AnatolianStudies 54 (2004): 79-93

An archaeology of late antique pilgrim flasks

William Anderson
University of Melbourne

Abstract
Pilgrimagehappenswhen a place becomes the focus of venerationbecause of its association with a person or event.
Pilgrimcults from the past can sometimesbe identifiedby groupingcertaintypes of materialevidence, althoughinter-
pretationof a cult's historicalmeaningis only possible once the materialhas been fully assessed. This study considers
what sorts of informationcan be drawnfrom the archaeologicalcontext of a group of clay ampullae;miniatureflasks
originatingfrom Asia Minor in late antiquity.
Ozet
Herhangibir yer, bir kisi ya da olayla olan baglantisinedeniyle saygi odagi olduguzamanburayahac ziyaretleribaMlar.
Geqmiten gelen hac ibadetleribazen belirli tipteki maddi kanitlaringruplandinrlmasiyla tanimlanabilir. Ancak bir
ibadetin tarihsel anlaminin yorumlanabilmesieldeki malzeme tamamen gozden ge,irilip degerlendirilmedenolasi
degildir. Bu calihmadaKuicuik Asya kaynaklive gec antikdonemetarihlenenbir grupminyatuirmatarave ampullaeden
arkeolojikbaglamdane cesit bir bilgi edinilecegi konusu ele alinmaktadir.

During the late 19thcentury,a Frenchengineercalled
Paul Gaudin was directing the construction of a
railway between Izmir and Turgutlu in the west of
Turkey. He developed an interestin the region's archae-
ological remains, excavating a prehistoricnecropolis at
Yortanand, in the early 20th century,runninga campaign
at the ancient city of Aphrodisias, where important
Classical statuary was unearthed, some of which was
illegally exportedto museums in Belgium and Germany
(Collignon 1904; 1906; Erim 1986: 37-45). Like many
Europeansoperating from Turkey at this time, Gaudin
was a sedulous collector of antiquities. Artefacts could
be purchasedat Izmir, a city with a large foreign diplo-
matic presence, a flourishing antiquitiesmarket and an
indifferent,or ineffectualOttomangovernment(Schiffer
1999: 101-10; Ozdogan 1998).
Between 1896 and 1920, Gaudin donated 44 small
terracottaflasks to the Louvre,Paris (Metzger 1981: 41-
54). These were describedas coming from Smyrnaand
its vicinity, although there is no specific information
about how they were obtained: whether they were
discovered duringconstructionof the railway,excavated
at Aphrodisiasor boughton the open marketis uncertain.
When examined by members of the Societe des
Antiquaires de France, the flasks were identified as
ampoulesa eulogie -pilgrim ampullae(Heronde Ville-
fosse 1890; Michon 1899). Early Christian pilgrim
souvenirs were known from examples in museums and
church treasuries a number of museums had clay
'Menas flasks' from Egypt, named after the saint at
whose shrine they were distributed(Kaufmann 1910).
Having been established as pilgrim souvenirs, scholars
interpretedthe designs stamped into their surface to
identify which saints were being shown and where the
ampullaeoriginatedfrom.
Ampullae are distinct from Menas flasks associated
with the pilgrim centre of Abu Mina in northwestEgypt
during the fifth and sixth centuries AD. Both were
mould-made,in much the same way as clay lamps of the
time, but the circularbodied Menas flasks have handles
spanningthe body and neck, while the smaller and oval
shaped Asia Minor type have two holes bored into the
top so that they could be worn or suspended (fig. 1).
Whereasmost Menas flasks are stampedwith an image

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

of the saint standingin an orans pose, the decorationon

Asia Minor ampullae includes a range of figures and
animal motifs; others have patterns of crosses, circles
and architecturalfeatures.
It is widely assumedthat images on Christianpilgrim
souvenirsrelateto theirsite of productionor distribution.
Art-historicalstudies, particularlyof metal flasks made
in Palestine (called the 'Monza' or 'Bobbio' type
because of the Italianchurcheswhich possess groups of
them), have considered pilgrim related artefacts in this
way (Weitzmann1974); the origins of othersixth century
ephemera- Menas flasks from Egypt, objects made at
the shrine of St Symeon at Qal'at Sim'an near Antioch
0 2cm
and some types of eulogia tokens from Palestine- can I I

also be determined from their iconography (Rahmani Fig. 1. Menas flask and Asia Minor ampulla in the
1970; 1993; 1999; Piccirillo 1994). Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden
An iconological approach has had limited success
when assigning flasks to specific productionor distri-
bution centres in Asia Minor. The diversity of figures of importantcentres such as Jerusalem(Wilkinson 1976;
and emblems make classification problematic, and Hunt 1994). Pilgrimagein Asia Minoris also covered by
identified saints have even been called 'inappropriate' contemporarysources, and saints' lives often describe
for shrines known in the region (Campbell 1988: 544). shrines where relics or living Holy Men were venerated
The frequently occurring 'Evangelist' type is often (Foss 2002). Although hagiographies and eyewitness
linked with the shrine of St John near Ephesus on the accounts are the basis of our knowledge on early
basis of historical references (Duncan-Flowers 1990), Christian pilgrimage, the information they convey is
and these are indeed convincing, but without the limited. Reportageis subjective, and offers only some
discovery of moulds, kilns or significant assemblages, idea of the broader political, economic and social
locating productioncentres is impossible. It is therefore circumstanceswhich affected pilgrim cults.
necessary to consider this group of objects by first In the early 20th century, images on metal pilgrim
accounting for the range of designs, and then determine flasks were interpretedas showing murals painted at
context through examination of their occurrence in Christianshrines in late Roman Palestine (Vikan 1995).
archaeological excavations. Art historian Andre Grabar's 1958 monographon the
Monza and Bobbio flasks suggested that their iconog-
'Pilgrimage art' raphywas based on small-scale metalworkand that the
An increasingamountof literatureaddressesthe subject objects originated from Constantinople(Grabar 1958).
