunar Eclipse

Tablest of Enma Anu Enlil, Ferdinand Berger & Shne, 1988.

Rochberg, F., Babylonian Horoscopes, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998.

Rochberg, F., Empiricism in Babylonian omen texts and the classification of Mesopotamian

divination as science, JAOS 119 (1999): 559-569.

Roerich, Gerges de, Studies in Klacakra, Izbrannye trudy, Moscow, 1967: 153-164.

Rosiska, Grayna, Nasr al-Dn Ts and Ibn al-Shtir in Cracow? Isis 65 (1974): 239-

243.

Roy, A. E., The origin of the constellations, Vistas in Astronomy, 27 (1984): 171-97.

Rozycki, William, Petition by a Mongol landlord: a Tumed document from 1825, CAJ 46

(2002): 261-8.

Rupen, R. A., "Antoine Mostaert, C.I.C.M, and Comparative Mongolian Folklore," CAJ 1

(1955): 2-8.

Rybatzki, V., Names of the Months in Middle Mongolian, Altaica Budapestinensia [PIAC

45], Budapest, 2003: 256-290.

Sachau, Edward C., transl., Alberuni's India, [al-Biruni], NY: Norton, 1971.

Sa(ang Secen, Erdeni-yin Tobci (Precious Summary) II. Word-Index to the Urga Text,

prepared by I. de Rachewiltz and J. R. Krueger, Canberra: Australian National

University, 1991.

Saliba, G., A History if Arabic Astronomy: Planetary Theories during the Golden Age of

Islam, New York: New York University Press, 1994.

351
REFERENCES

Saliba, G., Artisans and mathematicians in medieval Islam, JAOS 119 (1999): 637-645.

de Santillana, Giorgio and Hertha von Decheng, Hamlets Mill: an Essay on Myth and the

Frame of Time, Boston: Gambit, 1969.

Srkzi, A., A Pre-classical Mongolian prophetic book, AOH 24 (1971): 41.

Srkzi, Alice, [review of]: Reverend Antoine Mostaert: Manual of Mongolian astrology

and divination, MSJ 2 (1975): 155-156.

Srkzi, Alice, A Mongolian manual of divination by means of characteristics of the land,

Tractata Altaica, Wiesbaden, 1976: 583-604.

Srkzi, A., Precious message from heaven. A Mongolian prophetic book of Chinese

origin, CAJ 23 (1979): 271.

Srkzi, A., "A Mongolian Text of Exorcism," Schamanism in Eurasia, II, Gottingen:

Edition Herodot, 1984.

Srkzi, A., A text of popular religious belief cutting off the lasso, AOH 39 (1985): 39-

44.

Srkzi, A., A Bon funeral rite in lamaist Mongolia, Synkretismus in den Religionen

Zentralasiens, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1987: 119-135.

Srkzi, A., "Symbolism in Exorcizing the Evil Spirits,"Religious and lay symbolism in the

Altaic world and other papers, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1989: 314-323.

Srkzi, A., Political Prophecies in Mongolia in the 17-20th Centuries, Wiesbaden: Otto

Harrassowitz, 1992.

352
REFERENCES

Srkzi, A., Mandate of Heaven. Heavenly Support of the Mongol Ruler, Altaica

Berolinensia: the Concept of Sovereignty in the Altaic World [PIAC 34], Wiesbaden:

Otto Harrassowitz, 1993: 215.

Srkzi, A., ed. in collaboration with Jnos Szerb, A Buddhist Terminological Dictionary,

the Mongolian Mahvyutpatti, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1995.

Sarton, G., Laplaces religion, Isis 33 (1941): 309-312.

de Saussure, L., "Le cycle de Jupiter," TP 9 (1908): 455-502.

de Saussure, Lopold, "Les origines de l'astronomie chinoise: G. Le Cycle de Jupiter," TP

14 (1913): 387-426.

de Saussure, Le symtrie du zodiaque lunaire asiatique, JA 14 (1919): 141.

de Saussure, Le cycle des douze animaux et le symbolisme cosmologique des Chinois, JA

15 (1920): 55.

de Saussure, Le systme cosmologique sino-iranien, JA 202 (1923): 235.

de Saussure, La srie septnaire, cosmologique et plantaire, JA 204 (1924): 333.

de Saussure, L., Les Origines de lAstronomie chinoise, Paris: Maissoneuve, 1930.

