Resistance! Resistance!

Plans are a danger for the German. When he enters in a movement, that
addresses a great mission with all that is required of him, he immediately
wants to know, in the most minute detail, the intentions and objectives
covered. In advance, he wants to know what stages he must pass and, mainly,
to anticipate the definite state towards which he is directed. That state must
be presented to him in an agreeable and satisfactory form. It is necessary that
the program be exhaustive and contain a solution for all cases, predicted and
unforeseen. The manner of the English, who creates from the present
moment, is foreign to him.

In the moment where the program, the plan, the scheme is drafted, it takes
life and forgets that it is only a nebulous spirit. It wants to be recognized as a
future reality. In this fashion, it influences the present. Such tinted glasses,
they change the aspects of reality. The facts are envisioned after the plan.
There we seek to find a confirmation in the program, the props of
construction. The view is no longer objective. Not only does man no longer
act according to the logic of things, but then he violates them, they do not
have their proper tendencies. Consequently, the result of the action is
diametrically opposed to the intention that it had, given that things follow
their proper course, traced by their essence. That means: the person who acts
succeeds in nothing, only submits to failures. Things also happen differently
than predicted. In his journal, Lord dAbernon spoke of a discussion Wilhelm
II had with Rathenau on the subject of Kiao-Chau.
Rathenau said to the Emperor: Your politics regarding China have been a
success, but I do not see how Your Majesty could hold Kiao-Chau in the case
of war with England or Japan. The Emperor then proved to Rathenau by a
multitude of details that an attack against Kiao-Chau was impossible. To do
this, he drew from the history of China and India going back to Noahs
flood. Here is the German spirit: we first make a dogmatic opinion to then
prove, by logical arguments, historical facts, and by everyday
experience that the dogma is irrefutable.

In politics, the program has less importance than the state of spirit in which
we address things. This state of spirit reveals the orientation and the force of
will that pushes men to act. At the beginning of fascism, it did not have a
program but the will to greatness for Italy. While this desire was ardent, the
view remained objective. And because this view perceived things such as
they were, the will was capable of transforming them. This creative force
succeeded because it never lost the sense of internal propriety of the material
that it must shape.

But that is the spirit of resistance that Germany needs.

Resistance is activity, said Clausewitz. It is not standing with crossed arms

and waiting. It is not anything passive. It is truly an activity, the deployment
of all the forces of those who are weak at the present. They may be weak and
nothing can reverse it. But, being in their situation, they should prepare for
the goal not allowing themselves to be knocked down, unconditionally. That is
defensive action and activity.

Sometimes we have the impression that Germany has not yet understood how
close it is to the abyss. Its political power is completely annihilated, not by
barbarians but by the peoples of very great cultures. The political supremacy
of the conquerors equally plays in favor of their cultural seduction. In the
face of this political hegemony, the tendency to capitulate spreads each day,
bit by bit, in Germany. Morale is at a low. We can do more. We then resign to
our fate. We become Pan-European and aspire to a system of European states
placed under the dominant influence of France. Or maybe we wish for
Germany to be transformed into an English dominion? Or then we consider
the happy solution of letting Germany pursue its existence as an American
colony. We no longer even want a country strong and powerful. To oppose
the spreading hegemony of the enemy, that paralyzes and breaks the will, not
considering todays political situation as definitive, to see the state in which
we work as temporary, to hold the faith in a new political rising in Germany,
that is resistance. It is true that it requires a mental sharpness, a presence of
spirit, an elevated vigilance that examines with distrust all that would
influence our conscience, a vigilance that will protect us from fatigue and
resignation.

In our case, it is necessary, before all, to be wary of the influx of foreign

cultural influences, which are so fascinating. The disposition to political
submission is based on a receptivity to the culture of more powerful
countries, whose supremacy has been willingly recognized as objectively
justified since the accords of Locarno, the meeting at Thoiry, or since joining
the League of Nations. Self confidence, in the historical vocation, has been
destroyed. In place of considering itself as a creative force, we see ourselves
as material to be modeled. We no longer have a political mission, we limit
ourselves to executing the orders given by global powers such as France,
England, or America. In the cultural plan, we no longer possess the sovereign
assurance of the creator. We are no longer sure of ourselves, we need support.
The Pan-Europeans are the subjects of the French culture, subtle and
refined. The partisans of England or America are entirely handed over to the
Anglo-Saxon spirit. They strive against all that is metaphysical and subscribe
to the rationalization and superficiality of the American life.

The mission of resistance consists of not wanting to be refined like the

French, greedy for rationalization like the American, of not wanting it at any
price. Resistance is surely not a stubborn refusal, arising from this, for it, by
certain manifestation of life. It is a state of the spirit full of energy, always on
duty. It is a living defense, a movement always effective, an impulse that
prevents paralysis. Its goal is to use the forces of the enemy to the point
where he must renounce his projects. It does not act for a system that us
romantic pedants know well but for a movement that never falters and with
an instinctive capacity for adaptation to the tasks and inherent possibilities of
the actual situation. That which undermines, uses, and shakes the force of the
enemys attack is beneficial to this movement. Activity, to repeat it
another time, and not stasis, something that is dynamic and not static, a voice
and not an echo. It is impossible to predict what form the resistance will
present itself as tomorrow or the day after. It must demoralize the enemy in
order to breathe and exist according to its proper laws.

The politics of German resistance consists of supporting the refusal of all that
comes from the global empires, that means the constitutional forms, the
cultural phenomena, or the ensemble of their spirituality. Bolshevism and
Fascism, bringing about the decomposition of the West, encourage the
politics of resistance in Germany.
The faculty that can still believe in a conjuncture, hitherto unknown and the
point of departure for a positive evolution, confirms to us that the possibilities
of development exist. The disappearance of such faith would only be a
secondary symptom of a progressive desiccation in the vital processes. This
desiccation should not forcefully intervene when we find in a
situation without issue, but it produces a sure blow, when, secretly, we resign
ourselves and recognize that it is without issue. Thus when the instinct to life
is there, it cannot be dissuaded from searching for exits. Full of confidence, it
hopes to find them and does not resign itself. The sole fact of stating that the
situation without issue exists, is felt as a danger by the instinct to life. It fears
that this ascertainment could provoke critical attitudes, could paralyze the
energy, and incite abandonment and preparation for the end.

