MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX OF SPOKEN MON

by
Christian Hartmut Richard Bauer

A thesis submitted to the University of London

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Oriental and African Studies

Department of the Languages and Cultures
of South East Asia and the Islands

1982
 ii

ABSTRACT

The material for this description of modern spoken

Mon was collected in northern and central Thailand during
visits between 1978-80. The grammatical outline is inter-
dialectal in so far as additional data from Burma varieties
as described by H.L.Shorto (1962) - whose transcription is
adopted here - have been included.
The position of Mon within the Eastern Austroasiatic
group is peculiar - isolated from the Southern (Aslian),
Northern and Eastern languages. Old Mon, with epigraphs
dating back to the 6th c. AD, shares with Nicobarese a fully
developed inflectional morphology but differs in word-
structure. Various phonological changes such as the
simplification of initial and medioclusters in Middle Mon
( 1 5 th c. AD), except for -mC- (which is retained in modern
literary, but lost in modern spoken, Mon), affected the
shape and distribution of affixes. This resulted in the
merger of certain affixes, or Af'fix-synkretismus, a phenomenon
hitherto recognized only in Germanic languages: Thus
OM <-r- and <-rn-> merge to SM -9-) and OM --> and -r-
merge to SM <-->. Morphology in the modern dialects is
derivational only and the process of derivation no longer
productive. The scope of the affixes extends over verbal
(causative, attributive, frequentative), nominal (agentival,
instrumental &c.) and pronominal (locative, deictic)
categories; segmental affixes include <Pi?->, ce>,
(syllabic) <1-), a->, <t-> and the nasalized series
and <N_> as well as <p-> as prefixes and -n->, <-w->,
<-rn->, (-r->, <--> as infixes. Two morphological processes
are recognized, nasalization and labialization of the medial
consonant ccv(c).
The main differences between the dialects in Burma and
Thailand are lexical (loans) and phonological, the Eastern
dialects retaining MM *ky_ _* gy _ *khY _ initials
(shifted in the Western dialects to /c- - c 2 , ch-/) but
showing innovations in ba a/ > /oe- - a/ and
N- > hN- for MM *tN_*kN_ initials.
 ii.

In common with some Eastern AA languages spoken Non

distinguishes between two phonologically relevant 'registers'
affecting vocalism (peripheral/central) and voice-quality
(tense/lax-breathy).
The major distinctive characteristics of spoken Non,
isolating it from other related languages, are confined to its
syntax; they lie mainly in a highly complex nominal piece
with 'plurality' and 'determination' overtly marked by
clitics - not attested in any other MK language -, rigidly
ordered, and lacking 'classifiers', in the sense this term is
generally understood by S.E.Asian linguists. Other
differences include the negation of verbs and statements,
and the modal system (assertive/hypothetical-future).
In common with most S.E.Asian languages, except
Tibeto-Burman, the object follows the verb, but Mon, due
to its long exposure to Burmese, exhibits greater variation
in word-order.
The text is divided evenly into phonology, morphology
and syntax and includes a list of bases and derivatives
as well as a narrative text with grammatical annotations.
 iii.

PREFACE

The following grammatical outline of spoken Mon

is based on fieldwork undertaken in Thailand during the
period of 1 978 - 1 9 80 . I visited the settlements of
Rajburi province (Ban Pong and Photharam districts),
Nonthaburi province (Ko Kret), Lopburi province and
Lamphun province (Pasang district). Without the assisEance,
hospitality and patience of the Mons, in particular
Professor Su-ed Kochaseni, of Bangkok, the thesis could
never have been written.

I wish to acknowledge my gratitude also to my

former teachers in Paris, A.-G. Haudricourt and G. Condominas
who first introduced me to South East Asian studies six
years ago, as well as to A. Culioli, and, in London,
to Dr. Manas Chitakasem and the late P.J. Bee who
taught me Thai.

My primary debt, however, is to Mrs J. Jacob and

Professor Shorto, my supervisor, for their generous help
and guidance during my Khmer and Mon studies.

I received financial support from the British

Council; my fieldtrips were made possible by a subvention
from SOAS and the Central Research Fund' in 1979. For
these grants I express my sincere thanks.
The National Research Council of Thailand kindly
gave the permission to conduct fieldwork in the areas
I chose.
 iv.

INTRODUCTION

Ethnonym.
The ethnic name of the Mon people occurs for the

first time, in Old Non, in Kyanzittha's New Palace

Inscription 1 (Luce dates it 1102 AD), rmeff (LMI /rmzji/),

together with the ethnonyms for the Bunnans (mirm /mrma/>
MM /bama/ SM /hma/) and the Pyu (tircul /t'rcul/).

Various etymologies have been proposed, some of them

2
erroneous .
However, centuries earlier the ethnonym Mon

is attested in three Pre-Angkor (old Khmer) inscriptions,

in lists of slave-names

- K 66 (7th c. AD; IC 11 .5 2 , A.25)

va raman

- K 76 (Ic V.7-8, 2sqq.)

kf u[ni rrnai ta si
S..
', . Al
knum rmman ta kantai
 V.

- K 872 (not before aka 868/AD 946; IC V .97- 104 ; p. 99,

VII. 13)
Jeta rmanyacampadifi

and in two Old Javanese inscriptions where it occurs along-

side the ethnic names for Cham, Khmer and Dravidians

(Brandes)3

- Inscr. no. 58 (pp. 120-125), dated aka 943/AD 1021,

p. 124, stanza 14, verso)
I,
rmen
.-

- Inscr. no. 59 (pp. 125-128), undated

p. 127, stanza 15, versa
.-. 1
remen.

The modern reflex /mn/ is the result of the

simplification of initial clusters of the type OM CN-

(N is a nasal) to SM N- and the shift of OM final

palatals /-c, -j/ to SM /-t, -n/. This term is used

by the people itself, in compounds like /3r mn/ 'Mon

language', /h3kao mn/ 'Mon people' or /d'3 j mn/ 'Mon

country' (referring to Bunna, especially Pegu).

The Thais call them invariably /m3:n/ or

/ra:man/, the latter derived, not from OM or Khmer, but

from Pali rmafffia[desa] 'Mon [country]'.

The Burmans refer to the Mons in that country

as tanlui l!i (OBurm.) 'Talaing' - a term also used by early

European authors alongside 'Peguans' - designating indis-

criminately East Indian peoples. This term is rejected

nowadays by the Mons themselves who reconstruct it as a

popular etymology of LM 'ita luith, SM /Pi ? ta' 1m/

'spoilt, destroyed grandfather'4

 vi.

Settlements.
No census figures exist for ethnic Mons settled

in Thailand since the beginning of the 18th and 19th

centuries AD. The reason for this is that Mons enjoy

full Thai citizenship, sharing the same rights and

privileges as ethnic Thais, and do not figure as a separate

ethnic group apart in any official statistics known to me,

Professor Su-ed Kochaseni once conducted a census,

based on names, and reckoned - the census remained in-

complete - that there were, by that time (1970 ), about

100,000 ethnic Mons living on Thai territory.

If, however, kinship or language proficiency are

taken to be the two main Oriteria for Mon ethnicity, the

number to be considered for such a classification is

very much lower.

If, moreover, literacy is taken into account, that

number is again to be reduced to about a third, around

30,000 at most - I suspect the actual number to be even

lower than this. No Mon is illiterate in Thai, and those

who are literate in Mon mainly comprise the age-group of

about 50 years upwards, although quite a number of younger

monks are literate in Non, too5.

Children and younger people, up to 20 years of age,

who are able to converse fluently in Mon live predominantly

in Bangkradi district, near Bangkok.

Syntactic caiques from Thai are considerable - if'

not exclusive, with younger Mons - and the phonology of the

same age-group indicates some important shifts in the whole

system, most prominently the de-glottalization of /cf, 6/

to /d, b/, like Standard Thai, or sporadic changes
 viii

like Burma Mon //, Eastern dialects /hj/ (corresponding

to a MM form /t/) to the sociolect of younger speakers

/h/, like /oa/ (DSM) 'day; sun', Eastern dialects /hoa/"-

/cioa/, LM tiiay.

In Thailand, four main settlements can be recognized

although these four areas, as we shall see below, do not

correspond neatly to dialectal divisions :

AREA I. RAJBURE province, Amphoes Ban Pong and Photharam;

settlements all along the Maekhlong river;
some fifteen Mon monasteries. Su-ed informed me
of a small community within the boundaries of
Phetburi province. Historical l y, they are part
of the same settlement, as the few villages
in Kanchanaburi province which I did not visit.

AREA II. BANGKOK area. This comprises the districts of

Bangkradi and Pak Lat (Prapradaeng), in the
Bangkok metropolitan area, and, further to the
north, Nonthaburi and Pathumthani; in the former
the settlement is confined to Ko Kret, the island
in the Menam Chao Phaya, in Pak Kret district.
Again, Su-ed considers some villages in Ayuthya
province to be part of the settlement as well as
the outliers in Samut Sakhorn.

AREA III. LOPBURI province; four Mon monasteries in Amphoe

Muang.

AREA IV. LAMPHUN-Chianmai province, settlements along the

river Ping; in Lamphun Amphoe Pasang, one
Mon monastery (Bh Nafx Dcl).

Legend to the photographs on the following page:

1. Tombstone of Mah Phuan, the first president of the
Thai-Mon association, in Lopburi.
2. Mon manuscript (Samut) at Bha Daw, Photharam. Lik
'abhidhaw, bilingual Pali-Mon MS. recto, shown here,
contains the Pall version and includes three miniatures.
3. Bottom of the stele shown as frontispiece at Bhi Nii Dii,
Lamphun, indicating the date: sakkarat / 259 //.
bha nfi du gwa' patan cwa' rup buip / thaw tfiay 'aduit
gitudha[uifl 12 mk.
 viii.

1.

2.

3.
 ix.

The history of the migrations of the Mons into

Thailand has been the subject of extensive research into

Thai documents by Miss Suphorn (1976); together with

Halliday's notes (1913, 1922) they may be briefly

summarized here (see map on the following page).

None of the settlements in Thailand represents an

autochthonous population (contrary to Halliday who,

admittedly on a speculative note (1922.71), claims that

the Mons of Lamphun may be descendants of the early thirteenth

century kingdom of Haribhujaya) 8 ; the present settlement

patterns are the result of migrations, at various times

from the early Ayuthya period onwards, from Burma into

Thailand. There are some conflicting views about the

routes.

Three large scale migrations took place:

in 1660 AD, according to Thai historical sources, during

the reign of Phra Narai, 1774 AD (in the Bangkok period)

and in 1814 AD during the rebellion of' the Mons in Martaban.

I cannot possibly expose here the intricate political

history of Burma and medieval Siam; suffice it to say

that the geographical position of the Mon homeland, always

centering around Moulmein/Martaban and Pegu in the post-

Dvaravati era, was of strategic importance to gain access to

either country, and the Mons were caught in a buffer-state.

Halliday states three routes, via Tak, Kanchanaburi

and Uthaithani. The first would be reached by water to

Kawkareik and then by land through Kawkareik and Myawaddy

to Mesut on the Thai side; or, alternatively, going up-

river on the Attaran, or along the coast to Tavoy, and

then proceding to the Three-Pagodas--Pass (icyk pi /kyaik pe?/)
x.
 xi.

reaching, on the Thai side, Songkhlaburi, and then following

the Maekhlong.

The Uthaithani route cannot be traced, neither

by Halliday who mentions it, nor by myself.

Oral historical tradition, particularly i Lamphun,

does not mention the first route via Myawaddy and Mesut.

On the contrary, all migrations are said to have taken

the route by the Three-Pagodas-Pass where two main groups

split up - this must have been a single refugee movement

into Thailand and not two subsequent ones - one moving

to the north, to Tak, where, again, they split into two

groups, one settling around Sukhothai (where no presence

of Mon settlers have been reported in recent times), the

other following the river Ping and settling on both banks

around Lamphun and Chiangmai provinces. This migratory

current is not mentioned by Halliday or Miss Suphorn.

No written documents are known to me, and I obtained this

infoxmation while I was living in the k IIi settlement.

The other main movement, split at kyk p1, moved along the

Maekhlong, downriver, to what are today Kanchanaburi and

Rajburi provinces, and subsequently to Bangkok and environs.

How Lopburi was settled cannot, so far, be determined;

since I cannot find any trace of the Uthaithani-route one

must assume that this is an extension of Pathumthani-

Nonthaburi-Ayuthya settlement.

The most populous Mon settlements are, obviously,

those in and around Bangkok. In inner Bangkok Mons are

totally assimilated and mixed among other groups, including

ethnic Thais, of course, and do not form a group apart;

on the outskirts they tend to live by themselves, preferring
 xii.

a settlement pattern along the river - the river being the

dividing line of the community, irrespective of present-day

administrative boundaries.

The second most populous area is the one around

Rajburi together with the area along the Menam Chao Phaya

'in Nonthaburi and Pathuinthani.

Lopburi counts 800 Mon households, and Lamphun/

Chiangmai 200 households.

Numbers of houses and people are conflicting for all

other areas.

Affinities and historical stages of Mon.

Within the Eastern Austroasiatic languages the

linguistic affinities of Mon require more extensive

examination9.

The linguistic psition is complicated by various

geographical and historical factors 10 . A glance on the

map (on the following page) shows three different stages

of its geographical distribution throughout the

historical period, from the 8th or 9th c. AD onwards. Mon

and Khmer - which do not constitute a sub-group -

shared a common border throughout DvravatI and linguistic

contacts can be traced to that period; typological

similarities between Mon and Khmer are due to these early

contacts.

At that time, Pai and Tibeto-Buman (TB) speaking

peoples inhabited the northern fringe of continental
South East Asia.
 xJ

1
 xiv.

Shorto (1979) takes the Northern MK languages

to be part of an earlier migratory current with Khasi

which by that time was already split up. Constant

pressure was exerted on the northern border, and the Thais

finally broke through splitting parts of the Northern

languages and separated Khmer and Mon, establishing their

capital at Sulchothai. Earlier, the Khmers had captured

various eastern parts of the Mon territory. Pressure from

the north was also exerted by the Burmans driving the Mons

further into the southeast. The Thai thrust continued

throughout the Ayuthya and subsequent periods, reducing the

Khmer territory to the southeast of the continent and pushing

the Mons further to the west.

Old Mon shows a fully developed inflectional

morphology, a feature shared with Nicobarese while differing

from it by its wordstructure. Early orthographies of minor

syllable vocalism reveal similarities with some Aslian

languages on the Malay peninsula which are otherwise

closer to Nicobarese than to the rest of Eastern or Northern

MK. With Khmer it shares fundamental changes in the

voicing distribution - at different stages - and the

subsequent development of' 'registers', a phase Khmer has

now completed by restructuring its vowel system. The same

development is taking place tQday in the majority of Mon

dialects in Thailand (iIN e SM (i) e -'- SM (ii)

, MMoy >SM (i) oa '. a > SM (ii) e

Although generally speaking Mon is closer to

the Eastern MK languages than to any other sub-group

(consonantism, word- and syllable-structure, phonation

types, affix-types), it is not a part of that group.

 xv.

Niakuol, a tribe inhabiting the Korat plateau,

and described by Seidenfaden (1918) shows close similarities

'with Old Mon, as the following chart shows:

Seidenfade*z Seid.nfld.n
Niakuol Mon
'ann, band' doy ty to. to. A' tns
'wind' k.yall kyal ky. cc
'far' cha ngoy jary hua h.
av6 jwiP pa bay paik pci
'right' sdbu cti pa b.ung paik p
'rain' prby br3y proar praa
'night' badom bartam hadoin
'houae' aangki jP hoi
'.l.pbant' jing ci j.uing ooi
'to go' cr1 ar a
'to ha y.' norn no nan
'not to have' ku-no,. kah aak liii ma a.
'to run' tariep dr.p krip krIp
'to do, work' be pa? ba to pa
'bird' kanji.in kancrna baj,n bac.m

-p *jy
> darep

Shorto comments (1979.277):

Most intriguing is the position of Mon and Khmer. Mon

shows no bvious immediate relationship with any other
language except for those of two tribal groups in the
hills on the edge of the plateau north and south of
Korat, who appear to be remnants of an original
Dvaravati population.

Typical features of Mon-Khmer languages occurring

in Mon are glottalized consonants /cf', 6/, and during a

transitory phase in MM, medial /i, z/; like many MK

dialects it developed a phonologically relevant register-

system, shows as canonical. wordforins structures like

c(c)v(c) and ccv(c) (OM has no open syllables); while

OM has final liquids /-r, -1/, palatals /-c, -p/ and spirant
/-s/, these are all lost in LM/SM. Mon lacks a phono-
 xvi.

logical distinction in vowel length (as postulated for

Proto-.MK, Shorto (197 1 . xvii , xviii; 1976).

Major differences occur, however, in the syntax,

both of Old and spoken Mon. Areal diffusion, from Tai

or Tibeto-Burman, may have had some influence as, for

instance, in the deictic system, consisting, in OM

of four terms which may be combined but reduced to three

in SM, very much like Thai or Khmer. Other areas of Mon

grammar are, by contrast, entirely unaffected by such

tendencies, as the system of modals and auxiliaries shows11.

Because of a highly complex nominal piece, at all stages,

incorporating clitics with deictic, determining, pluralizing

functions Mon lacks classifier systems.

The main historical stages in the development of

Mon have already been outlined, in phonological and

morphological terms, by Shorto in his Old Mon dictionary

(197 i . ix-xxv ). They comprise

- Old Mon .DvravatI (6th c. AD)

.Thaton (11th C. AD)
classical OM (11th to 12th c. AD)
an intermediate stage found in the inscriptions of

Lamphun (Haribhujaya), of the thirteenth century, and

- Middle Mon .Epigraphic NM (15th/l6th o. AD)

.classical MM (16th to early 19th c. AD)

and finally

- modern literary Mon (124)

- modern spoken Mon.

The distinction between literary and spoken Mon

is a grammatical one and not, as in the case of Thai or
 xvii.

Khmer, a matter of style or dialect. Phonology, morphology

and syntax of both languages are entirely different

and cannot be treated within the same grammatical system.

More detailed discussions are included in the

relevant sections of this work.

Dialects.
Dialectal differences occur in almost every

settlement, and vary from village to village or even from

hamlet to hamlet. They do not coincide with neat settlement

patterns.

A major difference exists between Burma Mon and

the dialects spoken in Thailand in thei1' use and

assimilation of' loans and caiques, as shown on the

following table.
There are, however, features, especially phonological

ones, shared by certain settlements in both countries.

It is thus convenient to distinguish five main

settlements:

Moulmein, as described in Shorto (1962, DSM)

including Martaban.
Lamphun, including Chiangmai
Lopburi
Bangkok cluster, including Samut Sakhorn,
Nonthaburi, Pathuinthani
Rajburi cluster

(these and the dialect features and their distribution

are shown on the following pages).



xviii.

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xix.
xx.
 xxi:

I recognized six main dialect differences among them,

four phonological and two syntactical.

1) MM*e>e
(lowering, merging with SM in
other contexts, see following table)

2) - MM ky- A- gy- ky-

C- -V

MM khy- > khy-

ch-

3) MM oy ) oa -'-
e s ' a (lowering, upward glide)

4) NMtN- N-
hN-

5) LM 4gali > kh
mke Jh_koe (for m? k3h, jh-kah)

6) SM ma? ma2 replaced by mk3e.

These differences will be discussed at greater

length in the appropriate section.

For 1 and 5 Bangkok and Rajburi clusters differ from

the rest.
For 2 Lamphun and Moulmein show innovations.
For 3 and 4 the Buxna dialects are distinct from the
ones in Thailand.
 xxii.

NOTES
to the introduction pp. i .

1. Cf. Luce 1959.52-67, i969-7O.679. (notes 13oa.)

2. Cf. Dupont (1959), p. 1i: "Quant l'origine de rma/r,neir

on peut y avoir sans doute un nom d'agent divis par
infixe racine ra/re.

3. Cf.J.L.A. Brandes, Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden, Batavia,

Albrecht & Co., 'S Hage, M.Nijhoff 1913 (= Verhandelingen
van het Bataviaasch Genootachap van Kunsten en Weten-
schappen, LX, i).

Li.. Cf. Blagden 1911t.57-59; Luce 1969-70.21, 1959.65-67.

5. When comparing Mon literacy in Burma and Thailand one

should not overlook the fact that Burmese and Mon are
written in the same script while Mons in Thailand would
have to acquire a quite different script. Consequently
- that is because of a relatively low literacy ratio
in Thailand - contemporary Mon literature is confined
entirely to Burma.

6. A good indicator for the concentration of the Mon

population is the number of monasteries recorded for
any one district or province.
C.J. Reynolds, in his Cornell dissertaton The Buddhist
monkhood in 19th century Thailand (1973, xix, 307pp)
used material of the Thai National Archives (1973285)
and publishes a list of Mon monasteries, dated 1895 AD.
The largest settlements would have been Pathumthani
(52 Mon monasteries), Nonthaburi (46), Rajburi (18).
Further information about the organisation of the Mon
Samgha and subsequent reforms can be found in the same
place.
 xxiii.

7. The history of the Mon migrations into Thailand has been

extensively dealt with by Suphorn Ocharoen (see
bibliography, p. 364), The Mona in Thailand: An
analysis of their status and role in Thai society from
the mid-Ayuthya to the early Ratanakosin period.

8. Of course, the earliest centers of Mon civilization

were to found on what is today Thai territory. But
the present Mon settlements do not constitute a remnant
of that early civilization,but is the result of later.
migrations back into Thailand.

9. Beyond Austroasiatic which comprises Mon-Khmer proper

(Eastern AA), Nicoliarese and Munda two major
classification are currently discussed, .Austro-Thai,
by Benedict, and Austric, in the tradition of Schmidt.
I should like to take this opportunity in quoting from a
review of Schmidt's rectifying a common mis-
conception of Austric languages:
"Unklar ist ferner des Verfasser's Satz (i.e. Brand-
stetter's) "Austroasiatisch und Austronesisch sind
schon in der Urzeit auseinandergegangen (37)." Des
knnte auch heil3en, Austroasiatisch und Austr.onesisch
seien wie zwei Schwestersprachen, zwei Gabelungen eines
.Astes. Das w.re aber durchaus eine unrichtige Auf-
fassung. Sondern die austronesischen Sprachen sind in
alien wesentlichen Punkten AbstammungsprodUkte der
austroasiatischen, die die zum grol3ten I'eii er-
starrten Grundworte der letzteren herubergenommen,
sie ala quasi-Wurzeln verwendet und em neues System
von Prafixen und Suffixen darber gebaut haben. Es
ist darn-i aber kiar, daI3 es unmgiich ist, die
indonesischen bzw. austronesischen Sprachen you-
kommen zu verstehen, ohne Jenntnis der austroasiatischen
(1910.821)."

10. Cf. Shackle in TPS 1979.19 19. who lists a variety of'
historical reasons which have so far inhibited the
classification of Panjab.

11. Areal diffusion has quite often been overrated, not the
least because rather intricte syntactic problems in
individual languages can thus be solved rather con-
veniently (cf. Huffman 1973 in particular, or Gorgoniev).
Karnchana (1971), for instance, points out that auxiliaries
in Thai and Kbner differ markedly in their distribution
and scope while other areas of' grammar (like deitics)
are more liable to be diffused.
 xxiv.

I.
PHONOLOGY

1. Consonant systems 1
Simple initials and finals 1
Complex initials 13
Ch- ChC- initials 17
CC- initials 24
plosive/plosive 26
plosive/nasal 27
plosive/liquid 29
plosive/semivowel 30
plosive/spirant 31
Initial /ha-/ sequences 33
/ha-/ / plosive 33
/h-/ / nasal 34
/h-/ / liquid 34
/h-/ / semivowel 35
/h-/ / glottal 35
CC- forms VARIA 35
Medioclusters 37
Consonantal variation 41
Consonantal alternance 42

2. Vowel systems 43
Monophthongs 43
Diphthongs
Vocalic variation 51
Initial vocalic sequences 52
VARIA: // prosodies and central
vowels 54

3. Register 6
Distribution of register 72
Nediocluster reduction to SM CC-
initials 81
Voicing/Devoicing and registral dis-
tribution in SM 88
 xxv.