Sayili, Aydin, Turkish medicine, Isis 26 (1936): 403-414.

Sayili, Aydin, The Observatory in Islam and its Place in the General History of the

Observatory, Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1960.

Sazykin, A. Katalog Mongoliskikh Rukopecei i Ksilografov Instituta Vostokovedeniia

Akademii Nauk SSSR, v. 1, Moskva: Nauk, 1988.

353
REFERENCES

Sazykin, "Catalogue of the Mongol Manuscripts and Xylographs Preserved in the Library of

the Tuvan Ethnographical Museum 'Sixty Heroes' (KYZYL)," AOH 47(3), 1994:

327-407.

Scharfe, Harmut, Doctrine of the three humors in traditional Indian medicine, JAOS 119

(1999): 609-629.

Schiffeler, John W., The origin of Chinese folk medicine, Asian Folklore Studies 35

(1976): 17-35.

Schiffeler, John W., Chinese folk medicine: a study of the Shan-hai ching, Asian Folklore

Studies 39 (1980): 41.

Schimmel, Annemarie, The mystery of numbers, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Schipper, Kristofer and Wang Hsiu-Huei, "Progressive and Regressive Time Cycles in

Taoist Ritual," Time, Science, and Society in China and the West, Frazer, J. T., ed.

et al., Amherst: Univ. of Mass. Press, 1986: 185-205.

Schlegel, Gustave, Uranographie chinoise, 2 vols., Brill, 1967/1875.

Schlegel, Gustave, Uranographie chinoise: Atlas cleste, chinois et grec, Brill, 1967/1875.

Schuh, Dieter, Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik und Astronomie in Tibet, Teil I,

Elementare Arithmetik, ZAS 4: (1970): 81.

Schuh, D., Zur Geschichte der tibetischen Kalenderrechnung, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner

Verlag GMBH, 1973.

Sela, Ron, Ritual and Authority in Central Asia: the Khans inauguration ceremony, Papers

on Inner Asia, vol. 37, 2003.

354
REFERENCES

Semiov, Boris Vladimirovi, Die tibetische Medizin bei den Buryaten. Die buryatisch-

mongolische Expedition des Botanischen Gartens der Russischen Akademie der

Wissenschaften, Janus, 39 (1935): 1-36.

Serruys, H,, "A Mongol Horoscope of the Year 1914," CAJ 18/3 (1974)a: 175-179.

Serruys, Henry, Four manuals for marriage ceremonies among the Mongols, Part I, ZAS

8 (1974)b: 247.

Serruys, Henry, Four manuals for marriage ceremonies among the Mongols (Part II), ZAS

9 (1975): 275.

Serruys, H., "A Catalogue of Mongolian Manuscripts from Ordos," JAOS, 95/2 (1975): 191-

208.

Serruys, Paul, Les Crmonies du Mariage, Folklore Studies 3 (1944): 73-154, pt. 2, 77-

129.

Shagdarsuren, Ts., Die traditionelle mongolische Medizin, Die Mongolen, Innsbruck,

1989: 272.

Shigeru Nakayama, "Characteristics of Chinese Astrology," Isis 57 (1966): 442-453.

Sinha, Braj M., Time and temporality in Smkhya-Yoga and Abhidharma Buddhism, New

Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983.

Sivin, N., Cosmos and Computation in early Chinese mathematical astronomy, Leiden,

1969.

355
REFERENCES

Sivin, N. "On the Limits of Empirical Knowledge in the Traditional Chinese Sciences,"

Time, Science, and Society in China and the West, Frazer, J. T., ed. et al., Amherst:

Univ. of Mass. Press, 1986: 151-169.

Smith, David E., History of Mathematics, Boston: Ginn and Co., 1923.

Smith, Eli, transl., Treatise on Arab Music Chiefly from the Work of Mikhil Meshkah of

Damascus, JAOS 1 (1843): 171-217.

Smith, Richard J., Fortune Tellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese

Society, Boulder: Westview Press, 1991.

Smith, Richard J., Chinese Almanacs, Hong Kong: Oxford Univ. Press, 1992.

Sodobilig, asin-u Toli [Dictionary of religion], Kkeqota], br Mong(ol-un Sur(an

Kmjil-n Keblel-n Qoriy-a, 1996.

Soothill, W. E. and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist terms: With Sanskrit

and English equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index, Richmond: Curzon Press, 1995.