of pilgrimage, but as the approach and scope of this Discussion of the metal flasks re-opened in the 1970s
so
researchhas been varied, 'pilgrimage studies' cannot when the focus shifted towardsdemonstratingthat their
be regarded as a discipline in its own right. Rather, iconographydepicted the architectureof early Christian
investigatingpilgrimagelends itself to the applicationof shrinesin Palestine. KurtWeitzmanndiscerneda 'Pales-
multiple disciplinary approaches using sociological, tinian style' in their decoration,comparing the images
archaeological, art-historicaland theological methods. with manuscriptsfromthe region,and arguingthatmould
Archaeological research into early Christianpilgrimage designs were significantin the disseminationof Christian
has the potential to enhance understandingof economic iconographyfrom the Holy Land(Weitzmann1974).
activity, transport and infrastructure, and religious Theories about how pilgrimage 'devotionalia' were
practices(Stopford 1994). However study Byzantine regardedhave been well exploredin recentyears. Rather
of
'pilgrimage art' has largely been concerned with the thanbeing simply mnemonic- touristsouvenirs they
appearanceand conceptualmeaning of artefactssuch as have been shown to contain differentlayers of meaning.
eulogia tokens, rather than exploring socio-political Gary Vikanhas describedthree 'function categories' for
circumstancesof their manufactureand use. Byzantine pilgrim souvenirs: votive, devotional and
Early Christianpilgrimage to sites in the Holy Land amuletic (Vikan 1995: 381). These derive largely from
was well documented, and written sources have been writtensources, especially the hagiographiesof the fifth
considered alongside mosaics and maps to investigate centurySyrianmonk Theodoret,and althoughuseful for
pilgrimpracticesand reconstructthe 'sacredtopography' appreciatingthe complexity of Byzantine exegesis, this

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 Anderson
approach offers only limited insight to the conditions
under which sixth century pilgrim shrines produced
'souvenirs'. Emphasisingthe pilgrim's experience and
how individualsregardedobjects they acquiredat sacred
sites may have obscured understandingof the social
place of pilgrim flasks. Whilst the owners of objects
collected on pilgrimageindeed held them in high esteem,
scholarshipthat rhapsodisesover 'receptacles of divine
energy' (Hahn 1990), is based entirelyon literarysources
with little attemptto actually identify consumers using
archaeologicaldata.
Art-historians have generally set the agenda for
studying early Christian antiquities, and with the
exceptionof eulogia tokens, MenasandMonza flasks, the
material culture of Byzantine pilgrimage has not been
subjectto taxonomy,fabricanalysis, surveys of finds and
considerationof context. These techniques all help to
determinewhere artefactscame from, which is essential
for establishinga historicalcontext. Betterunderstanding
of pilgrim flasks can also contributeto a range of trans-
disciplinaryand epistemologicaldiscourses:on one hand,
closer analysis of this potteryform may offer evidence to
distinguish people or groups of specific political and
religious persuasions, but it may also help us to learn
about religious customs, social conditionsand economic
activity. Moreover,study of pilgrimflasks can help us to
questionthe way in which materialcultureis categorised
and given meaning.
It is first importantto outline the development and
diversity of pilgrim flasks that were made in the eastern
Mediterraneanduring late antiquity. Once the 'Asia
Minor ampulla' has been sufficiently defined, pictorial
differencescan be considered. Iconographymay inform
us about the flasks' historical meaning, but archaeo-
logical context tells us much more abouttheir use, users
and social significance. Rather than reaching a single
conclusion about who made ampullae and who
consumedthem, interpretationof the flasks' context will
considersome discoursesand debateswhich the material
might inform.
Late antique pilgrim flasks: Egypt, Palestine and Asia
Minor
Clay flasks were made at several locations around the
Mediterraneancoast in the late Romanperiod. Extensive
manufactureof potteryin westernAsia Minorwas linked
to the region's production and export of commodities,
and the importance of the Aegean coast continued as
Constantinople grew in population and prominence
(Kingsley, Decker 2001). Amphorae were made for
transportingoil andwine, andtherewere also table wares
and otherdecoratedceramicssuch as lampsproducedfor
local and inter-regionalmarkets.
81
Among the pottery from Pergamon in the Imperial
periodwere drinkingflasks;mould-made,interior-glazed
vessels that were probably used as portable wine
containers (Mandel 1988). Some are decorated with
images showing gladiatorialcombat,suggestingthatthey
were associated with the amphitheatre.Mould-made
flasks thought to be used for drinking wine were also
manufacturedin Egypt, where the discovery of kilns at
Memphisandthe Fayuumhas establishedtwo production
centresof the pre-Christianera (Seif el-Din 1993).
From the fifth century AD, flasks stampedwith the
image of St Menas were produced at Egypt's premier
pilgrimagecentre,Abu Mina, located 45km southwestof
Alexandria. Menas flasks are probably the most
prevalentform of survivinglate antiquepilgrim artefact.
They supposedly contained water which was collected
from the saint's shrine, and may have been available
from the large colonnaded square north of the basilica,
which was the site of almshouses and 'commercial'
premises (Grossman 1998). Dozens were excavated at
the residential district of Kom-el-Dikka in Alexandria
between 1961 and 1981 (Kiss 1989) which helped to
establish chronology and indicated that they were
consumednot only by long-distancepilgrims,but also by
a local marketwho embarkedon domestic pilgrimageas
an expressionof religious identity (Davis 1998).
Menas flasks have been found at sites around the
Mediterraneanand beyond,which may be takento reflect
the extent of Egypt's maritime contacts during late
antiquity (Lambert, Pedemonte Demeglio 1994). A
cluster aroundthe northernAdriaticcoast suggest a link
between Alexandria and the episcopal see of Aquileia
(Lopreato1977). Two Menas flasks have been found at
Meols on the Wirrelpeninsulain the west of England,over
3,500km from Abu Mina (Thompson1956; Harris2003).
Palestine, or the Holy Land, was where the most
importantChristianshrineswere located, and a range of
pilgrim ephemera was produced in this region. The
metal Monza flasks were made here using a mould
technique (Engemann 2002), but there were also
ceramic, glass and organic souvenirs available for
visitors to religious sites. A clay flask bought by the
Israeli Departmentof Antiquitiesand Museums in 1966
is decoratedwith an image of the Annunciation. Around
its edge is a Greek inscription with the words of the
evangelist Luke (1:28), 'Hail, thou art highly favoured,
the Lord is with thee', and it is interpretedas coming
from the traditionalsite of the house of Maryand Joseph
in Nazarethand dating from the sixth century(Rahmani
1966). A flask with an image of figures in a boat and
which also has inscriptionsreferringto New Testament
sites was discovered in the 1950s near Aquileia on the
northAdriaticcoast (Guarducci1974).