We then perceive the stimulating functions of the slogan. It reflects

the extreme possibilities that any historical instant bears in itself. All the
forces of the faith cling to the image projected by the slogan. All the energies
align in it. The slogan loses its suggestive force when we approach the
extreme possibilities with skepticism. In this moment, they cease to
galvanize, thus, they lose their reason to be. Thus a nation is animated by the
will to life, it is attached to the projected goals by the slogan. It begins the
conquest of the world with the assurance that these projections are especially
luminous and passionate.

The force and power of the will, that spreads before it the sparking veil of its
hopes, manifests in the eruption of energy permitting it to press against all
that bars its route, all that puts in danger its particularity. Thanks to this
energy, it can stay on a good path. The will proves itself by the tenacity of the
resistance that it opposes to the enemy, to the importune. When a people can
longer resist the propagation of a political and cultural milieu that is foreign,
that signifies that it no longer has the reserves to stay alive.

To attract the will to resistance to a people means to call on extreme efforts in

order to preserve themselves. The German people, more than any other, must
have the courage of extreme efforts, because it is the closest to national ruin
than any of the other peoples. After the progressive smothering of the
resistance with the physical, spiritual, and mental influences of the West we
would inscribe the end of its history. The extinction of the will to resistance
equally signifies the exhaustion of the national life force.

The one who, for some reason, weakens the patriotic sentiments and the will
to resistance of Germany, infringes on the life of the people.

Resistance, it is to find the inexhaustible sources that could feed national

pride and to believe in a great conjuncture permitting Germany to attain a
new greatness.

The politics of resistance wants to reverse that which exists today, it is in

that,revolutionary. The spirit of resistance is incompatible with the desire for
calm and peace. For this reason, the true agents of the politics of resistance
will never be very numerous. A handful of courageous men, making appeals
to the national conscience a handful, often considered as bothersome,
embarrassing, deranged, will address the milieu of the inert masses of the
people to jolt and galvanize them.

But by what right does the nationalist minority consider itself the bearer of
the peoples future?
A nation is more than that chain of generations living together at the same
time. The past generations with their heritage are part, as are the future
generations that have yet to be born and who will, one day, inherit the
present. That starts the policy: it must respect the spirit of traditions, and at
the same time, feel responsible for the future. A provisional policy, a policy
that does not respond to the requirements of the present is acrime against the
people. Only that which considers itself as a point of passage, a bridge
connecting the past with the future and is touched by the spirit of its people
through the centuries is called to make policy. He must have a consciousness
of history in order to be a statesman. To attempt politics without the
mysterious consciousness of history is criminal. This consciousness cannot be
replaced, neither by perspicacity, lucidity, or vivacity of spirit, nor by the
good will to do the best. The rationalist politicians have always been the
gravediggers of their peoples and states. The secret horror of ratio that the
men of ancient times had is comprehensible. It is the primitive instinct of
conservation and reproduction that lead the audacious thinkers to the pyre
and that handed the cup of hemlock to the philosophers.

When the sense of history fails, we have the tendency to want to restart or to
search for a final solution. We do not take the time. We act. In record time,
we want to be able to boast of haughty constructions. We are no longer the
sower to whom life has taught that he must know to wait when he sows, and
that, in certain cases, he will not see the fruit of his work. We no longer know
that the work of the sower is more sacred, more serious, more
consequential than the work of the reaper. Only he that has arrived at this
wisdom will have the patience to lead a very long term politics. Only he can
act based on his inner reason of his people. Only he can be a statesman who
will not surrender to obtain a momentary success by sacrificing the base of
the free existence and pride of future generations. The politician who does
not have the sense of history is blind to everything that concerns the future.

To give power to masses lacking the sense of history is the danger of

democracy. These masses have good conscience when they decided the future
of peoples and states. They are the majority. The will of the majority
represents the will of all the people, that is the fundamental law of democracy
that imposes itself by its reason.

Once, there were constitutional institutions that should have heard the voice
of custom, the watchword of history. That was the role of the High Chamber,
of the Senate, or the First House. Even when these institutions no longer had
the the veto power, a conflict with them caused the fear of embarrassment, of
complications, proof of the disagreeable forces they provoked. Thus they
could prevent dangerous actions and misfortunes. Many a time they
encouraged self-criticism and reflection on legal issues.

In a radical democracy, where no Counsel of Elders raises its consultative

voice and pronounces warnings, where the youth of twenty is installed
besides a septuagenarian where they are considered to have exactly the
same rights who there can value the right of history? No one unless it is
a minority.

It is true that a forceful oppositional minority doesnt have the position

known by the constitution, permitting it to exercise a real influence.
Eventually it can propagate its opinion, but the constitution doesnt even it
give it the means to prevent the most dangerous decisions of the majority.
That which the majority decides even if its anational suicide or a self-
destruction of the state is legal. The unreasonableness of the masses and
political folly can then with the naivety of legality, the certainty of
competence ruin a people and hurl it in the abyss. The majority will have
what it wants. If the minority is not content to protest on paper, it
goes against the law, it is held culpable of high treason, of violation of the
constitution, and various other crimes. Since the decision of the majority has
been taken against their advice, they become the minority, and, as such, it
is supposed to recognize the decision of the majority as afact, justified by
every point of view and legal. That is the requirement of the democratic
principle.

But is it true that the minority is the minority on all levels?

Would it be, if it invoked the political will of past generations? Indisputably,

the political designs of Stresemann do not correspond to the will of the
Germans who have died for the country.

The German spirit was a living force of history, dominating all the people
from 1914 to 1918. If today, it only animates a minority, that can join them
together with the millions of men who embody it and those who are buried. It
can equally invoke the generation that won in 1870, bearing the Reich and
Bismarck, and reigniting the mission Germany had in the world. That is not
all: it can equally feel solidarity with the millions of children yet to be
born. These children do not know the defeat of 1918 and they will not be
close to accepting the consequences as an established fact for all time. Once
they they will desire political grandeur and historic splendor for their
country. A minority that has the objective of creating the conditions to realize
this desire and that, moreover, is in the process of breaking the chains of
todays majority being short term, lacking in spirit forged, according to
democratic laws, for future generations; such a minority is no longer a
minority! It has for it the will of the dead and the desire of the children yet to
be born. It understands the living forces of history, that it must save and bring
from the past through a desolate present to a happier future.