Sopa, Geshe Lhundub, Jackson, Roger and Newman, John, The Wheel of Time: The

Klachakra in Context, Madison: Deer Park Books, 1985.

von Stal-Holstein, Baron A., On the Sexagenary Cycle of the Tibetans, MS 1 (1935-6):

277-314.

Stall, Julius D. W., F. R. A. S., Stars of Jade, Decatur: Writ Press, 1984.

Starr, I., Rituals of the Diviner, Malibu: Undena Publications, 1983.

Stcherbatsky, Th., Buddhist Logic, Volume I, The Hague: Mouton & Co./'S-Gravenhage,

1958. (Reprint)

356
REFERENCES

Stone, Anthony P., Hindu Astrology: Myths, Symbols and Realities, New Delhi: Select

Books Publishers & Distributors, 1981.

Stough, Charlotte, "Stoic Determinism and Moral Responsibility," The Stoics, Rist, John M.,

ed., Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1878: 203-232.

Sun Xiaochun and Kistemaker, J., The Chinese Sky During the Han, Lieden: Brill, 1997.

Swerdlow, N. M. and Neugebauer, O., Mathematical Astronomy in Copernicus's De

Revolutionibus, New York: Springer-Verlag, 1984.

Tamura Jitsuzo, et al., transl., Wu ti ching wen chien, Kyoto, 1966.

Tatr, M., Tragic and Stranger Ongons Among the Altaic Peoples, Altaistic Studies,

Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1985.

Tekin, Talat, The Irk Bitig, the Book of Omens, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, 1993.

Terbish, L., XVII Jarny Olon Urt Khemeekh Shoroon Er Bars Jiliin Tsag Toollyn Bichig.

1998-1999, Ulaanbaatar.

Tester, S. J., A History of Western Astrology, The Boydell Press, 1987.

Thompson, R. C., The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Ninevah and Babylon

in the British Museum, London: Luzac & Co., 1900, v. 1-2.

Thomsen, Vilhelm, "Dr. M. A. Stein's Manuscripts in Turkish "Runic" script from Miran and

Tun-huang," JRAS (1912): 181-227.

Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 v., New York: Macmillan,

1923-58.

357
REFERENCES

Thorndike, L., The true place of astrology in the history of science, Isis 46 (1955): 273-

278.

Trusted, Jennifer, Physics and Metaphysics: Theories of Space and Time, London:

Routledge, 1991.

Tsevel, Ia., Mongol Khelnii Tovch Tailbar Tol', Ulsyn Khevleliin Khereg Erkhlekh Khoroo,

Ulaanbaatar, 1966.

Tucci, G., Tibetan painted scrolls, 2 vols., Rome, 1949/Kyoto: Rinsen Book Co., Ltd., 1980.

Tucci, Giuseppe, The Religions of Tibet, Samuel, Geoffrey, transl. from German and Italian,

Berkeley, University of California Press, 1970.

Tumbaa, Kh., translit., Mongol emiin jor [Mongolian medical prescriptions], Ulaanbaatar,

Ulsyn Khevleliin Gazar, 1990.

Turetzky, Philip, Time, London: Routledge, 1998.

Uray, Gza, The Earliest Evidence of the use of the Chinese sexagenary cycle in Tibetan,

Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, vol. 2, 1984: 341-360.

Van der Kuijp, Leonard, The Klacakra and the patronage of Tibetan Buddhism by the

Mongol Imperial Family, Central Eurasian Studies Lectures 4, Bloomington:

Indiana University, 2004.

Van Hecken, Joseph, Antoine Mostaert C.I.C.M. (1881-1971), Neue Zeitschrift fr

Missionswissenschaft, vol. 2, Beckenried, 1972: 30-94, 185-199.

Vasubandhu, Abhidharmakoabhsyam, transl., Louis de La Valle Poussin, transl. Leo M.

Pruden, Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1988.

358
REFERENCES

Veith, I., Classical Internal Medicine of the Yellow Emperor, Berkeley, 1966.

Vogel, Claus, On Bu-stons view of the eight parts of Indian medicine, Indo-Iranian

Journal, 6 (1963): 290-5.

Vogel, Claus, "On Tibetan Chronology," CAJ 9 (1964): 224-238.

Vogel, Claus, A note on Chronology, CAJ 9 (1964): 312.

Vreeland, H. H., Mongol Community and Kinship Structures, New Haven, 1967.