Unnatural register 91

Induced register 94

4. Stress 95

5 ' Syllable and wordstructuie 110

Monosyllables 117
Disyllables 118
Major disyllables 126
Trisyllables 130
Tetrasyllables 133

II.
MORPHOLOGY

1. Introduction 136
Structural types of affixes 140
Multiple affixation 146
Isolation of affixes 149
Productivity 153
Function 155
Affix- Synkre t i smus 1 6
Affix-types 166
Previous analyses of Mon morphology 171

2. Word-bases 176
Structural types of bases 177
Loan bases 180
Reconstructed bases and derivatives 180

3. Phonological processes 182

Induced first register 182
Cluster-formation 184
I. Prefixes / Base-initials 187
II. Infixes / Base-initials 194
 xxvi

Contractions 203
Rules of phonological processes 210
1 Cluster-formation 210
2. Cluster-mutation 211
3. Cluster-reduction
(initial alternants) 212
4. Cluster-expansion - 212
5. Dissimilatory rules 213
C- > CJ a IC- C I c I- dissimilation
types 215
Dissimilation of simple base-
initials end consonantal
affixes 217
Dissimilatory cluster-expansion 220
Cluster-expansion and loss
of initial 221
Dissimilation of ChC- sequences
to CsC- (CJIC-) 222
Labialer Ersatz 223

Complementary sets 227

Causatives 231
Nominaliza tions 234
Corresponding sets LM / SM 236

APPENDIX 242
A. Prefix (PjP_, 243
246
249
(C-) 256
261
(p-) 262
(kN_) 268
N
(P -> 270
(A-) 271

B. Inf ix 272
273
276
278
279
282
 XXVjj

C. Processes
289

-) 292

Vestigial forms 294

III.
SYNTAX

The nominal piece 300

Simple nouns 301
Compound nouns 301
Compound with 1 constituent 302
Compound with 2 constituents 305
Multiple constituents 307
Complementaries 310
Sex/Gender specifica tion 311
Personal pronouns 312
Kin- terms 315
Constituents of the nominal piece 318
1 Possession 319
2 Plurality 320
3 Deixis 321
4 Determination 322
Co-ordination of nominal pieces 327
Nominal iza tions 330
Noun-particles 332
1) Spatial reference 334
2) Temporal reference 337
Quantifiers 341
Restricted noun-particles 350
Counting, Measuring 351
i) Numerals
Cardinals 352
Ordinals 355
2) Classifiers, Quantifiers 355
(i) Classifiers 358
(2) Quantifiers 361
 xxviii.

The verbal piece 366

I. Complexes 371
4-term complex 372
3-term complex 373
2-term complex 373
i) Directional verbs
377
2) Modifying verbs 383
1-term complex 386

II. Verb-particles 386

III. Auxiliary verbs
Class-I auxiliaries 389

Aspect/tense 390
Ingressive Pa, tn 395

Perfective ia, th,P 396
Progressive m 397
Ordering of constituents 398

Ability 401

Obligation 404

Pre-verbal auxiliaries 408
Quasi-auxiliaries

1 Intensifier 4i5
2 Reciprocal 4i 6
3 Verbs with n./v. com-
plements 416
4) Performatives 417

Adverb ia ls 418

Class-Il auxiliaries 423

i) ni)xn 424

2)th 426

Verb concatenation 432

Sentence-particles 435

Group-I 435

Group-Il 441
1 Condition
2 Purpose 41i4
3 Consequential
11.47
4 6ion-1 41t9
 xxix.

5 Similative
4o
6 mE 41
7 temporal 452

Ne ga t ion 453

Questions 464

Absolute questions 470

Relative questions 471

1 who? 472
2 when? 473
3 lb-questions 474
4 P-questions 476

Word order 478

Simple sentences 479

Complex sentences 481

Notes 487

Text (Ramma) 533

Discography - 560

Bibliography 61
 xxx.

ABBREVIATIONS

Languages

AA Austroasiatic
AN Austronesian
Burm. Burm e s e
EMK Eastern Mon-Khmer
EMM Epigraphic/Early Middle Mon
IN Indonesian (= Western AN)
Jay. Javanese
Khjn. (mod.) Khmer
LM Literary Mon
LMN Late Middle Mon
MK Mon-Khmer
MKhm
Mid.Klnn. Middle Khmer
MM Middle Mon
OBurm. Old Burmese
OKhm. Old Khmer
OM Old Mon
P. Pali
PM Proto-Munda
PMK Proto-Mon-Khmer
PA Khin. Pre-Angkor Khmer
Sk t. Sanskrit
SM Spoken Mon
Vn. Vietnamese
WB Written Burmese

Books

tM I Shorto 1 97 1 - A Dictionary of the Mon Inscriptions

DSM Shorto 1962 - A Dictionary of Modern Spoken Mon
MED Halliday 1922 - A Mon-English Dictionary
VLAW Dempwolff 1 93 k -38 -Vergi. Lautlehre des AN Wortschatze
 xxxi

NOTATION

V vowel
C consonant
N nasa1 consonant
L liquid consonant

glottalized consonant
C voiced consonant
C . second register (word)
CN- unspecified consonant/nasal cluster
nasalized prefix
cc- alternative syllabic spelling CC- -'.- CaC-
R register
-h final subscript -h
v. verb
n. noun

clause/phrase/sentence boundary
'I
I,

++
unacceptable, ungrammatical form

+
reconstructed form
*
* loan

// phonological form (IPA)

derivationally related; variant form

derivationally unrelated

( affix
correspondence LM/SM
ordered hierarchy
 1.

Part I.
PHONOLOGY

1. Consonant systems.
The phonemic analysis of the consonantisrn of
spoken Mon yields an inventory of terms identical with modern
Ithiner, 17 consonant phonemes occurring in syllable-initial
position. The number and internal organization of restrictive
systems to be set up to describe Mon consonantism in an ad-
equate manner, however, shows a complexity unknown in Khmer.
The maximal consonant system found in monosyllables
with simple initial is

/ p h
k
C p y
t cf n r,l s
p 6 m w /

Restrictive systems, such as final consonants, will be set

out below.
Shorto includes the voiceless sibilant if! which
I discard in my description of Moti since it occurs only in
 2.

loanwords from Burmese or English borrowed via Burmese.

Mons in Thailand did not; articulate this sound when con-

fronted with spellings reflecting /f/ in Burma Mon, LM rh-,
and produced /5/ or first register /r/ instead1.

Pinnow, following Blagden's observations, adds

//, transcribed as /hw/ in DSM, but I shall interpret it as

2
a complex initial

1k, c, t, p/ are voiceless unaspirated stops,

velar, palatal, dental and labial respectively; /ka' ? / 'fish',
/k3b/ 'to make a knot', /cao/ 'to return', /c3n/ 'spoon',
/t&m/ 'to know', /th/ 'to be', /p,3/ 'cooked rice', /pch/
'to remember'. To a varying degree these stop consonants are
voiced when occurring in initial position of second register
words; voicing is an exponent of register and not phonemically
distinctive.

/6, d'/ are voiced glottalized, imploded, stops,

bi-labial and dental respectively; /i/ 'river', /a/
'elder sister', /doa/ 'in, on, among &c.'.

n, m/ are voiced nasals; the opposition of

voiced / voiceless nasals is set out in the restrictive systems
below. Both voiced and voiceless nasals are velar, palatal,
dental and bi-labial respectively. /1oa/ 'day, sun', /ak/
/je/ 'to level', /!it/ 'to see', /n3m/ 'plant, tree',
/nm/ 'to be', /mo P / 'stone', /ma/ 'one'.

/r/ is a lingual roll; /rao/ 'question particle',

/rm/ 'to help'.

/i/ is a post-alveolar lateral; /1k/ 'which, what;'

/lp/ 'to be able'.

/w/ is a voiced labial semivowel; /wat/ 'girl'.

/y/ is a palatal semivowel; /y3 [ra P ]/ 'if',

/yca/ 'to be ill'.
 3.

/h/ is a voiceless glottal spirant; /he/ 'house'1

/hiI ? / 'negative verb-particle'.
/s/ is a voiceless dental spirant. In initial
position of second register words /s/ is voiced; again, this
is a concomitant feature of register. /sa/ 'to build', /s?h/
'to be deep'.

It has been said that Mon vowel systems are

characterized by a great complexity 3 . Khin4risants have de-
scribed those of Cambodian in a similar manner and opposed
k But in
this complexity to an 'uncomplicated' consonantism
spoken Mon - and, a fortiore, this is true for CM. and proto-
Mon with their series of pre-nasalized voiced and voiceless
plosives - the description of the consonant systems is as
tantalizing as that of its vocalism.
Since phonological words may be distinguished by
features involving vowel quality and a two-term registral
system which is controlled by pre-nuclear, that is pre-vocalic
consonant units, at least three consonant systems including
initials for each register and finals have to be set up.
Bu this would account only for units occurring in a simple
type of word-structure, like CV(C)Rwhere C and V are terms
of a consonant and a vowel system respectively, and R is a
term of a registral system (the final (c) in this notation
is optional and represents either a closed cvc R or an open
CVR syllable)5.
Other, supplementary, systems have to be postulated
for complex initial sequences like /pekao/ 'flower', /hna/
'to try' and /kwi/ 'cart, car, wheel'. Such complex sequences


can be represented by a single formula6: cJs1cv(C)R

'where s I is an index of syllabicity 'which may be either

zero as in the case of clusters, /k'wi/, or where Il can be

either junctural schwa, /paic o/ a [pkao} (LM pkau), or
phonemic, /hna/ /hna/ 'mat' / 'to spread', by infixation
(4-->), or weakening or a syllabic accretion by complex S

7
affixation like the nasalized prefixes . For these more corn-

plex structures additional systems for postinitial and, in

the case of secondary patterns (loans), complex medial con-

sonants have to be set up as well.

In the following I shall set out the restrictive

systems beginning with the simple ones.

Consonants found in final position of major

syllables are 8

/ h
k

t n

C m (J) w 9)

All consonants found in simple initial position in mono-

syllables may occur as finals except for palatals, liquids,

the dental spirant /s/ and the two voiced glottalized-im-

ploded stops /t, c!!; this is due to a complex sound-change

from OM. to SM. (although /6, c1/ did not occur in OM. in

syllable-final position either).

OM. final palatals /c,r/ split into two series

of velar and dental stops and nasals, OM. /-c/ > SM. /-k, .-t/
and OM. /-p/> SM. /-, -n/9.

OM. liquids /r, 1/ correspond to SM I-w I or

zero, and OM. /s/ SM. /h/10
 5.

w, 9/ reflect orthographic LM -w and -y.

Shorto ( 1 9 66 . Z1 o2s qq.) interprets diphthongs in open syl -
lables of CVV shape, like /-ai/, /-oi/, /-ui/, as -VC closed
syllables, -ay}, - oy}, and -uy 'which is represented
above by the symbol /p/. /-oa/ and /-ea/ occur only in
open syllables, but are interpreted here, as they are in
Shorto (1966), as /-iy/. Final /-w/ remains problematic;
phonetically, it is certainly distinct from orthographic
final -w in modern Khmer and its spoken reflex, a friction-
less labiodental (sometimes bilabial) semivowel. In SM.
an open syllable may correspond to a graphically closed
one in LM, LM kui'w > SM /k,/, LM yaw > SM /y3/.
Final velars /k, 'when preceded by diphthongs
except /-ak/ /-eak/ and /-'ab/ "j- /-ea/, may be inter-
preted as palatals: LM -fi SM /-ai / _aji}; LM -iii
SM /-oi/ {_up}; LM -en > SM /-3i/ -op and LM -k
SM /-aik/ [_ac} ; LM -ik > SM /-oik/ -uc} ; LM -ek > SM
/-ik/ -oc3 The degree of phonetic similarity has been
noted by Shorto (loc.cit.) and is perceptible in the speech
of the Mons in Thailand. However, this should not be con-
fused with OM final palatals. OM final velars remained
stable, OM dak > LM lak SM /daik/ (or, as interpreted
above, cfac)). Elsewhere, following the rnonophthongs /,
a, ., , o/, /-k/ is unreleased: /pk/ 'to be open; to open',
/ck/ 'string, rope/; /pr&/ 'to send', /t3 , / 'to receive'.
Final plosives /p, t/ are unreleased: /t3p/
'to resemble', /mtp/ 'to be happy', /ket/ 'to take', /m3t/
eye '
Final nasals /n, m/: /pn/ 'four', /pn/ 'to
stick, adhere', /kom/ 'to assemble', /riln/ 'to be sufficient'.
 6.

Final glottals /, h/: The glottal stop is

phonemic when final, /ka/ 'kettle' /ka?/ 'fish'. /chuP/

'tree, wood', /pyd2 / ' to be aged, old', /cih/ 'to go down',

/kh/ 'noun-marker' The latter is pronounced [keJ when

occurring as question-particle in /Jih-kh/ 'who' to dis-

S

tinguish. it from /j,h_kh/ meaning 'anyone; he' (or 'as for

him, them...'). In Burma Mon the distinction is made by

stress-placement; /J1h-k3e/ in Thai Mon has by analogical

levelling /m3 ? _k3 e/ 'what' instead of Burma Mon /m3? kh/

(the latter form is hypothetical; Shorto did not note a

question-particle /ma k3h/).

Three other simple initial systems to be set up

are those of consonants controlling registers. SM /k, c, t,

p/ control both registers; this is the result of devoicing

of the plosives /g, j, d, b/ during the late MM period

and a merger with the voiceless series: -

OM SM Register

k-i k- 1
g-J 2
c-1 c- 1
i-f 2
t-1 t- 1
d_f 2
p-i
b-f
p- 1
2

Simultaneously, vowel contrasts developed. Phonetically,

second register SM /k, c, t, p/ are partly voiced in initial

position . Registers are lexically distinctive: /ket/ 'to

take', /kt/ 'to turn'; /ca j / 'to adorn oneself', /c/

'foot'; /tom/ 'to cook', /t3m/ 'to be overturned'; /pa?/

'to do, perform', /pY/ 'to choke'. Shorto maintains (DSM.xi)

 7.

that they are "C...J fully voiced in medial position"

(/pikom/ 'to assemble', /pk/ 'to heal'); in the com-

munities in Thailand only /hpld P / 'betel leaf' and /hprdk/

'to grow in clusters' are fully voiced - it should be noted

that both forms show a phonologically anomalous shape CCCVC -

other second register medials (CCV(C))receive partial
voicing.

The secoi:id restrictive system of the simple

initials consists of consonants controlling the first re-

gister only. They are the spirants /h, s/ and the glottals

/, &, f/. There are, however, exceptions, and it seems

appropriate at this stage to introduce the notion of un-

natural register for those cases. As a general rule, 'un-

natural registers' develop either as a result of cluster re-

duction where the original initial consonant, controlling the

register, is lost and the post-initial becomes initial although

retaining the original register, or because of dialect ad-

mixture. It should be noted that in some cases words showing

unnatural register tend to develop special semantic features,

as we shallsee below,1

For the spirant series /h, s/ the following ex-

ceptions occur: /ha/ 'to be distant' and /hi/ 'to chew'

are regular developments of an OM jrj_ initial complex

which is reduced to first register /h/ in SM. The negative

particle /hiP/ has a more complex history; LM hwa' .- ha h-

OM /sak/. Together with four other particles /ha?/

follows peculiar rules which cannot be accounted for by regular

sound shifts: OM /yo/ > MM /ro/ > SM /rao/ 'relative question

particle', OM Ida da?/ (cB) > SM /ra P /, MM /ro/ > SM /no,/
both modal particles, OM /na/ > SM /d&/ 'modal p., in OM,
 8.

intensifier in SM'. These follow a cyclic rule whereby

OM /d/ > S14 /r/, OM /r/ > SM /n/, 014 /n/ > SM /d'/. Coin-
plex LM initials jr- and sj- (< OM) merged to second registei

/s/. Phonetic spellings do occur, but bhikkhus insist on

using LM jr- for all second register /s/.

For the glottal series /P, t, cf/ only /6/ seems

to be an Einzelentwicklung. The glottal Stop /?/ never con-

trols a second register syllable (or phonological word),

but may occur as the initial of a di- or trisyllable the

ultimate of which has the second register. We distinguish

two groups, IA loans and native derivatives. In a structure

like 'VC.CVC or VC.CCV - representing SM /?u?cn/, Skt.

udyna, and SM /?u?pt/, P. upadeva - the first syllable

shows phonologically first register, but may - and this

varies between native speakers - phonetically conform to the

second register of the second syllable. The same applies

to native derivatives of the form vc.cv(c) where the first

syllable represents the affix <?i?-> /i2/.

There are no occurrences at all of second register

/cF/ initials.

/6/, however, confronts us with a series of

puzzling cases for all occurrences of words with initial //

on the second register relate to meanings of "female gender";

there are three terms of address, /fnli/, /?/, /ti/

(familiar term). /63a/ is a kin-term, 'elder sister', and

/V/ denotes female gender in fauna (corresponding to the

male /m.k/, also a word with unnatural register), but de-

notes main parts of objects as well (/t ? k3s ? / 'lock',

/t ? toa/ 'thumb') 15 . During the evolution of register in

the MM period inscriptions show, as an innovation, the digraph

 9.

mb & ) (LMI.xv).

The third restrictive system of syllable initial

consonants controlling second register words yields the

series of nasals /, ji , , n, m/, liquids /r, 1/ and semivowels

/y, w/. Unnatural register occurs in all three series. As

for the semivowels /y, w/, /w/ occurs only twice in compound

plant names, /[h'cfaTJ wa/ 'variety of shrub' and /[ n3m kan

mY] wk/ 'variety of fern'; /y/ also occurs only in compounds,

except for Burmese loans that underwent yotization Burm. /r-/

> /y-/ (/ye/ 'police', Bunn. rai, /ya t3p/ 'to be strictly
true', Burm. rui:, both DSM), like /y3k ye I 'butterfly',
/ne? y3n/ 'muskshrew', or again a grammatical term /y, ra /
'if, provided that, when'. All first register /y-/ initials
16
are spelt LM yy-.

The liquids /r, 1/ show a similar semantic pattern.

/r/ occurs, as unnatural register, in two plant names, /r3mlna?/

'dogwood' 17 and the compound /rhdaJ ra/ 'cinnamon'; there

are three grammatical terms, the modal particle /ra/ ( OM

da Ida '- da ? /), /rao/ 'relative question particle' and /rao/

'negative intensifying particle' 18

Initial /1/ controls first register words only

in the following compounds: /Epz j] lt/ 'navel', /lk chj /

'variety of grapefruit'; /lb/ 'which, what &c.' is a bound

form and derives from an OM weak form ihaw. Loans from

Burmese and IA occur on this (first) register, but cannot be

explained in the present outline.19

As for the series of nasals /j , ji, n, m/ it is

necessary to refer to morpho-phonological rules in all cases

except /ji/.
For palatal and velar nasals controlling un-
 10.

natural register we note the following occurrences: First

register /b/ indicates a cluster-reduction of LM tii-. This
is a change of the regular process whereby this type of
cluster would have been split yielding SM++ /t-/; but be-
cause all of' the three following cases produce derivatives con-
taining a vocalic infix this cluster rule is replaced by the
simplification of the initial complex retaining the original
register of the underlying form: /oa/ LM tay 'day, sun'
/toa/ 'middle of the day' (upon which, incidentally, /ia!joa/
'daily', in some dialects in Thailand, is caiqued), /,k/
'to be crooked' LM tik > /tjk/ 'bend En.]' (and derives
/pk/ 'to bend' and /.k/ LM tiiak 'to be set' /tk/
'to set' 20 . The palatal nasal /j/ does not follow this pattern
although a similar morpho-phonological rule might be con-
ceivable on MK comparative grounds or by analogy 21 ; /p3h/
'to pull free (from)', /,pan/ 'to be noisy; to make noise;
noise fn.3'. There are two variants to be noted: /je/v
/pp3e/ 'to level' /jI/ 'to be level') and /J13?/ /hp3?/
in the phrase /kl hp 3 ?/ 'come here!' where /jizP/ is a palatal
form of /nQ?/ 'this', or perhaps a contraction of the nomin-
alized / ? i? n?/ /ynz?/.
Similarly, /n, m/ are the reflexes of the LM corn-
plex initials tN- . kN- retaining the original (first) re-
gister, controlled by the initial (voiceless) plosives; thus
we obtain for /m/: /mon/ 'to be tight' .> /k3mon/ 'to wrap
tightly', /mD/ 'to plant [seedlings]' > /kmb/ 'clump',
/niap/ 'to jump up in the air' /kmap/ 'to hop in the air'
(intensive/frequentative), /mat/ 'to be closed; to stop (up)'
> /kmat/ 'stopper'.
 11.

It should be pointed out, however, that derivatives of the

shape /km-V(C)/ on the first register, although containing

the SM prefix k->, reflect both different bases and different

LM affixes: While /km-/ forms with a (natural) second re-

gister base /in-v(c)/ reflect LM p-> affix, /km_/ forms

with unnatural first register base /m-V(C)/reflect LM -->

affix, or schematically

Base Derivative Affix LM Affix SM

Register 1 mV(C)
k3m_V(C)
2 mV(C)

Two examples must suffice: For the first row, as in the

instances given above, /mat/ LM kmat - kamat &c. 'to stop
(up)' ^ /icmat/ 'stopper' LM kamat (no km- kam varr. in LM),
and for the second row /mik/ 'to want to' LM mik > /kmoik/
(by induced register, a term to be defined at a later stage),
corresponding to LM pmik paniik.

The following set does not yield any derivatives,

but the simplification of the initial LM tm- km- instead

of the expected regular cluster split into SM /k3m-/ took

place in order to prevent the creation of homophones in the

SM lexicon and because such a morphological process already

existed and hence could be easily calqued upon;

/mae/ 'guest' IL /kme/ 'roof', 'to expect'

/mea/ 'to be amazed' -7t /kneaj/ 'kind of veranda', /mCn/
'kinsmen' ..,L /kmn/ 'kind of trap', 'royal power', /ma/
'quantity' /kma/ 'reservoir, tank', 'to be geminate',
'to carry on shouldersling', /m3?/ 'stone' /k?m?/ 'sea-
eagle', 'totality', /m3n/ 'prickly heat' 1- /kamn/ 're-
cital of mantra', /mk/ 'male [fauna]' - /kmk/ 'handle'22
/ma?/ 'in order to &c.' is a grammatical term, /ma/ 'only,
merely' a borrowing from Burmese mha.

A greater variety of rule applies to /n/ when

 12.

controlling first (unnatural) register. The first set follows

rules identical to the ones given above for unnatural /m/

except that underlying forms are LM pN-,v kN-: /non/ 'ruler,

line on page' > /k9non/ 'line drawn on ground', /np/ 'to

be silent' > /kanz,p/ 'to hush (up)' and /na/ 'to take (away)'
. /kna/ 'i'd' Again, SM k-. prefix corresponds to LM
vocalic infix <-s->.

A phonologically parallel, but morphologically

reverse, process can be stated for the second set of /n/;

here, first register words with initial /n/ are derivatives
and not bases, as in the first sets of simple initial /m/

and /n/. Only if the underlying LM forms tn-, and irregular

kn-, contain the infix <-a-> is the initial sequence simpli-

fied and retains the original register. Thus we obtain for
this set:

/nk/ 'short stake' /tk/ 'to strike', /twun]

'cushion for monks' .- /tij / 'to lie down', /nai/ 'branch'
/tai/ 'spine of palm frond', /nm/ 'plant' '- /tm/ 'foot
of tree, beginning', /no/ 'to spool' - Ito! 'cotton' (cr
OKhm. tul, K.12 L1), /noi/ 'razor (blade), for monks'-'- /toi/
23
'to tonsure, shave'

Since the infix <-n-) has predominantly the

function of deriving instrumental nouns from verbs, the

following three cases of' initial /n/ taking unnatural register

may be considered to be derivatives despite of their bases

not being reconstructible on internal evidence alone: /noik/

(perhaps con. /pak/ 'to blow on, fan'), /nan/ 'army'

(perhaps con. /pn/ 'to shoot (at)', in both cases we deal

with variant bases (YB)), and /nai/ 'candle'. The remaining

occurrences are the grammatical markers /n3?/ 'this', a bound

form, /n.!.m/ 'yet', /na/ 'directional verb, away from the
 1:3.

speaker', /noj/ 'modal particle' and /nah/, in Burma Mon,

'modal auxiliary'; a semantic set for animals /naoh/ 'turtle',

/nea [boaj/ 'dragonfly', /n3e/ 'mouse, rat', /n3e/ 'monkey';

and bodyparts /noi/ 'cheek', /nah/ 'shoulder', /nea1/ 'fore-

head' 21t

Complex initials.