 AnatolianStudies 2004

Anothertype of mould-madeceramicflask thoughtto I

come from Palestine has small proportions and is
decoratedwith raised dots (fig. 2). This type has been
assigned to Jerusalemon the basis of its yellow-brown
ware and decoration,which are similar to a form of oil
lamp made here in the seventh century (Magness 1993:
259). An intact example was discovered during
excavationof the site of RamatRahel,or Bir al-Qadismu,
between Jerusalemand Bethlehem (Aharoni 1964: 17,
38-41, fig. 10.11, pl. 4.6), and the top half of a 'raised
dots' type was found in the Tyropoeonvalley, Jerusalem
in 1927 (Crowfoot, Fitzgerald1929: 126, pi. 16.31). An
ampulladiscoveredin Sardisin westernAnatoliahas the
same dimensions and similar raised dots design
(Rautmann1996: 62-63, no. 2.82, fig. 16).
A numberof large, clay flasks with variantforms and
decoration point to alternative regions, and dates of
production. These have handles added to the body like
Menas flasks, and are decoratedwith detailed designs. 0 2cm
An unusual and well-preservedflask held in the British
Museum measures about 20cm in height, over three
times larger than most Asia Minor ampullae; its form Fig. 2. Drawing of a 'raised dots' flask found near
resembles the 'bag-shaped'or late Roman 5/6 amphora Jerusalem (Aharoni1964: fig. 10)
(Dalton 1901: 158, no. 903). A fragmentwith similar
iconography to the London flask was found in the
southernbathscomplex at Perge(Atik 1995: 176-80, nos to require official authentication. The monogramsand
391-99). There is a range of forms and images among excavation circumstanceshave led to the unguentarium
these large, rounded flasks, and it is uncertainwhether being dated from ca. 450 to ca. 550 AD, and their fabric
they were produced contemporaneouslyor in the same suggests that Palestine was one region of production
region, although vessels of this kind have usually been (Hayes 1971: 244-47).
found in Turkey. Flask forms were widely produced around the
A large, intact flask unearthedduring excavation of eastern Mediterraneanbefore, during and after late
shop buildings at Sardis has a rounded shape, and is antiquity,but there has been little work done to identify
decorated with curious animal motifs reminiscent of groups and determinechronology. The variety of forms,
Palestinian mosaic panels (Hanfmann 1983: 165, fig. fabrics and iconography indicate different regions and
244). Anotherexample from Sardis,discoveredin a late phases of production. Moreover, pilgrim flasks were
Romanresidentialcomplex, has a simple cross motif and not the product of a single religious movement,
contained 71 bronze coins dating from the late fifth although they may have had been associated with
century (Greenewalt et al. 1994). Fragmentsof flask particular sects and cults. A range of flasks was
sherdswith Greek inscriptionsoffering 'blessings of the produced in the eastern Mediterranean,intermittently,
Lord'were recentlyfound at Pessinus in centralAnatolia and over long periods of time.
(Devreker 1995: nos 19-29).
In 1971, John Hayes drew attentionto a wheel-made, Iconography: the limits of interpretation
'fusiform' ampulla,which he dated to the fifth and sixth Despite ampoules a eulogie being classed as a distinct
centuries and called the 'late Roman unguentarium' pottery form in the late 19th century (Michon 1899),
(Hayes 1971). These are far more prevalentthanmould- CatherineMetzger's (1981) catalogue of pilgrim flasks
made flasks, and they have been found in Greece, Italy, in the Louvre is the first and only systematic study of
Palestine, North Africa and several sites in Turkey Asia Minor ampullae. Ampullae are characterisedby
(Eisenmenger2001). Many have monogramsand motifs their ovoid form and short spout there is some
stamped just above the base, and a fragment from variationin size and shape, but generallythe dimensions
Rhodes bears the inscription 'of Bishop Severianos', of those with figuraldesigns are regular- most measure
leading to the theory that their issue was ecclesiastically around7cm in height and 5cm in width, while ampullae
controlled,and that their contents were valuable enough with crosses and other non-figural motifs can vary in

82
 Anderson
height from 4-9cm. Their colour can range from dark
red to buff and light yellow, and this use of different
fabrics suggests a numberof clay sources and therefore
production centres which employed similarly shaped
moulds (Andersonforthcoming).
The most obvious variationwithin this flask form is
the decoration. More than a dozen differentfigures and
a range of geometric motifs appear, with newly
excavated examples featuring unprecedented designs.
Identificationof figures and motifs has been the focus of
most studies of ampullae, and it is importantto survey
the flasks' decoration while considering the reliability
and usefulness of currentinterpretation.
A numberof ampulla-designsfeature 'portraits',but
determiningthe identity of figures is problematic,partly
because the depiction of saints in the period before
Iconoclasmwas far from standardised. In some cases, it
is even uncertain whether the figures are saints or
contemporary pilgrims. An ampulla design showing
three figures in a boat may depict a specific narrativeor
saint, but could alternativelyshow anonymouspilgrims
travellingoverseas (Metzger 1981: 45; Vikan 1991: 78).
Another flask type is decorated with horse-riders a
man on a galloping horse holding an axe, and on the
other side, a woman riding side-saddle, and carrying a
circular object (fig. 3). Some scholars have identified
the figures as Mary and Joseph on the flight into Egypt
(Wulff 1909: 264; Robert 1984: 464-67), but they have
also been seen as pilgrims riding to their destination
(Broneer 1932: 48; Vikan 1991: 84-85). The horse-
riders were recently interpreted as representationsof
God as described by John the Evangelist (Zalesskaya
1999: 358-59).
Although pilgrims may have been imaged on some
ampullae, it is assumed that saints were the subject of
most designs, but the diversity of these figures- male
and female, apostles and martyrs,priestsand warriors-
make identification very difficult. One group of
ampullae has a half length portraitof a bearded man
holding a book with inscriptionsidentifyingthe figure as
St Andrew (Dalton 1901: no. 913; Metzger 1981: nos
123-25; Buckton 1994: no. 127); an ampulla found at
Sardishas incised lettersidentifyingon one side Johnthe
Baptist, and on the other the Virgin and Child.