Waddell, L. Austine, Buddhism & Lamaism of Tibet, New Delhi: Gaurav Publishing House,

1978. (Reprint)

Waley, Arthur, The Way and Its Power: A Study of the TAO TE CHING and Its Place in

History, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1942.

Wayman, Alex, Buddhist tantric medicine theory on behalf of oneself and others, Kailash

1/2 (1973): 153-158.

Wayman, Alex, Aspects of Hindu and Buddhist Tantra, The Tibet Journal 1/3 (1976): 32-

44.

Westcott, W. Wynn, Numbers: Their Occult Power and Mystic Virtue, Being a Rsum of

the Views of the Kabbalists, Pythagoreans, Adepts of India, Chaldean Magi, and

Medeival Magicians, London: Theosophical Publishing Society, 1890.

Wilhelm, Hellmut, and Wilhelm, Richard, Understanding the I Ching: The Lectures on the

Book of Changes, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960.

Wilkinson, Endymion, Chinese History, a Manual, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1998.

359
Williams, C.A.S, Chinese symbolism and art motifs, Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle Co.,

1996/1941.

Wong, E., The Shambala Guide to Taoism, Boston: Shambala, 1997.

Wu-Ti Ching-Wn-Chien (pentaglot dictionary), transl. Jitsuzu Tamura, et al., Kyoto:

Kyoto University, 1968.

Wylie, Turrell, A Standard System of Tibetan Transcription, HJAS 22 (1959): 261-267.

Yampolsky, Philip, The origin of the twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, Osiris, 9 (1950): 62-

83.

Yel Chucai, Xi zheng gengwu yuanli [Yuan Dynasty calendar of the gengwu year (1210)

made during the western expedition (of Chinggis Khan)], juan 56-57 of the Yuanshi.

Young, M. J. L. "An Arabic Almanac of Favourable and Unfavourable Days," Journal of

Semitic Studies 27:2 (1982), 261-278.

Yule, Henry, Cathay and the way thither: being a collection of medieval notices of China,

Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1967/1866.

Yuanshi, Song Lian, et al., ed., Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1976.

Zrcher, E., The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in

Early Medieval China, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1972.

360
TRANSCRIPTION

[1v]

deged medek-yin nigleski usun bari(id-aa

sayin buyan-u qur-a-yi oro(ulu(ad

deged amu(ulang-un tariyan-i oro(ula(id

blam-a Manjuari-dur mrgmi. nemleky-yin

qamu( nom-ud tu(urbil-aa qa(ai(san-i

uqa(sad bodgalis-dur to(alaqui terigten

tu(urbil-dur kiiyeki busu bgetele. (urban

a(-un uqa(-a edi bodgalis-dur ina(u[n]ki

terigten itn barildaqui iles keregt kemen

burqan bodis[n]g-nar a(-un krdn ba.

Jagr-a sambur-a terigten kiged Maq-a mayai

Manjuari-aa ndsn dandris ba astir-

nu(ud-tur nom'la(san ba yirtin-deki ng

bilig olu(san Manjuari tngri kiged

ari ba to(-a kiged to(an-u a'i r-e-yi

a(ui yeke delgerenggi iglbe [=eglbe]. tabun

oron-i uqa(san bandida ingq-a sari

gler-n. (ana gr-d sedkil-n inar

arilu(sad ta kiiyel tu(urbil kereglegdek

361
TRANSCRIPTION

busu bges ber (urban a(-i uqa(-a inaru

ir(alang-<y>i ksebes egni kiiyegdeki kemen

nomla(san-u tulada. (ada(adu doto(adu ni(ua

(urban to(-a kiged-<y>i ari(un takin-a yamparilan

uqa(ulqui anu. ilau tegs ngigsen

[2r]

burqan-u nomla(san sudur dandris kiged ilang(uy-a

a(-un krdn-dr tabun gara( kiged qamtudquy-yin

ir(u(an qubi-dur it ndsn- geign-i

nigleski gara( ba edr-n ileg duta(uu odun

na(idar-un krdn qono(-un (urban il il(al

terigten-i medegdek-yin itgen teyin bged

arilu(san-u to(-a inu busu sudur-ud-tur

nomlauqui. ende amitan-u itegel burqan-u

qubil(an Manjuari bodis[n]g in qara Kitad-un

oron-dur to(-a terigten-i eglgi buyu.