A different series of systems has to be postulated

for complex initials, and I shall make the following terminolo-

gical distinctions which are, however, appropriate only for

SM and not valid for LM: Complex initial sequences are

structures like

CC-J cc- c-g3

cCC-gj ccc-}
where [} denotes a vocalic nucleus V (-v-) and a final con-

sonant which may be zero (-(c)), that is either or

, whereas clusters are merely sequences of the type

CC- and CCC- and hence form a restrictive system 25 . Initial

sequences are also different from the notion of complex

initials which comprises clusters and a type of initial which

one might call for convenience 'junctural clusters' like CC-

although, on morpho-phonological grounds, the setting up of'

the postinitials in this sequence as 'medials' is equally

justified, as we shall see later. In other words, all se-

quences of the shape CI5IC(C)- are complex initials,

and this excludes structures like IC-, DCC- and ?V9 C- which

will be considered below.

The advantage of defining initial sequences in

SM is that one can integrate them into systems comprising all

 14.

types of initials rather than postulate yet another medial

system, and retain the medial system proper for secondary

patterns (loans) and for literay Mon (LM).

Except for the aksaras ha, a, na, ma, ya, ra, la, wa, and ha
and the glottals cia and ba26, LM provides no special symbols

for subscript consonants, and hence LM clusters consisting

of two plosives, as in the SM reflex /pkao/ 'flower', may

be written either conjunctively, LM pkau, or disjunctively

LM pakau 27 . In this particular case, the practice reflects

an uncertainty of how to represent junctural schwa in the

writing system, and subsequently junctural schwa in clusters

of two plosives was written in a way normally used to repre-

sent the vocalic infix of complex base-initials CC- (like

LM sra j0 ulcerate' > LM sara 'ulcer') 28 . This resulted in

the establishment of two sets of orthographies, one representin

clusters proper (LM cc-) and the other using LM CaC- as a

phonetic spelling. It is thus inappropriate to interpret

postinitials in SM junctural clusters like /c'c-/ as medials

except in cases where they reflect a simplified LM mediocluster

(LIVI kamrey - camrey 'to shout' SM /parea/).

Besides stating clusters and junctural clusters

in SM separately - because the latter represent a phono-

logically analogous case to the other CC- types including

derivatives taking the vocalic infix, IA loans with reduced

CaC- initials and other forms involved in a morpho-phonological

process (LM mr- clusters > SM /par/, for instance) - I shall

postulate a three-fold subsystem for various aspirated con-

sonait types, like a simple aspirated series /kh, ch, th, ph!,

aspirated clusters /khy, khr, khl, phy/ and a voiceless

 15.

aspirated series /'1 h, hj,, hn, bin, hi, hw/. All subsystems
like their counterparts in the simple initial consonant
systems, have to be arranged according to register and, when-
ever applicable, unnnatural register to be noted.
The first system to be set up consists of' clusters
of which only two series are found in SM: The plosives /k-/
and /p-/ taking the liquids /r, 1/ and semivowels /y, WI
as postinitial. The register is controlled by the initial
member of the cluster, the plosives /k, p/, and thus the
clusters in this set occur on both registers, as do the
plosives in the simple initial system:

ky - py-
kr- pr-
ki- pi-
kw- /

The juncture of the two members of the clusters -/kw-, py-/

and /kl-, pl-/ is marked by a slight aspiration which, however,
should not be confused with clusters of the socalled aspirated
type, like /kh/ or /bm/, and is only a junctural feature29.
Similarly, all clusters occurring on the second register
are partially voiced. Again, this is an exponent of register.
/kroa/ 'to be excellent', /krca/ 'to pull', /kla/
'to bore', /klj/ 'to be much, numerous', /kwi/ 'cart, car,
wheel', /kwI/ 'bundle; to wrap up', /pyoa/ 'to harm', /py/
'to be aged, old', /prom/ 'to be crushed', /prtn/ 'to fall,
capsize', /plai/ 'to dissolve', /pii/ 'bachelor'.
DSM does not recognize SM /ky-/ initial clusters,
although Shorto (1966.405) alludes to some dialectal features
in what he calls the "Lopburi dialect" and which distinguishes
/c/ /ky/ and /ch/ /khy/. My treatment of this cluster
 16.

differs from the one given in DSM. In all Mon settlements

in Thailand, except for Lamphun, one can witness ither

variations or meaningful distinctions of /c/ and /ky/

well as /ch/ and /khy/. OM and MM make a distinction between
/ky-/ and /c-/ initials, but in some of the modern dialects

of Burma and the Lamphun community these have merged to /c-/

and both registers. However, OM has no /khy-/ clusters and,

in fact, these are SM mergers, attested since MM, of OM /kc-/

and /ks-/ clusters in analogy to OM /pc-/ and /ps-/ > MM/LM/SM

/phy-/. Thus we rewrite the following lexical entries DSM

lists under /c/ initial in some 'standard' Burma dialects of

SM as /ky/ and retain /c/ for simple initials proper:

/kye/ 'to be pretty' Ice! 'barrel' ( Burn.),
/kya/ 'air, wind' /ca/ (in /pr3h ca/) 'to be alive', /kyai'/
'to be defeated' /caP/ 'to begin; future particle' ( . Burm.,
Thai), /kya/ 'to adorn oneself' 0, /kyam/ 'crocodile'
/cam/ 'to make holes', /kyaik/ 'Buddha' /caik/ 'to be torn'
/ky3/ 'to adorn' /c/ 'to pour', /kyo/ 'to peep at' /co/
'small creek'. And for the second register /kyF'/ 'poison'
/0 /ky/ 'to live; be raw' /c/ 'foot'.
Dialect admixture does occur; the same speaker

might insist on the 'correct' pronunciation of /kye/ 'pretty',

rejecting the 'standard' DSM (Burma) 4 /ce/ and not admitting

at the same time /kya/. The decision to include second registe

words like /kyI"/ 'poison' was made on the grounds of ortho-

graphy LM gy- alone; that leaves us with the hapax /kyj/

'to live; to be raw'. NM shows only the derivative gamyon

/gmyo/ (CE) 'living' (no attested base in MM gy-) cor-

responding to SM /h3yj/. Although the evidence for a second

register /ky-/ cluster in SM is meagre, it cannot be wholly

discarded simply for the sake of obt a ining symmetrical sets.
 17.

No occurrences of corresponding ON /gy-/ clusters are found.

In the section on morpho-phonology more will be

said on the registral distribution of these clusters; this

has important implications as, for instance, /py- . / may take

either register, but /py-/ on the first register contains a
<p-> prefix with the initial /y/ of a second register base

(/pyoa/ 'to harm' i /ya/ 'to be ill') 'whereas /py-/ on the

second register contains, in two cases, also the prefix <p-
with the initial /c/ of' a second register base (/py/ 'to in-

cite' 't- /c?/ 'to fight'); the other /py-/ forms of that re-
gister are simple forms.
Furthermore, SM /kx/ is a merger of LM kr- -i.. gr-,

and 124 tr- dr- as is SM /kw/ of LN k'w- -i- gw- and LM tw-

dw-. LM cr- i- jr- merge to SM // as LM cw- jw to SM

30
/hw-/; LM cy- i' jy- is not attested , and for the remaining
clusters of plosives and liquids/semivowels in LM special rules

apply31.

Ch- ' ChC- initials.

For the first cluster system registral contrast

was functional; for the second cluster system to be set up

and for the simple initial system aspiration is 32 . The corn-

plete system of aspirates in initial position in SM is as

follows:

/kh- khy- khr- khl- khw-

ch- hp-
th- hn- hl-
ph- phy- hm- hw- /
 18.

Several subsystems can be established according to under-

lying morpho-phonological processes or, more simply, to the

number of members of the initial complex. The latter dis-

tinction is important in so far as three-place initials

have an aspiration contrast to two-place initials of' the

cluster set /ky, kr, ki, kw/ contrast with /khy, khr, khl,

"khw/ and /py/ with /phy/. No other CCC- fonas occur. The

remaining members of the set can be opposed to simple

initials: /k, c, t, p/ to /kh, ch, th, ph/, /j, ji, n, m/

to hji, hn, hm/ and /i, w/ to /hl, hw/. All aspirates
as they appear above, occur only on the first register except

for /hw, hn/ when they reflect LM cw- - jw- and LM cn- jn-
respectively. Cases of unnatural register will be listed be-
low.

A further division is necessary because of the

different phonological status of the aspiration in the initial

complex; the plosives /kh, ch, th, ph/ contain a separable
phonemic element, as in Khmer 33 /th&n/ 'to be large, big'

/tinhisn/ 'size'. This segmentable phonemic element, however

takes another position in the initial sequence of aspirated

nasals, liquids and semivoweis 4 . A close look on the den-

vational process supports this division into Ch- pieces

(aspirated plosives) and hC- pieces (aspirated nasals, liquids,

and setnivowels); for the Ch- piece we obtain /phui/ 'to

mix in' /hui/ 'to be mixed', /phik/ 'to fear' ^ /pahoik/
'fear En.]', /chan/ 'to love' > /s P han/ 'love, lover' and
similarly /th3t/ 'to be strong' /sh3t/ 'strength', and
for the hC- piece /hnok/ 'to itch' > /h'nok/ 'scabies',
/hxnaik/ 'to hook' /hmaik/ 'hook [n.]', /hlak/ 'to be dirty'
> /hlak/ 'dirt' and /hw ? / 'to be distributed' ? /h.ew ? / 'to
 19.

distribute
Examples for aspirated plosives, then, are /khbh/

'to be good, 'well', /chu ? / 'tree, wood', /tho P / 'to throw

(away)' and /pha/ 'side, direction'.
Despite the fact that postinitial /h/ is con-

trolled by plosives which in the simple initial systems

and clusters of the type 'plosives/liquids' and 'plosives/

semivo'wels' control both registers, complex initials of this

type take only the first register; but the following cases

of unnatural register of aspirated plosives should be noted:

/kh/ occurs on the second register only in loan

'words, /kh/ "while' (< P. kho 'then') is used very fre-

quently in narratives, /khk/ 'hook' ( . Burm. 'to fold

back', khok). DSM includes /kh/ 'headman' ( Burm. khon:)

'which is unknown in Thailand.

Explaining /ch/ as unnatural register is rather

more difficult: It does occur in borrowings, like /chn/

'meditation' (< Skt. dhyana, P. jhana; OM relates its loan

to Skt., OM dhyan, MM to P., MM. jhan), but also in rare

native words 6 : /ch' a/ 'to be slow, late', /chik/ 'to

scratch' and /ch3p/ 'to be overcast' which yields the deri-

vative /ksbp/ 'to spread over'. Assuming that /ksop/ is

part of the same paradigm /k'sao/ ( /khyu/, /k'isp/i.

/khy.3p/) &c., we must posit, by analogy, an underlying

cluster LM ghy- for SM /chp/ - even if the only orthography

existent is UI 3h-. But since LM ghy- clusters do not exist

(and never have, according to the attested forms during the

evolution of Mon), it must be a case of phonological admixture

in the Burma dialects where all SM /ky-/ and /khy-/ clusters

merged with /c-/ and /ch-/. I should also point out that
 20.

the LM orthography for SM second register /ch-/ ('which I

assume to oe different fro1n /khy-/ clusters) is actually a

digraph consisting of j- and a subscript y, in Thailand,

(J) or c- and the subscript y, in Burma, (j) . The other

two cases may have a similar history and can only be ex-

plained within a larger, comparative, Mon-Khmer context.

/th/, predictably, occurs in a very large

number of Pali loans (dii-) on the second register. There
are, however, three native 'words: /thp/ 'drum Cmusical in-

strument]' and /thj/ '[kind of spirit]'. For /th/ 'to be

direct, in the centre t it is tempting to set up aspiration as

a derivational procedure because, in this particular case,

a connection 'with /tc/ 'to be in the middle' cannot be

entirely ruled out. But then unnatural register could still

not be explained37.

The ratio for unnatural register /ph/ is similar

to the previous one; it occurs with loans from Burmese and IA

(bh-), but also with the following native words: /ph'.?/

'to frighten', /pht/ 'to chase away', /phi/ 'to be dazed'
and the alliterative compound /ph pi1/ 'to be in a frenzy'
(DsM).

Examples for three-place initials /khy, khr, khl,

khw, phy/ are: /khr&k/ 'to be hard, rigid', /khlak/ 'to

fall into place' (> /hiak/ 'to fit in') and /khw.k/ 'platter,

tray' which is a borrowing from Burmese kh'wak 'cup'. /phy/

and /khy/ are to be isolated as a special set because they

represent OM mergers /p--/ and /pc-/ > SM /phy-/, /ks-/ and

/kc-/> SM /khy-/ 38 . /phy/ forms may be simple forms (/phye/

'to titivate' /hce/ 'embellishment') or may contain the

affix <p-'; in such derivatives, the bases may have three
 21.

different initials: /phyih/ 'to take, bring, put, down'

/cih/ 'to descend', /phyui/ 'to move aside' ' /chui/ 'to shift
from one position' or /phy3/ 'to give to drink, administer
medicine' ii.- /s/ 'to drink'. The Burma dialects, upon
which DSMis based, show a merger of SM /khy-/ and /ch-/; but
this difference is retained in all Thailand varieties where
/ky-/ /c-/39. Again, we have to re-transcribe all those
occurrences of SM /khy-/ which are listed in DSM under /ch-/
and retain SM /ch-/ for the aspirated palatal proper:
/khyeh/ 'horse' (OM /kseh/), /khya/ 'split bamboo fibre' (
/cha/ 'to be thin in consistency'), /khya?/ 'Malay chestnut'
(L /cha?/ 'whoever, whatever', 'only'), /khyam/ 'cold, in-
fluenza', /khyo/ 'to be rotten', /khybt/ 'to be dead' (aM
/kcot/, /khy3h/ 'to spit', /ki-iy3/ 'to be lame' ( /ch/
'to build in tiers'), /khy3p/ 'to think', /khyot/ 'to be
thorough', /khyoa/ 'hay, weeds', /khyu/ 'to sharpen', 'to
write' (MM /ksu/, replacing OM /sul/ > MM /dasu/, cf. 1141).
Unlike /phy-/, /khy-/ forms do not contain any
affixes, but derive new words by means of the vocalic infix;
SM derivatives preserve the former /c/ '- /s/ opposition in
OM clusters /kc/#i'- /ks/, like SM /khyu/ 'towrite' (MM /ksu/)
SM /ksao/ (MN /ksu/ = LM kasu) and SM /khybt/ 'to be
dead' (OM /kcdt/) > SM /hcbt/ (aM /kc/).
Clusters of this type /khy, khr, khl, khw, phy/
occur, without exception, only on the first regisler.
Aspirated nasals, liquids and semivowels, /*h,
hji, hn, bin, hi, hw/, form the most complex cluster group in
SM. Whereas the aspirated plosives /kh, ch, th, ph/ and the
non-aspirated plos.ves 1k, c, t, p/ are both voiceless, this
cluster set contrasts with its simple initials /j, j -i, n, m,
 22.

1, w/ not only in the feature 'aspiration 1 , but also in the

opposition of the features 'voiess/voiced'.
is a reconstructed hC- cluster; it does
not occur in the Burma dialects as far as they are documented
in DSM, but only in Thailand. I noted them in the Lopburi
and Rajburi dialects, but this does not necessarily exclude
other communities1. /he/ 'house' (LM si) and /oa/ 'day,
sun' (LM tiay) in those dialects are pronounced /h/ 'with
aspiration and a nasalized vowel. Although one might conceive
of a rule whereby all LM ski- clusters take in some dialects
the same speaker pronounces LM snu 'uncooked rice'
/hao ? / and not ++/haoP/ - and this 'would not take into
account the simplification rules of LM th- clusters mentioned
in the section on unnatural // initials. But its systematic
deviance from the standard Burma pattern, corresponding to
LM plosive/nasal. clusters, rules out simple allophony.
/hp/ is equally rare. It occurs in a Burmese
loan /hj,a/ 'to be moderate' and, according to DSM, in an
onomatopoetic expression /hJi3h hpoh/, describing nasal speech.
I found /hpe?/, in the idiom /kl 1p3?/ 'Come here!', as a
variant of /.p?/ /n?/ 'this' or /?i?ri,?/.._ Iyan3?I.
do not control unnatural register.
The remaining mem'3ers of this set /hn, bin, hi, hw/
should be taker' as a separate group as they reflect LM SC- and
LM cC- jC- initials and partial SM mergers to an hC- piece,
'which in turn results in an asymmetrical registral distribution
/hn, hw/ taking both registers, /hl/ occurring only on the
first, while /hin/ shows a deviant development.
As LM clusters kr- gr-, tr- dr- > SM /kr-/ and
 23.

LM kw- gw-, tw- dw- > SM /k?/, LM cn- jn- clusters

L')
merge to SM /hn-/, and LM cw--jw- > SM /hw-/. This process

evolved parallel to the merging of LM sC- clusters: LM Sn-

> SM /hn-/, LM sw- > SM /hw-/, LM Si- > SM /hl-/, LM Sm- >

SM /hin-/. In this set, clusters of the type 'spirant/nasal

'spirant/liquid', 'spirant/semivowel' control, without ex-

LL
ception, the first register As can be seen from the table

below, there is an overlap of two different underlying cluster

systems which is responsible for the asymmetry of the re-
gistral distribution, due not only to the merger of LM cC-"
t')
jC- clusters to SM /hC-/, occurring on both registers accord-

ing to the rule 'of voicing distribution (voiceless C controls

first, voiced second register, by their earlier reflexes), but

also to the merger of LM sC- > SM /hC-/ controlling the first

register only, or schematically:

LM Cfl- ,.._ in- CW- _. jW-

I
Sn- SW Si- Sm-
J
I

1 2 1 2
Register

SM /hn-/ /hw_/ /hi-/ /hm-/
/kam-/ ' /ham-/
1 2
Register
cm- jm-
LM

We list the following examples: For LM sC- spellings SM /hna/

'bamboo (now plastic) mat' ("/sa/ 'to 3pread', i-n-> infix),

/hw-aj/ 'drink En.J' (- /s3/ 'to drink', &-w-> infix), /hlaP/

'paimleaf', /hman/ 'to asic [someone, a question]', and for LM

cC- jC- spellings SM /hnain/ 'year', /hn3k/ 'large, great',

/hwa ? / 'curry, dish' ( /cc..?/ 'to eat', -w-'> infix), /hvh/
 24.

'fever' ( .v /ch/ 'to have a fever', &-w-> infix). /hrn/ shows

a deviant pattern in that it has no LM reflex cm-

which correspond to SM /km-/# /hm/ on the first and

second register respectively; LM jmp 'every' is an exceptional

development, SM /kamp/.

Spelling variations occur in that earlier

and /sn-/ initials have taken each other's ortho-

graphies so that SM /hn_/ (a merger of' Wi /cn_,' sn-/)
may be spelt either way. By contrast, all second register

words with initial SM /hw-/ are spelt LM j'w-, no exceptions

are noted4.

CaC- initials.

As mentioned above, apart from CC- and CCC- cluster

we observe a very large number of CRC- initial sequences in SM;

the nature and status of schwa in Mon which is already

attested in classical OM as orthographic -a- ' -i- -u-

depending on the environment -i- before /n, r/ and -u- before

/m/ (LMI.xix; Shorto 1956.345, n. Zi), will be discussed in

a separate section. Here we are concerned only with the

statement of all CaC- forms occurring in the SM lexicon.

At least two main systems are to be distinguished:

CaC- forms showing junctural schwa 46 in a certain type of'

complex initial which is, like modern Khmer, in complementary

distribution with junctural /h/ and CC- forms with zero-

junction, except for the Ch- and hC- piece, and, then, those

forms which are due to morpho-phonological processes. There

 25.

are so1ne exceptions where orthographies are ambiguous, like

SM /kta/ 'excavation, pit' (LM katuiii - latuixi) or /kataik/
'tongue' (LM latak .i' katak). In both systems, however, the
central neutral vowel is anaptyctic only and not a separate
nucleus.
In the case of clusters consisting of a sequence
of plosive/plosive, /kt, pk, pt/, and piosive/nasal, /kn, km,
t, p, pn/, schwa is junctural. In all other cases - unless
specified below - schwa is due to a particular morpho-phono-
logical process and has phonologically a different status
although both systems yield phonetically a disyllable of the
same type, like /ktb/ (underlying form {ktJ ) and /parik/
(LM mrak, as opposed to the monosyllable /praik/ LM prak,
for instance).
We can summarize all CaC- forms in SM in a series
of three sets, (i) a three-fold system for initial plosives
/ka-, ta-, p;-/, (2) initial /ha-/ and (3) a number of sec-
ondary patterns confined to loans and contractions; the
first two sets, listing initial sequences of native disyllables
are as follows:

Register 1 / 2

kc- kt- kp- kap- ken- kern- kr- k1- k3y- ka'w- kah-
tk- tej-
pk- pac- pet- . pj- pep- pin- per- pal- pa y - ph-

hk- hoc- hat- hap- haji- hen- hrn- her- h1- hy- hew-

Register 1 - ___________________

k9 5-

pa 5-
he?- had'- hat-
 26.

The first subset, upper half, shows initiaJ sequences occurring

on either register, the second subset, lower half, those

occurring only on the first register. The different classes

of initial sequences will be discussed in further detail

immediately below; for the sake of' economy, we set out the

three-fold system for the plosives first, including all

occurrences of junctural schwa, abbreviated junct. and den-

vational schwa, der. The list is arranged as follows:

/k-, ta-, p-/ are presented in each section in that order,

inicuding the cluster-types (i) plosive/plosive, (2) plosive/

nasal, (3) plosive/liquid, (4) plosive/semivowel, (5) plosive/

spirant 4 . The pairs in the first column show the SM complex

initial and its LM reflex of the first register, the second

column of the second register (marked for convenience by a

grave accent in the notation, like /CaC./).

1. Plosive/plosive.

/ke-/ and plosives /c, t, p1.

/kc-/ - le- /kc2/ lj-
/kt-/ - it- kt- /kat-/ id-

kd-
0
.- gd-
/kp-/ - lp- /kap-/ ib-
a

exx. /k at,k/ 'to wear[clothesj', /katp/ 'to brood, hatch',

/kacek/ 'to be black', /kcui/ 'to ce late, slow',
/kpak/ 'to trike, launder', /kp' t/ 'storm'.
junct.The only possible LM reflex for an SM junctural schwa
in /kt-/ is LM k0t- ikd-. /kta/ 'to be jubilant',
/kat/ 'to cover, close'.
den. k- (.-" LM <1->) before base-initials /t, p/; /kat3nJ
'repeated action' /tn/ 'to recur', /kpaik/ 'side,
half' /paik/ 'to halve'.
 27.

/ta-/ and plosive /k/.

/tk-/ - 1k- /tk./ - ig-
exx. /taken/ 'digit', /tak/ 'to lie, lay across'.
junct. /tkt/ 'to be frightened' is the only exception, LM
tk-.
cler. <t> (- LM (1-)) /tkin/ 'pace, step' /km/ 'to
step'.

/p-/ and plosives /k, C, t/.

/p k- / - pk- /pk2/ - pg- bg-

/pac-/ - pac-, lamc-
/pt-/ - pt- /pat-/ - pd- '- b0d-

exx. /pkan/ 'to strive', /pk3p/ 'to join', /pcut/ 'to

strike, affect', /p'tah/ 'to turn over', /ptm/ 'to
place near(by)'
junc t. all forms in this set contain junctural schwa, except
/pc3k/ 'to be black' which is a labial form of /kc.k/
(LM lamck i' lck). /pc-/ is a rare form in SM, and
not easily tolerated by the system since earlier /pc-/
initials retained only palatality in its second
member, corresponding to SM /phy-/.
der. <p-, in /pakom/ 'to assemble' - /kom/ 'to come together
/pkt/ 'rotation' /k/ 'to revolve', /pacL. rrJ/
'to stare at' /c/ 'to prick', /p't3e/ 'to finish''
't'

/tae/ 'to be finished', /p;th/ 'to arrange' /th/

'to be'.

