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dihqn
gamut of people (Cahen, 311), extending the early third/ninth century, when they
from simple landowners to lords of entire were replaced in that role by leaders of
districts. The shahrija (sing. shahrj) who, local Arab tribes (e.g., the Ban Hamdn)
according to al-Masd (2:240, trans. Pel- (Robinson, 96102).
lat, vol. 1, 662), occupied a position just On the western Iranian plateau (Jibl
above the dahqn, are best represented in and Frs), dihqn is one of the titles used
northern Mesopotamia, and they do not by the Arabic Muslim sources for the Ira-
seem to have been an official rank in nian commanders and local or regional
the Ssnid hierarchy (Robinson, 1038); leaders, but other terms are also recorded
they were perhaps representatives of the (such as ras and Iranian titles such as
dahqn (Gyselen, 28). marzbn). The fiscal role of the dahqn is
There were strong regional differences less well documented, but continuity in
during the conquest and the early Islamic landholding seems to have been strong, at
period. In the Iraqi lowlands, dahqn are least in such places as Ifahn (Durand-
seen to come to agreements with the Arab Gudy, 29; Ibn awqal, 367; Paul,
Muslims even before the decisive battles, 2000), where some old Iranian families
and local lords seem to have been the were, however, known by the fifth/elev-
counterparts of the commanders of the enth century as ras or tni (landholder).
Arab group of fighters all over the country- In Qum, on the contrary, the arrival of
side (Tafaoli, for references); they com- the (Ashar) Arabs is told as a story of
manded local and regional troops fighting expropriation and sometimes physical
the often widely dispersed Arab forces. extermination of the local elites, including
After the breakdown of Ssnid imperial the dahqn (early second/eighth century)
rule and the establishment of Arab rule in (Qumm, 25363, Drechsler, 95102).
the Sawd, the Iraqi lowlands, the dahqn Continuity is also evidenced by the report
collected the poll tax and the taxes levied that two sons of a prominent q in Frs
on crops and helped the new rulers re- went, during Aud al-Dawlas rule (r. in
constitute the tax registers (Dennett, 29; Frs 33872/94983), to Kirmn where
Lkkegaard, 956, 139). There was thus they were known as dahqn (Ibn al-Balkh,
continuity in landholding, taxation, and, 1178), probably in the sense of promi-
generally speaking, local power, which nent landowners.
enabled or at least facilitated the trans- In Khursn, the title most frequently
mission of cultural routines and knowl- used for the local counterparts of Arab
edge from the Iranians to the Arabs. This commanders (who concluded treaties
crucial role of the dahqn in the Sawd with them) is marzbn, and the sources
came to an end around 80/700, as a use the terms marzbn and dihqn for the
result of the failure of Ibn al-Ashaths (d. same persons (Tafaoli). The territories
85/704) uprising and, generally speaking, under control of these men seem to have
the centralising politics under the early been significantly larger than those under
Marwnids, especially during the gover- dihqn responsibility in the Sawd. The
norship of al-ajjj b. Ysuf al-Thaqaf treaties made the Iranian nobles respon-
(d. 95/714) (Morony, 206). sible for the payment of taxes and for
In northern Mesopotamia, change was the maintenance of order (there is extant
much slower, and local (Christian) lords a treaty for Herat, concluded with the
retained their role in tax collection until am, lord, of that city; al-Baldhur, 392,
106 dihqn
trans. 2:163; Dennett, 117). The treaties The military role of the dihqn as local
concluded with Iranian dignitaries cre- lord is evident in Transoxiana. The early
ated what amounted to a string of protec- Abbsid armies (until about 225/840)
torates where Iranians continued to rule counted many Sogdian nobles as com-
(Dennett, 118). This changed over time, manders. The early Smnid armies, too,
though much more slowly than in the relied on the dahqn. This began to change
west, as indicated by the fact that the lan- under Isml (r. 27995/892907), but
guage of the tax administration changed the dahqn continued to be responsible for
from Middle Persian to Arabic in 80/699 rural recruits until the early Qarakhnid
in the Sawd and not until in 124/742 in period (Paul, State). This appears to have
Khursn. been true, to a lesser degree, also for
In Transoxiana, the situation was very Khursn (Nim Ar Samarqand,
different, because the region had not been 47). The Transoxianan nobles and some
part of the Ssnid empire. The group of of their counterparts in Khursn still
people whom the Arabic (and, later, the held powers of military mobilisation,
Persian) sources call dihqn were the Sog- whereas the dahqn in the west (Iraq and
dian petty rulers (Sogdian, khv). Thus, the the western plateau) had long lost them
term used on the coins minted at Kish (de la Vaissire, 124). Peasant levies led
(present-day Shahrisabz) changed from by rural notables are attested down to the
khv to dihqn, when the language changed Mongol invasion, but their commanders
to Arabic (de la Vaissire, 29). Likewise, are no longer called dihqn but rather slr
the famous local lord Dvstch (d. 103 or ras (Paul, Where did the dihqns go?).