(Greenewalt,Rautman1998).
Clothing and attributes are often used to identify
saints: a flask with an image of a beardedman holding
keys is assumedto show St Peter(Wulff 1909: no. 1352;
Metzger 1981: no. 116); anotherhas a soldier spearinga
dragon on one side and a man flanked by lions on the
other (Campbell 1988: no. 4). The dragon-slayercould
be either St George or St Theodore, and the figure with
the lions could be Daniel, although he may be one of
83
many martyredsaints. A flask excavated at Knidos on
the southwest coast of Turkey shows a woman in an
orans pose flankedby two animalheads (Love 1972: 75,
fig. 32). This may depict the female saint Thecla
imaged on some Menas flasks, and whose northMediter-
ranean cult centre operated near the coastal city of
Seleucia in Cilicia (Davis 2001)-but the woman could
just as well be a generic martyrad bestias.
One of the more frequentlyoccurringfigural designs
shows on one side a seated man writing,and on the other
a standingman holding a codex and flankedby two palm
trees. Examplesof this so-called 'Evangelist' type have
been excavatedat Aphrodisias(Campbell 1988: 541, no.
3), Sardis (Hanfmann 1966: 16-17) and Phocaea
(Sartiaux 1921), and several are held in museum collec-
tions. Scholars have invariably identified the seated
figure as John the Evangelist and suggested that the
flasks were producedat his shrine on the Ayasulukhill
near Ephesus (Michon 1899; Griffing 1938; Duncan-
Flowers 1990; Zalesskaya 1999).
Fig. 3. The male horse-rider on two slightly different
ampulla designs
Writtensources that describepilgrims collecting dust
from the shrine of St John would seem to be sufficient
evidence that Ephesus was an ampulla-makingcentre,
but this designation does not account for the range of
other figural designs. At least five ampullatypes show
men holding books, and it thereforeseems that different
apostles were being depicted. Whilst identifying
Christian saints and narratives is sometimes possible,
reliance on this approachcan lead to cycles of interpre-
tation and counter-interpretationwhich only highlight
the limits of investigatingpilgrimage art using pictorial
evidence in isolation from its archaeological context.
The diversityof charactersappearingon ampullaeshould
be takento indicatethatthe flasks were associatedwith a
range of saints and shrines.
 Anatolian Studies 2004

Another enigmatic design has a small figure looking
out from an elaboratedoorway,and on the reverse side, a
cross sits on a drum-shapedsupport,perhapsan altaror
font, framed by spiral columns and a striatedarch. Of
seven known examples there are three variant designs
(Wulff 1909: no. 1348; Metzger 1981: nos 120-21;
Zalesskaya 1986; Campbell 1988: nos 6-7). Metzger
thoughtthe figure in the doorwaycould be Lazarusrising
from his tomb; Zalesskaya argued it could be either St
Demetrios or St Spyridon, and that the cross under the
archwas a representationof St John's shrineat Ephesus,
whilst Vikan thought that pilgrims would have had a
more metaphoricalinterpretationof the doorway (Vikan
1982: 27).
As well as human figures, some ampullae have
animal designs. One example shows a goat tethered to
a tree (Metzger 1981: 50); another found at Sardis
shows a donkey with a cross and orb on its back, inter-
preted as a symbol of legitimate kingship (Hanfmann
1968; 1985). A fragmentaryampulla excavated at the
Asklepieion in Pergamon seems to show a beast,
perhaps a bear, in a 'rampant'posture (De Luca 1984:
no. 301).
There is a range of non-figural ampulla designs,
usually crosses or rosettes, sometimes decorated with
concentric or dotted circles. Cross designs and non-
figural types are numerous,they vary in size more than
figural ampullae, and they were made from different
clays (Anderson forthcoming). The concentric circles
motif - which sometimes appearsas a framing device
has been used to chart similarities between ampulla
types, and it has been suggested that the motif originated
from Egypt (Griffing 1938; Robert 1984). Varietyin the
colour and size of non-figural ampullae is further
evidence for multiple sites of production.
Rather than offer a comprehensive taxonomy, this
summary of ampulla decoration aims to express the
range of designs that occur within this pottery form.
Although investigatingthe iconographyof pilgrim flasks
may be useful for considering historical and pictorial
traditions,it is very hardto identify saints beyond doubt,
and iconological interpretationmay detract from more
immediate sources of evidence. The variety of moulds
and fabricsused to make ampullaeseem to show thatthe
flasks were producedat a numberof locations, although
their uniform shape and recurrentmotifs suggest that
manufacture took place within a relatively confined
geographicarea.
A major obstruction to archaeological study of
pilgrim flasks is that few have documented contextual
information. Without the discovery of a significant
assemblage such as the hoard of Menas flasks from
Alexandria (Kiss 1989), productioncentres and precise
dating are hard to establish. Despite almost every
example in museums being said to have come from
western Turkey, only a small number have been
documentedarchaeologically.
Unrecorded purchases of ampullae have hindered
investigationof this type of artefact,and it is impossible
to know how many might be held in collections, or were
bought in private transactions. Even the distinguished
epigrapherLouis Robertseemed to show scant regardfor
context by acquiringflasks from Turkishvillagers in the
1980s (Robert1984). It is depressingto note thatpilgrim
flasks feature among the Roman material for sale at
online antiquitiesauctions (for example, EdgarL. Owen
Ltd 2005). Despite most ampullaehaving sketchyprove-
nance, those that have been excavated offer a wealth of
contextual clues: their occurrencein tombs, shrines and
domestic buildings give indicationsabout how the flasks
were used, and by whom.
Excavated ampullae: locations and context
Pilgrim flasks are by their nature portable objects, and
the sites where they are found range over a large area.
The distributionof excavated ampullae shows that some
were transportedgreat distances, but that they were
primarilyconsumed by a local market. Most have come
from the west of Turkey,and the cluster in this region
indicatesthat ampullaewere made here (fig. 4).
No serious attempt has so far been made to group
reliably recorded discoveries of Asia Minor ampullae.
Althoughthe numberof excavatedflasks is small, I have
Fig. 4. Map showing sites in western Anatolia where
ampullae have been excavated (after D.H. French in
Hammond1981: map 26a)

84
 Anderson
identified around 50 examples published in reports.