2. Plosive/nasal.

/k-/ and nasals /p, n, m/.

/k,-/ - ki- t5- /k-/ -

- kn- i-.. tn- .- ln- /kn2/ - lc,fl_
/km-/ - kin- 1m- .' lrn- /krn . / - im-
lrn-

exx /kp&j/ 'dry season', /kp/ 'to be loose, to loosen',

/kne?/ 'yesterday', /kniih/ 'laziness', /kna/ 'tank,
reservoir', /k'mi/ lid of pot'.
ju n Ct. Except for vocalic infix and (kN_> (which is a syllabi
 28.

affix), all are junctural forms.

der. ck- (-i- LM ck-) /kjion/ 'to wrap tightly' /yon/
'to be close'.
<-i- with base-initial SM /hn-/ < LM cn-, /kane/ 'to
steer' ..i' /hne/ 'helm'.
-v-> /kane/ 'faeces' "- /kle 2 / 'to leave', /kmaik/
'procession, walk' " /kwaik/ 'to walk'.
-n-> /kna 1 / 'food' A /c/ 'to eat'.
<-ifl-) /kmok/ 'calculation' /tok/ 'to calculate'.
<k1 ) /lc'ama/ 'to geminate' -- /Ba/ 'two', /km'en/
'cripple' .- /wn/ 'to be deformed', /kamn/ 'to be
continual; always' '- /pn/ 'to be firm'.
dc-> corresponding to LM c-V-> or LM <l-?prefix,
/kemat/ (LM kant) 'stopper' '- /mat/ (LM kmt) 'to
stop up', /kmn/ (LM lainan . lmn) 'potter' .' /mn/
(LM man) 'to work with clay'; k-> may also be an
allomorph of p-> /kamoik/ 'to wish' (LM pmik)-- /mik
'to want to' (LM mik).

/t-/ and nasal //.

/t:j-/ - ti- /ti/ - 1l-
exx. /tm/ 'to thrust at', /t1i'/ 'to be lonely'.
junct. only when initial sequence /t-/ contains no affix.
der. -v-> /tat/ 'to shave' /hkt/ 'to be bare of
leaves', ct-> LM <-V-> /tk/ 'bend' (LN tak)
/3k/ 'to be bent' (LM txak), or t- : LM <1-?
/t jj / 'abstraction of mind' (LM lauii'i 1iuiii)
/f3/ 'to be lost in thought' (LM fiuiii).
/p-/ and nasals /,J,, n/.
9
/p-/ - pn_ /p./ - mn-
/p7_/ - pn- /pJi 2/ - m-
/p3P_/ - pn_ /p bi2/ - Inn-
exx. /pJb2/'to hasten', /pah/ 'outside, besides',
/pj,3j/ 'to show', /pap?/ 'p1ant]' (hapax),
/pnk/ 'to hide', /pnm/ 'Iva r. of fishi'.
junct. all forms are junctural.
der. <p-> der. from second register base-initials /, j, I,


29.

in derivative /p-, pi-/ induced first register.

-- der. from first regier complex base-initials
/pk, tk-/ with underlying forms {pk-, tk_3 , and
/pn-/ fron base-initial /pl-/.
der. from second register base-initial /t./.
c-n-> der. from first register base-initial /p-/.

3. Plosive/liguid.
This set of plosive/liquid clusters - as the following with
semivowel postinitials - consists exclusively of CC- forms
containing affixes, or of initial sequences reflecting the
first syllable of an LM disyllabic simple form; in other
words, since clusters of the type plosive/liquid or plosive/
semivowel /kr-, kl-, kw- &c./ exist as a separate system,
complex initials like /kar-, k'l-, kw-/ reflect disyllabic
forms and are not variants of the former. Those sequences
which are derivatives contain only syllabic affixes.

/ka-/ and liquids /r, 1/.

/kr-/ - kar-, car-, tar- /kr2 / - 1 a r-
kamr-, camr-, tamr-

/kml-/ - kal-, cal-, tal- /ka1-/ -
lal-
kaml- lami-
exx. /kra 0/ 'route, journey', /k3 rh/ to defecate', /ka la/
'box, tin, container', /klXi/ 'to leave behind'.
der. <-s-> from first register bases only, base-initials
/kr-, kl-/, /s-/ when corresponding to LM cr-.
LM cl->, der. from second register base-initial
/l-/.
der. from second register base-initial /t./.

/p-/ and liquids /r, 1/.

/pr-/ - par- - mr-

/pal . / - ml-
- pal-

exx. /parai/ 'to roast', /prm parIa/ 'to recover', /ple/

'to prepare, repair', /plik/ 'to open'.
der. <-Th-> on first register oaly, from base-initials /pr-,
pl-/.
<-a-> der. fron first register base-initials /kr-, kl-/.
 :30.

11. . Plosive/semivowel.

As in the previous set, plosive/liquid clusters, /k-, pa-/

initial sequences contain syllabic affixes, except in the
case of -w-> derived from base-initial /p-/, or else are
reflexes of an LM disyllable; this set is thus symmetrical
in its distribution to the clusters /ky-, k'w-, py-/ ( /ky-,
kw-, p%y-/), on the first register only.

/k-/ and semivowels /y, w/.

/kay_/ - kayy- /kay./ - ly-

/kw-/ - kaw-, caw-, paw- /k%w./ - 1w-
exx. /kya5/ 'to decorate', /kyh/ 'to shake off', /kwah/
'to coil', /kwk/ 'to blow (away, down)'.
der. k-> LM <l . >, der. from base-initial /w-/ and /y-/,
or4LM <t> <k-> der. from base-initial /w-/, or
as allomorph of <p-> with base-initial /w-/.
-s-> der. from base-initials /kw- (LM tw-), hw-
(LM cw-), kw- (LM kw-)/; exceptionally, /ky-/
contains this affix in derivatives from /ky-/ bases
which otherwise yield derr. of /h'y . / shape, like
/ky/ 'to adorn' ' /{kya]kyD/ 'to adorn with jewellei
(-w-) yields regular derr. from /p-/ base-initials,
[pw-3 LM pw- > SM /kaw-/.

/p--/ and semivowel /y/.

/p-/ does not occur with the semivowel /w/ as postinitial,

LM pw- -t- bw- yielding SM /kw-/ and /hv . / for their re-
spective registers.

/pay-/ - payy- /pay./ - 0

kamy- lamy-
exx. /pb/ 'frontier', /pay,m/ 'life'.
der. <-a-> from base-initials /py-/ on the first register.
LM <-m-> der. from base /ky-/.
<A- der. from base /y-/.
Note the symmetry of LM kamr-, camr-, tamr- and LM karni-
SM /pr-/ and /pQl-/ as well as LM kamy- > SM /p9y-/,
on the second register LM laml- > SM /p'l/ and LM lamy-
SM /py-/; this problem will be treated in detail in the
 31.

section on medioclusters and their vestigial forms.

5. Plos-ive/spirant.

/k2-/ and spirants /h, s/.

- si- /kh./ - lah-, dah-, gah-,

jah-
/ks-/ - kas-, tas-
exx. /khom/ 'to regret', /khn/ 'husked rice', /ksao?/
'paddle'.
der. <k-' LM c-V-) - LM <t->.
<-> derr. from bases with complex initials /khy-/,
reflecting OM /ks-/ base-initials (> SM /khy-/ and
OM /kas-/ derr., with OM affix <-V->.
<?> in /kh/ 'to blaze' j-'- /k' / 'to blaze up, shine'

/p-/ and spirants /h, s/.

/ph-/ - pasii- (hapax) /ph. / - bah- (hapax)
/ps-/ - pas-
mas- (hapax)
exx. <-s- /p hc3ik/ 'fear E n .]' -'- /phik/ 'to fear'.
cp-> /phoa/ 'to push away' /ha/ 'to be distant'
(LM sii-).

/pasa/ 'pain' t' /kasa/ 'to feel pain'.

p losive/spirant initial sequences /k2s-, pas-/ do not occur
on the second register.

In order to recapitulate the preceding analysis

of C9C- sequences with initial plosives, it is convenient

to set out the literary forms (cc- or CaC-) first with their

respective SM reflexes and the distribution of their re-

gisters. The column on the left shows LM initial complexes.

These are summarized on the following page (p. 32).

 32
0
14 0
0
-4
0 0*
.4 00
0 - 0
-
&) E.0
I I 040
0 0 N -4
4 0

- 0
0.4
4 I
0 0 0 0
4p 3
0.
0044
-
II I I
14 4444 303
0 0 0 3 000
-4 0.
44 -40
0 0.4
II II
r, 00
t' o', '44
0. 0.+

.4 -"S 0
0

'4
I I E
0 0 010
I I
0.
0 34
I I 'X 0
0 0 0
-4 I I 0
0
-4 -0.
-4 IIi i 0.1'
"4 44-4 0
0 II I I
.4 000
0 -4 1'
0 I- I .1'
0 . .0.0 0.0. 00.'4
.4 0. I II
0 000
0 V'4 44
0
_4_4 -4
_5_ 0
- 0044
0 44.4
.4 .4 44
-4
_4 -4 04 1'
0 4 4 I I -4 0.0
H-4 -4 0..* 044 0.. 04,04?

14 44
0 -4 0
-4 0 43
0 04 04 04c'JC9 .4 1'
-4 44 '4
-4
0 0 1'
- - *4
44
1'
0
0.
I I I
0 14 0
3. 1'
'-4 a
0
II I I I I I
44.4) 0 -4 .0 14 t- -4
0 0 a 3, 44 3
-4 .14 .14 -4 -4 0.04
44 4,
0 0
II I I I I I
00 ,,14 . 14 4
42
4. 44-4 . 42

-4

II I
04.0 0 0 C
'41 II I '4 .-4 I
0 44 1'
-4 '.4 .4
34 44 I I I 0 4) 4
0 -i. '.4
II I I I 0 I
'4 44 '4
- 0 4)
0 I I II I I I I 0 I
.0 k. >.. .4 0 .0
-4 0. II II I I I I 0. I
-4
.0 0
-4 0 0
'-4 0
1'
-4 .0 -4 .4
0 0 43 0 0
-I -4 .4
44 34 1' .44 43
43
.4 _4 '4 '4
0 0 I I I I I 0 0 0 II
.4 p.4 -4 _4 .4 4 .4.4 0 4-I 4400


33.

Initial /ha-/ sequences.

SM and LM show, among the numerous differences,

an asymmetrical distribution in their affixial system. Pre-

fix cl-> does not exist in SM, whereas prefixial forms like

<h-> /h-/ - or indeed any sequence of the shape /h-/ -

do not occur in LM, and never have at earlier stages; ex-
ceptions are abbreviatory spellings for the negative particle

SM /hi'/, rendered as LM ha- or h- (standard LM form hwa'),

cf. 'not to exist, possess' SM /hX m3a/, LM hmay .'- hamway

(standard) hwa' mway. In the following we will examine these

/h_/ sequences in SM. All other affixes, taken out of their

phonological environments in which they occur, have a one-to-

one correspondence in SM and LM (except the starred LM s->
prefix which is the relic of an OM/MM inflectional affix),

although they may differ in their contextual distribution.

LM and SM, for instance, have both a vocalic infix (SM <-s-,

LM (-V-> /-a-/), but in some cases SM <k-> may correspond

to, say, LM c-V-.>.

The following lists are arranged in the same way

as the preceding ones in the three-fold plosive series

( pp. 26-31).

1. /h-/ and plosives 1k, c, t, p1.

/hk-/ - sak- /h.k./ S a g-
- sac- /hac./ saj- ^ Si- /s-
- sat- /h3t./ sad-
/hp-/ - sap- /hp/ sab-, bab-

Besides the ones mentioned, LM reflexes of the given sequence

consist of (orthographically) aspirated plosives and (ortho-
graphically) voiced plosives - except reduplicative initial
sequences like LM jac-; it is the postinitial (voiced/voice-


3t

less) which controls the register of' the SM reflex.

Exx. /hakao ? / 'person, body, self', /hk3a/ 'cat', /hicem/
'bird (generic)', /hjca ? / 'to sit down', /hiton/ 'to
learn; to teach', /hatdn/ 'to hide, disappear', /hap3/
'to put down', /hapY/ 'to meet, encounter'.
der. cli-> occurs in all sets.
.--> der. from base-initials /phy-, khy-/ which yield
otherwise /khy-/ > /k'as-/.

_Lh -I and nasals /n, n, m/.

/h-/ - /hp . / -
/han-/ - san- I '
-

jan-, jamn-
- sam- /ham . / - j a in -
In addition, the first register may take, orthographically,
all aspirated voiceless plosives and the second register all
voiced plosives; all cc- sequences may be spelt either way,
disjunctively CaC- or conjunctively CC-, except for the ones
given above, LM san-, sam- and LM jan-, jam- since CC- clusters
would yidd members of their corresponding set SM /hn-, hm-/
(^ /h'an-, ham_I) and SM /hn . , hin./ ( /h-on . , ham./).
exx. /hji6k/ 'to snap at', /haj-'/'to respect", /hanao/
'to mix', /hanap/ -'to like', /hrnai/ 'egg', /hmk/
to reveal'.
der. exc. /haj-/ all forms contain h-> affix.
c--'> der. from base-initials /hn . / of both registers.
-n-' der. from base-initial /s-/.
<-m-> der. from bases /th-, t, k./.
(-v-> der. from bases /hw./.

j /h-/ and liquids /r, 1/.

/har-/ - sar- - jar-
/hil-/ - sal- /h3l-/ - jal-

Additional orthographies are found in analogy to the fore-

going set (2.), LM sar-, jar- LM sr-, jr- > SM Is-, s./,
LM sal- LM sl- > SM /hl-/.
X. /h'roi!J/ 'to separate', /hra ,j / 'to inform', /h'lc/
'to bore, pierce', /hl1 ? / 'to instruct'.
exc. for /hal-/, all occurring forms take affix
 35.

/hr-/ forms contain also <-r-> affix.

(-s-', /hr-/ from base-initials /s-/ LM Cr- " sr-
/h'ar . / from base-initials /kr, s 2 / LM gr-..'-jr-
/h'1-/ from bases /hl-/ . LM si-.
/hl/ from bases /kl . , pl./.
(-r-) from bases of Ch- type on the first register.

It. /h'-/ and semivowels /y, w/.

/h3y-/ - /h3y./ -
/h-w_/ - saw- /ha'w./ - jaw-
Other spellings conform to the observations in (2) and (3).
exx. /hya/ 'to guess', /hyn/ 'to carry on shoulder',
/h'wai/ 'to sit crosslegged', /hwili/ 'to shake'.
der. /hy-/ does not contain any affix, /h3y-, ha'w-/ have
no <12- prefix, all except /hay-/ take the vocalic
infix.
(-9-) der. from LM dy-, gy-, by-.
der. from bases /hw-/ on both registers, LM sw-
jw-, and from /kw-/ base-initials LM gw- ' dw-.
<-w-) der. from bases /ph-/, in analogy to affix <-r-)
der. from Ch- type simple forms, and from base-
initial /p/ < LM b-.

5. /h-J and glottals /2, 1.

/ha ? -/ occur only on the first register and may take as
orthographies all aspirated voiceless plosives,
/ / voiced plosives, LM sa- - s-, la- (and spor-
/h6-/ adically LM ka-, ta).
exx. /h?ui/ 'medicine, tobacco', /hd'eh/ 'oneself',
/ho/ 'to collect'.
der. ch-> is the only affix which is contained in sequences
like /hC_/; not all such forms in the lexicon can
be reduced to affix and base.

CC- forms: VARIA.

The remaining CaC- initial sequences are either the result
of contraction of two monosyllables or secondary patterns
(loans). It should also be remembered what has been said
 36.

previously about 'reading pronunciation': Any CC- sequence

in LM may be recited, in formal contexts, according to
the actual orthography rather than to the rules given above;
SM /tt3/ may be heard quoted as /i3/ or /prik/ as
/marik rnrik/. But in colloquial speech this never
happens, and the majority of Mons are rather rigid about the
difference between colloquial and literary forms (witness
their fondness of phonetic spellings as alternatives!)48.
As for contractions it must suffice here to cite fe
examples - weakening and the simplification of medioclusters
will be discussed in a subsequent section.
The following forms occur frequently in any
colloquial situation:

/ch 10?! 'when?', varr. /slo ? / -- /ti?lo?/

/tno?/ 'these', /t?/ and /n3?/
/ta te?/ 'those', /t/ and /te?/
/mncm/ 'still, further', /mj/ and /n&m/
/me kh/ 'if, /m.?/ t' /mcik/ and /kh/
/l kiln! 'terms of address, reference to monks', /kala?/ an
/la kyaik/ /kiln/ A' /kyaik/
/yamil ? hlb/ ' E what is your] namer?]', /ymi/ is a variant
of DSM /cmil?/.

This is a highly productive pattern and yields

an open class, especially with reduplicated monosyllables
which function as adverbials: /pr3h prh/ 'quickly' >
/paprh/, /sak sak/ 'gently' > /ssak/, or the question
particle /m? ci / 'how much?' > /maci?/ 49
Equally, loans are part of a productive pattern
consisting of C3C- initial sequences; again, this class is
open in that simple initials and the series of aspirates,
Ch- and hC- pieces, may occur as the pre-schwa consonant,
but two- or three-place initials are excluded. An additional
restriction applies to the postinitial member of the sequence:
If, for instance, a rnediocluster is retained - a not unusual
pattern for borrowings - the first syllable cannot be re-
duced (or 'weakened') to a cc-cv(c)Rsequence (c-c being
a mediocluster), like /khkha ? / 'doubt' (p. khal!ika) to
/kha j kha?/ or /makilt/ 'mangosteen' (Thai /makhftt/ &c.)
 37.

to /mjkit/.
To cite loans of this pattern rather frequently
used: /khnaP/ 'instant' (. khana), /nadi/ 'hour, clock'
(Skt. nadi which tends to be replaced by loans from Thai
(ult. Khmer ?) /mo:!j/), /manat/ 'man, human being, person'
(Thai /manfit/ t' Khmer /mnh/; the Thai spelling reflects
the Skt. borrowing manusya, the Khmer Pali manussa 50 ), /si
s'aBu/ 'soap' (Thai /sabi:/, Khmer /sa:ta:/, Portuguese sabao),
/hwara set! 'French' LM whahanset (Thai /fras:t/, Khmer
/ 6a:ra ! saeh/ French) and /satli/ 'Sterling [currency3'
(Thai, English). In one case, /r-/ reflects Skt. r, /raszeP/
'hermit' (skt. rsi), With one exception, /nadi/, schwa re-
presents short -a- in IA loans (short -a in IA loans, when
final, results in a glottal stop /_?/ or loss) whereas long
-- (and final -a) in IA is preserved and cannot be reduced,
like /sala/ 'hail' ^ /sla/ - /sia?/ (. s1).

Medioclusters.

Medioclusters in SM of the form -CC- occur only

in loans, in a few native words and in those forms which

contain a syllabic pre- and a /Ch-/ base-initial.

OM had a highly developed system of medioclusters

which was morpho-phonologically related to affixation; thus

not only base with two-place initials taking a syllabic

infix formed disyllabic derivatives with a mediocluster which

consists of the postinitial of the base as its second member

and the affix as its first, as in OM /ks3p/ 'to think'

/kans3p/ 'thought', <-n-> infix, but also bases with simple

initials take syllabic infixes and reduplicate the initial

of the base as the initial of the derivative, like /d3s/

'to be' > /d3rdos/ 'existence', -r->, or /tol/ 'thread'>

/tltoi/ 'tradition', <-1->. In MN these medioclusters were

simplified to either their first or second member - depending
 38.

on environmental conditions with which we are not concerned

here - and a process of voicing/devoicing of the initial of

the derivative, like OM /d3rths/ MN /td3h/ or MN /dak/

MM /tadak/ 51 . This evolution brought about the change of the

majority of disyllables of the form cvccv(c) to cvcv(c)52.

As mentioned in the previous section on C3C- Varia

(pp. 35-37), loans of structures like cvccv(c) (or even

cvcccv(c)) cannot be reduced to initial sequences of the
Cc- type (and -cv(c) final sequences) whereas the few native

words showing medioclusters may:

/hkrm/ 'to pounce on', /hprao/ 'Lkind of treefi', /hapli/

'betel (leaf)' and /l'kyaik/ 'term of reference to monks'
(contr. /kla ? / 'master, lord', /kyaik/ 'Buddha').

Similarly, words containing syllabic prefixes C->

/Ca-/ conform to this pattern:
/pkhn/ 'to make muddy' /khan/ 'to be muddy'), /pachak/
'to bring together' (' /chak/ 'to come together'), /kchbn/
'to massage with one's feet ' (-'- /chbn/ 'to knead'), /pthij
'to make stable' (-i, /thi j / 'to be stable'); /takhai/ (DSM)
'to beckon' is irreducible.

Two cases of contraction obtain identical structures:

/Facho/ 'sometimes' (', /la?/, var. /kala?/ ( p . kala), and
unspecified /ch-/ as in /ch8la73, and /mahne ? / 'one moment'
( " /m3a/ 'one', /hne?/ 'while, short time').
The reason for this is that all native words mentioned above,

except /tkhai/, are reducible to a base with two-place initial

CC-. The affix or contracted element has to be syllabic be-

cause three-place initials are not tolerated in SM unless

they are of the ChC- type. If, as in the case of disyllabic

loans, the word consists of two major syllables which can be

split into two closed monosyllables of SM shape, the medio-

cluster is preserved and the first syllable not weakened.

This is supported by historical evidence: There is considerable

uncertainty in the orthographies whether to spell words in
 39.

a disjunctive way as two monosyllables using virama on the

first final consonant or conjunctively with the initial of the

second syllable as a subscript to the final of the first

(mono-) syllable, like LM nip pn or LM nippn (. nibhna)5

Additional evidence comes from three-term medio-

clusters -CCC- which, in order to be assimilated to a possible

SM shape, are split into a final and a two-place initial of

the following syllable, as in /sjkran/ {s& kranj (skt.

sarfikranti).

In passing, phrase-prosody could be mentioned to

exhibit similar tendencies, like /mI ? kb m/ 'mother and

father, parents' contracted to /mY kam/.

In this way we can establish a general rule for

the preservation of medioclusters of the form -CC(C)-:

The first term of a mediocluster has to be a member of the

final system (except /h/) /k, c, t, p, , n, m, P/ whereas

the second term may be any member of the initial consonant

system /k, c, t, p, , p, n, m, r, 1, y, w, s, ?, B, d'/
(except /h/). If the mediocluster has the shape /-Ch-/ or is
a member of the two-place initial system /ky-, kr-, ki-, k'w-,

py-, pr-, pl-/ the precluster vowel must be neutral (schwa)4.

But if it is a three-term mediocluster of the form /-CCh-/ the

preceding vowel is - leaving apart registral considerations -

any term of the vowel system except the neutral (schwa).

Geminate consonants occur, like /proikks/ (Skt. mrgairsa),

but are split into syllabic shapes tolerated in SM, {paroik4

k Sb].

The list on the following page (p.40) was compiled

on the basis of DSM and, to a lesser extent, MED taking into


4O.

Si ci
4..
ci
ci .Si Si
si Iai P. .,
CD
$4 . .Si 4 +' >, +, .-4
C 'ISi4,. + -4 "4
-4
-4V$i.,. Si
p U) Si 0
., 01 CD 4'
P4 'P4
.: P1 4.' P4
U) P4 P4
P4 toPI . . .
C'- (_
0101+'
C.'. . .'. Si,'.)
4' 01.. i)',.'Si.Si
C.,
Si HSi+'4.'...n. .Si.SiP....i
.1,a1 m,o C) .44.4.4 .r4 (4. r'.-
- +' Si P. / H +' $i H 01 01.4'cs
W - C'. 0 ,cl , ,
Si,. C flC)_ c'.. C'- rs. ,,l(('- 0,4 4.'... .Si
01 r4 .Si ,.i ,Si 01 .C1 CD 0 0
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 41.

account only words which occur in possible spoken contexts.

Some examples from Thai/English loans have been added; a

similar system for LM would be more complex. The first column

of the list comprises clusters of which the first member is

a nasal /,, m, n/, the second column oompriss clusters of

the types -kC-, -tC-, -pC- and the third glottals _?c_.

