Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Jeremy Stolow
I
N THE current intellectual climate, it seems almost impossible to invoke
the words religion and media without bringing to mind the events of
holy terror on 11 September 2001, and the spectacular image of the
collapsed World Trade Center as a fallen idol of global capitalism. Since
that fateful day, media channels have been flooded on an unprecedented
scale with images and stories about the fervently held beliefs and implac-
able habits of religious folk around the world: a digitally mediated and,
from the vantage point of many anxious pundits, a dangerously febrile
cloud of religious revival gathering over the horizon of secular modernity.
But if an emerging consensus suggests that religion is everywhere now,
thanks in no small measure to the media technologies that carry it into our
homes and streets and places of power, it is hardly evident that there exists
a readily available conceptual language for making this ubiquity intelli-
gible. More precisely stated, a critical approach to the mediation of religion
and the representation of religious media practices has been hindered by
widely held and quite specious assumptions about the putatively distinct
realms of religion and media, as well as the various technologies,
Theory, Culture & Society 2005 (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi),
Vol. 22(4): 119145
DOI: 10.1177/0263276405054993
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But whatever our position with respect to bin Laden videos or the
burning of Harry Potter books, we should be able to recognize how these
stories are entwined with a powerful myth about social modernization. This
is the myth which credits modern media beginning with the printing press
with a key role in the world-historical disembedding of religion from public
life, and its relocation within the private walls of bourgeois domesticity, or
deeper still, the interior, silent universe of individual readers and their infi-
nitely replicable activities of decoding texts. For some, this is a tale about
loss of meaning and moral crisis that comes with the dematerialization of
palpable structures of religious authority. For others, it is a heroic story about
the empowerment of social groups to challenge the repressive apparatuses
of Church and Court. Print culture in particular is said to have enabled this
empowerment in so far as private acts of reading, scrutinizing and deliber-
ating are aggregated into collective acts of opinion-making and debate: a
process Jrgen Habermas (1989) famously describes in his account of the
birth of the modern public sphere.6 Yet in both versions of the myth, one
can discern a common metanarrative about the disembedding of religion, and
its virtual replication outside the circuits of face-to-face exchange between
religious professionals and laities. This metanarrative is structured around
the assumption that the mere expansion of modern communication technolo-
gies is somehow commensurate with a dissolution of religious authority and
a fragmentation of its markers of affiliation and identity. Despite the growing
body of scholarship challenging both the evidence and conceptual viability
of modernization as a process of secularization, assumptions about religious
decline, displacement or crisis continue to dominate accounts of the insti-
tutional, discursive and performative conditions of mediated communication
in the modern age. Indeed, wherever religious modes of discourse and
practice are not treated as entirely unworthy of critical attention, it is still
characteristic to integrate them into contemporary cultural studies as
stubborn archaisms or as returns of the repressed that is, as signs of sub-
version of modernitys undelivered promises of civic virtue and political order
embodied in a sovereign, collective will.
An Emerging Field of Inquiry
Cultural studies may not have a particularly impressive record of critical
engagement with religion (when compared to the quite remarkable body of
scholarship on gender, sexuality, race and social class), but even the most
pedestrian account of what is going on in the world today is likely to provoke
some doubts about the myth of modern media as agents of secularization.
Everywhere one looks, one cannot help but notice the deep entrenchment
of religious communities, movements, institutions and cultural forms in the
horizons of modern communication technologies and their attendant systems
of signification and power. In the context of our contemporary geography of
digital information flows, virtual telepresence, panoptical visualization,
concentrated media ownership and fragmented audiences, it seems no
longer possible to contain religion within the confines of traditional social
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No matter how alert we may be, we still look at television as though it were
presenting us the thing itself. . . . No critique can penetrate or dissipate this
structural illusion. . . . Even if one were to regard everything on television
as being a fiction, such vigilance would not exclude a certain waking hypnosis
or a fascinated quasi-hallucination: one perceives, without perceiving it, the
ghostly noema of the thing itself as if it were the thing itself. . . . The critique
of televisual mystifications does not prevent them from operating, and from
doing so in the form of the spectral noema of making present. (RM, pp.