Their distribution does need to be qualified though
because find-spots are likely to reflect the interests of
archaeologists and the type of locations they excavate.
As archaeological fieldwork at late antique sites in
Turkeyhas focused on urbancentres, it is not surprising
that these are the places where most materialhas been
located: distributionpatterns in rural areas cannot be
fully accountedfor.
By 1988, fieldwork at the city of Aphrodisias in
Caria had unearthed 12 Asia Minor ampullae
(Campbell 1988). Many more complete and
fragmentary examples have surfaced in recent years,
making this city the principal location where ampullae
have been excavated (Christopher Ratte, personal
correspondence). Although the exact type of flask
found here recently requires verification, over 40 are
now said to come from Aphrodisias.
Another inland city where significant numbers of
ampullae have been discovered is Sardis, where
American excavations commenced in the 1950s under
the directionof George Hanfmann. Justbefore his death
in 1986, Hanfmannreportedthat 'several' ampullaewere
found in 1980 during work at the so-called House of
Bronzes (Hanfmann1985: 422), althoughthese appearto
be unpublished. Before this discovery, Hanfmannsaid
that eight examples were known from Sardis. Others
have since come to light, and my research has located
reportsfor 12 pilgrim flasks from here, nine of which are
the Asia Minortype.
The cities of Ephesus and Pergamon also have
reliably published finds, although the majorityreported
to be from Ephesus, and all from Smyrnacome without
details of their discovery. Louis Robert suggested that
most of the Louvre's holdings were from the Hermus
valley where the collector Gaudin was operating, but
they mightjust as well have been boughtin Izmir(Robert
1984). Other find-spots in western Asia Minor are
Didyma, Knidos, Phocaea and Samos. Ampullae said to
have come from the islands of Naxos and Chios lack
excavation reports.
A handful of ampullae were found at sites in the
Balkans peninsula. One flask was unearthedat Caricin
Grad in the Roman province of Dardania, currently
Serbia and Montenegro (Metzger 1984). Caricin Grad
was a fortifiedsettlementfoundedby Justinianin around
AD 530, but abandoned in ca. 615 following military
invasion. Other evidence for early Christian pilgrim
devotionaliafrom Asia Minor and Palestine being trans-
ported to the Balkans has since come to light (Markov
2003). The contextual circumstances in which two
ampullae were found in Bulgaria in the 1990s have
helped with dating (Shtereva 1999).
85
Some ampullae are reportedly from locations
elsewhere in the easternMediterranean:one was found in
a Classical shrine on the Acropolis at Athens (Broneer
1932), another during excavation of Byzantine-
Ummayid shop buildings in Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss
1995). There have also been finds reportedat Antioch
and Alexandria, but lack of excavation reports means
that the contexts of these cannotbe investigated.
The distribution of such a small sample does not
prove a great deal, although there is a concentrationin
the cities of Asia Minor. As mentioned,this might only
serve to reflect the kinds of locations that archaeologists
favour, but the high proportionfrom Aphrodisias and
Sardis, cities that were equally distant from the Aegean
coast, is noteworthy. It can only be assumed that many
ampullae bought in Izmir and now in the Louvre were
taken from sites in or aroundancientcities in the region.
Categorising context: funerary, religious, residential
and commercial find-spots
The circumstancesin which ampullae have been found
vary greatly,and there are also differencesin the quality
of information available. Some are from reliably
preservedstrataor undisturbedtombs along with numis-
matic material;others were found in less clear circum-
stances or at disturbedlevels. The extent and detail of
accompanyinginformationin excavation reportsis also
variable, but despite this inconsistent quality of data,
find-spots indicate where ampullaewere deposited, and
thereforegive clues abouttheiruse and users. Ampullae
have been discoveredin funerarycontexts- graves and
tombs; they also occur as apparentlyvotive deposits at
religious locations such as shrines. Most are from
residentialand public buildings.
It is important to qualify what is meant by the
'context categories' of funerary,religious, residentialand
commercial. Firstly, these sites may simply reflect the
kinds of places archaeologists choose to dig, and the
techniquesthey employ. More importantly,designating
locations as 'religious' or 'domestic' can be confusing
because these terms rely largely on modem concepts,
developed to describe the customarydivisions we make
between public and private,inhabitedand sacred spaces.
Differentiating between religions must also be
considered critically, as it is equally dependent on
modem-day constructsand heavily influencedby events
that have occurredsince late antiquity(Elsner 2003). It
is importantto bear in mind thatwhen a site is described
as 'Christian'or 'pagan', this does not make it homoge-
neous, or the exclusive domain of a particularfaith.
Religious movements and the sites they frequentedwere
heterogeneousand sometimes syncretistic,derivingtheir
meaning from multiple influences and traditions.
 AnatolianStudies 2004
a) Funerary
Four ampullae from Aphrodisias were discovered in
graves, and so can be said to come from a funerary
context. Two are from the necropolis west of the city
walls, found in the centralchamberof tomb 1 (Campbell
1988: nos 2, 11). The other two were from tombs
adjacentto the east end of the cathedral(formerly the
Templeof Aphrodite),in the region of the northtemenos
complex, found with clay lamps dating from the fifth
century(Campbell 1988: nos 1, 7). These locations may
be seen to reflect changing burial practices in the late
Roman period. As pagan concepts of the afterlife were
replaced by Christiandesire for communion with God,
the site of burialsshifted from extra-muralfamily tombs
to individual graves in close proximity to sacred sites.
Stephen Mitchell has described how 'the traditional
distinction between a city for the living and a separate
cemetery for the dead, which had helped to define the
ancient concept of a city, was broken down by the new
ideas about the meaning of burial,and the urge to find a
place for a grave as close as possible to a sanctifiedsite'
(Mitchell 1993: 120). The depositionof flasks in Aphro-
disian burials in the west necropolis and tombs in the
city's religious centre seems to epitomise this transition.