Consonantal variation.

We find several types of variation in the structure

of simple forms which cannot be explained in terms of variation
of secondary patterns since the majority of these cases are

native words or variations of otherwise regular morpho-phono-

logical processes.

Variation is prosodic and affects register,

aspiration, syllabicity and the like; in this section we treat

variations of initial and final consonants only. The fol-

lowing types may be distinguished:

- aspiration /ni/ - /hn/ 'pillow'

- /hn!j/ 'timber supporting floorplanks'
/nea/ - /hnea/ 'forehead' (dial.)
/?/ /hp?/ 'this, here (bound form)' (dial
/oa/i' /hoa/ 'day, sun' (dial..)
Except for the first instance, /ni -'.- hnl/,
and /n ? hj?/, the variation concerns
nasals with unnatural register which are sim-
plified LM plosive/nasal CC- clusters.
- palatalization /ik/ - /iik/ 'boy' (DSM: Thaton dial.)
/n/ ' /si/ 'here, this', contr./dial.
- continuants-to-stops
/yj/ -i.' /ch/ 'to smell'
/ch/ 'to shine, be clear'
/phyea/ /cea/ 'Adam's apple; carrier for
almsbowl'
- velarjzation /kron/ / karo/ 'to be cracked'
/krot/ i' /k%r3ik/ 'fish basket'
 42.

- nasalization /han3k/1-/hn3/ 'small bell, or slit

drum ' 55
/h 3 e?/l /h 3 e?/ 'house'

The sources of this kind of variation are multiple and at the

present state of our knowledge of Mon dialects difficult to

asssess; Stewart, in his collection of traditional Mon folk-

iore 6 noted /r/ as a dialectal variant of standard Burma

Mon /l/ (DsM). Equally, palatalization may be either dialecta

(Shorto's /, ik/ 'v/jiik/ in Thaton speech) or a contraction
type which in turn is specific only for one particular speech
community, and hence dialectal, as my /na?/ /h3P/,
or the aspiration of nasals. But then palatalization of velars
/k, j I following diphthongs on both registers may be inter-
preted as a glide57.

Consonantal alternance.

The alternation of consonants in SM is a systematic

device of derivation in a rather restricted number of cases,

like /toi/ 'to shave' /noiij/ 'razor', /keh/ 'to write with
a stylus' > /neh/ tstylust. These alternances will be dealt

with in the appropriate section of morphology, and treated as

a case of infixation by -n-).
 43.

2. Vowel systems.

Spoken Mon has a total number of nine monophthongal

and eight diphthongal vowel nuclei, regardless of their re-
gistral or postvocalic consonantal (-vc) distribution and

leaving apart, for the moment, the neutral vowel (schwa) which
in certain contexts must be regarded as a segmental phoneme:
/i, e, ., 0 u, a, &, b/ and /ai, oi, ui, oa, ao, i, ea,
.a/. Since the distribution of vowels depends on the two re-
gistral systems, for instance //, /b/ and /a'/ may be in

complementary distribution, we obtain the following three

sets of monphthongs: For the first register /, 3/, for the
second register J, and for both /i, e, 3, o, u, a,
although the nuclei of the last group occur on both registers,
they must be further distinguished because vowels on the

second register are more centralized than those on the first.

The break-upof the vowel systems of SM into 'centre / peri-

phery', according to register, is thus typologically very

different from modern Khmer, breaking up its vowel system
into a 'low vowel range' and a 'high vowel range'.
The vowel nuclei (monophthongs) in SM are as follows, arranged
by register:
Register 1. i U
e 0
()
3

a b

Register 2. / 1 u
a
3

a /
The following brief phonetic descriptions are based on the
varieties I am acquainted with in Thailand and appear here
somewhat generalized 58 . The notation presented between slant
lines / is the DSM transcription.
/i/ - short, close, front, unrounded vowel [i.]; centralized
and open before /h/; /hi/ 'to glance sideways', /jI/
'to be level', /cih/ 'to descend', /nih/ 'man, person'.
/e/ - long, half-close, front, unroundedtej; in Rajburi
dialects half-open, almost to /6/; otherwise central-
ized and open before laryngeals /P, h/, except for
/te?/ 'that' and/tte 1 / ' those'. Lamphun dialect main-
tains DSM standard /e/, elsewhere /e/ ' /e/; /ket/ 'to
take', /lp/ 'to be trained to, be able', /neh/ 'iron
stylus', /nh/ 'fang, canine'.
IC' - before velars /k, / is in Thai Mon more open and
'back-coloured'; before velars //>[)'-Ca], /ktc/
rk') 'bitter'. It does not occur before velars on
the second register; it is centralized and more open,
/p3/ tp'a ?'i 'to choke'; Sakamoto (1976) transcribes
Sarnut Sakh9rn //. Before laryngeals /6/ is slightly
diphthoagizedtt] as in /ce?/ [tptTJ 'to eat'. In
all other contexts (before nasals and plosives) fl1 as
in /t&m/ 'to know', /t&t/ 'to go/come out'.
/a/ - open, mid, unrounded; before velars 'back-coloured'C1,
before laryngeals a central variety, before stops and
nasals 'front-coloured' Eal /ka/ '(tea) kettle',
/ka/ 'fish', /pak/ 'to blow, fan', /p/ 'to surround'
/kat/ 'to be harsh', /yat/ 'cloth(es)'.
- mid-central vowel. /p/ 'cooked rice', /p/ 'belly',
/k ? / 'to get &c.'
- back open, long vowel (except before /-h/). sometimes
approximating /D/ or, in hybrid varieties, with younger
speakers whose first language is Thai, /a/ - /t/. No
occurrence on the second register. /kbm/ 'to accompany'
,/ khbh/ 'to be good, well'.
- back, very open, rounded. /kP/ 'island', 'neck', /rim/
t tree, plantt.
- back vowel, closer than /3/, strong lip-rounding; on
first register, before stops, approximates C1, on the
second register between C] and E] . /dot/ 'small,
young', /d'o/ 'to be tired', /pk/ 'company, group',
/pin/ 'basket-like container with lid'.
/u/ - back, close, before /h/ centralized and open, before
velar-nasal slightly diphthongized[trJ; /puh/ 'to
fillip', /cuh/ 'tens (numeral)', /niI/ 'from (particle)',
/1ip/ 'to enter', /niIh/ 'spear'.
 45.

Diphthongs.
As Shorto pointed out (19 66 .401), the distinction

between monophthongs and diphthongs is not of crucial im-

portance, unlike Khmer or Palaung where, for instance, simple
vowels are opposed to s-type vowels. One might go even so
far as to postulate, on the phonological level, no diphthongs

at all and to re-interpret them as -VC sequences instead

of -irv. Shorto recognizes3diphthongs on the first and four

on the second register, if we treat /E. i- h/ and /&a,

^ak, ' .aj/ as special cases; for the first register we obtain
the set /oa, ea, ui, oi, i, ai, ao, oe/, and for the

second register ba, ui, ai, oi/.

Register 1 Register 2

u U

/ui/ - both members are close varieties and the diphthong

consists of a back-to-front movement, rounded-to-un-
rounded; /h' Pui/ 'medicine', /tiii/ 'ter1n of address'.

/oi/ - is a slightly upward glide, back-to-front, rounded-to-

unrounded; /m3i, j/ 'to hear', /toik/ 'to rest, sleep'.
In all dialects in Thailand, except Lamphun, /oi/
approximates[a]on the second register, the first
member of the diphthong being more centralized [)*{33
/ai/ - is an upward glide, open-front to close-front; /paik/
 46.

'to split', /ii/ 'to dissolve/.

/oa/ - is the only downward glide shared by both registers,

back-close to front-open; however, in the Rajburi
dialects the first register /oa/ merges with /oe/,
except for /oa/ 'I, me'.
The remaining -irv(c) . W diphthongs occur only on the first

register:

/3e/ - back-open to front half-close, upward glide; /he?/

'house'.

/ao/ - open-mid to back-close, upward glide; note that

the difference between /oe/ and /oi/ is functionally
similar to modern Khmer /ae/ and /ay/. /p3ik/ 'to
cut up food'.

/ea/ - half-close to open-mid, downward glide; approximates

in Rajburi variety fl.]; occurs only before velars.
/k3lea/ 'to return'.
A special case is // before laryngeals, velars and in open
syllables. Before laryngeals it is to be interpreted as a
monophthong /&/ with an off-glide - as above -, but before

velars it is clearly a diphthong /ay, ' ak/; this set,

/^ P , ' .h, 'a, )ak/, is then symmetrical to the first register

set /e P , eh, eaj, eak/ 59 . In open syllables /^a/ has two

allophones in Thailand Mon reflecting to different LM vowel

nuclei, /a/ .i-' LM - (following, orthographically, voiced

stops and continuants, except spirants) and /E?aw/ -'- LM -au

in the same context.

Shorto (1966, assirn) attempts to rewrite -Vv-

diphthongs before velars and in open syllables as -VC final

sequences and obtains the following results:

velar-final contexts
/aik/ > /ac/ /oik/ /uc/
/ai/ > /aji/ /oi/ /up/

/Qik/ > bc!

/3i/ lop!
 47.

open-syllable contexts
/ai/ > /ay/ /ao/ > /aw,'
iou > by! /oa/ /uc/
/ui/ > buy! /ea/ . /it4/

Presumably on dialectal grounds, Sakamoto (1976) uses a

similar transcription which, however, is not wholly con-
sistent; lou and /ai/ before velars are rendered /oc, oJ.,/
and /ac, ap/, but the reflex of LM -ek is /iak/ - icc!
(Ds4 /3ik/ -'.- leak!). However close the above interpretation
proves to be for some dialects in Thailand (/cfaik/ 'water,
liquid' " /ctac/ which is 'by younger speakers, especially
children, creolized as /at/, since final palatals do not
exist in Thai), it should be emphasized that this is not a
relic of OM final palatals found in some enclaves in that
country, but clearly a dialectal innovation in some few
instances and not universally accepted as standard6O. Moreover
the argument that final palatals in Mon, like /c!ac/, are a
conservative feature found in some isolated dialects can be
easily dismissed for reasons taking into account the evolution
of Mon orthography; MM inscriptions show no final palatals,
not to mention the bulk of classical Mon MSS that survived.
Yet another problem is admixture: The same speaker might use
/dac/ for /cfaik/, but qould reject /diic/ as a variant for
/doik/ 'servant'.

Since vowel systems have been extensively dealt

with by Shorto in the quoted paper (1966) - with the ex-
ception of neutral vowels (schwa) and 'vocalic' prefixial
elements /?i?_/ and /a-/ - we shall confine our analysis to
 48.

vowel nuclei and their final consonants (also called 'final

sequences'). The distribution of vowel nuclei is of course

not only dependent on final consonants, but also on pre-
ceding consonantal sequences, but restrictions are greatest
before finals.

First register
Monophthongs
/43, u, i/ do not occur before velars /k, o/.
/e/ in open syllables, before velars corresponds
to diphthong /ea/.
/3/ does occur only before velars and is in com-
plementary distribution with /b/.
/0/ does not occur before laryngeals.
// does not occur in open syllables and before
/h/.
All mentioned nuclei, except /./, occur in open
syllables as well.

Diphthongs
ba, ui/ occur only in open syllabi-es,
/ao, e/ only in open syllables and before
laryngeal s,
/ai, oi, i/ only before velars, but /ai, oil may
occur also in open syllables.

Second register
Monophthongs
/i, e, u/ do not occur before velars,
/a/ only before velars and dentals,
// only before laryngeals; in open syllables
and before velars /&/ is diphthongized.

Diphthongs
/ai/ does occur only before velars and in open
syllables,
/ oi/ only before velars and
I, ui/ only in open syllables.

There remain seven pairs of vowel units, monophthongal and

 49.

diphthongal, of the same register, which correspond to a

single LM vocalic nucleus:

/i, ,e/ LM -1(C), -i

/3, b/ LM -uiw
/&, a/ LM -a
/3e, ui/ LM -uy
lea, 3i/ LM -eC (where C is a velar)
/a, 3i/
/i, E./ LM -iC (where C is a term of' the set
/-t, -p, -n, -m/)
/u, ao/ i -u(C)
/3, u/ LM -ah

and cases where a single SM vowel unit corresponds to several

LM nuclei, /a/'- LM -a4i/-au, /3k/-'-LM -ok/4k, /ao/.i
LM -u/-o/-au41, /ih/ LM -ih/-eh.
The elements of each pair in the first group are distributed
according to the pre-vocalic consonant sequences.

Re-adjusting the systems stated by Shorto (1966.

406, table), we obtain four main classes of final consonants:
Class 1 open syllables
Class 2 final glottal stop I?!
Class 3 final /h/
Class 4 final dentals and labials /-t, -n, -p, in/

Final velars /-k, -/ do not show ambiguities of preceding

vocalic nucleus.

/i, e/ - /i/ occurs following glottals, semivowels,

/k, c/, /(-)ch/ before class 1 finals; glottals
/y, c/, /(-)ch) before class 2 finals, and befor
class 3 finals in addition to initials /k, s/.
/3e/ occurs following liquids, nasals and /s/
before class 1 finals and class 2 finals in
addition to /h, p, w, t/ and following /, p, m
before class 3 finals.t

/, b/ - these occur only before class 1 finals;

following glottals, Ic, (-)ch,y, h/ vowel
unit /3/ occurs following /k, s, t, p, w/,

1 /h, p/ initials in class 1 may take either vowel unit.

 50.

liquids and nasals (except /n/ which takes

neither) /,/.

Ic., a/ - following /c/ in class 2 finals //; /a/ in

all other cases.
/i, &/ - occurs only before class finals; /1/ is con-
L1.

trolled by initial glottals, /k, c, p1,

/(-)ch/ and / y/,// follows spirants, liquids,
nasals and /t/.
Exception: 1w! may control either member of
the pair.
/u, ao/ - before finals of class 4, only /u/ occurs
following glottals, semivowels /k, c, hI
and /(-)ch/; before finals of class 1, only
/ao/ occurs following nasals, liquids, semi-
vowels and /k, p, SI.
In class 2 /u/ follows glottals and /(-)ch/,
inclass 3 following /k, c, p,/ and glottals.
/ao/ follows spirants, liquids, semivowels,
/t, p,/ before class 2 finals and only It!
before class 3 finals.
Exception: Before class 3 finals, liquids and
nasals may control either, and before class 1
finals following glottals, /c/ and /(-)ch/.

The two other pairs not yet analyzed are the diphthongs /e,

ui/ and /ea, zi/ A'/a, i/.

/3e, ui/ occur only in open syllables, both reflecting the

LM nucleus -uy; however, /e/ is the normal unit following

any consonant in first register words, and the only exception

are /hui/ 'to mix' (> /phui/ 'to mix in', <p->), /hmui/
'to be pliant' ( > /hme/ in /pli hrne la/ 'boy at age

of puberty', <-a->), /ha?ui/ 'medicine' and /kui/ 'to rock'

( > /h'kui/ 'to be drowsy', .<h-).

/ea, i/ or /a, ai/, according to the register, reflect

LM final sequence -ek . -e. MM /3ik, Di/ are the re-

flexes of OM /c, j-,/ (DMI.xix) and are orthographically

identical with MM /ek, e/. But SM diphthongized /e/ before

velars, /ea/ '' /.a/; no rules can be established on internal

evidence alone, that is, using exclusively the SM lexicon:

LM pek .> SM /peak/ 'to run away' and /pik/ 'to cut up'.
 51.

It is the loss of final palatals in OM that caused per-

turbations in the. vowel systems in this respect.

Consisten1systems may be set up only for those

vowel units following liquids, glottals and nasals6l.

Initial spirants, stops, semivowels and (-)ch- sequences yield

partially overlapping systems.

Vocalic variation.

Vowel variation in native words is assumed to be dialectal,

especially in Thailand and is confined mainly to the pairs

/3 - o/, /b /0 - b/ and /a -i-b/, that is, to contrasts

like back/front and open/close. As mentioned in the intro-

duction, dialect boundaries in Thailand are not clear-cut
and the incidence of admixture within the same community is
high, but wherever /b -'-'3/ we find /3' o/ in the same con-

text, like DSM /khhh/ 'to be good' -'- /khh/ and DSM /pr3h/

'to be quick, speedy' > /proh/. In the same settlement

(Maekhlong eastbank), however, DSM /k/ before labials

/p, m/ is preserved, /clbp/ 'head', and the difference /z-'-

o/ maintained. Despite the variation in the pair /o " ' 3

given the shift /o/ ' / 3/ and /b/ /3/, vowel length would
be maintained, like DSM /kbm/ /k3m/ [k:m] 'to accompany'
and DSM /kom/ 'to assemble' ' /km/ Lk3mJ.

Variation of the kind /a b/ is found with

younger speakers of Mon and due entirely to Thai influence;

/a -/ variation within that group does not exist in dialects

where /b -3/.

Variations in loans depend largely on the

situational context; if the word is part of the lexicon

supposed to be colloquial, like /ph9/ 'to be dazed' (skt./

 52.

P. bhaga 'disturbance'), it follows the rules whereby

underlying /a/ before velars (or 'inherent vowel' before

velars in LM), on both registers, corresponds to SM /C'.a/.

In 'learned' contexts, such as recitals of texts and public

speeches, the natural rule does not apply and the original
vowel is preserved even if integrated into a different

prosodic system (like register), and /pha j / has as veriant

in those specific contexts /ph j /. Another, better known,

case is the introductory formula P. namotassa bhagawato ara-

hato sammasambuddhasa which may be either totally naturalized
as SM /ni3m t3tsa.../ -'- /niYm6 t3 ? sa/ (note the loss of' the

expected glottal closure of' P. tassa) or, rarely, recited

as /na?m ta?sa't'.../.

Still other cases are environment-conditioned:

/c..? / 'to eat' > /kana?/ 'food' (c-n->), /hwa?/ 'curry,
dish' (<-w-'>) where /a/ following Ic-I is confined to
secondary patterns, as pointed out above (p. 50), but a normal

vowel unit when preceded by, say, nasals, stops /k, p/ and
hC- pieces.

Vowel alternaice, unlike consonantal alternance,

as part of' a morphological system to derive one word-class

from another does not exist in Mon.

Initial vocalic sequences.

Except for the central neutral vowel /'/ (schwa), all vowels

found in initial position of phonological words ought to be

interpreted as C 1 VC 2 - sequences where C 1 represents a glottal

stop and C 2 either /?/ or any C-final. This is one of the

reasons why treatment of such sequences was excluded from

Sliorto' vowel systems (1966).
 53.

Apart from /?i2_/ , the system is very re-

strictive and mostly confined to loans. Only /? iY/ arid /?u?/

occur on both registers 'whereas the remaining 'vocalic'

initials are found only in first register 'words.

But not all forms fit into the pattern ?v?_ and

a certain number shows the structure or ?vvc 'where

C is a term of the final consonant system except glottal

stop, like I on/ 'to be small in quantity'

Native forms have the following ?v... initial

sequences (in structures such as or ?vvc) /?a, ?b,

?3, ?3i, ? o, ?, ?ea/ and in open syllables the diphthongs

/?oa, ?ao, P ui/. In structures like iv(c) /, e, 3 / occur

only in loans.

flea/ 'to dry up' ( /h?ea/ 'to dry'), /L'uiJ ea/ 'to rot'
/Pa/ 'to go', /?ah/ 'to be clean', /1'^t/ 'to be finished',
/3k/ 'natural parent (to be specified by prepostioned kin-
terni)', /?oj,j/ 'to fast', /oik/ 'faeces, /?oa/ 'I, me',
/2 ao/ 'negative particle (Thail., coil.)', /ut/ 'to be off,
rotten', / P ui/ 'to swing'.
Shorto (1966.399) interprets the initial

quence /?i?_/ (DSM transcribes it as /i?/) as /y/ on

historical grounds - at least implicitely - and decides to

assign this group to a secondary pattern together with

/-/ initial sequences.

Convenient as this may appear in that parti-

cular analysis of SM vowel systems, it does not justify

to group native words with initial / P iP / sequence along

with loans to a secondary pattern. Historically, the re-

verse is true, that is, secondary patterns (loans) of this

form (with unusual syllabic shape) have survived only be-

cause existing native structures (primary patterns). It is

however, appropriate to submit these initial sequences to a

 54.

special treatment rather than analyze them within vowel

systems because phonetically all DSM /?/ sequences are pre-

ceded by a glottal stop [P12], and can thus be treated as a

restricted type of initial sequence CVC-. This treatment

would also be in line with the syllabic structure of Mon.
The initial complex of /u ? / occurs only in loans, and is
attested in OM; but /?i?/ and /?iC_/ in native words must

have evolved only by late Middle Mon. Its reflex in ON and

early MM is /ya/ whenever affixial, correspondirgto the

onomastic or kin-prefix SM <?i?_?. MM 'ui' /?/, also a

female onomastic prefix, follows, if connected, a peculiar

development. In the appropriate section on morphology it will

be shown that LM retains an underlying ya- initial complex

in words containg affixes.

All vowel nuclei and final consonants are shown

on a table on the following page (p. 55).

VARIA
// prosodies and central vowels.

SM has a central vowel /3/ on each register, /kl3j/ 'to come'

/k1/ 'small boat', with a restricted, asymmetrical, dis-
tribution: The pair / "- occurs only before velars, in
all other contexts the related set /' "- / operates, /ko/
'to give', /k' / 'to glow, shine', reflecting a common LM
nucleus -ui(C). The complex history of this pair of central
vowel /3/ will be exposed below.
Phonetically, /?/ and /3/ are not identical in
words transcribed in DSM as /plm/ - abstracting, for argu-
ments sake, a structure like pVlVm where V contains the
feature 'centrality, but remains, as yet unspecified in the
context -, or /pn3k/, /skk3tht/ (meaning respectively
'to damage', 'to hide', 'semen' ( p . sukkadhatu)).
In these given examples // is lower than /3/


55.

E E E E
,.l W
I I I

Q. .
7
C C C C C C
o
I I I I I

+ 4. .4. 4 4 4
Cl

', C,
1 -4 -4
' o C 0
I I I I

. .
"-I I
o C 0
I I I

, .
Cl o
I I I I I

c. (I. (7- (7.

_I W (.1 Cl o
I I I I I I

C C
C o C 0
I I I I I I

E E EE E C C
C) W C no
I I I I I I

.,1 C W C (70
I I I I I I I

C C C C CCC C
..1 C W C (70
I I I I I I I I

4 4 4 + 4 4 4
C 1.) C D (7 0
I I I I I I I

C' r
-4 -4
C C) 0
I I I
C
0 C..'

-4
-4 -4 0
C '. l ) 0 C (70
C I I I I I I I I
-4

0
0 .0 .0 -Ci.
C .0 CO .0 .0.0 .00
C .,4 (7 Ci C 9 Ci
I I I I I I

C)
(7. C
0 t C)(Le. (L (7. Ct C -4
(7 Ci ) C .Q Ci
C I I I I I I I I C

C) C 4 -CC C
.-4 (7 C) C C) fl 0 C C C) C
I I I I I I I I I I I I I 0
 56.

besides other prosodic differences such as stress and length

in disyllables and trisyllables (loans). The registral con-
trast /3 '- / is minimal and confined, in this particular
context, only to voice-quality affecting the pre-vocalic
consonant, unlike /put/ 'base of spine' (skt. puccha 'tail')
and /plt/ 'to grind' where /ii/ is more central than
and the registral contrasts involve features like 'centrality,
laxness' (second register) or 'periphery/tenseness' (first
register). Equally, one could set up notations like /pnak/
or /pan3k/, in analogy to Dempwolff's CC(C)aC reconstruction
or to Javarseppt in CCC, for DSM /pn3k/ 'to hide',
but apart from not conveying the phonetic reality (height
of vowel, stress, syllabicity), it would also result in a
phonological distortion in placing structures such as these
alongside patterns occurring in, say, Palaung where CCC
structures show equal stress or secondary stress on the

first syllable63, or else Sre, like in Dournes's notation
/rlm/ 'to fall in', /kldp/ 'to cover'. A transcription
of DSM /pan3k/ as /pn2ic/ or /p3n3k/ ignores thus important
phonetic and phonological differences: The first syllable
in native Mon disyllables is always unstressed; /p'nk/
reflects LM pnuk and the first central vowel is anaptyctic
only, inducing a further syllable.
This difficulty was noted by Smalley (196 1t.299-
300) who identifies /3/ and // as the same phoneme with
/3/ occurring in unstressed (his "weak-stressed") syllables
and /3/ elsewhere. But phonetically, as has been said above,
/3/ and /3/ are not identical. The problem, however, is
more complex and not merely a matter of notation.
Schwa /3/ occurs in initial position aC-, /arak,
'alcoholic drink', /3tao/ 'on, above' ( .-t' /tao/ 'to be
superior', <->), without being preceded by a glottal stop,
unlike all other vowels found in initial position; it occurs
also following initial consonants C - only if followed by a
final -(c)cv(c) sequence and in structures like CV(C)Ca(C)CV(
Schwa /'/ never occurs in final position or before a simple
final consonant. The /2/ in the notation h?V(C) is a glotta
stop preceding any vowel - except /3/ - and not a final pre-
ceded by schwa.
 57.