Manjuari-yin Kitad-un oron buyu. Enedk[e]g-ee

ori(ulu(san Manjuari-yin ndsn dandris-dur

nomlar-un qara Kitad-un to(-a bged tere dotoraa

(aru(san astir-tur bertegin kbegn iles

362
TRANSCRIPTION

iledk bges. ineleki sara alimad inu Kitad-un

astir-aa uqa(daqui kemeki. tere ya(un-u tula

kemebes Kitad-tur qaburun terign sarayin arbun

tabun-a Mig na(idar-iyar r geyim. tegn-

tula Mig sara ebesn- ndsn kkemi kemegsen ba

Kitad to(alaqui astir-tur qaburun terign

sarayin arban (urban-a Baras edr-<y>i klgelen

kdelge Modun odun-iyar uduridu(ad. Bus

na(idar-tu trgi. kemen nomla(san-i tayilbasu

Mig sar-a-yi qaburun terign sar-a bol(au nigen

inede iroi odun-iyar ekilegsen- yosu(ar

to(olabasu arban (urban Baras edr Modun

[2v]

odun-lu(-a Bus na(idar uira(san edr

Manjuari bodis[n]g trgsen bolai. basa Kitad-un

Lii du ting sang neret sudur-dur Mig sara-yi

qaburun ekin Baras sar-a bol(au inelek bolai. tegn-

tulada. qutu(tu Manjuari-yin nomla(san Kitad-un

to(oin-u yosu(ar qaburun terign Baras sara-yi

Qubi sara bol(au inelegsen-ee ekilen to(olau

363
TRANSCRIPTION

arban qoyar sarayin to(-a kiged odun ba na(idar-un

uaral naiman ayima( terigten- i(ulqui qariqui ba.

abqu gegeky-yin il(al ba. Enedk[e]g-n yosu(ar arban

qoyar itn barildaqui to(-a basa edr sni-yin

a( mi-yin qubi terigten-i yirtin-tekin-

obalang-i aril(au amu(ulang ir(alang-i trglk-yin

tulada. ari(un gegen-e iruqai-dur tegi okiyabai.

ende nara urbaqui odun terigten-i Enedk[e]g-n yosu(ar

ar(-a uqaqui busu bges ba Baras Morin Noqai

sara-yi iroi odun-iyar ekileki terigten Kitad-un

to(oin-u yosu(ar okiyabai. na(idar anu burqan-u

nomla(san Naran-u irken neret sudur-lu(-a Kitad-un

to(oin-u yosu(ar tokiyaldu(ulu(san okiyabai.

arban qoyar itn barilduqui inu Jagr-a sambura-yin

ndsn-ee Nagajun-a-yin okiya(san yosu(ar okiyabai.

il kiged naiman ayima( terigten (aar usun-u eid ba

i(ulqui qariqui ba. qami(-a sa(uqui terigten-i

Kitad-un to(oin-u yosu(ar okiyabai. tegn- tula

merged tere yosun-u sayitur uqau narin-a egdeki buyu.

[3r]

364
TRANSCRIPTION

basa il ur(uquy-yin terign-dr inelek inu a(-un

krdn-dr qaburun dumdadu Jayitari sara-yi

il-n terign bol(au qa(uin nabi una(ad

in-e nabi uquyiqui-dur inelemi. Bajar dagini-yin

ndsn kiged Jagr-a-sambur-a-yin yosu(ar Margiar

sara-yin arban ir(u(an ebln nara ba(uqu edr

inelemi. Kitad-un to(oin-u Bus sar-a (aar-un ene

oron ulari(ad to(osun bariu Mig sar-a-yi qaburun

terign sar-a bol(au inelemi. yer Sua( sar-a

terigten arban qoyar sar-a-du na(idar-un neres-

iyer nereyidk inu nigen tokiyaldu(san-u tulada.

ene yosu(ar egdek. basa to(an-u yosun-

dur qono( tasuraqui ba saban sar-a qoyar-<y>i medek

kereg. tere qono( tasuraqui inu ene il-dr arban

qoyar sara bui. ir(u(an ere sarada (ui(ad qono( bui.

ir(u(an okin sarada qorin isn-ee ileg qono(

gei bui. tegber ir(u(an qono( tasuramui. nara

emnei odqui ba. umar-a g odqui-dur nara

keiy-e bayiqu tende qoiyad qoiyad qono(

tasuramui. tegni qolidqabasu (urban il-dr nigen

saban sar-a bolumui. Nagajun-a ba(i terigten

365
TRANSCRIPTION

merged a(-un krdn terigten sudur-tur nomlauqui.