The other two ampullaefrom funerarycontexts both
come from burials outside city walls. A 'St Andrew'
flask was discovered in a tomb near Phocaea by French
excavatorsin the early 20th century(Sartiaux1921), and
a uniqueampulladecoratedwith a donkey was unearthed
at a cemetery outside Sardis which contained fourth to
fifth centuryburials,althoughit was found 'in an isolated
Byzantine intrusionand not well stratified' (Hanfmann
1968: 11; 1985).
b) Religious
At least 14 ampullae have been excavated at sites of
religious importance.Threehave come from the Cave of
the Seven Sleepers at Ephesus, a necropolis outside the
city walls which became a major devotional site in late
antiquity. The legend of the Seven Sleepers was
popularisedin the fifth century, although the cemetery
was alreadysignificant for Christiansas it containedthe
tombs of various saints (Foss 1979: 33). Austrian
excavatorsidentified two ampullaeamong the hundreds
of lamps found here in the 1930s (Miltner1937: nos 357,
358), and anotherampullathat appearsin the excavation
report can also be included (Miltner 1937: no. 114).
Lamps from these caves are decoratedwith a range of
'Christian'symbols, Old Testamenticonography,as well
as 'Jewish' and 'pagan' motifs, showing thatthis was not
an exclusively Christiansite. The caves' dual functionas
a shrine and burial complex could mean that the
ampullaewere grave goods ratherthan votive deposits.
86
In 1970, excavations at the Hellenistic sanctuaryin
Knidos unearthed three Asia Minor ampullae (Love
1972). This monopteros, or circular temple was
identified as the ancient Sanctuary of Aphrodite
Euploia on the basis of literary and pictorial evidence.
The flasks were discovered in an area aroundthe south
podium of the temple, where ceramic deposits dated
from the fifth century BC to the Byzantine period.
Knidos had a number of Christian buildings by late
antiquity;the Temple of Dionysos was converted into a
church in the late fifth or early sixth century,and there
were also other churches dating from this period (Love
1973). Whether the Classical sanctuary was fully
'Christianised' or still frequented by pagans is
uncertain.
Knidos lies at the end of a thin isthmus on the
Aegean coast, where in Classical antiquity, several
prestigious sanctuarieswere situated. An ampulla was
found near Didyma, the oracular Temple of Apollo,
one of the principal religious sites of the ancient world
(Wintermeyer 1980: no. 247), discovered during
excavation of the 'sacred road' that linked Didyma
with the city of Miletus. The flask from Samos was
found at the Heraion, and so can also be said to come
from a religious, and ostensibly pagan setting
(Schneider 1929: 97-141, no. 32). The ampulla found
at Athens in the 1930s was also discovered in a
formerly pagan shrine- a sanctuarydedicated to Eros
and Aphrodite on the east slope of the Acropolis
(Broneer 1932).
Two complete ampullae and two fragmentary
examples have been found in the Asklepieion at
Pergamon (De Luca 1984: nos 300-03). This vast
complex was the city's main sanctuary, a centre of
religious and culturalactivities. The Asklepieion had a
number of amenities including a library and theatre,
although its primary function was as a sanctuary for
healing. Sleep was an importantpart of the sanctuary's
lex sacra and the incubation building was frequently
enlargedto accommodategrowing numbersof pilgrims
(Hoffmann 1998). It is not certain how late the
complex remainedin use as a sacred site- by the 13th
century dwellings had been built inside the temenos
(Rheidt 1998)- but the presence of pilgrim flasks may
show that the Asklepieion continued to have a religious
function in late antiquity.
c) Residential
Perhaps most useful for discerning the identity of
ampulla consumers are examples that have come from
residential buildings. At least 16 were found in
'domestic' settings, although these are not typical
dwellings, but ratherhigh status residences such as the
 Anderson
House of Bronzes at Sardis,where three published finds
and a numberof unpublishedfinds have been made, the
North Temenos House at Aphrodisiasand a castle near
the town of Sliven in southernBulgaria.
The House of Bronzes at Sardis was a large, two-
storey complex dating from the late Roman period.
Materialin the basement rooms included bronze vessels
and liturgical objects, leading to the theory that the
building housed a senior cleric (Hanfmann 1959: 22-
27; 1983: 192). The complex had more than a
residential purpose though, and some sections may
have been publicly accessible. The long, vaulted under-
ground cistern would have provided water to more than
just the building's inhabitants, and an 'economic'
function is suggested by the presence of olive presses
and wool-dyeing facilities in the basement (Hanfmann
1983: 147).
Another ampulla from Sardis was found in an
extensive and well-preserved late Roman residential
complex southeast of the synagogue (Greenewalt,
Rautman 1998). The building had an upper floor
judging from the height of its walls, and it was richly
decoratedwith marblepanels and frescoes. Coins from
the reign of Phocas (AD 602-610) reflect a late date of
occupation here. A different flask found in a domestic
setting at Sardis was the 'large type' containing fifth
century coins, from residence E5 (Hanfmann 1983:
165), anotherprestigious late antique house.
At Aphrodisias, an 'Evangelist' ampulla was
discovered during excavation of the North Temenos
House, so-called because of its proximity to the
Temple of Aphrodite (Campbell 1988: no. 3). This was
an elaborately furnished building which had an atrium
with floor mosaics leading to a large, apsed hall
decorated with marble revetment (Campbell 1996:
188). The complex was probably an official residence,
either for the Governor of the province of Caria, or for
the Bishop of Aphrodisias. The ampulla was found at
the east end of the building, at the level of a floor
which has been dated to the late fourth century. Since
1988, a further four ampullae have reportedly been
found in the North Temenos House, and six other
fragments have come from domestic contexts
elsewhere in the city (Christopher Ratte, personal
correspondence).
The residences at Sardis and Aphrodisias are not
typical houses; they were inhabitedby prominentdigni-
taries, perhaps ecclesiastical. Castles and fortified
positions are also not conventional domestic spaces,
although they were certainly 'inhabited', and so are
distinct from votive and funerarysettings. Three flasks
have been found at castles in Bulgaria, two of which are
from a late antique fortification near the town of Sliven
87
in the south of the country (Shtereva 1999: 85). The
context for these objects is reliable as the castle is
known to have been destroyed and abandoned in the
late sixth or early seventh century, with coins in the
burned layer giving a terminuspost quem of AD 599
(Shtereva 1999: 85).