In being part of a community so important, it reduces todays majority to a

minority. The relation of apparent figures loses its significance when it acts
from the right and from the claim of those who we do not count. He who
values their right and their claim is the spokesman of the real will of the
people that traverses the centuries and extends even to the centuries to
come. The democratic majority of today, foreign to the will of the people
stretching back centuries, is only a transitory phenomenon, it is only a
pretension that tends to swell a passing conjecture as a regime for eternity.

Yet, that is not to say that a democratic majority is forcibly in irreconcilable

opposition with the will of the people traversing centuries. Certain nations
have democratic institutions, but their feeling of life is very much
conservative. They seriously follow the path of their history and then know to
see the immediate present with the eyes of their fathers. In these countries,
there can be minorities deprived of the instinct who, agile and active, only act
for the present instant. They are thus true minorities, in the proper and
absolute sense.

In the atmosphere of the Weimar Republic, all the factors of German history
are eliminated or repressed. That is a fact that is bound to the birth of this
state. Although once the Germans were a democratic people, the
parliamentary democracy of 1919 and the old instincts of the German people
are not in any case related. The democratic, post-revolutionary state has no
links with the origins of the political existence of Germany. It does not have
traditions to which it could attach itself. It does not embody an idea that the
heart of our ancestors once beat for, for which they struggled, shed their
blood and suffered for. That state is a synthetic product. We observed the
constitutional structures of the victorious powers, one after the other. We took
each one that we believed to be the best. We mixed the disparate elements
and thus fabricated the work of Weimar. Fashioned after a recipe, it was
destined to become the most liberal constitution in the world. The liberal
and rationalist spirit of the end of 18th and the beginning of 19th centuries
made one last technical feat. A liberal professor, without deep links to the
German people, was the author of the constitutions text. Thus, it could not
become the receptacle of the spirit of the German essence. The creative
forces of history do not live in it but are put aside by it. The application of
this constitution can neither trace nor accomplish the destiny of Germany. It
was imposed on us by a foreign will. It is simultaneously the foreign
influences serving to dominate Germany and to keep it in check. In the
measure in which it is in force, it is is affirmed, we comprehend the extent
of the foreign domination to which we are submitted. However, this
constitution is more a symptom than a cause of our submission.

Given its liberal and rationalist origins, it doesnt even avow itself as a
reality. The liberal and rationalist spirit ignores the feeling and the tragedy of
destiny. Such a spirit does not even dream to recognize and formulate that
which is. It contents itself with this platitudinous optimism and vanity that
believes it to be the height of a progressive evolution, pollinating each flower,
knowing always to console and return confidence and that, even in the
blackest night, it is then perceived as lures of hope on the horizon.For this
optimism, the Fourteen Points of Wilson were the gospel of a new epoch, the
signature of the Diktat of Versailles a provisional measure , in the style after
we will see, the Dawes Plan a work of salvage, shining under the sun of
dollars, and Locarnoa miracle. For him, Germanys entrance into the League
of Nations signified the establishment of the country as a great power. The
Eastern Locarno that furtively approached and without the power to stop it,
apparently opened the way to the support of the majoritys will and
democracy. It will be celebrated as the guarantee of eternal peace in Europe.
Do we then comprehend why the optimist Stresemann was minister of
foreign affairs and why he had to be? This charming man jumped, busily and
unthinkingly, over the depths of German existence. He ignored it, all as the
Constitution of Weimar ignored it. His political art, produced without fail
mirages, he drew nothing from the profound sources of the true historic life
of Germany in the same fashion as parliamentary democracy. In his exploits
he celebrated rapturously and for which he would see himself celebrated by
others, there was as little of the obstinacy and the will to destiny of the
German people as there was in the actions of democratic majorities. Doctor
Stresemann was in effect the most agile marionette and, as such, the most
characteristic of the post-revolutionary German democracy, that, without
instinct, without the feeling of history and the vision of destiny, acted,
disarmed but sure and joyous, as the kept child by the victorious powers.

There are two domains where we see very clearly in what measure a public
power is directly inspired by the very ancient will to life of the people. It is,
on one part, the great existential questions of foreign policy and, in another
part, armaments and defense. Between these two domains there is evidently a
link. A living thing wants not only to maintain its life, but it also wants to
extend it, to be recognized, to occupy the world. A strong and healthy life
expresses itself by the will to power. The will of a people to have a political
influence and a historical greatness is the expression of its vital force and
power. If this will no longer manifests or all but manifests, it acts with
symptoms of fatigue. Sometimes we want to give an ethical sense to this
laxness. We interpret it, idealize it as I can no longer as a voluntary
renunciation, an abandonment tinted with morality. It is no different from old
men used up by life, after such debauchery and excess, who would want to
transform their inability to enjoy and their weakness into laudable exercises
of virtue. A government that tends toward a foreign policy of renunciation
and self-denial thus confirms that it no longer has a link with the heart of the
popular will. German social democracy, which was the most solid pillar of
the foreign policy of Stresemann, consciously and expressly rejected the
German will to power. The fact that the Rhine was and should be the frontier
of Germany, that Belgium holds Eupen-Malmdy, that Poland seized
Germany territory, did not upset him. It lacked the will to revise this state of
things. Secretly, it was frightened by manifestations where we revealed
conservation and power. It did not have this popular vitality that pressures to
conquer the world.

It is true that the whole of the democratic majority in power in Germany

lacked vitality. It is not that which leads and presses onward. For this reason,
the majority allowed itself to be deprived of the fundamental rights of
sovereignty. For the same reason, it does not a have history for it. If we
understand the people as the living link between the generations to follow,
it is a harmful minority that, only thanks to particular circumstances, could
give the illusion of being the spokesman of the popular will.

He who does not have the will to power does not have the will to fight. He
who prefers to suffer his fate rather than build it lacks this ancient instinct of
combativeness. The peoples who feel the vocation of great historical missions
like arms. They know that they must struggle for all that has importance in
this world. They equally know that he who does not know to defend himself
will become the prey of his stronger neighbor. He who fears arms betrays his
own home. It is a coward who dares nothing. Nothing can lead him to
undertake a great work. The virtue that serves to hide this great
misery calls itself the will to peace at any price, it calls itself
pacifism. Peoples who do not want to defend themselves necessarily
perish. The praise of reconciliation of the peoples and eternal peace hardly
impresses the other peoples boiling with aggression and the desire to conquer.