tegn-dr basa ir(u(an qono( tasuraqui yosu inu

deged Abidarm-a-yin ta(alal-dur qaburun terign Baras

sar-a-dur (uin qono( bui bgetel-e. Taulai sara-dur

(uin qono(gey-yin tula-da qorin isn biteg

[3v]

bolumui. basa Luu sara-dur (uin qono( bui

bgetel-e. Mo(ai sara-dur uridu arban tabun gey-yin

tula arban drben inu arban tabun bolumui. basa

Morin sara-dur (uin qono( bui bgetel-e Qonin

sara-dur (uin qono(gey-yin tulada. uriduilan

buyu. basa Bein sara-dur (uin qono( bui bgetel-e

Takiy-a sara-dur arban tabungey-yin tulada. uriduilan

buyu. basa Noqai sara-dur (uin qono( bui bgetel-e

'aqai sara-dur (uingey-yin tulada. uriduilan buyu

basa Qulu(an-a sara-dur (uin qono( bui bgetel-e

ker sara-dur arban tabungey-yin tulada buyu kemen

glemi. basa Dlb-a-yin yosu-yi ta(ala(in kiged

usun-iyar qono( to(alaqui yer ta(alal inu tabun

il bolu(ad nigen saban sar-a bolumui. kememi.

366
TRANSCRIPTION

Nagajuna-yin ta(alal inu qono( tasura(san ir(u(an

sar-a-yi in-e-dr inu edr l tasuraqu qa(uin-dur

tasuraqu tegn belge inu nigen nidn-iyer ebes

ene edr-n (ada(adu na(idar inu sar-a-u urida

nggereged mar(ada-yin (ada(adu na(idar inu

tasuraqu bolbasu tere edr qono( tasura(san-i

uqa(daqui. tasura(sun qono(-un odun na(idar-i

il(au edgeki. basa nara emnei odqui ba.

umar-a odqu a(-daki drben qono( tasuraqui anu

ilede qono( tasuraqu busu bgetel-e nara oron-

ta(an (urba(ad (urba(ad qono( sa(umui. tegni

qoiyad qoiyad qono(-un odun na(idar-<y>i

[4r]

to(alaqu gey-yin tulada. qono( tasuramui kememi.

saban sara-yi adalidqabasu Qulu(an-a il-dr

qaburun dumdadu sara qoyar. Taulai il-dr un-u

dumdadu sar-a qoyar. Morin il-dr namurun dumdadu

sara qoyar. Takiy-a il-dr ebln dumdadu

sara qoyar. tede basa saban sara-dur odun na(idar

eki bui bges mn tere sara-yi qoyar ta

367
TRANSCRIPTION

egdeki buyu. teyin ese ebes qono( tasura(san

kiged saban sar-a-yi l meden rglide to(alabasu

sayin ma(u ai r-e inu l bty. kemen

Nagajuna ba(i nomlaba. saban sara-yi adalidqabasu

basa eden-i sudulju bgde-yin to(alal nigen yosutu

bol(an ebes qono( tasuraqui nigen g-iyer

l bol(an kiiyen egdeki. arim sar-a-dur

urida arban tabun qono(-dur tasuramui. arim

sar-a-dur qoyitu arban tabun-dur tasuramui.

tegber sara degrki bara(daquy-yi medegdeki. ber

ber nidn-iyer na(idar kiged sar-a-lu(-a tokiyal-

duquy-yi sayitur inilegdeki basa egni arli(

nom kiged Nagajuna terigten deged merged-n

ta(alal inu busu buyu kemebes. b-n a(tur

nara sara mr tgerek kiged il sara mi-yin

a(ur okiramui kemen sudur-tur nomla(san-u

tulada bolai. (urban il-dr nigen saban sar-a

bolqu anu olan sudur-un ta(alal inu nigen

bolu(san bolai. yer ede to(-a to(alaqui inu

[4v]