Other ampullae from fortified settings include the
flask from Caricin Grad, discovered near to the west
tower of the upper town's south gate (Metzger 1984:
158-60, figs 169-72). At Sardis, excavation of the city
walls focussed on two defensive features - the
Pactolus bridge and the southwest gate, where an
ampulla was found along with a Justinianic coin in an
area described by its excavators as a guard house
(Hanfmann,Waldbaum1975: 45-47).
d) Commercial
Some pilgrim flasks have been excavated in
'commercial' places shops and market areas,
including three from the terraced shop buildings in
Sardis. This row of two-storey units was adjoined to
the south of the synagogue and bath-gymnasium
complex in the centre of the late Roman city, situated
just behind a portico running along the city's main
east-west road, the later levels of which are dated to
around 400 AD (Hanfmann 1968; 1983: 163). The
shops are thought to have been destroyed during a
Sassanian raid in the early seventh century- the latest
coins found here were an issue of Emperor Heraclius
(AD 610-641).
The contents of the shops were found to be
remarkablyintact, with excavated material suggesting
a range of trades that operated there including
fullonicae, caterers, hardware merchants and other
retailers (Hanfmann 1983: 164-66). One ampulla was
found in a unit identified as a 'restaurant' from the
large quantities of animal bones and charcoal as well as
coarse black ware and cookery pots (Hanfmann 1959:
58). A large flask decoratedwith animal motifs was in
a unit called 'residence and / or wineshop E4', that also
contained a lion-shaped brass lamp, an iron sword and
dagger (Hanfmann 1983: 165).
Another ampulla from shop buildings was
discovered during excavations outside the Jaffa gate in
Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss 1995), a late Byzantine /
early Ummayid area described as being 'industrial and
mercantile in nature'. The exploration of a row of
shops yielded coins, pottery and one 'horse-riders'
ampulla. At Aphrodisias, ampullae have been found at
the Sebasteion, which was initially a temple complex
for the Imperialcult, but by the late antique period was
probably the site of shops and 'market' activity (Erim
1986: 106-23).
 AnatolianStudies 2004
At Pergamon, three ampullae were found in the
gymnasium and anotheron the west side of the agora.
These were discovered in the early years of the 20th
century, and precise details about their find-spots are
lacking (Hepding 1907: 411). Another ampulla was
discovered at the agora in Ephesus along with late
antiquelamps (Gassner 1997: no. 712). At Aphrodisias,
six ampullaewere found in or near the stadium,although
the two publishedexamples both came from unspecified
contexts (Campbell 1988: nos 4, 8).
The excavation of two late Roman wells in Sardis
yielded deposits of amphorae,plain wares and fine wares
fromthe fifth to early seventh centuries(Rautman1996),
and amongthis potterywere two flasks- one the 'raised
dots' type, the other an ampulla decoratedwith a cross
and circles. It is unclearwhetherthe well was a rubbish
hole, or the ceramicswere discardedas a ritualor votive.
As with otherpotteryfrom Sardis,the assemblageis used
to date the city's invasion to AD 616.
Dating
The invasionof Sardisis a useful referencefor the period
at which ampullae are present in the archaeological
record;those found in houses and the row of demolished
shop buildings seem to indicate ampullaeas a featureof
the early seventh century. For how long the flasks had
been producedis less certain. The ampullafrom Sliven
in Bulgaria was found alongside coins, the latest of
which are 'dated from 598-599 and were minted in
Cyzicos during the reign of the Byzantine emperor
MauriciusTiberius(AD 582-602)' (Shtereva 1999: 85).
The latest coins found in the vicinity of the ampullafrom
CaricinGradwere from the reign of Justinian(AD 527-
565) (Metzger 1984), althoughfurtherexcavation of the
site yielded coins dating up to the emperorPhocas (AD
602-610) (Ivanisevic 1990). Perhapsthe earliestcontext
for an ampulla was the flask recovered alongside a
Justinianiccoin at the southwestgate along the city walls
of Sardis (Hanfmann,Waldbaum1975: 45-47), but this
does not give a certainstart-datefor ampullaproduction
as the gate would have been used throughoutthe sixth
century. From the evidence available it would appear
that ampullaewere present in the cities of western Asia
Minor from the middle to late sixth century and
continuedto be used in the first decades of the seventh.
Conclusion: the interpretation and implications of
context
This study has consideredthe background,typology and
archaeologicalcontext of a groupof late antiqueartefacts
found in the west of Turkey. From their presence in
funerary,religious, domestic and commercialsettings, a
numberof conclusions can be made aboutpilgrim flasks,
88
but reaching a single interpretationis hazardous,firstly
because of the paucity of material, and more signifi-
cantly, because the materialhas relevance to a range of
disciplinaryand theoreticalstandpoints. It is possible to
identifythe 'consumers'of ampullaewith some certainty,
but this informationcan then be used for various lines of
researchconcernedwith saint cults, the use of Christian
imagery in the age before Iconoclasm and broader
demographic conditions in Asia Minor during late
antiquity. The context of ampullae may be interpreted
differently by historians of politics, religion, economy
and society, and so it is importantto survey a range of
debates and discourseswhich they might inform.
Variationsin fabric and design suggest that ampullae
were produced at more than one site; locations where
they have been found show that productioncentres were
spread over a fairly limited geographic area in western
Anatolia, and their archaeological context proves that
they were made in the late sixth / early seventhcenturies.
Fromtheiroccurrencein residentialbuildings, flasks can
be associatedwith a fairly specific socio-economic group
of 'consumers'-urban professionalsin the provincesof
Asia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria. Other than adding to
information about distinct historical groups, ampulla
contexts may also be used to furtherour knowledge of
otherpatternsof religious and economic behaviour.
Flasks recoveredfrom residentialbuildings probably
give the best indicationof who collected the objects and
how they were regarded,although this small sample of
finds may simply reflect the kinds of locations that
archaeologists tend to excavate. The 'domestic' find-
spots are not typical dwellings but rather prestigious
residences, operatedby a ruling class and perhapssemi-
public in nature. The House of Bronzes in Sardis,where
several ampullaewere recovered, seems to have had an
economic, ceremonial and funeraryfunction, as well as
being a residentialbuilding. The North Temenos House
at Aphrodisiasis anotherhigh-statussetting occupied by
members of a late antique civic or ecclesiastical elite,
whose prominencein this city is known from honorary
inscriptions, statues and lavishly furnished residences
(Roueche 1989; Campbell 1996; Smith 1999; 2002).