It is in the nature of things for this democratic majority, whose foreign policy
aims for national self-renunciation, to abhor the spirit of combativeness. All
that is military deranges it. It sees the Reichswehr as a police troop, serving
exclusively to accomplish tasks of interior politics. It execrates the
clandestine armed services. In punishing in the name of the law of the peace
treaty the German citizens who clandestinely exercise the use of arms, it
shows to what point it is maybe unconsciously the instrument of
oppressor states. It is unfeeling to the ignominy of such servility in regards to
the law.

The democratic majority hostile to militarism, drunk on Locarno,

enthusiastic for Dawes, faithful to the League of Nations is not touched by
the will to life, profound and essential, of the German people. It is the result
of a transient attitude of pacifist laxness. Coincidentally it appeared one
day, election day. But it was not authorized nor did it appeal to make
history. That would be the history of the suicide of a people. No majority,
that is in power for four, ten, or twenty years of our existence, has the right to
commit such a suicide. Finally, its bizarre reactions, against nature, indicate
solely that it is only the symptom of a malady a spasm, of fever or gall
that afflicts the people.

The nationalist minority must know that the people manifest their will to life
through them. It must have the courage to value it and it must be quite
intelligent to be capableof doing it. It bears a very heavy duty: the
responsibility for the people and the state rests with them.

Given the spirit of the epoch, the spreading suggestion of feeling that we give
to democratic institutions and the obligatory force, inherent in all the laws, in
all legality, its situation is particularly difficult. By reason of its essence, of
its will and its activities, it is despite all considered as an outsider, as
suspect, and having less rights. This state of things weighs on it and raises in
it a multitude of doubts. It turns from the subject of its vocation and asks
itself about the justness of its way and its ambitions, by being against the
democratic majority enjoying a solid base of principles. The decision of the
majority expresses the will of the people even if it only acts on a decision
of the representatives of the people. As all mass phenomena, it has the
appearance that it is necessary, reasonable, and God given.

The nationalist minority, which considers itself the true representative of the
peoples will, does not have the right to step on the terrain of the principle
that belongs to the established order. If it approved the democratic principles,
it should then admit there are opinions and considerations more important
than the national wills claim to right they advocate for. Consequently, it must
not attack the anomalies of democracy but the regime itself. It must put it
in question de facto and de jure. Thus the nationalist minority necessarily
finds itself in a subversive situation.

So it is normal that the democratic majority will be on its guard. It protects

itself against the minority. If the other means fails, it can always make
the police intervene. And the police are wary of all that is subversive. It
doesnt occupy itself with the tendencies or the justice of the laws. It ensures
their application, without giving critiques, accepting them as a fact. By its
position of principle, the minority is suspect in the eyes of the police,
regardless of national enthusiasm. Even the Bnde (Translators note:
leagues with a national character, tinted with nationalism) have had to
experience it. Because the nationalist minority causes the fear of a political
explosion, it is considered and treated as dynamite. It searches to create the
conditions that makes it lose its explosive effect. This latent explosive force
awakens the interests of criminologists, and all the experts of the police who
want to be criminologists. But if criminology interests itself in the minority, it
will fall to the blows of police law. It will sense plots in their ranks. It will
search indices against them. It will take terrifying intentions against them. In
short, the police will fabricate an image of that what it is and that what it
does. It cannot recognize itself there. They will recoil with fear before the
ridiculous phantasms of the police gone mad. In 1809, the Bavarian police
pursued all the citizens suspected of being against Napoleon and having pro-
German sentiments. After the Bavarian government had declared its pro-
French sentiments, the police even forbid thinking in German.

The minority must never forget this state of things, it must never forget the
professionalism of the police ready to pounce. Always recalling that the
police have sworn to the constitution and feel morally obliged to defend the
works of Weimar. Given the structure of a state only founded on foreign
politics, it absorbs their actions and tendencies. In the measure where
Germany takes a new development and reconquers its liberty, the bases of the
Constitution of Weimar collapse. Since Germany will be free from all
interference, the constitutional state of Weimar will inevitably crumble, as in
1918 the monarchy crumbled when Germany was subjugated.

The fact that the oppositional minority attacks first a vital question, to know
the liberation of German from the plan of foreign politics, it is a simple
matter of tactics. When this enterprise is well advanced, Weimar will be
equally put into danger of ruin. Thus as the German state remains under
foreign dependency, the essential conditions to realize the plans of
constitutional politics will not be met. If a current of the nationalist minority,
now very divided, made its political decisions dependent and its relations
with its fellows direct the manner in which it accomplishes the projects it
attempts, it would be obstinately infantile. The disagreements on interior
affairs such as the choice of colors, the reconstruction of the popular state,
and the composition of the government are ultimately not very important.
These questions will cease to be the apple of discord, they will be relegated to
the back plan, that will be their place. What counts today, is that all the
currents of the minority aim for the same goal, aim for the liberation of
Germany. That is what must be done in the near future.

When a people disowns itself, no magical formula can save it. Everyday they
demand of Athens: What is Phillip doing? Demosthenes, he writes to them,
What will we do? (After Clemenceau, Demosthenes)
Such as veins of gold in a rock, so the nationalist minority is dispersed in a
multitude of different organizations. We find it in the National-Socialists,
among the members of the Bnde, and, more rarely, even in the political
parties. But we equally find it in the Rotfrontkmpfer, these workers taking
to battle, who are separated from their social-democratic comrades, despising
their pacifist laxness.

Is there a political conviction that can truly reunite all these different
tendencies?

It is the spirit of resistance that can reassemble the new front.

The essence and the objectives of the spirit of resistance can thus be defined:

The nationalist minority publicly claims to be the vector of the will of self-
preservation, of liberty, and of the historical will of the German people. It
feels linked to the traditions of the past and is called to assume responsibility
for the destiny of the generations to come.

This claim is justified by the politics of national suicide that the political
parties practice.

The German peoples instinct of life manifests in the minority and calls it to
put an end to this self-destructive folly.

The minority opposes the influences of the Western spirit on Germany. It

must struggle against the forms and annihilate the institutions that permit
them to install themselves in Germany.
As the embodiment of the German future, it denounces the Diktat of
Versailles as an act of blackmail that, as such, is without conscience.