In initial position, SM // is spelt with the

vowel support LM 'a 3 followed by a consonant, /lb/ 'where'
LM 'aluiw elsewhere, the vowel support .3, represents
a glottal stop, /?a/ 'to go' LM 'a) , /p'.h-hk3?/ 'each
other' LM Icah saka'&c. 3:cT3 (final /_P/ is also re-
presented by anusvara ). In yet other environments SM
glottal stop, when final, corresponds to orthographic short
vowel, including the inherent vowel.
In MM pre-glottalized consonants are often
spelt C' (confined only to the nasals /i, i/) whereas spelling
of the form C', confined only to OM, are interpreted as
pre-nasalized consonants: MN /ti/ spelt tam'ii, MM /t;iah/
spelt tam'ah, OM fl'J3y/ 'to be sick' spelt 'jey, OM / bar!
'to kneel' spelt 'bar.
Initial // and its LM reflex 'a are either
prefixial elements SM <3-) or a reduction or correspondence
of IA or Burmese loans, /an3?/ 'here' " /n/ 'this' (->),
/lxn/ 'whole, entirety' (Burm. 'alum:), /tt/ 'week' (Skt.
ditya), /th 7 than! 'vow' (. adhitthna). Note that
initial IA a and correspond to SM //. The first syllable
is unstressed and, if register is assigned to the syllable
and not the word, bears no registral distinction induced by
the following syllable, unlike sequences of the structure
/?i?C.../ /?u?C_/ or /?iC_/ ,1 /?uC_/ which conform to the
register of the following syllable.
In medial (inter-consonantal) position, CC- &c.,
SM // reflects a weakened inherent vowel of' LM; Sakamoto
(1976) transcribes this schwa // in disyllables of the
shape ccv(c) as /a? P/ which, in reality, is merely a
spelling pronunciation used at the very few monastic schools
and not the standard colloquial form. It also implies a
secondary stress on the first syllable which is impossible
in native disyllables.
In the cases of loans, mostly from IA, // weake:
a syllable: /sohai/ 'friend' (Skt./P. sahaya), /psaik/
'second lunar month (Nay)' (Skt. vaiaka), /pasoa/ 'nail'
(Malay bsi), /p3sa/ '100 tical (measure)' (Tamil vlsai).
This weakening may occur in different positions of' a poly- -
syllabic word, /prapt'e/ 'Thursday' (Skt. brhaspasti),
 58.

/t1cksb/ 'university' ( p . takkasila), but never in final

position; IA final -a is retained /-a/ whereas IA final -a
(and all short vowels) are either closed by a glottal stop
or deleted.
CC- pre-syllables may, in other cases, be
interpreted as containing an anaptyctic vowel; this occurs
also in borrowings from Thai where appropriate cluster-
formations reflecting the consonantism of the loan (mostly
English) do not exist: /eksr/ Ptk*srJ 'X-ray'
(Thai /ksr:/), SM /witsBki/ wIt4'sakiJ 'whiskey'
(Thai /witsk:/); in the first case the underlying sr-
cluster in Thai is realized as /sr-/, but should yield in SM
if it were a native form, a simplified cluster LM sr- > SM
/s-/, in the second an underlying cluster sk- in Thai is
split, the schwa being the anaptyctic vowel in Thai, into
/ sak-/ and borrowed into Mon.
As for native words, a parallel can be drawn
to modern Khmer; as Jenner (1969.21) stated, anaptyxis
may have three slightly different vowel colourings, schwa
// with initial /l-/ or glottals /?, cf, 6/ as postinitials,
/0/ with initials /r, m/ and / ' - o.. / after reduplicated
consonants. These findings are in accordance with Hender-
son (195 2 . 1 6 5- 16 6) who recognizes - as Jenner - three
junction patterns in two-place initial sequences, CC, ChC
(or since her notation ChC corresponds to our three-
place initials) and C3C, that are in complementary distri-
bution. /;/ - and the allophones mentioned - is regarded as
anaptyctic and not as a separate vowel nucleus since it is
always unstressed (Henderson does not, however, discuss
register in this context). In SM, loans of' the structure
CVCCVC bear secondary stress on the first syllable, but re-
gister is assigned to each individual syllable. The first
syllable is not weakened then to a CC- form which would en-
tail loss of register in the pre-syllable.
Anaptyctic vowel // occurs in SM in clusters
of the structure plosive/plosive kt, pk, pt3 > SM /kt,
pk, pt/ and plosive/nasal kn, km, t j , p, pn3 .>
SM /kn, km, t, pan, pan/. In OM and MM anaptyxis was
 59.

reflected in the spellings, as pointed out before (p. 2Li),

using the graphs -a- - -i- -u- the selection of which was
environmentally conditioned, as in OM dirdas /drd3s/
'existence', puinaii /pma/ 'guardian', tutw /t'ataw/ 'to be
positioned', kutir ku'tur kutar /kt$r/ 'to rouse',
NM kitu gitu v gatu /gatu 2/ 'month, moon', By late NM
distinctive spellings of the anaptyctic vowel merged with
graphic -a- in structures like CaCV(C). Previously, the
anaptyctic vowel had been written only in a few cases of
clusters of the type plosive/plosive.
The writing system - and this is tho major argu-
ment here - provides the possibilty of writing schwa by dis-
tinguishing between conjunctive and disjunctive spellings,
like rn LM kt- and mo LM kat-. As we shall see below, this
has implications for the syllable-structure of Mon. But
there is no indication how three-place initials in OM/NN
would show anaptyxis, except in a few cases: MM /ktw/
'to rise, arise'> sktuiw which theoretically might be
realized as /skt-/, /skt-/ or /skt-/. But only the
latter is correct as shown by NM sabguiw 'to cause to shine'
bguir /bg$w/ii guir /gw/ 'to shine' (& OM gir /gr/
ON sgir /sgr/) which contains a graphic anaptyctic vowel
the pronunctiation of which must be reconstituted as
/sbgw/. NM three-place initials containing a semivowel
have no anaptyxis: NM /tw3h/ 'to proclaim' > stwah /stwh/
(the prefix s-.> is the hypothetical in all cited cases).
//, whenever anaptyctic, is spelt in modern
literary Mon, as in late MM, with the disjunctive spelling,
and the colloquial fonus are clearly of a disyllabic nature
since they fit, both in LM and SM, disyllables containing
the vocalic infix, /ktti/ 'to stand up' "- /tt,/ 'to stand'
(residual ck-) prefix) - /'/ is anaptyctic here - and /kal3/
'to receive someone' " /kl3j/ 'to come' (vocalic infix <--)
The much cited tendency - promulgated, among
others, by Michel Ferlus, which he extends from Viet-Muong
to Mon-Khmer in general (1979) - that, historically, di-
syllables were reduced to monosyllables (Haudricourt is
more subtle on this point and speaks of a "cas intenndiare",
cf. Hagge & Haudricourt 1978.81-82), is a false assumption
 60.

in our case. Quite the reverse is true: OM monosyllables

containing two-place initials of the sets mentioned above
(plosive/plosive, plosive/nasal) developed at a later
stage merged with an already existing disyllabic pattern,
and the original anaptyctic vowel // induced a syllabic
split reflected in later spellings. Another reason is
sociolinguistic: Mon is a prestige language and one way
of retaining ethnic identity is linguistic conservatism;
Thai is monosyllabic and in order to maintain the difference
SM disyllables are never assimilated to the syllabic
structure of Thai. Another reason, at least phonologically
plausible, may be that since SM shows already a registral
system the loss of presyllables could not be compensated in
the system by any other means (except through tones) to re-
tain distinctive words of the shape cv(c).
But the problem is even more complex since OM
disyllables of the form CVCCVC and CCVC, whether they contait
affixes or a native, irreducible, disyllables (where //
is not anaptyctic but a vocalic infix), merged to SM ccv(c).
OM tinluin /tanlm/ 'to sink tulum /t'alm/ 'to drown one-
self' (infix -n->). The former coDresponds to SM /krim/,
the latter to SM /klbm/. OM medioclusters -nI- have been
simplified to /n/ and /kn-/ is the result of the cluster-
formation /tn-/ > SM /kn-/; similarly, original /ti-/>
SM /kl-/.
The vocalism is induced by tile preceding con-
sonant. This process merged with one applied originally
to monosyllabic bases, like OM ktir /ktr/ 'to have arise in
one' > /ktr/ 'to rouse', with vocalic infix <- Q -, /kantr/
'coming into existence', with syllabic -n-> infix.
Now the SM reflexes are respectively /k3to/
with a split cluster where // is anaptyctic, /ht/ < OM
/k't-/ sequences and /htb/ from /kntr/ by mediocluster
reduction where the plosive is retained.
Several phonological and morphological changes
from OM to SM overlap: OM disyllables of the form CaCVC
(/talm/) are preserved (SM /klm/) whereas OM monosyllables
with complex initials CCVC (/ktr/) merged to the former
pattern by anptyxis inducing a syllabic split to ccv(c).
 61.

Hesitation of writing anaptyxis in OM is confined to

voiceless/voiced plosives clusters, like ON /pd3r/ 'to
shade' written as pudar or pdar, OM /pd3s/ 'to bring into
being' pa'das , pdas; it is, however, a general rule with
prefix <S )O fl /s-/ initial bases OM /sgeh/ 'to be rich'
spelt sgih, taking as causative 'to enrich' sugih /sageh/,
and the hypothetical with prefix cs-> sisugih /ssgeh/?.
By the simplification of medioclusters -CC-
> SM -C-, OM disyllables CvCCVC (where vC represents a
syllabic infix) merged to the above pattern as well as
c'cv(c). In all cases except one, // is anaptyctic. The
other case, OM /ktr/ ,- /ktr/, concerns the vocalic infix
which DSM transcribes also as schwa // because the first
syllable in native disyllables is unstressed, a fact re-
flected in the orthography of' 'minor' syllables which are
spelt, since MM times, CaC-.
This case of' // prosody is unique to Mon;
Khmer throughout its history never had a vocalic infix and thi
seems the reason for the different status of the syllable
in both languages.
Causatives in OM are formed by the prefix cp->
from simple-initial bases; if, however, the bse contains
a two-place initial, it is the allomorph <-V-> /--/ that
derives causatives from simple forms. There is clearly a
tendency to split a monosyllable into a disyllabic pattern,
and by late MM two phonologically different patterns emerged
to a single disyllabic one, ccv(c) where an earlier, pre-
sumably differentiated (i/u,' .- a) - proto-Mon C3C- CC- ? ,
minor syllable vocalism merged with the anaptyctic vowel in-
dicating a phonologically relevant syllabic split.
may also be the result of' the simplification
of' OM initial sequences containg a syllabic infix, like OM
/thrcbs/ 'state, being' (" /d3s/ 'to be', 4-r->) > SM
/htch/ ('b.- /th/, .ch->) where the original -rd- mediocluster
is simplified, and CC- initial with reduplicated consonants,
here {dd-3 /dd-/, correspond to SM /hC-/.

The central vowels /3/ are, in certain en-

vironments, distributionally related to // and /a/.
 62.

/3/ is transcribed by Henderson (1951.153-156,

passim) as /:/, although this practice is confusing in view
of modern Khmer / i:/, short /'/ approximating(AJ; /3/
in spoken Mon is certainly more central than Khmer /y
which are fairly back.
Sakamoto (1976) transcribes DSM /3/ as fra/ and
posits /a?_?/ to write the anaptyctic vowel, DSM //,
Sakamoto /ka?tao/ DSM /icatao/, LM ktau '-katau 'to be hot'.
Note Sakamoto's implicitely acknowledged syllabicity.
Halliday (MED 1922) transcribes it as ii except
before velars where he posits /ao/# .- /u/ according to
register6.
/ ?/ occurs on the first register only before
velars /k, /; in open syllables, on the first register, it
depends on the prevocalic consonant: /z/ following palatals,
except fr/, glottals /?, ci, 6/ and /h, (-)ch/ initials, in
all other cases
/3/ before velars, on both registers, correspond
to LM -uk . -u ( PMK '1uu; LM u in all other contexts in
closed syllables, except before laryngeals, corresponds to
SM /u/, on both registers.
/3/, on the second register, 1efore the re-
maining final consonants reflects the LM (graphic) vowel
nucleus ui. This digraph, in closed syllables, except
before -m , in open syllables f (transliterated as (-uiw)
occurs for the first time in Kyanzittha's palace inscription
(DMi 22, p. xxix, dated AD 1102)66; together with the graphs
i/u/a/I/i/ei it transcribes OM (later MM) vowel nucleus //,
except following nasals.
But LM ui, before velars, corresponds to SM /a/
on both registers and is a merger of ON " $ 1 before velars
which, in turn, are mergers of PMK , i ( > OM //) and
tu (> OM /UL/ before velars, otherwise OM /0/):

PMK 4pk ) MM puik /pk/ 'to blow' > SM /pak/ 'to fan';
OM /prk/ 'to injure' > 121 pruik > SM /prak/; MM /d$b/
LM duii > SM /t/ 'stork' (MM name ?); PMKi > OM /$/ &c.
SM /a '' a'/, ef. PMK *grwik SM /hwk/ 'to shake, wave'
(OM */ga rw $k7?); PMK u > OM / / > SM /a I, cf PNK
*cfuk > OM /dtk/ > SM /dak/ 'to ride'; PMK o > OM7u.
cf. PMK*kCo j SM /ka/ 'to be bent'.

Following nasals OM /4&/ > MM /u/, OM /$/



63.

> MM hI. OM /1k, i/ > SM /oik, oi/ whereas SM /3ic, oi/

on the first register only, <. ON /c, Ij,/.
LM ui before all other finals has as regular
reflex SM /3/. As above, this represents a merger of OM /u/
and /o/ (being itself a merger of PMK i, a, (oM
//) and PMK 'u, o (OM /uh/).
As has already been pointed out in the con-
sonants systems - OM final palatals correspond to SM final
velars following diphthongized (earlier simple) vowels, but
subsequently re-emerge in certain dialects as innovative
features - the same holds true for PMK central vowels
and9, corresponding to ON // and again to /3/ in SM on
the second register before all finals except velars, the other
term of the registral pair being /b/. PMK anda = SM
// (of the pair /b ' /), in specified contexts, merges
in SM with PMK uu (> OM /u/, before velars, to /3
The same is valid for laryngeal finals, except
that MM orthography changes in this respect (NM (graphic)
o/wo for instance, CwV- sequences indicate a vocalic role
of graphix -w-, lip-rounding, as in MM co' " cwo' 'party, set'
LM cwa' > SM /cb/ (for the first register), ON/MM go'
'to get, obtain' (gwo' occurs only as an infixed form, -w->)
LM gwa' > SM /kY/ (for the second register), both re-
flecting earlier /1u/.
To summarize this far, we obtain the following
table:

OM MN SM LM

uk, u uk, u k ,j uk, ut'i PMK uuk, uu

ui.k, u. ak, a uik, uin
k, $ $k, $j k, uik, ui
()
1k, ij ik, i oik, oi ik, ii, PMK uk, ii
3ik, 3 31k, ek, eii
$t &c. j bt &c. uit &c.
&c. uit &c.
C &c. jbC &c. CwC- &c.
)C &c. CwC- &c.
 64.

OM possessed two central vowels /$/ and /uL/

being the result of a complex merger of PMK 4 i, 'a and
PMK o, u which shifted in MM to /i/ and /u/ following
nasal and medial /?/. OM /0/ and /w../ merged in SM to central
vowel // (of the registral pair /0 "/) except before
velars where earlier / 1JJ./ merges to SM /a ".' /. The
central vowel /23/ in SM in velar-final contexts reflects
OM /u/ and PMK uu.

Smalley t s assumption (1964.300) that the DSM

transcription of /a/ and /3/ denotes the same phoneme is
false - besides being inadequate phonetically since there
is a difference in height between the two central vowels -
on the grounds of their earlier reflexes. /'/ always cor-
responds in OM to a minor syllable vocalism, graphically
i/u a and phonologically //, and /3/ to an OM and PMK
vowel nucleus including the central vowels, OM /$ t-w.../ and
PMK
 65.

3. Register.

The earliest reference to a two-term 'quasi-

tonal' and lexically relevant distinction in Mon is to be

found in James Low's "History of Tenasserini" (1837):

c...] it most unequivocally betrays its alliance

at some remote period with the Chinese Mandarin
Colloquial Medium, in applying to its monosyllables
a system of tones differing only in frequency and
intensity from that used of the latter (1837.411).

Haswell noted in 1874 the

C...] different power of vowels when combined with

different classes of consonants L...].
The vowels are mostly in pairs. The first a light,
the second a heavy sound of what might properly
be called the same vowels (187 1 t.xii, i).
Blagden (1910), for whom Halliday acted as in-

formant, notes a similar phenomenon; after having posited

the two series of consonants of' the traditional syllabary

and stated that graphic voiced stops are pronounced voice-

less, he remarks

leur nonciation est accompagne par une action de Ia

glotte qui les distingue assez nettement des con-
sonnes de la premire srie et qui donne la
voyelle qui suit une modification profonde, difficik
parfois dcrire, mais qui me semble en certains
cas avoir une qualit plutt gutturale, tenant de
la cavit postrieure de la bouche (1910.479).
Halliday, both in his "Talaings" (1917) and his

Dictionary (1922, MED), describes tlpronunciation of graphic

voiced stops (ga, ja, da, ba > SM /k?, ci ? , t, p?/) as

being identical with the graphic voiceless stops (ka, ca, ta,

pa SM /ka?, c?, ta?, pa?/), but the following vowel being

C...] further sounded in the throat and this gives

the vowel a deeper tone. Here, if anywhere, we
have an approach to the system of tone languages.
And the same purpose is served by it 1...i.
Still it does not quite correspond with the tone
systems for the reason that there is usually a
change of vowel sound (1917.121).
 66.

His romanizations show also, if only in an inconsistent

manner, marked differences in vowel quality (like LM ka,

MED ka; LM ga MED ke; LM k MED kao; LM gu MED ku).

The first modern mention of register in Mon

appeared in the preface of DSM (1962), although very brief

(pp. x-xi) and confined to the second register only which is

E...)characterized by breathy voice-quality in asso-

ciation with general laxness of the speech organs
and a somewhat centralized articulation of vowels
(Shorto 1962.x).

A subsequent paper on register in Mon-Khmer languages in

general appeared in 1967, and a more detailed analysis of

register in Mon was provided6.

Three exponents of register in Mon are to be

distinguished

- vowel-quality
- voice-quality (resonance)
- consonant-quality.

First register words may be described as

normal, if somewhat 'tight' or tense, voice whereas the

second register is marked by a breathy voice-quality and

the lowering of the glottis. The vowels of the second regist

are more central, and this is a significant difference with

the quality of Khmer vowels which are characterized by

aperture or height (Jenner's "open" register, corresponding t

our 'first register'), open vs. close whereas in SM the

quality of the vowel on the respective registers is peri-

pheral vs. central. As for the quality of the consonant

initial (or medial), plosives and spirants in second register
words are partially voiced, the difference in voicing is

marked most with /s- A s . /. No voicing occurs with initial

nasal, liquids or semivowels; the pre-aspirated ('voiceless'
 67.

series hj, hn, hihl, hw/ (as opposed to /b,s' n, m,

1, w/) are defined as two-place initials, and the difference

between C- and hC- initials cannot be voicing as an ex-

ponent of register since the distinctialbetween voiced/voice-

less initials is already phonemic. Except for / *h, lip, hi!

all pre-aspirated consonants may occur on both registers.

There is no difference in voicing with glottal initial /15-I.

Arranging the vowel nuclei in corresponding

pairs according to register distorts the phonological (and

hence phonetic) reality: Second register /o/ is more central

than first register /3/ and /o/, and, on the scale of apertur

occrupies a position between the two first register nuclei.

It seems rather more convenient to list the vocalic pairs

and their LM correspondences and then arrange them on a

scale of maximal and minimal phonetic difference.

As previously, LM vowel nuclei have to be

arranged according to their final consonants, and here four

classes ought to be distinguished, zero (open syllable),

laryngeals (/P, h/), velars (/k, j/) and /-t, -n, -m,

(indicated in the following list simply by -t).

LM SM LM SM
a /a?/ /I ?/ / a/ /Ia/
i /3e/#'- // I /3e/
u /ao?/ - / i/ ii /ao/' //
e
o /ao! /i ..'3/
au /ao! .- /a/ ay /oa/ /a/
ey lea! /Ia/ uy /3e/ " / ii/
uiy lou uiw /b.-3///
ay /ai/ /i/
ak /k/ 4' /ak/ ak /aik/ - /dik/
ik /oik/ - /ik/ uk /k/ /Ik/
ek /eaic'-3ik//'ak/ ok bk! - /3k/
/3k/ /3k/ uik /ak/ "- /k/
at /3t/ '.- /c3t/ t /at/ "- /t.i.pA-m/
it /it t/ " /it/ ut /ut/ ' /it/
et let! /t/ uit /t/ " /3t/
 68.

Special orthographic accomodation must be made for nuclei

corresponding to SM 3?/ and /i, 3, o, u/, /?, e?, ?

b, 3?, u/.

The first set //, is represented by a digraph

consisting of the respective nucleus // <. LM e, //< LM o

and // LM ui and anusvra; the same applies to the third

set of nuclei before laryngeal finals where the final is re-

presented by either anusvra or visarga (/-?/ or /-h/).

As for the second set, nuclei in open syllables on the first

register, they correspond either to the inherent vowel of the

initial nsonant followed by a final LM -w (like SM /k3/

'to break in two pieces' LM kaw and SM /ka ? / LM ka 'fish',

as distinct from LM ka' SM /k3 ? / " /km/ and SM /ka/

LM k) or are variants of the nuclei given above conditioned

by the preceding consonant initial.

Having set up registral pairs of vowel nuclei

and their finals against their corresponding single LM final

sequences, we may now proceed to plot the SM vowel nuclei

on a scale according to the differences of the position of'

each registral pair; in some cases the difference obtains

a maximal contrast, as / 'i/ ' / 3e/ (corresponding to LM I),

in other the contrast is minimal (closer), like /-3k, -k/.

The little that can be extrapolated from the

limited experiments in Rajburi was that four major degrees

of differentials ought to be distinguished in setting up

vowel nuclei as registral pairs corresponding to a single

LM final sequence (nucleus and final consonant): minimal

degree (second register nuclei more central than first

register nuclei, opposition peripheral/central), an inter-

mediate degree (difference in aperture according to register)
 69.

a higher degree in aperture and simultaneous centralization

/b r3/ or significantly higher aperture /a?'4/ and a

maximal degree where the opposition is one of monophthongal

vs. diphthongal nucleus. As can be seen from the chart

( p. 70), three oppositions may be set up in this set:

First register monophthongs may correspond to second register

diphthongs, first register diphthongs correspond to second

register monophthongs and, finally, first register diph-

thongs corresponding to second register diphthongs. This

three-fold set does not conform to observations made on the

general features of registral contrasts. Matisoff, for

instance, sets up a series of features characterizing re-

gistral distinctions and inicudes the feature monophthongal

vs. diphthongal (1973.86), and is reproduced by Henderson

( 1 977. 2 59). Such a correlation is inappropriate to Mon since

some of the diphthongs, lao - a/, /3e - a/, /3e

and /zik 'v ak/occur on both registers reflecting a single
LM vowel nucleus and, in two instances, /&k[3.'.^ak/ and

/a . a/, it is the second register nucleus which is diph-

thongized while the first register monophthong is retained.
As an isolated statement, the tendency to centralize vowels

as being characterietic for the second register, is meaning-

less or even misleading in our case because the history of

Mon vocalism shows the reverse tendency, that is, to push

the nuclei towards the periphery, and, since the emergence

of registers, it is the set of first register vowels which

has a higher number of members and is more problematic for

any systematic statement because of the multiple variations

of the nuclei depending on the preceding consonant. The



70.