4/722), the last ruler of Penjikent (Panjik- The military capacities of the Sog-
ant/Panjakent, in present-day Tajikistan), dian local lords are also illustrated by
appears as a dihqn in al-abar (2:1446). their role in the uprising of al-Muqanna
In Transoxiana as well as in Khursn, (150s/770s, the leader of a politico-
the local lords continued in place, levy- religious rebel movement in Sogdiana);
ing taxes on behalf of the new empire. Muqanna certainly had some support
Indeed, some local rulers were known as among them, but there also is a report
dihqn (including on their coinage) until of a dihqn defending his (fortified) village
the beginning of the fifth/eleventh cen- against Muqanna (Crone, 1148; Crone
tury (Litvinsky). The term was used for and Jazi, 810). Otherwise, it is not clear
Turkic leaders as well (udd, 100), but to what extent dahqn participated in the
not for those who claimed the superior nativist revolts of the late second/eighth
title of khqn (Paul, Nachrichten, 184). and early third/ninth centuries (Crone);
In both Khursn and Transoxiana, there was some dihqn support for the
the dahqn can be traced as landowners revolt of Bbak (d. 223/838) in the Cau-
until the mid-sixth/twelfth century, but casus (Scarcia Amoretti, 507).
in some cases, we observe a change in In fifth/eleventh-century Khursn,
titles around the end of the fourth/tenth dihqn descent was still an asset for a career
century: whereas earlier generations had in the bureaucracy; not only did Nim
used dihqn, later representatives preferred al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) himself stem from
other titles, such as amr or ras (Paul, such a family (Al b. Zayd al-Bayhaq (Ibn
Where did the dihqns go?). Funduq), 73, 7980), but so did important
dihqn 107
figures around him (Bulliet, 45; Fris, who has precedence in a rural district;
15a; al-Man (one of the most influential somebody who owns estates and vine-
notables of his time, d. 463/1071) was yards, a definition taken up by Yqt (d.
from a family of dahqn and merchants). 626/1229), who describes a dihqn as a
The role of the dahqn, especially the merchant, an owner of estates (Yqt,
Khursns, in the transmission and 2:492a). The Mujmal al-tawrkh wa-l-qias
adaptation of the Iranian cultural heri- has them as ras and landowners (Mudjmal,
tage has often been noted. It is evident 322). It is thus the dihqn as a landowner
in the Shhnma cycle, beginning with the who survives longest, and ras is one of the
(lost) prose Shhnma, collected by Ab expressions that replace the earlier term.
Manr Mamar in the mid-fourth/tenth Later, there are figures who are, despite
century. According to tradition, Firdaws their low social rank, styled dihqn; some
(d. c. 410/1020) himself stemmed from are urban (e.g., in sixth/twelfth-century
a dihqn family. Dahqn patronised many Samarqand; Dodkhudoeva), and some
other poets, such as Rdak (fl. fourth/ are small landowners (in the Caucasus,
tenth century) and Farrukh (d. probably early sixth/twelfth century; Minorsky and
429/10378) (Tafaoli). The transmis- Cahen).
sion of Iranian political and social think- The change in the meaning of the title
ing (in the mirrors for princes genre), does not imply, however, that there was
symbols of rulership, and lifestyles (includ- no longer a stratum of influential land-
ing dress, food, and feasting) are often owners in the countrysidein particular
attributed to the dahqn. in Khursn, but also on the western pla-
Over time and at different stages in the teaurather that the sources use different
regions mentioned, the dahqn dissolved terms for them.
into the social elite in general. This dis-
solution of old Iranian elites into new Bibliography
Muslim Iranian ones can be observed
in Khursn, from the beginning of the Sources
Abbsid movement. Dahqn certainly Amad b. Yay al-Baldhur, Fut al-buldn,
ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1866, trans.
fought on both sides, as evidenced by the Francis C. Murgotten, in Philip K. Hitti,
fact that the abn, the Baghdd descen- The origins of the Islamic state, vol. 2, New
dants of the first-generation followers York 1924, repr. 1969; Patricia Crone and
of the movement, included the sons of Masoud Jafari Jazi, The Muqanna narrative
in the Trkhnma, pt. 1, Introduction, edi-
the dahqn (al-Khwrazm, 119); on the tion and translation, BSOAS 73 (2010), 157
other hand, however, Ab Muslim, the 77, pt. 2, Commentary and analysis, BSOAS
leader of the Abbsid forces in Khursn 73 (2010), 381413; al-Fris, Kitb al-siyq
(d. 137/755), is said to have exterminated li-tarkh Naysbr, in Richard Nelson Frye
(ed.), The histories of Nishapur, London 1965;
the Iranian nobles, among them the udd al-lam min al-mashriq il l-maghrib, ed.
dahqn (Mudjmal, 258). Manchihr Sutda, Tehran 1340/1962; Ibn
Over time, the term dihqn, even though al-Balkh, Frs-nma, ed. Guy Le Strange
it still denoted a landowner, moved down and Reynold Alleyne Nicholson, London
1921; Al b. Zayd al-Bayhaq (Ibn Funduq),
the social ladder. This descent of the term Tarkh-i Bayhaq, ed. Amad Bahmanyr,
is visible in later explanations; al-Samn Tehran 1317/1938; Ibn awqal, Kitb rat
(5:423, s.v. dihqn) says that a dihqn is one al-ar, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden 1873,
108 dihqn