It states that the Dawes Plan is the instrument of economic encroachment and
financial exploitation of Germany that is only tolerated today because there
are no means to denounce it.

It recognizes that it considers the Locarno Accords not as an act of German

politics, but as a crime against the people. These accords that imply the
renunciation of Alsace and the ratification of the Diktat of Versailles, do not
bind future generations.

It declares that the admission to the League of Nations does not engage the
people. It cannot prevent scheming politicians from returning to Geneva,
given the situation in Germany. In parallel, it underlines that the negotiations
and the resolutions of the League of Nations have no executive force in
Germany.

In regards to sports, gymnastics, bodily exercise, and learning discipline, the

minority communicates to the youth the spirit of combativeness and valiance.

It does its best to light the flame of a liberation movement, of German

irredentism in all the countries where German communities are repressed.

The minority is ready to give everything for independence, to sacrifice the

social, political, and economic order that reigns today and place above all the
values that Germany has been deprived of.

It is patient and tenacious in order to prevent paralysis and loss of energy

during the long years of waiting, seeing to be ready at any moment.
The nationalist minority does not feel solidarity with this Europe whose
existence implies the subjugation of Germany. It has decided to conclude
alliances with all the forces that want the fall of Europe. The uncertain hope
of constructing a centralized and German Europe on the ruins of Western
Europe is more dear than the certain dependency implied by the maintenance
of todays Europe. If the revolt of Germany against the yoke of Versailles
causes the ruin of Europe, the minority will not fear this ruin. All the evils of
the world can come before the German people resign themselves to their
chains.

It is said of us that we are sentimental politicians. Certainly the sentiments

that push us to act are beautiful, noble, and can provoke enthusiasm. But
German politics should not be the result of an emotion. Its line must be fixed
by objective reflection and calculation. Those who judge us thus savor, self
contentedly, their objectivity and detachment. They truly believe to have
advanced an argument against us. But they are fooled. Better than those men
so cold and satisfied, we know that politics is an affair of detached reflection,
that advances patiently, without faltering and remaining in reality. In contrast,
we we also know that the force of the spirit, the vivacity of the heart,
indignation, anger, these are factors that sometimes have a considerable
impact. We are not so close to realist politics to be able to simply ignore the
prior conditions, the possibilities, and the eventual effects of a hurricane of
feelings. Our political calculations take into account this position. After all,
we know that the essential is not the establishment of accounts. It mainly is to
know with what passion, what violence, and what energy the conclusions of
political reflections that lead by weighing and examining the facts will be
put into practice. To treat the given affects as if they didnt exist is not
realpolitik but a regrettable poverty of spirit. Yet, it is very important to
hold ones distance towards psychological phenomena one can be oneself in
the theater to be able to utilize them, to direct them, and to mobilize them
as creative and constructive forces. If sentimental politics means: to
recognize sentiments as facts that influence events, include them, as active
forces, in the political stock, and not to renounce the profound emotion of the
political man before his work in this case, we are sentimental politicians.
But then all the grand men of politics, having obtained success, have also
been so.

In general, we think of a type of non politics when we speak of sentimental

politics. But it is a politics that takes its desires as realities and that, thus, is
more of a dream than a reality. We could say that its system is based on the
idea of remaking the world and making it more beautiful. The image that it
makes of man is always a bit stylized, indeed idealized. For it, the worker
that has a class consciousness and the revolutionary proletariat, the
patriot citizen and the altruistic bourgeoisie, the noble and human statesman
of France, the generous England, and helpful American require it
incontestably. It considers the vehicles that act on humanity are, generally,
noble and that it is in the service of the good. In its opinion, only its own
people, the German people, lacks a bit of the peaceful feelings and
enthusiasm for justice. If it could be as cultivated as the French, as
pacifist as the English, the day of reconciliation and of brotherhood of
people would arrive. The adepts of realist politics cling to this
representation with the force of despair. By reason of a certain weakness of
their character, they cannot support an image of the world a bit more sober,
stronger, frightening. With a headstrong determination, they believe that their
representations are reality. He who does not follow hinders his
conscience. No matter the cost, they must put it apart from the state to harm
the power to find a peaceful sleep and certitude in their convictions. They
neutralize it and qualify it as a chauvinism greedy for blood, of fascists
harming men, of national-socialists, hostile to workers, of crazy and
sentimental utopians, to thus deliver it to their general contempt.

We are intruders on the conscience of those who practice a realist politics

and we want to be it. We, utopians? Never have those of the political
realists thrown a look into the abyss of our doubts. Never have they tested
the misery of our pessimism. A German today, who took our path, no longer
sees anything rosily. The fruits of Locarno, whose cost was marketed with
malice and that, ultimately, was too high, were not intended for him. We have
a complete view of the German situation: it is terrible. We know to appreciate
the relations of force to global politics. We resent with anguish the impotence
and subjugation of our country that leaves no hope. No one understands
better than us that at the present a liberation by way of war would signify
annihilation and definitive disappearance. We even insist on the necessity of
having the patience to make a long term work. Yet at the same time we
tremble and all the realist politicians are blind before the danger of
patience. What would happen if we began to habituate to the state of
existence, if we accepted it as a normal state and if we supported its
endurance, it would be permanent? If the little happiness and the slight
liberty, which that state can offer, was a consolation and a compensation so
great as to incite us to finally feel comfortable? That is the attitude of realist
politicians in regard to the Dawes Plan, to the Pact of Locarno, and the
admission to the League of Nations. Thus, they install themselves
comfortably that it lets us think to escape. Theyobey such that rebel
thoughts fill our hearts. They see a term where we can only begin. They
permit themselves and they permit others to be apathetic, such that our
opinion must amass and rally the greatest energies. We have the need of
rebel forces exactly because Germany approved the Dawes Plan, because
they submitted to Locarno. If we do not maintain these forces in life, we are
going to rot under the accords of Dawes and Locarno. If we feel that they
agitate us, then maybe even the admission to the League of Nations could not
bring us harm.

By considering political affairs with the greatest objectivity possible, we are

lead to state that it actually is the only means of making a German politics: it
is necessary to watch the energies of the German peoples, to protect its will
to resistance, so that it cannot be broken, and to not allow the resistance to
be paralyzed. At the hour it is, individual and direct actions are not so timely.
We do not have enough liberty to permit ourselves to act in a truly
independent fashion.