856)17
at work proposing ways to account for the fact that different traditions
organize the mediation of religion and the sacred power of mediation differ-
ently, engendering distinct regimens for disciplining the senses, and for
locating them within what are often incommensurable systems of value.
Consider, in this regard, the contrasting investments in visual piety: on the
one hand, the well-known (if greatly exaggerated) suspicion of graven
images in Jewish and Islamic traditions; on the other hand, the rich visual
economy of Catholic saint veneration, the use of masks and other material
culture in African animist rituals, or Hindu practices of darshan, the rever-
ential form of seeing a divine power and thereby receiving its grace.20 The
written word is likewise located within competing social systems for defining
religious action. These range from acephalous, non-literate traditions of
practice, such as one finds in popular Hinduism (marked by its exclusion
from the world of the Brahminic literati and the Vedic textual tradition), to
the epistolary culture of early Christianity, which transformed Jewish sacra-
mental sign-systems into a universal creed tied to the Roman imperial
system of circulation of papyrus texts (see Schneider in RM, pp. 2015).21
In sum, while it is true that all religious traditions recognize the power
of words, images and sounds (and also, to be sure, smells, tastes, textures
and other bodily sensations), the terms on which such sensory data are made
meaningful and legitimate are hardly universal. One must guard against
crude generalizations about the hierarchical ordering of the senses, the
varying degrees to which they can provide authoritative and reliable knowl-
edge of the sacred, or the demands they make to purify oneself in order to
receive spiritual gifts.22 Even in the context of Western Christianity, there
are divergent vocabularies for defining the human body, its proclivities
towards sin, its capacities to mediate truth and pleasure, or the work
performed by modern technologies of recording and transmission on the
sensorium of Christian believers. This is one of the lessons to be derived
from Leigh Eric Schmidts Hearing Things: Religion, Illusion and the
American Enlightenment. The book presents a bold attempt to rewrite the
standard accounts of the modern, Western disciplining of the senses and,
more precisely, the philosophical and cultural primacy such discipline is
alleged to have accorded to sight over sound. Rather than simply taking
for granted (as some do) that modernity was born through a historical shift
from orality to literacy a transformation from the blurry world of exchange
between engaged speakers and listeners, and sounding bodies and voices,
into a silent universe of disembodied eyes and scanners of written words
Schmidt examines one specific route along which the scopic regimes of
modern text-literacy and detached observation were supposedly produced.
The basis for his study is the efforts of French, Scottish and American
Enlightenment philosophers, natural scientists, state legislators, doctors
and other elites to contain popular (and what were often regarded as
distinctly effeminate) practices of devout hearing, cries of rapture and other
mystical auditions. In his account, Schmidt focuses on the material as
well as the conceptual instruments that led Enlightened critics to their
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of the senses: in this case, a retraining of the ear in the service of civic
virtue and genteel refinement (HT, pp. 67). Although it is possible to find
roots of this project in ancient Greek philosophy, it was in the 18th century
that long-standing Western concerns about the reliability of hearing began
to be mobilized for the establishment of a new form of human subjectivity
based on reasonable management of the senses and restraint of the passions
they elicited. In Schmidts reading, the Enlightenment vision of the well-
ordered, autonomous self with its capacities for clear-sighted observation
and the precise discrimination of taste was predicated on the banishment
of discordant noises, the silencing of oracles, the policing of hearsay and
the propagation of claims about the dangerous complicity of such phenom-
ena with superstition, credulity and feminine dependence. The unmasking
of impolite religious vocalizations and auditions as merely empty signs
thus served as a token of republican freedoms; their exposure augured a
society rid of the corrupting powers of religious establishments and the dark
conspiracies used to maintain those hearings (HT, p. 97). On these terms
Schmidt points to one of the key challenges for anyone trying to think about
the manifestation of sacred presence in and through the human sensorium:
how can one describe such relations without unreflectively replicating the
Enlightenment hermeneutics of suspicion: the desire to unmask the sacred
senses and to reduce their mystery to a logic of deception? But how, on the
other hand, is one supposed to distinguish specifically modern regimes of
sensory cognition and practice without acknowledging the many ways
religious sensibilities have themselves been transformed by Enlightenment
critique, as well as the technological apparatuses of mediation in which that
critical project has been materialized?