Ampullaefound in commercialpremisesand fortified
positions point towards other groups of mercantileand
military consumers. The amuletic and apotropaic
function of icons displayed in shops and castles is
mentioned in a number of historical sources (Kitzinger
1954; Cameron 1979) and the presence of flasks at
gatehouses in Sardis, Caricin Grad and Sliven, all of
which suffered military invasion in the early seventh
century,seems to be materialevidenceof displayingicons
at city walls to avert or protect against attack. Linking
find-spots with historicalanecdotes is a convenient, but
 Anderson
unsatisfactoryway to interpretampullacontextshowever,
as it may lead to distortionsof structuralpropertiesof the
archaeological record. As a theoretical archaeologist
might say, 'it's not a case of dataunderdetermininginter-
pretations,but one of interpretationsunderdetermining
data' (VanRossenberg2003).
Material excavated from shrines and religious
buildings offers different sorts of informationabout the
use of ampullae. The most notable feature of these
religious contexts is that they are places with pagan and
'antique'associationssuch as the sanctuaryat Knidos,the
Heraion at Samos, the shrine at Athens and the
Asklepieion at Pergamon. Although officially 'Chris-
tianised' by the sixth century,Classical temples may still
have been associatedwith the paganpast. These deposits
indicate that owners of ampullae frequented ancient
religioussites andmay be materialevidence of syncretism
between pagan and Christianbeliefs in late antiquity,or
possibly the deliberateinaugurationof convertedsites.
Theological, factional and political circumstances
may all have contributedto the promotion of saints'
shrines in the sixth century,but pin-pointing the exact
reason why certain cults were popularised through
productionof flasks is not possible without more infor-
mationabouttheirprecise origins. Saintcults of the later
medieval periodwere often most active at times of juris-
dictional dispute, and this could inform us about early
Christiancults. However cross-culturalcomparisonruns
the risk of overlookingmajordifferencesin society.
Production and use of pilgrim flasks can also be
consideredin economic termsby testing ideas abouttheir
manufactureagainsttheoreticalargumentsconcernedwith
the natureof the late antiqueeconomy and the value of
commodities. It is worthconsideringwhat is meantby the
ampullaas a 'sacredcommodity'andaskingwhethertheir
productionwas 'popular'or 'institutional'. The ampulla
contexts described in the previous section suggest that
these objects were highly valued- they occur in presti-
gious residences,burials,and as deposits in shrines. This
is supportedby contemporarysourcesthat emphasisethe
esteem with which relics were regarded.
As a commodity,the ampullawould appearto have
had low use value but high exchange value, suggesting
that a great amount of 'labour' was expended to make
them. Clearly these were not labourintensive products,
so the labourmust have been because they were difficult
to procure. This may be taken to mean that the act of
obtainingpilgrimflasks was labourintensive (theirvalue
derived from the effort of pilgrimage) and / or that their
production and issue was somehow restricted. This
assessment uses traditionalconcepts of value, but it is
debateablewhether late antiquity can be considered to
have had a marketeconomy at all (Finley 1973).
89
Determiningthe characterof ampulla productionin
the sixth centuryis difficult,and it is uncertainif ampulla
makers were 'regulated' unionised or somehow
-
licensed to producemoulds or whetherthey were 'free
agents', able to make and distributewhatever designs
they wanted. Was ampullaproduction'institutional'or
'popular'? Sheila Campbell (1988) suggested that the
flasks were sold by travelling tinkers and were not
obtained from pilgrim sites at all, but assuming that
ampullae contained anything (they might, like eulogia
tokens have derived importancefrom the materialthey
were made of), it would seem appropriatethat objects
with such explicitly religious imagery would hold
substances that were deemed to be sacred. Ampullae
could have been fraudulently 'sold' as coming from
sacredsites when they were actuallyproducedat random
locations but this seems unlikely judging from the
contexts in which they have been found.
Once pilgrim flasks have been identified as prestige
items, their distributioncan be studied as an indicatorof
tradeand exchange. This approachis usually applied to
Carolingian Europe because the development of a
'rational' economy has been explained as the conse-
quence of a 'seventh century transformation'whereby
northwest Europe became a centre of political and
economic power following the advanceof Islam (Pirenne
1957; Hodges 1982). It should be possible though to
studythe distributionof any prestigeitem using tradeand
exchange models. The context and locations in which
flasks have been found show thatthey were obtainedand
exchanged among ecclesiastical, civic, mercantile and
militaryclasses in the cities of westernAsia Minor. Their
disseminationfurtherfrom centres of productionreflects
the rateof 'distancedecay' in the commodity'sexchange.
What sets ampullaeapartfrom otherforms of pottery
made in Asia Minor during late antiquity is that these
were sacred rather than utilitarian objects. Under-
standinghow sixth centuryAnatoliansperceived 'contact
relics' is difficult as it relies on historical sources which
are often dogmaticand rhetorical. The flasks are mostly
decoratedwith Christianiconographyalthoughit is hard
to say whetherthis was orthodox(Chalcedonian)or the
pictorialexpression of a hereticalsect or movement.
Although broadly consistent in size and form, the
diversity(but duplication)of designs makes it likely that
there were officially sanctioned ampulla producers.
Pictorial, contextual and circumstantial evidence
suggests that specific saints were being shown and this
can be taken to mean that their image was distributedat
shrines with which they were associated. It would
therefore be logical to assume that production of the
flasks was organised and regulated by some form of
ecclesiastical authority. Manufacture of pilgrim
 AnatolianStudies 2004
souvenirsshows thatby the sixth century,a landscapeof
Christian sites in western Asia Minor had developed,
become institutionalised and was being exploited by
increasinglylocalised centres of power.
Acknowledgments
I am gratefulto my supervisorsat Leiden University
JohnBintliff, Miguel JohnVersluys,Bouke van der Meer
and KarelInnem6e- for theircommentsand assistance,
and to MaartenRaven and RuurdHalbertsma,curatorsat
the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, for allowing me to
access and photographmaterialin the collection's store.
Many thanks to Christopher Ratt6 (New York
University) for providinginformationabout recent finds
at Aphrodisias and to archaeologist Luciana
Mandruzzatofor assisting me at the libraryof the Museo
Archeologico Nazionale, Aquileia. Thanks to Alice
Samson for her enthusiasmand language skills, and to
my wife, CathyCoote, for puttingup with pilgrimflasks.
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