We cannot predict what the global conjuncture will be. However, we are still
not fantasists when we feel the approach of a favorable conjuncture for
Germany turning in regards to Asia and Africa. The question is to know if, at
this moment, we will be politically and psychologically prepared to seize the
moment that will present itself in our favor and to intervene. In order to be
prepared, we should, at present, to choose the orientation that will serve our
designs, even if that does not translate to visible actions given material
impossibility but by our convictions and the expression of our will. This
orientation will be favorable to all who shake and sap the existence of the
British Empire and the colonial empire of France, because the weakening of
these powers is the prelude to the liberation and reestablishment of Germany.
We are more patientthan our realist politicians can be. We count on the
grand spaces of time only, we would would forget nothing. We are much
more humble no ephemeral mirage, no economic entente, spirit of Locarno
or European union, can dampen our enthusiasm. There is only one thing we
bear in our hearts, that counts for us, sentimental politicians: that the force
to know to wait, and to know to utilize the moment, has not left our harried
and trampled people.

Since the German people made their entrance into history, they have had the
world against them. In the past centuries, they clashed with the Roman world.
Because the heirs of that world have never pardoned them for having put an
end to the victorious course of the Roman legions. The part of Europe that
succumbed to the influences of the Roman heritage continually feels bothered
by the sole existence of the German people. They do not cease to forge plans
of annihilation. Without stopping they hatch plots against Germany. The
Romantic world is the dangerous terrain where we continually face pitfalls
for the German people. Since Germanicism awoke, it must, by reason of its
nature, fight desperately for life. When Germanicism idles, falling into
insouciance, we are treacherously attacked, we are struck without pity. That
has been the destiny of Germany over the course of the centuries. The hate
that the German people encounter today, is not an isolated phenomenon,
fortuitous, caused uniquely by a moment in history. That hate is the avowal,
mad with joy and drunk with glory, of a sentiment that has always existed,
but that, at present, after the German debacle, no longer has any need to hide.

Once this sentiment acted as the motive force in the disastrous struggle
between the Emperors and the Popes. It is true that the habitual rivalry played
a role there. Its rivalry was inflamed everywhere where they opposed
themselves and disputed their influences. But the struggle received its cold,
fractious, and vindictive character for the anti-German disposition. The
Pope felt a hidden Protestantism in the Emperor and among the German
Christians in general, long before Protestantism was actually born.

In a certain manner, even before the Reformation, German Christianity

permanently protested against Rome. The Popes made common cause with
all the adversaries of the Germanic Holy Roman Empire. Since the
14th century, they defended the French interests against Germany. The claims,
once formulated by the French jurist, Pierre Dubois to know: French
domination from the coasts of the Mediterranean to the left bank of the Rhine
were reprised by the Curia with a direct point against Germany. With the
aid of money, intrigue, imprecations, and excommunications, the Popes
undermined the courts of Imperial power. In a gesture of benediction and
protection, they raised their hands over the elements that had provoked the
dissolution of the Empire.

At the start of the 16th century, the German people seized their particularity
with a obstinate resolution. Openly, they valued the difference and singularity
of their being. They no longer bowed their head with veneration when seeing
the head of the Church who, by reason of his Latin instincts and the general
conditions of his position, was permanently ensnared against the vital needs
of the German people.

The fact that the Emperor was a foreigner, was then fatal for the future
evolution of Germany. Even if he had conflicts with the Curia, he did not
have in himself the feelings that inspired the German protest. On the contrary,
he was repelled by them. He was also a Latin man who shared in the irritable
Latin contempt regarding the existential claim of Germany. He should
necessarily feel the German protest as something hostile that was turning
against him. No emotional impulse would allow him to profit from the protest
as a spirit pressing him to enhance the Imperial grandeur and dignity. A fate
weighs on the German people; it often wants, in these historically decisive
moments, that the German people are governed by an evil man.

Charles V failed in his task. He allied with the Curia against the Germans that
raised themselves up to save their identity and their proper place. Thus the
movements of the Reformation were pressed into the arms
of principalities who, to affirm themselves politically, opposed the Emperor.
In this fashion, the Reformation escaped annihilation, but the course that
things took was harmful all the same. The principalities were separate
powers. When they took on too much importance, the community suffered.
Their forces exhausted themselves in petty jealousies and frictions. The
supreme authority could no longer impose on its conscious subjects their
proper place. While the Emperor took the part of universalist tendencies,
much more perfectly embodied by the Pope, the particular powers were
incited, in the conflict they announced, to develop in the corresponding sense.
Knowing that they have behind them the conscience and need for the
conservation of the people, they became arrogant and sure in themselves.
They lacked that authority which, understanding the message of the
movement of the Reformation and serving it, was knowingly renounced by
the universalist claim. At the same time limited to the German sphere it
had instated a severe regime dominated by the principalities, a regime that
could have given a solid, national state to the German people. In this epoch,
the Emperor came to the aid of the Pope, who dismissed the reign of the
German sun. The absence of a living imperial reign announced the decline of
the old Empire. The Reformation movement, in which the German
recognized with pride his particular essence, promoted, ultimately, the
breakup and the failure of the Empire, because it did not succeed in taking the
Imperial reign by the hand. The decision of the German conscience, the
German development, more grandiose as such a religious phenomenon,
remained ineffective in the plans of politics.

That facilitated the counter-offensive of the Latin world. In the Counter-

Reformation, it was deployed with much success. The Counter-Reformation
was a methodical concentration of the enemies of the German spirit. Its
leitmotiv was: to be German means to abandon the faith and renounce
God. This accusation against the essence of Germany was maintained
throughout the centuries. The terms were modified. The contents adapted to
the changes of mentality and opinion of the times but the roots and the
direction of the attack remained the same. Later, it served the pretext that
Germanyprevented the progress of civilization and hindered the perfection of
humanity. The Pope of this clear epoch, who pronounced the anathema of
the infamy of the German people, was called Wilson.

Western civilization is the transposition of the Latin elements and spirit into
the sphere of modern politics. These elements and this spirit would like to
impose themselves as ethical norms and principles directing the lives of the
peoples. The German deviations are not recognized as equal in right. They
consider them as a debasement and as an under-development. Bringing back
Germany to civilization or elevating their rank, by the force of arms, doing it
by fire and blood, appears to be their sacred mission.