I I
'-4 -w I I
E I

1 __ ____

'-4 't0
+ 4 4 + -P 4 -P
-o -o - w - -w
I I I I I I I I I
+ 4 + 4 4 P 4 4 -P
4I () 0 u 0),.I 0)

'C

Cl. Cl-
00)

. I Cl.
,l II'? "0 -
I I I I
c_I-n. C. C'- Cl-
-0,I 0) 0 0)

--4-4
0 0)
I I

-4-4
0) .,-4 00)

t
I. 'O "0 "0)
I I I I z
"' 0
-'-4
0) 0
0 0
o
PC
0.
0)
0) .1-I 0) 0) 1.40) a) 0
I
-o ' ,.
I I
I..

"0) -o w V
I I I 0 0
0 0) 0)0 0) ._I 0) 00) w 0
C, 0) 0)0 0.-I -4
0)
C_I 4 4"
0) 0)
o.
'C 1.4
Qo
0) "-4

- 0 0
0)0 ,-' ,C o -4 ow
-o "0 ,& - ,-.-I " .)
-'-40) a i i i
.4 -0- 0) A tie *. 0) ...
4 0 '9
-
0)
- -1." 0)

00 4" 0.0
0. 0 "-40
01 '00

0
.00) (a
-'-4
0 '-1
'0
0) 0.41 PD
0) 4"
--4
-4
0
0 0) 1

Ca E
0)0 E E
-4 - 0) "-4
lc -I-"
a) CD -
E - -I E
 71.

opposition that is functional in SM, in the majority of

registral pairs, is peripheral vs. central and not diph-

thong/monophthong, or a combination of both. It is the

second register vowels that are closer to the MM nuclei,

as reflected in the writing system, and the subsequent

registral split retracted or advanced or diphthongized them.

Two diphthongs are not accounted for in the

preceding table (p. 70); these occur only on the first

register, /aohv#3eh/. /3eh/ is a hapax, but /aoh/ may

also occur in loans.

The pair is also left out because /F2/

is a hapax (in /c& P / 'to eat' > /hac P / 'to feed', <ii->);

it is written with the inherent vowel (LM ca) which in other

contexts yields the normal sequence /_a?/ on that register,

corresponding to /_^?/ on the second register68.

Experiments on modern Khmer phonetics und&-

taken by Jenner in 1966 and published in 1 97 4 show that

registral distribution do not operate on three diphthongs

/i: . - I:, '-.&:, u:3 -- 1:9/ whereas the maximal

diffrentiation of register is found in the pair /:-i:/

which was distinguished "with nearly l00% accuracy" (1974.57)

Although similar experiments on a systematic scale are still

wanting for SM, from my experience with Mons who assisted

in transcribing tapes or correcting my pronunciation, it seerr

obvious that a zero registral distinction, as in Khmer with

the three diphthongs cited above, does not exist in SM. It

is precisely the nature of' vowel-quality (apart from voice-

quality) that Thais attempting to speak Mon fail to reproduce

in the cases of minimal differentiation. Voice-quality, on

 72.

the other hand, particularly breathiness, is always imi-

tated together with low tone for second register words.

Mons perceive this neutralization, and this renders many

words unintelligible when produced by Thais.

Distribution.

Both registers are controlled, in monosyllabic

words, by the plosives /k, c, t, p 1; all voiced continuants

that is the semivowels /y, w/, liquids /r, 1/ and nasals

/j,j, n, m/, take the second register. Glottals /?, ci', 6/
and spirants /s, h/ control the first.

The voiceless continuants /hw, hn, hrn/ control

second register words only when reflecting a two-place
initial the first member of which corresponds to LM j-;

this observation is equally valid for the second register

/s/ < LM jr-.

All two place initials of the structure CC- havi

as postinithi a semivowel or liquid may control either re-

gister.

Three-place initials of the form ChC- occur

only on the first register.

For disyllables of the shape CaC- &c.

- structures of the type CVC.CV (C) &c. are confined to loans

and can be stated as a combination of naturlaized mono-

syllables - the assignment of register to the main syllable

(the minor syllable not bearing such distinction) follows

rules which can only be explained historically and by

reference to existing orthographies.

A summary of registral exponents and distri-

bution is shown on the table on p. 73.


-4
a) 0. 73.
4..
o 0.0
a) -4
a.
a) -4-4
"4 4-. .0. a
4' 0k-P a)
-4, -.4 0
o
-4 0o4o
--40 - -
0 a) 0".4 a)
0 ...k 0 -4
-_4 00 00-.,4 ".4 a)
+4 --4 a)U) 4,
a) 4O+' 0a)+4...4 C a)V 0
U) -.4-4 kC+' 00.a)0 a) -4-I
4-. a) .0-40 a) 00
0) 4Q 4. I) f.0+'.-4 a).,.4 a) 0".4
-4 a)a) a)Q,..-. a)-4 a)
-4 '-S 0-4 a)
a) a)-. -.oa. a) (0
0 .0.4-.4 0. (4.4 ..

U)

t -4
a)
a)
-4
a)
44 ".4
'C'
a) a)
C C '4'
0 .4
-4_I 4 a)
a)4' -P 4..
4a) a)
C
a. a)-I a) a)
(I) 4
a) 0.0 .4' a)
".4 ".I-.4 .0 0) ".4
--4 ba 44' 0 C 0.
a) .4 a) a)
Co
0.t+' +. -S
4
a)
4.. a)
1) 4-,
".4 a)
-I
-4 -4
a) k 0)
.4, .4 0
-4 -4 0' -4
-4 a.
0 a) a) -p
(H
0. 0'
0 0 a)
a) 0' 0' a) -1'
4.' 4' C a)
-4 a) 0 -4
U) a) 0) C.) a)
-I a) 0.
o 0 0 0 0
.4,
4,
0.
0. 0 0
U U U
".4 -4 44
0

'-S--S-S

--S-S
o C,rl
- S555

-S-S
(0 0 4,
p.
5.5

c-I a) ________
U) ____ 14
4' a)
(0 C\J C%J C'.J 4..
. I U U
U)
.- .- CU - r r r r

.0
c-I 4.,
a) 0
4. .0
a)
-4 0
C I
a) -S 'S
14 H .0 -4 4'
P. P. 1 - S-S.
C5____ 0
_5... 1.4
P. E 4 4 4,
- -S
-4 -4 '-. 0 _5__.
.0.0 0
P. p.
4' .. - 0.0.0 a)
a) '--.5-S.- -S.-..
--S--S-S 1-4 '-, 0 P.E
0 __ c-I .0.0 C
MCI- w'4U
+.>S
a) a) 5__..
0) r.4
-.4 0) 0) "S-S-S-S
C> a)
0) 02' 0 o '-I
H .,-4.-4 ..-1 H .0
- 0)0)0) 0) U) .d 0 -4
Q),-4 4.
' (I) 00) 0'O U)
a)
0)' 0 H .rI U) II C
..-4-l.' P40)4 U)
-I __5_.
0) I.r4
0) 0)4, c-I .r1 I I U
00r40) O' I I 0 4, (a)
C 0
o H Hr-4 0.a.d (1? 0 .00 .
o5.._
C 0 0.00) H Ci) 0 0.0 __5._
 74.

In the initial sequence C 1 C 2 - it is the

postinitial C 2 which controls the register in certain con-

sonant classes. In the majority of cases, however, the

register is controlled by the initial of the underlying
form.

The modified diagram (p. 73) of initials and

postinitials in cc- sequences (original diagram p . 25)

shows all occurrences in words belonging to either register.

Sequences with spirant /s/ as postinitial (c2)

control only the first register (/ks-, ps-/) as do glottal

consonants (/h-, hc1'-, h6-/).

Before tracing the development of the registral

distribution in complex initial sequences of the structure

CGC-, we must establish a hierarchy of consonants in the

registral system, that is, set up classes of consonants

which control the register of a phonological word; but

since one class may dominate another, regardless of the
potion of the consonant (whether C 1 or c 2 ), a hierarchy has
to be postulated.

For example, LM sak- corresponds to SM /hk-/

on the first register while LM sag- > SM /hk . / on the

second. Therefore a rule has to be stated whereby plosives

control the register of disyllabic words even if they are

preceded by spirants as initials, both, in this case, in

the underlying form (identical with LM) and the SM reflex.

According to the rules governing simple initials - if they

applied - spirants Is, h/ control only the first register

and a form SM/hk2/ could not be accounted for; but since

/hak-/ sequences in SM occur on either register, it must
 7,.

must be assumed that it is the plosive /-k-/, in post-

initial position, that determines the register in accordance
with the rule of plosives SM /k, c, t, p/ controlling
either register.
The hierarchy of consonant classes in the
registral system is stated on p. 73.
The validity of this hierarchy is exemplified
as follows:

(i) Glottals /?, cf, 6/ control the first

register and dominate all other consonant classes in the
registral distribution of words with complex initials;1
- glottals plosives: LM gaduit > SM /hac1Dt/
- glottals . labials: LM babat > SM /hSt/
- glottals .. liquids: LM laduh > SM /hacfuh/
- glottals nasals: LM nadu > SM /ncfi/
Semivowels do not occur as initials in structures like CC-,
nor do glottals in initial position in CC- sequences.
Irrelevant in this context is the fact that glottals
dominate spirants (LM /s-/, SM /h-/) since spirants
control first register words as well.

(2) Plosives ,/k, c, t, p/ in SM control the

regsiter in disyllables CaC(C)V(C) over all other consonant
classes except glottals;
- plosives spirants: LM sabn SM /hpn/
- plosives . labials: LM makaw SM /mk3/
- plosives liquids: LM lakuim SM /tk,m/
LM laga SM /tka/
In classical LM rC- "- raC- initials do not occur; two
exceptions to the latter rule (which does, in fact, not
invalidate our hierarchy) are LM ramyan '-ramsan > SM
/psai/ 'musical or vocal sound', LM rakuih A' lakuih
SM /tkbh/ 'ogre' ( p . rakicasa); OM, on the contrary,
shows rC- clusters.
The symbol >, , it may be recalled, reads a . b 'a dominatc
b; a controls b'.
 76.

(3) Spirants dominate all consonant classes

except glottals and plosives;
- spirants labials: LM masun SM /pas3n/
LM basan SM /psan/
- spirants liquids: LM lasuin SM /icosbn/.
(4)/(5) The last two classes in the hierarchy
and their relationship (.) bear only a theoretical dis-
tinction since both yield the second register. But LM does
not permit In,
nasals or semivowels (except in loans) as
first term in a two-place initial CC-CaC- > SM /C3C-/.
If, however, there is a sequence of two plosives
(LM CC- > SM /cc-/) it is the postinitial that determines
the register 69

As mentioned above, in order to explain the

registral distribution of disyllables (cf. p. 73), /hC-,

kC-, tC-, pC-/ forms and all classes of postinitials

(except glottals and /s/, for /h'C-/ syllables, on the

first register) controlling either register, we have to

take into account underlying forms of SM CC- initials on

the basis of LM orthographies which in this respect are not

too hazardous70.

Leaving plosive/plosive sequences in SM aside

as well as postinitial /h/, first register /kC-/, /tC-/,

/pC-/ (where C is a nasal, liquid or semivowel - following

restrictions whereby /k-/, /pm-/, ++ /pw-j',
I
/tj,-/ /tn-/
/tm-/ and /t-/ preceding liquids or semivowels are excluded)
reflect U kC-, tC-, pC- clusters in the case of nasal

postinitials and in the other two classes (liquid and semi-

vowel postinitial) LM kaC- and paC.

In addition, /ke-/ initials (except /kay-/)

also correspond to LM caC- ' taC- cC- '' tC-.

By contrast, second register sequences /kaC./

/pC . / have as SM reflexes 1C- - mC- respectively (by atia-
 77.

logy, second register SM /t-/ < LM in- since SM ++ /kj_/).

This rule is of fundamental importance for the reduction of

medioclusters and the registral distribution thereby in-
duc ed.

The patterning of' plosive/plosive sequences

may be represented as a 'mirror-image' of the rules given
here, as shown on the following page (p. 78), table A; the

columns on the left-hand side, listing SM reflexes, apply

to either register, first or second, while the related right-

hand columns showing the LM initial sequences is divided

into two sets each indicating the distribution of register

as projected by one of the members of an initial complex
onto the SM reflex.

We also have to take into account SM forms

with so-called reduced, or weakened, medioclusters, in-
corporating earlier attributive inflections. These forms,

corresponding to LM CamC- ChamC-, merge with the foregoing

pattern of CC- sequences yielding /pc-/ and /hC-/ on

either register. Before stating the phonological rules,

we list all those occurrences of SM CC- initials cor-

responding to LM sequences with medioclusters -mC-, as

shown on table B on the following page (p. 78). On that

chart the SM reflex bears registral distinction (cc-

These CamC- mediocluster forms in LM have only

two possible reflexes in SM, /pC-/ and /hc-/, on either

register, as shown on p . 79.

Although this pattern follows the rules given

previously (p. 77) in that (-)mC- structures yield SM /pC-/.

it must be modified to apply equally to SM /haC-/ not pre-

viously stated. In addition, registral distribution has


78.

'I ,I
a H
I
P. p.
U) 's.. -' ..'
I I
H
E E
Cl
H H

H
H

4'
H

n
4'
. 4'
-J) -.'-.

.
t I I I I I I
t3.,.,. t4.
E' E

II
I I I II I
+'. ) 1. 1. c5 '1
__________ P. P. p.

. 0 4' 4H ,
. .. I
P.P. P. P.P. p. P.
U)

I I
14 I I I $-ir-4 I I
. I
H 'H H H H H H H H H bo
.-
1
..-
,I ,I
I I I H
(I S (S
.a ,c: .a
II I 4'4' 4.'
". . a.
4,4,4-' I I I
I I I H
4-iH
I I c c c Cl
00 0
00
I I I
I I I I I I iH I
0, -' 4' . , c Cl cI Cl Cl ,H ,
H.HH () .5 (S (S
P. 0
U) -- -.-
I I I I
I I I I I I I I I I c 1.,H -,
0 4, p. ..H E E
r ( (S S (S (S r' r C

.4 .S


79.

HI
1I

I I I
i4 1 " H 'III
ai E E E H
4i t
c)'

I I I
. lii
H E E E I.,H
H
H C.) 0 0 '

-I 'I -1
I I I
H
H E E E

E I I I Ill
H
z
 80.

to be explained ith reference to underlying forms, as

shown on p. 79.B.
SM CC- forms corresponding to LM CamC- &c.
are not characterized, as one might assume, by a reduction
of rnedioclusters -mC- in analogy to other types of reduction of
medioclusters, hut rather by the loss of the pre- or 'minor'
syllable LM Ca- (SM /ca-/) and the retention of the rule given
above whereby (-)mC- yields SM /pC-/. The register, however,
is controlled by the initial of the original minor syllable.
In the case of plosive initials in the LM
reflexes CamC- the features plosion and labiality are retained
as is the assignment of the register according to the class
of the initial. Thus SM /pc-/ corresponds to LM kaniC-
taniC- and SM /hC-/ to LM sarnC- where the feature 'spirant'
is retained.
Similarly, LM voiced plosives as initials cor-
respond to SM /haC-/ forms retaining the feature of voicing.
The class of the lost initial determines the
register (c- to first, - to second register, according to
the voicing distribution rule, voiceless to first, voiced to
second register).
The former LM mediocluster -mC- corresponds
thus, by loss of the initial, to the initial of the underlying
form f4mC-} which has as its SM reflex the postinitial {$cc.C-3
(where is a variable initial) and an initial cermined by th
nature of the initial of the former pre-syllable. An identi-
fication of' an LM initial sequence mC- and an underlying form
4mC_} yielded by the loss of' a pre-syllable is possible only
if the pre-syllable contained a voiceless plosive, like LM
kami-> *ml-J > SM /pl-/ and LM ml- > SM /pal/, but LM
 81.

gami-> ml-.} > SM /hl . /. LM lamC- pieces behave according

to these rules: LM lamC- > ml_j > SM /pC./.

Thus the following rules have to be set up:

(i) LM mediocluster -1C- > *lC-J, by loss of' initial, > SM

/kC-/ - the register being controlled by the class of the
lost initial.
(2) LM mediocluster -mC- mC-3, by loss of initial, > SM
/pC-/ - the register being controlled by the lost initial.
(3) If the initial of the lost pre-syllable is the spirant
/s/, its SM reflex is the spirant /h/ - the LM -mC- being re-
duced to SM -C- postinitial.
(4) If the initial of the lost pre-syllable is an LM voiced
plosive (c-), its reflex is SM /ha-/ on the second register -
the mediocluster reduction LM -mC- to SM -C- postinitial
follows rule (3).
These rules have to be distinguished from a

mediocluster reduction proper.

Mediocluster reduction to SM CC- initials.

The most frequent medioclusters occurring in OM are of

the type nasal/C and liquid/C due to syllabic affixation of

bases with complex initials (oM CCVC CaCCVC, by affix

polymorphemic forms like OM C3CCVC contain the infixes <-ri->

(requentative, instrumental/quantifier), <-ni-> (inflectional

affix marking the attributive) and <-r->. The postinitial of

the base (Cc-) corresponds to the second term of the medioclustt

in the derivative (CaCC-). Postinitials in this context, leavi

apart loans, or the second term of the mediocluster -CC- in the

corresponding derivative, are either glottals /d', /, plosives

or liquids, according to the restrictions which apply to OM

complex initials. Although OM medioclusters, except for the

type mentioned above (LM -mC-, C being a liquid) were, without

exception, reduced to simple medials (corresponding to SM post-

initials), the registral distribution this reduction entailed

is impossible to understand without taking into account the
 82.

underlying phonological process, like SN postinitial nasal

on the first register reflecting a former mediocluster whereas

an SM postinitial nasal on the second ('natural') register

corresponds to a former medial consonant. The following

medioclusters of the type mentioned occur in OM:

- liquid /C
- nasal / liquid, nasal I glottal
- dental / dental
- labial / labial

or, abbreviated for the liquid medioclusters /r, 1/, -LC-,

-nL-, -mL- (where L liquid), i-nd-i, /-m-/, /-nd-/, /-nt-/
and I-mb-I. A variety of rules has to be set up to yield
corresponding forms in SM.
If' the SN postinitial is a nasal (CNv(c)),
first register CaN- disyllables reflect a former MM glottalized
nasal /A, ii/ which is a simplified OM mediocluster with a
glottal second term -c 1 c 2 - (oM /-ncf-/, /-mt-/). OM mediocluste
containing non-glottals, like their dental and labial counter-
parts ON /-nci-/ and I-mb-!, are simplified in MN to /-i-/ and
/-m-/ respectively.
Thus MN /dim/ (dan'im dandim) 'to encounter'
< OM /thncf$m/ (dinuin) SM /hantm/, MM /dndw.. P/ 'to teach'
= OM /thndi&& P/ (dindu &c.) ' SM /i-ral^?/.
SM /k'm6/ 'to droop' MM /1mhow/ (lambor)
( 'C OM /lambor/) as against SM /kmo/ 'weariness' MM /laroj/
OM /tembn/ (timbin) 'dam' > SM /kmen/ and
OM /t'm6ah/ (tumbah) 'to appear' M /trah/ (tam'ah) > SM
/hamah/.
In other words, if' the medial (I
postinitial)
nasal in SM corresponds to a former -mb- ( > SM -m-) or -m13-
(> MJ'4 -,-) mediocluster or to a former simple postinitial pre-
ceded by a voiceless plosive (as in OM /pmc/'desire' .> MM
/p'amik/ SN /kainoik/), it controls the first register.
>

If' a nasal postinitial corresponds to a former

simple nasal postinitial preceded by a voiced plosive or
liquid/semivowel, it controls the second register.
 83.

Nasal/liquid medioclusters follow a different

pattern in that -nL- > SM Can- (CM /terilm/ 'to sink' > MM
/tnim/ ) SM /knm/), on the first register, the liquid
being lost, arid -mL- > SM pL-, on the first register, the
nasal being lost, but its labiality retained in the initial
SM /pa-/ (OM /kmloc/ 'thief' SM /pl3t/). This rule is
restricted to voiceless initials in CM since voiced initials
in OM correspond to /h-/ in SM (CM /gmri/ 'to make resound'
(u4I notes query as to its OM meaning) > SM
If the first term of an CM mediocluster is a
liquid, it is lost in SM and the second term retained; the
same rule applies to nasal/plosive medioclusters as well, the
nasal being lost in SM.

This set of rules is incomplete without

mentioning the simplification of CM/MM complex initials and

their induced registral distribution in SM. Initial clusters

like CM tn- correspond to SM /n-/ (in Thai diall. /hn-/),

on the first register, and CM bn- to SM /n . /, on the second.

As in the foregoing set of examples on medioclusters, the

register is determined by the lost initial, and not the nasal

postinitial. If the first term of an initial cluster is a

voiceless plosive, it yields the first register, if a voiced

plosive the second.

Complication arises with the simplification of

glottal clusters. CM CC- initials correspond to SM C- simple

initials whereas CM CC- sequences ha y as SM reflex /hC-/

complexes, on the first register.

Similarly, CM bases of the shape ? VC (/P ac/ 'to

ask (for)' SM /Pat/) have as derivatives r-C- ? VC (/rrPac/

'request'; SM /h?at/ 'beggar' from MM la't" . l'at, by

agentive prefix <1-> and not by LM variation r 1. Cf. OM

 8

/rn 7 $t/ 'end' AOM /$t/ 'all &c., <-ta->; SM /hbt/ 'to

uEe up', derives from /2 bt/ 'to be exhausted &c' causative

<h->) where the presyllable in OM corresponds to SM /h-/

and the glottal medial is retained, controlling the first
71
register in SM OM bases with 1- initial follow the same
rule; complex forms containing a syllabic infix have the

shape r-C-1VC (OM /lj,/ 'to be destroyed', SM /1i/, > OM

/rn1$j/ 'degeneration', SM /li/). This leads us to the

pre-syllable /h-/ corresponding to reduplicated initials in

LM and to the more complex forms in OM and their registral

distribution according to the consonant classes and their

position in the initial sequence.

Reduplication of initials in OM is one of the

most restrictive systems; two types may be distinguished,

those with simple reduplicated initial of the form CC- and

complex sequences involving a mediocluster, of the form

C 1 aC 2 C 1 -, which are due to syllabic infixation.

Syllabic infixation of bases with simple initial

CVC in OM requires the initial of the base to be reduplicated
and the affix to be inserted yielding thus a derivative of
the shape C-c-CVC (where initial and postinitial C are identi-
cal and is a syllabic infix, as in /d3s/ 'to be' A1ard,s/
'existence', by affix <-r-). Additional constraints have
to be posited, such as bases with simple glottal initials take
their non-glottal counterparts, bu retaining, for reasons
irrelevant in this context, a difference in voicing:
VC > b_t_6VC and cfVC > t--cfVC (OM /B,t/ 'to match' ) /ba6,t/
'to test, match', OM /cfy/ 'in, on, at &c.' ' /t?rdy/ 'middle'
Bases with glottal stop initial take as initial of' their deri-
vatives In, as shown above (OM /t/ > /ranPit/).
 85.

The foregoing remarks are necessary for the

proper understanding of the registral distribution of' initial

/h-/ sequences in SM which is the reflex of a devoicing

process in early MM. The way this devoicing process and the
subsequent phonologizafion of 'register' 72 followed may be de-

scribed as 'cross-over' in that OM voiceless stops became

voiced while voiced stops underwent devoicing.

This rule, however, applies only to the first

term of an initial sequence Cfc_ (OM /tt-/> MN /tht-/ and
OM /dad-/> MM /td-/), the second term not being involved in
the voicing/devoicing process.