368
TRANSCRIPTION

endegrelgegy-e qono( tasura(san-i medeki

kereg. tegni medeki-dr nidn-iyen odun na(idar-i

nasuda inileki kereg tegn-dr basa sar-a-yi ali

na(idar inu ekilek degrk ba. bara(daqui

medek kereg. tegni medeki-dr sar-a-yin to(-a

medeki kereg buyu. basa tende aliba odun na(idar-<y>i

endegre ese medebes ba. o(tar(uy-yi eglen

brk odun na(idar-i l medek bges

tegni medeki ar(-a inu mana(ar erte bosu(ad

(ar ni(ur-iyan ugiyau in-e debel ems

ssg sedkil egske aliba ta(alaqui g

(ada(i odbasu belge inu tere edr Modun

odun bges tarnii kmn ba. emi otai

kmn ba. ese bges keger-e moritu kmn-dr

ol(oqu. Naran odun bges aq-a yeke kmn ba

a(an mori unu(san ba a(an debel emsgsen ba

a(an noqai ktelgsen ba egei kmn-dr

ol(oqu. 'al odun bges egerde qalan

morin unu(san ba. bombo kmn ba ula(an debelt

kmn ba ese bges degerem qula(ayii ba

keregr bara(ur-tur ol(oqu. iroi odun

369
TRANSCRIPTION

bges toyin kmn ba qong(or morin unu(san ba

qonin ada(ula(san ba ai ina(san ba

qoyar yaba(an ker unu(sun ba. ese bges

ni(ur-tur sorbi mengge ba nidn-d gem-d

kmn-d ol(aqui. Altan odun bges

[5r]

noyan kmn ba niglt kmn ba. dooridu ma(u

kmn ba. ese bges kke boro mori unu(san

ba. qudalduin-lu(-a ol(aqu. Sara odun bges

bombo kmn ba qara kmn ba. ese bges qara

morin unu(san ba. usu egrgsen kmn-lge

ol(aqu. Usun odun bges ker unu(san ba.

qara morin unu(san. ba menekii met qara kmn ba

ese bges qara ya(um-a bari(san em-e kmn-dr

ol(aqu. ede belges-lu(-a [=belges-lge] tokiyaldu(ulu

edr-n odun-i medek bolai. edr-n odu-yi

medebes na(idar-<y>i tegber medek bolai.

basa a(-un il(al-<y>i medesgei kemebes nigen

gan-aa ekile edr sni sar-a il bol(au

to(alaqui inu eng terign gan kiged nige

370
TRANSCRIPTION

da(un kemek qoyar il buyu. eng terign gan

kemebes mergen kmn- qarbu(san sumun-

iyar nigen nabi to(alaqui tedi buyu.

tegn-lu(-a [=tegn-lge] nigen da(un (arqui inu sau(u-yin

tula. nigen da(un (arumui. tegber iran

da(un nigen me. (uin mi nigen qubi

(uin qubi nigen qono(. (uin qono(

nigen sar-a. arban qoyar sar-a nigen il. tegn-

ee qolidqau ligsen-i [=legsen-i] saban sara

bolumui. basa dusul-iyar to(alaqui kemebes

bertegin arad nigen amisqaqu-yin a(uraki-yi

to(alau (urban a(un iran bol(abasu nigen

[5v]

dusul bolumui. tere kemebes tngri-nern

nigen amisqaqui-lu(-a sau(uu bolumui.

qoyar amisqaqui anu qubi bolumui. qubi

to(alaqui-dur ir(u(an amisqaquy-i nigen

me iran mi nigen qubi nigen qubi-dur

nigen dusul qoyar qubi nigen tediken kememi.

iran qubi bolbasu nigen qono( bolumui.

371
TRANSCRIPTION

(uin qono( bolbasu nigen sar-a bolumui.

qoyar sara bolbasu nigen saban sar-a bolumui

ebln dumdadu sarayin arban ir(u(an-aa

ekilen to(alau ir(u(an sar-a bged ir(u(an

qono( bolbasu nara emn-e g-ee umar-a g

urbau nara urba(san-aa (urban sar-a bolu(ad

edr sni sau(uu bolumui. edr arban tabun

tediken qubi. sni arban tabun tediken

qubi. edr sni-yin a(ur inu ir(u(an

tediken qubi bolumui. edr sni qoyar-<y>i

ulam neiged neiged mi-ber nemek ba.

ba(uraqu-bar edr sni inu urtu ba oqor

bolumui. tegber urtudqu ba. oqor bol(aqu

inu mi-ber qubiyau qubi bol(an edr

ir(u(an a( sni ir(u(an a( bol(au

urbalgegy-e to(ala(daqui. nara emnei

odqui ba umar-a odqu anu da(usbasu

nigen il bolumui. basa nigen il dolo(an qubi-du

modun-iyar a(-<y>i iledte medeki inu.