Wanting to give reason to the other, to their contraries, to the enemy mortal is
a trait of the German character. To be German means to de-Germanize
oneself. as Nietzsche formulated it. Entire regions opened themselves to the
Counter-Reformation, as today where entire parties rally to Western
civilization.

The attack of the Counter-Reformation lasted under 1618. The antagonisms

had reached an extreme point. They burst into a terrible war that would last
thirty years. The form of German life and even the German essence was put
into question and had to undergo a superhuman proving. The German sun
was on the field of battle, warriors came from all corners of the world.
Certainly, the fronts were sometimes blurred. For particular reasons of its
national politics, France supported the Protestant princes in Germany. But, on
the whole, the support of France worked against the birth of a strong empire,
corresponding to the German feeling of life. France, by guaranteeing the
freedom of German principalities, took prophylactic measures against the
free development, on a grand scale, of the political force of the German
people.

In Prussia, the German will to life succeeded all the same in creating a true
state. But the world immediately reunited against it. A powerful coalition
tried to strangle this purely German state that took up forces. However, it
came through to affirm itself. Its actions are without parallel. It must be
allowed to live. All by nourishing the grudge against it, by drawing on its
reserves, it was accepted.

With Napoleon, the universalist current claimed anew the domination of

Europe. It was Germany that had to defend itself against him especially.
Certainly, in the mean time, this current had removed its religious habits.
Then, it searches to seduce in a laymans garb. Henceforth, its trinity called
itself liberty, equality, fraternity. It is strange that exactly the countries, once
adepts of the Counter-Reformation, expired, by the tacit consent of Napoleon.
In the Confederation of the Rhine, they reunited around him. I am proud to
be French declared Maximilian of Bavaria. Their sovereigns were
compensated with royal crowns. Austria sent a daughter of the Emperor to
Paris. But after that universalist current was nearly entirely submitted to the
reasons of the French state, thus injuring the vital needs of Austria, the latter
taking up arms. It did it with many reservations. Under the form and in the
disposition of war cabinet, it entered into the campaign against Napoleon.

It was only in Prussia that the people were profoundly upset. Only there did a
tempest arise. It was only Prussia that knew to defend that which was proper
and sacred to their country.

The Hapsburgs were suspicious of what was happening. Napoleon barely

hunted, they hatched intrigues against Prussia. The Hapsburgs had more
affinities with Latin France than German Prussia.

The rise of Prussia inflamed all the hearts in which there lived Germanicism.
Their view turned, filled with hope and impatience, towards the Prussia that
created aGerman Reich. The man whose epoch of need arrived. What the
century of the Reformation did not succeed in, Bismarck did. He did not act
to reconstruct the Germanic Holy Roman Empire. Knowingly, he discarded
the Roman and Imperial element. In 1866, he separated it by force from his
work. His Reich was a state entirelyGerman, a more extended Prussia. To
give this Reich the central power in Europe, he needed the German
Rhineland, the frontier of the Vosges. And, in effect, the Reich would extend
to the summit of the Vosges.
Thus the new Reich appeared powerful, glorious, and victorious to the milieu
of the people. The powers of the Counter-Reformation, the Latin hate for
Germany, were repressed and mastered. They were not near to accepting it.
Avenge Sadowa, avenge Sedan! that was their objective. Immediately, they
began to gnaw at the foundations of the Reich. In the Eastern March, but in
Alsace as well, they heated religious sentiments and they turned, without
shame, against the existence of the Reich. Public opinion was excited to
revolt against everything that was German. Germany was decried as
perturbing the peace, bellicose, and barbaric.

The hostility in regard to the German devices of the power manifested with
a growing insolence. Politically and morally it encircled the Reich. England
and America, appearing rather Germanic, were under the influence of the
Western and Latin spirit. As with the Counter-Reformation, that once
prepared the Thirty Years War, Western civilization organized a campaign of
annihilation against the German state. In 1914, the armies were on the march.
The rebel Germany, it must be made to bow! It must break the conscience of
its opposition! The new crusaders went to war against the scum of
humanity but this time it was not under the sign of the cross but the flag of
liberty. For four and half years we resisted the overwhelming numerical
superiority of enemies foaming with rage. No one ever struggled as we
struggled against the world. Then abruptly, it stopped without precipitation.
The restive German, that once neither the Hapsburg nor the Curia could
master, rolled on the ground, defenseless, imploring grace and promising
repentance. The peace that they accorded was a sentence. The German was
declared culpable, not of a particular crime, but culpable for having been
German. The trial against Germany dragged on for centuries. The atrocious
crime that it was reproached for was its own existence. At present, it lost the
trial. It has been forbidden to continue to live according to its nature.
Germanicism must disappear from the world. It must be confounded with the
European form of life.

That is the deep sense of the article on the responsibility for the war of the
Diktat of Versailles: this article is a sentence with condemns all Germanicism.
It wants to seal a condemnation in perpetuity. The Latin world will not accept
the re-opening of the trial. Only in the measure where the German is no
longer German, are we accorded the right to exist.

The article on the responsibility for the war said that we are culpable if we
are German. The Diktat of Versailles ordains that we are punished because
we are German. The Weimar Republic is the state of those Germans who
occupy themselves seriously with the application of de-Germanization. Its
existence is directly linked to the acceptance of this article on responsibility.

Before the profound significance of the article on the responsibility for the
war, a certain propaganda against this lie would seem laughable. It is fixed as
its objective to prove that Wihelmine Germany had no bellicose intention.
Secretly, this propaganda hopes to be able to clear the way for the
Hohenzollern restoration and in a general manner the political and social
order of Germany before the war, thanks to its attempts at purification.
Thus it resembles a swimmer in a large river whose current is very strong.
With an indefatigable tenacity, this swimmer struggles against the torrents.
He ends up believing that he advanced, but in reality he is irresistibly driven
and carried by the current. His exploit of which he would be so proud,
considering his effort, is hardly more than strenuous and useless agitation.
Germanicism must definitely disappear: that is the will of the Western states.
They are so disposed to power, no reason, no scientific demonstration can
lead them to abandon their project. There is not a convention with victorious
Europe permitting Germany to recover an autonomous existence and liberty.
Through the centuries, the destruction of this existence was precisely the goal
of great global movements. Accomplishing the collapse of Germany was the
veritable reward of the world war. Everyone wants the European to rise as the
sole man against the lesser attempts to examine anew the question of
Germany destiny. Never will Europe give willingly its agreement to reopen
this trial. It is only against its will and by a rebellion that a procedure of
revision could be initiated. From the moment where Germany will regain its
power, the verdict of culpability, given by Europe, will become obsolete.