A Religious Public Sphere?
Schmidts account of the history of disciplining of the senses is also an
investigation into the constitution of modern public spheres and the ways
religious sensory regimes are related to the historical development of
distinctions between private and public in modern nation-states. Once
public legitimacy became defined in terms of reasoned debate, orderly
conduct and management of the passions, new demands could be placed
upon devout Christians, and others with access to resources that could
potentially upset the consensus being forged between modern religious
establishments and secular political authorities. All who were unwilling or
unable to accept the new conditions of restrained Christian virtue and
genteel refinement were liable to suffer the consequences that accompanied
such obloquies as enthusiasm or fanaticism. Parenthetically, one might
also note how this project of containment has been replicated in much work
of the modern human sciences, where an implicit notion of religious
normalcy is embedded in long-standing concerns about secularization,
religious revival or the spectre of fundamentalism, for that matter. But
perhaps the most valuable inference to be drawn from Schmidts study is
that projects to circumscribe religion such as by confining its legitimate
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life to public scrutiny: the precision of ones gestures in prayer, the dangers
of gossip, the modesty of ones dress and so on. Cassette sermons which
are notoriously easy to copy, exchange and play in countless public and
domestic spaces have played a key role in the creation of this public
domain, enabling dawa practitioners to fortify the bases of Islamic
community among those ill-equipped to participate in traditional modes
of Quranic interpretation and debate. The audio-cassette medium has thus
given impetus to a public discourse that spills outside the framework of
the pre-established Islamic institutions of Egyptian society, epitomized by
the state-run mosques or al-Azhar University (in Cairo). It is precisely this
disjuncture, Hirschkind concludes, between the kind of public subject
fashioned within the [cassette-mediated] dawa movement and one who will
perform the role of national citizen [located within the vast array of state-
controlled institutions that constitute an official version of Islam in
Egypt] . . . that has made culture a site of considerable struggle
(2001a: 15).
The counterpublic produced through the circulation of Islamic
cassette sermons has numerous corollaries in the world today, such as
Pentecostalist cinema and its audiences in Ghana (Meyer, 2002), or the
video games, rap music and melodramatic novels that circulate within the
Christian evangelical community in the United States (Frykholm, 2004;
Hendershot, 2004; Kintz, 1997). In each case, one postulates the existence
of a religious public in terms of a circulation of discourse marked by its
stylistic, idiolectical and pragmatic differences from the dominant public
spheres of modern nation-states, and which maintains an awareness
(however dim) of its subordinate status. In the right circumstances, these
sub-fields of restricted production (following Bourdieus terminology, see
1993: 53) can become more than simply parallel discursive arenas defined
by their particular interests, tastes, standards of competency or material
conditions of circulation. They become arenas for collective mobilization:
launch-pads for resisting or even challenging the authority of the dominant
public spheres of modern states. However, because every counterpublic is
still a public subject to the same performative demand to win legitimacy
through claims of representativeness, and the need to marginalize those
within and without who threaten to subvert this effort it is far from clear
whether the term counterpublic really helps to clarify the nature of
religious publicity and its relationship with what are purported to be the
non-religious dominant public spheres in the world today. For his part,
Rajagopal dispenses with the language of counterpublics, and refers instead
to a single split public, consisting of discrete sectors, each inhabited by a
different language of politics, and distinct regimes of aesthetic and affec-
tive value (PAT, pp. 1478, 1525, 210). In this way Rajagopal focuses
squarely on the terms of interaction between the diverse social groups and
networks of discourse that make up Indian public life, including the trans-
national arenas that encompass Indian diaspora communities in the West.
Rather than being understood as a bounded and discrete totality unto itself,
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