In a sense, it even presents a certain danger. By taking certain effective

measures, they cradle illusions and want to be taken seriously. We think that
the fate is not also frightful, we see the means to get by where it is it not. We
do not understand that it is necessary to recommence, to recommence deeply
and nothing is guaranteed, even the worse. We act and we believe to have
done something, of having advanced, being recovered and in fact, we find
before ourselves a new misfortune. The campaign, that Germany leads
against the lie of responsibility for the war, maybe even a means to seize the
national consciousness in an awakening, but considered from the point of
view of effectiveness in matters of political power, it is only a blunted foil.
Those who call for war, and who, at the same times, count in their political
calculations on an entente with England or France, do not understand the
sense of German destiny. They do not see what is necessary, what must be
done.
If German politics does not want to take a false route, at its base it must have
experienced that upheaval, that tightens the throat, of all that tragedy and all
that curse, nearly without hope, that weighs on the German and his destiny.
Easy compromises, conclusions of conciliatory peace are not required for this
politics. Day and night it must watch as if the world was full of Devils
(Luther). It must be conscious of fundamental divergences and of abysses that
separate it from the world that surrounds it, to be conscious as if it lived in a
strong castle and great good may it do to him, that mighty castle.
(Translators Note: Alluding to the hymn).

Maybe it was Bismarck himself that put the germ of decadence in his work:
his vigilance and his distrust were asleep, his vision of dangers which the
Reich had faced, was weakened. He extended a hand to the liberal and
bourgeois West and the Latin Hapsburg. To truly say, it was these approaches
that threw Russia, supporting Germany against a pitiless, hostile Europe, into
the arms of France. By assuring the continuity of the Danube monarchy, torn
by conflicts between different peoples, it left the Reich an ally rotten and
obsolete, and more, would contribute to prepare the collapse of Germany. By
allying with bourgeois liberalism, it lowered, to thus say, the drawbridge,
permitting the entrance, unencumbered, of the destructive forces of the West.
Finally the Hapsburg betrayed the German cause and the German liberalism
that returned to Locarno, did it not do the same thing?

This was a tactic for Bismarck, a detour (that, some recognized the necessity,
it would not have, in principle, failed to try by another means, eventually on
the contrary), those who considered themselves as the heirs of his spirit
affirmed it among themselves and it became an immutable rule. The
orientation that Bismarck had chosen towards the end and that corresponded
to a particular situation, transformed into a national orientation. Certainly, the
object of foreign politics which, according to this doctrine, should align with
Vienna, is shown to be lacking today. Given that we have become habituated
to fix our view on the Danube, we try to find a new object in a union of
successor states, in an ersatz Austria. The option of Bismarck for the Danube
monarchy, whose consequence was the rupture with Russia, is, in the eyes of
his successors, valuable for all eternity. Their politics is not flexible enough
to take account of the disappearance of the Hapsburg monarchy and turn
towards this possibility that exists in the East, itself searching for support.
They are afraid of missing like Bismarck who, once, took the initiative of
separation with Russia.

Having this national point of view, we are at least capable of innovating in

matters of foreign policy that with the liberal influence, which we received
from the heritage of Bismarck, shudders before a true change. The liberal
element of national politics pushes it, against its nature, towards its
Pharisaical judges who, at Versailles, pronounced the condemnation of
Germany. The seats of the nation, which are impregnated by liberalism, do
not feel their own incoherence. Blindly, they solicit, by half measures, the
friendship and support of those who, for intellectual, historical, and political
reasons, have always been the mortal and pitiless enemies of the German way
of life and they will never rest. They do not want to see that we can no longer
be German and conscious of our nationality when we have in our blood this
liberalism fascinated by the West and that wants to submit itself to the
West. Inevitably, they arrive at the point where they put their hopes in French
tanks to mow down the German workers indignant at the capitalism of the
Entente and who, at the same time, have no indulgence for German
capitalism.
Compromise with the Latin and Western world is always dangerous for
Germany, even if they defend themselves. When they are without defense,
this comprise is mortal to them. Under the political plan, it leads to the ruin of
the Reich and dependency. Under the economic plan, it compels a levy, under
the cultural plan, to the encroachment of foreign influences, under the moral,
the dishonorable denial of itself, all together, to treason and defection. By
reason of easy access to its territory and its soul, Germany must don a heavy
armor, erect ramparts, dig trenches and protect itself behind encircling walls.
It is such that Prussia was once isolated. The reserve and the distance that it
took between it and the surrounding entourage was the source of its force.

Germany was deprived of all that, until the present, served as its protection.
The French have violated its frontiers and defiled its light. Anti-Prussian
tendencies invade the Prussian state. They attack its way of life and thus
undermine, with a secret tenacity, the citadel of Germanicism, the strongest
German position.

Everywhere forces are at work to reduce by famine the essence of Germany,

to deprive it of air and to deliver it to death by suffocation. In the name of
Europe, they believe themselves authorized to put into execution the sentence
against the German species. There is no recourse to grace it is a question
of life or death. The German no longer has anything to lose. All that was his
has been seized. It even declares to be deposed its right to exist in this
fashion.

What remains, other than the courage of despair? We have only the ultimate
means that the struggle for the conservation of ourselves justifies. Our
people, attacked in the roots of their existence, brutalized and mortally
wounded have the right to use such means. At the Final Judgment, the
reason will not be demanded of you! The sole fact that we undertake the
struggle for existence with the courage of despair makes us strong. But this
courage in itself, may not be enough to avoid having the German people
really go through the most desperate act.

At present we have arrived at that point:

Europe wants the end of German existence.

For the Weimar Republic, the will of Europe is the word of the Gospel.

For the moment, we only hear the murmurs of resistance.

Is it the German protest dying, preceding eternal sleep.?

Is it the secret agreements between those who prepare the German counter
attack, patiently and with conviction, determination and the courage of
abnegation?

Will Germany find the way back to itself?

It will find it!

It will find it even in the ruins of Europe.