If an OM voiced plosive is preceded by a voice-

less plosive, like OM /ted-/ or OM /pab-/, its modern reflexes,

SM /ht . / and /h9p . / on the second register, suggest either

a reverse underlying process OM /td-/ > MM /d'at-/ and OM

/pb-/ ' MN /bap-/ (no initials of' this shape in MN are

attested) if the SM register is controlled by the initial, or,

as Shorto (1967.247, MM gater-rule) assumes, the rentention

of the postinitial plosive, assigning the register, and a

spirantization of the original initial, OM /taC-/ > SM /hC_/

and OM /pC-/ . /hc-/.

If' the reduplicated initial corresponds to the

second member of' a following mediocluster, in forms such as

Cj3CkCj_ (CM /tart-/), the previous rule applies: The initial

undergoes voicing/devoicing while the postinitial is retained

in the MM reflex and the first term of the former ON medio-

cluster lost, CM /prp-/ > MM /b-p-/.

OM /tct-/, /ceCc-/ and /sCs-/ merge in MM

to /tht-/'%- /thc-/ - /ths-/, the original mediocluster beirg

simplified according to the known rules.
 86.

This process resulted in MM in a series of

plosive/plosive sequences with reduplicated initial, but with

a differentiating voicing feature: MM /gak- ,*gg_/, /dt-

thd-/ and /pb- beb-/.

Subsequently, the initial voiced plosives

/g-, d-, b-/ merged in SM to the spirant /h-/ while the post-
initial voice plosives /-g-, -d-, -b-/ merged with the

voiceless series /-k-, -t-, -p-/. The former voiced series

of postinitials gave rise to the second register whereas the

voiceless series controlled the first.

Postinitial glottals /'P, cf, 6/ gave rise to the

first register even if preceded by a MM voiced plosive /b-

dc1-/, according to the gater-rule 73 , These occurrences

are tabulated alongside the LM reflexes on the following page

( p. 8 7) to which the following instances have to be added:

OM MM LM SM
kaj
ymy- lamy- liny- py2
yry- lay- lay- ky2
ly- ly-
ll-
lam1- lay- hay.
ly-

In the following chart (p. 87), table A lists

all reduplicated initial complexes in OM, of the shape C C-

and C'CC- and their middle and modern reflexes, table B tle

only attested traces - apart from cases like LM lami- - in

LN of reduplicated voiced plosive initials.

We can now summarize the entire voicing/de-

voicing process and the resulting registral distribution in

SM as follows (p. 88'):



0 87.

(PCVP

CD
0

VP

U)

VP
o

C,
VP

C, C,
VP

I I
C) o
CD
o C) o

I,, I I/I
(P P
(VP VP 'P (P (D
*-

I II
I I I
PVP ,a VP CD

I I
I I IZ I ID
P $-t P kr-I
VP VP VP , VP VP
o PCP P

I Ii I
I I I '!
.p ,l + + /1 I I .I (P
CDI
(5+' VP VP +' +' .CI
VP ,c . (5 CD VPVP
.(:I
U)4 .1 * - .1 .1
.

I I I I
I 4'
I 4' I I I 4' II
, (CD lCD VP
4'VP ' 4' VP
(P .c t .0
'ri4 +' +' .*. 4''i

C', I
I I I I
I I I 4' 'd 4'
+'j C, $-i k -i $.i
(VP VP VP VP (P
o +'4' 4' C, 4' 4'
I I I I I
I4VdIP
C) C1
P

I I
I a
VP rci
l:1)

I
N- VP CD

I I
- D I-V
(I VP (P (VP VP 4
:
 88.

Voicing/Devoicing and registral distribution in SN

OM MM SM
1 2
CC- CaC-
V
hC-
CC- CgC-
'F

Cc-
%. V
hiC.
C 1 'aC 2 - C1C2- c 1 C2- (type /kt-/)
For medioclusters
CCC- CC- hC-
CCC- CC- hC
For glottal medioclusters /-ncl-, -mB-/
3 3 3
CCC- CaC- haC-
3 3
CCC-
V
CC-
SF
hC-

But this does still not account for some OM

glottal clusters and their LM reflexes, even if it is ir-

relevant for the re istral distribution since glottals control

the first register in any case; OM /kd'3n/ t0 make small in
area' (SM /hadn/) V OM /kcf3n/ 'to be narrow' (SM /d'3n/)

whereby the initial is lost in original plosive/glottal cluste

and its split correspondence CC- retained in SM. The

simplification rules of glottal clusters in SM are as follows:

OM SM (Register i)
Cl-
CrC- 3
ha C - loss of OM non-glottal medial
3
CC-
3
CC-
3
C- loss of OM non-glottal initial
-nd- -n-
-mb .- -b- /ha-/ pre-syllable in SM regard-
less of class of OM initial
As can be seen from the preceding notes, tio processes pre-

ceded the evolution of the registral split in SM: The

simplification of OM medioclusters in early MM and the

voicing/devoicing 'cross-over' of' initial sequences of the

shape CaC-. Subsequently, MM voiced plosives /b, d, j, g/
 89.

underwent a devoicing process and merged with their voice-

less counterparts /p, t, C, k/. This process involved also

those complex initials of' which one member of the two terms
(cc-) belongs to that class of consonants, like MM gi- ki-
SM /kl-/ on the second and first register respectively, cor-
responding to another series of complex initials, MM jm-

cm- merging with NM sm- to SM /hm/, only the earlier voice-

less plosive initial and spirant cluster /sm-/ taking the firsi
register and the earlier voiced initial /jm-. / the second.

The various phases of this evolution, although

- significantly enough - confined only to simple initials,

have first been treated in a systematic way by Haudricourt

(1965). Further data were added by Huffman in 1 973 (1976)
who restricted his analysis to Mon-Khmer proper and expanded
some of Haudricourtts earlier ideas.

Huffman conceives five hypothetical stages

(1976.578) in the evolution of register, but says very little
about their projections onto Mon ( 1 97 6 .5 8 5). During the first

stage (i), he assumes a two-way distinction in initial con-

tinuants atid a voiced/voiceless distinction in initial stops.

No vowel differentiation occurred at that stage. Then, (2)

a simultaneous change in the articulation of' initials took

place and the development of allophonic variation of' vowels

after which (3) register " .. becomes phonemic due to a

complete merger at some point in the system" (1976.578),

followed , once the complete merger was achieved, by a
complete register dichotomy in tt'e vowels (4). The last

stage (5) is characterized by a loss, complete or partial, of'

registral distinctions in its phonetic exponents and a re-
 90.

structuring of the vowel systems.

The Khmer and Mon writing systems do not pro-

dde specific symbols to indicate register, as with many other
phonological segments 4 , unlike Thai or Qu Ng orthographies
with their tone marks; the distinction has to be inferred
'75
from two types of consonant symbols 1 . Second register words

with initial plosives, in both languages, Khmer and Mon, are

written with aksaras corresponding to Nagari voiced plosives

first register words with voiceless plosives. Thus the
appearance of register cannot be dated with reference to the

writing system 6 , but certain sound-shifts may with evidence

found in dated epigraphs.

Shorto (1967.2L1.7) proposes such a solution and

concludes that, while NM plosive sequences CC- -'- CC- cor-

responding to SM /hC- hC./ assigned the register by the

class (voiced/voiceless) of the plosive immediately preceding

the vowel nucleus and a MM C- / mediocluster (homorganic

nasal/voiced plosive induced the first register (a shift databi

to AD 1525 1550), a MM distinction existed between non-glott

medial nasal and glottal medial nadal /, giving rise to

the second and first register respectively. Assuming, as

Shorto does (1967), that its phonologization antedates the

merger of non-glottal and glottal medial nasals, the date

points rather to the end of the sixteenth century AD. It

has not yet been established exactly how the registral stage

of a language ought to be evaluated, if, for instance, all

tonal languagc undergo a registral phase, as it appears from

Thai, Vietnamese or Burmese, or whether tonal and registral

developments are mutually exclusive and, in a certain way,

conditioned by syllable-structure and other factors77.
 91.

Unnatural register.

A tacit definition of the notion of 'unnatural register' has

been assumed on previous occasions. In terms of the historical

development of phonological systems with register/tone
distinctions in Eastern AA languages in general, a certain

number of consonant classes control register/tone 1/A while

a different set of consonants assign register/tone 2/B to the

phonological word; for SM, these consonant classes and their

registral distribution have been summarized in the table of

p . 73, and reflect the rules of sound-shifts attested from the

sixth century onwards.

Certain developments, however, cannot be accounte

for according to these distributional rules. The reasons for

this may be dialect admixture, contact with non-cognate language

taboo deformation and the like, so that the result may be a

phonological word with an initial controlling the register not

predictable from the established and historically justified
rules, like SM /nob/ 'modal particle' which ought to control

the second register / since the initial

. consonant is a

nasal, and nasal initials occur only in second register words.

A similar phenomenon was noted for modern Khmer,

and hence Jenner (1969.38, 1 9 0 n 31) speaks of a natural

register:

"Natural" register is that which conforms to the

patterns of distribution. Departures from these
patterns occur, as will be mentioned.

In this study I prefer to mark out sequences whic

violate the rules as 'unnatural' rather than refer to predictabi

patterrEas 'natur'l'.

Words in which unnatural register occurs belong

o a semantically restricted set arid/or underwent peculiar
 92.

phonological processes, such as cluster-reductions CC- -. ' CC-

SM C . '' C- (sf4 /keh/ 'to write with a stylus' /neh/ 'stylus'
I
LM kneh, instead of' the expected form /nehf; this, however,
is a special case of induced register due to affixation).

'Unnatural register' is a theoretical assumption

- Dempwolff would have spoken, in a different context, of' a

Kunstgriff - to account for shifts in the Mon (and Khmer)

consonantisrn and the subsequent registral regrouping of con-

sonant classes.

Since plosives control both registers, un-

natural register occurs only in words with initial nasals,
liquids and semivowels; spirants /s, h/ present a special
case: /s . / is not unnatural when corresponding to an earlier

form MN jr- - very different from Khmer where /s . / on the

second register is indeed unnatural since jr- clusters are

retained in the modern language - in analogy to the earlier

cluster series j'w- in- with its modern reflexes /hw . . hn/
on the second register. /h . / follows the same rule, although

the evidence is meagre. In spoken Mon, I know only of three

cases of /h/, /ha/ 'to be distant', /hX ?/ 'negative particle'

/hi/ 'to chew'. /h1/ must be discarded as having an anomalou

historical development (oM /sak/), and the remaining two forms

can be reconstructed for OM as containing the initial cluster

_j- (actually attested is only the attributive /jmy/, for

MM, and /jaroy/, for OM, corresponding to i /j3y/ > SM

/kaha/ 'distance'). This leaves us, in addition, with anom-

alous glottal initial //, the remaining two glottals /?, cr7

do not occur in any second register word (if, as has been

claimed, fl i?_ / and /u-/ occur in polysyllables with

second register, the pre- or first syllable /i-/ and /Pu?_/

 93.

take the second register as being induced phonetically, but

has no phonological relevance).

A semantically convergent pattern can be

established for the latter initial /'r5/ on second register
words: All forms attested are associated with meaning re-
lated to female, such as /tV/ 'female, of' anLmals and plants'
/6i/ 'familiar term of address, between spouses', /a/

'elder sister', and two offensive terms I have never heard,

DSM: /I/ (i noted, as DSM does, in a folktale /6^ t3e/,
sentence-initial) and /bili/ referring to females.
All the other instances of unnatural register
nasals, liquids and semivowels are less easy to classify, but
cover, to summarize briefly, areas like plant and animal names,

loans (especially English borrowed via Burmese or Thai) and

various particles, such as the modals /raP/ (instead of

/r. /) and
++I '?'' / / I.
iinstead of ++, ' I'..
/no/).
But it has to be borne in mind that 'unnatural
register' is an entirely theoretical concept, and that in the

spoken language no special prosodic features or distortion of

the phonetic exponents of register occur at all in words with

unnatural register; /noj/, for instance, shows a peripheral

vowel articulation and an absence of breathiness.

The writing system does not provide special

symbols to mark the conversion of registers, unlike Khmer78;
/ra ? / is not marked, LMra, and /nob/ is written with the

cerebral nasal n normally reserved for IA loans. In most

recent loans, subscript h is used to convert to the first

register.
Registral varia tion.
Registral variation is far more widespread in loans than
 94.

entries in DSM suggest. Snorto (1967. 2 46, 3.2) argues in

favour of certain sequential factors in polysyllabic IA loans

and longer sequences in narratives which seem to avoid re-

gistral shifts.

As for loans from English, one example must

suffice, 'X-ray' /?eks8r/ or /eksare/.

Induced register.

Induced register, confined to the first register only, is foun

in polymorphemic words (which may be monosyllabic) and can be

analyzed as containing a prefix and a second register base
such as /piea/ 'to expel' /l.a/ 'to go away' with the
prefix <p-). Induced register will be discussed at greater

length in the appropriate section of' morphology.

 95.

4. Stress.

The problem of stress in Mon was first raised,

in passing, by Smalley (1964.300) while discussing the DSM

transcription of // and /31 e - /3/: He interprets /nam1na/

as having a weak stress on the first syllable and /nwmp/

a secondary one. The problem, however, is more complex than

to posit a simple distinction between primary and secondary

stress. First, we have to separate three different levels

where stress occurs, polysyllables in isolation, compounds
and clauses, and sentence stress. Secondly, the analysis

of stress has to be based on the syllabic structure of a

language.
Two types - length and intensity - and four
degrees of' stress - zero (unstressed), primary, secondary
and tertiary - are to be recognized here.

Generally, four functional categories of stress

are recognized: (i) phonological stress, as in English or

German (prbject, as a noun, projct, as a verb; berstzen

'to translate', ftbersetzen 'to cross by ferry') and what

Hagge-Haudricourt call (1978.30) 'culminatif', (3) 'dmarcatif'

(English blackbird, (a) black bird) and (4) 'expressif'

functions; they point out that monosyllabic languages -. and

for the sake of argument we take SM to be 'quasimonosyllabic'

(Haudricourt 79 ), a view which we otherwise reject - cannot

be regarded as having stress because of co-existing re-

gistral and tonal systems:

On a donc des diffrences de hauteurs et de courbes,

parfois accompagnes de longueurs ou intensits.
(Ibid.)

This is true to a certain extent, but applies only to word-

level stress.
 96.

Although SM has no 'phonological' stress, the

dialect I was taught initially in London, as described in

DSM, shows an isolated case of stress-shift which is gram-

matically functional: /,ph-kh/ refers to the question-

particle 'who?' when primary stress is placed on the second

element /'ph ,kch/, and to the pronoun 'they, them; any'

when primary stress is placed on the first /,h'kh/.

Whether the diphthongization in Thai dialects to /jh ke/

(and /m3 ? ke/ for /mc kh/) referred to earlier can be held

to be the result of a further development of' this stress-shift

is not clear and a matter for speculation: If so, it would

only reveal how infrequent grammatically meaningful stress-

shifts are in Mon, and that they are not well tolerated.

As for the other restrictions Hagge-Haudricourt

mention, difference in vowel-length can be easily incorporated

into the stress system since no phonemic difference is made

in SM, unlike Khmer (retained from PMK) where CVC CVC

(/ka:c/ 'to be bad', /kac/ 'to break into pieces') and the

problem of 'prosodic' (or suprasegmental) vowel length and

'phonemic' (segmental) is to be solved in a different way.

Similarly, the two-term registral system of

modern Khmer and SM is comparable to a level-tone system

in so far as it lacks what are sometimes called 'inflectional',

or contour, tones. The absence of such a tone system enables

both languages to develop additional intonation patterns

which would otherwise interfere - if at all possible in

such a grammatical system! - with the tone system.

Stress and register are independent features

in SM as exhibited by disyllabic loans of the structure
CVCVC where the stress is always placed on the second
 97.

syllable, but either register may occur in any syllable

(cvcvc - cvcc - ccvc - c'cc).

Hagge-Haudricourt's argument is thus only part

valid for monosyllabic languages; but even for this rigid ty

of syllable structure of the phonological word (CV(c)T.., cV(c

and the presence of a contour ('inflectional') tone system

of languages like Thai or Vietnamese, complex constraints
of juncture and tone variations occur and supplementary

systems of stress, in compounds and clauses, for instance,

have to be postulated.

As soon as longer pieces are analyzed, the

placement of stress has to be stated, and sometimes this cor-

relates with other prosodic systems, be they tonal/registral

(varitation of tone/register) or syllabic (like SM and the lo

o' final glottal closure, CVC /cv/ -, CV /cv/) and lengthenii

or juncture with the initial of the following word.

Although no stress-placement difference is

attested throughout the historical period of Mon - and de-

spite some significant changes in syllabicity from OM to SM -

evidence from OM and epigraphic MM shows junctural
peculiarities in a number of spellings from which some hypo-

theses about stress may be deduced.

Thus the absolute question particle in OM/MM

is reconstructed in INI as /a/, but the spellings in which

it occurs are OM ta and MM na, and Shorto interprets t- - n-

as a lengthening of the preceding consonants (... cmat ta in

OM, ... tun na in MM; Ii4I.1 LI7). If so, the junctural

lengthening of' the precding consonant was a make-shift used

by the pandits to prevent the particle /a/, occurring in

sentence-final position, from being de_streSsed and re-
 98.

duced to h/. This also indicates that for Mon stress on

the sentence level was perceived as being as significant as

on the lower levels on the grammatical hierarchy (words,

compounds, clauses). From this we may eventually deduce
further hypotheses as to stress patterns of OM compounds, the
second member of which is a bound ('suffixial') form, like

OM /-tp/ '-fold', as in OM /cw3s-t3p/ 'tenfold', /pmpi-top1

'three-fold', and further to complex noun-phrases containing

two deictic clitics and the like.

Other cases of peculiar syllabic structure (c)

would have to be taken into account in any analysis of OM
stress, like the following four: /k/, // - which are weak

forms - and /ta/, /yQ/. Here again, junctural rules may

operate: //, the weak form of /a/, and /ya/ are onomastic

particles, and always attached to the following noun,

'not to' is the weak form of /kah/>/skah/and/t/ 'for,

towards' (Khmer cognate ta (OKlim.), mod. L) ?) may indicate a

de-stressed position (ccvc; CCCCVC forms are unfortunately

not attested).

In the remarks on stress in SM which follow

only 'colloquial' Mon will be treated; in addition, one woul

have to incorporate, in a thorough study on stress, systems

based on narrative SM, recitative LM (like sermons and

Jataka recitals) and Pali recita's in a naturalized style,

so unique to Mon.

As disyllables we postulate for SM CVC, CaCVC

CaCCVC and ? V? cVc; structures like CVCVC occur only in

secondary patterns, mostly loans (in the notation the final
consonant of each word may be zero).
 99.

There is no functional, or phonemic, difference

in vowel length in SM, and so lengthening of the vowel can

be treated as an intonational, suprasegmental, feature.

On the word level, open syllables are long, with the exception

of' the diphthong /ui/, and vowels preceding velar and laryngea

finals are shortened. In some contexts (sentence level),

the glottal closure of' the clause/sentence-final particle

/ra ? / is lost and the vowel lengthened. /i'i ? kh/ and

(when question particle) lose the final laryngeal in all

contexts and the precding vowel is lengthened and diphthongize

to /3e/, sometimes this is reflected in the orthography of
transcriptions LM iga. igo, LM ah-gah iI-Iah-go.

In word-structures like CVC and CaCVC the minor

syllables /a-/ and /h-/ are unstressed, and the major syllabi

receives full stress (primary stress, abbreviated either by

or by the numeral i).

A relatively small class of' a secondary pattern

consisting of major disyllables, CVCVC &c. --CVCVCVC &c. -

CVCVCVCVC &c., is governed by different stress-rules; the

co-existing registral distribution is not affected by stress

placement. The first syllable always receives secondary

stress (abbreiated by ' or the numeral 2), the second

primary stress. Trisyllables, consisting of major types

such as CVCVCVC (with no /3/-prosody), receive tertiary stre

(abbreviated by " or the numeral 3) on the medial syllable.

All other types, be it the mixed class with minor disyllables

major tetrasyllables, can be treated as a combination of' the

above stress pattern (which, by the way, conforms to the

syllabic structure of SM).

A special presents the affixed form
 100.

in that sometimes both syllables receive even stress, but the

first syllable never receives primary stress; this is in
analogy with /-/ affixed structures where the first syllable
shows sometimes secondary stress instead of being unstressed.
At the compound level, four possibilities are
given: A sequence of two monosyllables, a sequence of di-
syllables of the CC- type and a combination of both. In the
first case, the first element receives secondary stress, the
second primary, like /?jiI? 'a little (bit)', in a se-
quence of two disyllables the same stress pattern is given
/CaCVC C8CVC/; in the two mixed types of compounds C'aCVC CVC
and CVC CICVC the following rule applies: CCVC CVC in
/htom cih/ 'to fall down', the last element receives primary
stress, the other secondary as in the reverse order of the
constituting elements, CVC CaCVC /c hkiXi/ 'to cause to
burn, ignite'.
Similarly, at the clause level the rule always
is that the final element in a sequence receives primary stres
thus in clauses like CVC.VCV.CVC /hot kch ra/ 'for this
reason; therefore' or /hbt ml kh/, the stress pattern is
'cvc "cv(c),cvc.
Syllabic types of affixation have no effect
on the stress pattern inasmuch as the primary stress never
changes the position through syllabic accretion; the ex-
tended syllable bears no stress (/tm/ 'to know' > /p,tm/
'to inform', /ha,t.m/ 'to remember') or secondary stress
(/kh/ 'time while' > /',kh/ 'during'; /n?/ 'this' >
/'i ? ,n P / 'this'). In no case of syllabic accretion
(Zuwachs or Ersatz types) does the first syllable receive
primary stress.
 101.

For the internal reconstruction of' an LM phono-

logy it should, howver, be borne in mind that a difference

exists between a minor disyllabic type CC- (with zero stress,

abbreviated as = or 0) and a major (or 'extended') one in-
volving a madiocluster CaCC- and hence a difference in stress

pattern according to the morphological process of the derivatia

Nasal and labial prefixial forms in LM, syllabic affixes, place

a secondary stress on the first syllable whereas simple types

of prefixes leave the first syllable unstressed. Both types

of derivatives in LM merge in SM to a CC- pattern and adopt

the latter stress placement (unstressed-stressed, ca,cvc).

Whatever the nature of the first syllable vocalism might be

in LM (LM lamyuii 'life' "LM yuit 'to breathe' >SM /ym/

/p,ym/) /'lam,ym/ - /'lam,ym/ /l3m,ym/), it is ir-
relevant to the assignement of' stress as long as it is inter-
preted as a major syllable.

To summarize so far, the followirg stress

patterns exist in SM, according to syllabic type:
Di syii able s

cvcv(c) cvccv(c) 2 - 1
ccv(c) 0-i
cv(c)
2-1
(0 - i)
i?CV(C)
Trisyllables (loans)

cvcvcv(c) 2-3-i

c; c vc V ( c) 0-2-1

c vc CV ( C) 2-0-1
Tetrasyllables (loans) follow the combinatorial rules outlined
briefly above, 2 - 1 - 2 - 1 without minor syllable,

and secondary stress replaced by zero-stress (unstressed) in

case of a minor syllable (/cc-/).
 1 02.

Apart from the relatively restricted systems of

stress at the word level, special types of stress-rules

have to be set up for compounds and phrases; compounds

consist of' two or three constituting terms ('words), phrases

involve the use of at least one particle or auxiliary com-
plex. We distinguish between nominal and verbal types of

compounds and phrases. However, the stress pattern of com-

pounds consisting of two terms is identical for nominal and

verbal types. Noninal compounds have a head-noun indicating

their class or category and, as a second term, a noun or

qualifying (stative) verb as specifier:

/h-acem/ 'bird' /hcem pk/ 'Egret'

/nm/ 'tree' /n3m prt/ plantain; banana'
/boa/ 'day; sun' /boa prappt3e?/ 'Thursday'
/d&/ 'country; town' /d' sem/ 'Thailand'

but /daik htao/ 'hot water' as opposed to /daik n hw3j/

'jar for drinking-water'. The head-noun never receives primary

stress in relation to the entire compound; if' the structure

is CVC.CVC, the first term has secondary stress, the second

primary. The same rule applies to structures like CCVC.CVC

and CVC.CaCVC. The stress pattern is to be extended if a

complex loan is involved, as in oa prapt 3 e?/, to 2 - 0- 1
or, as a variant, to 1 - 2 - 0- 1. This would be the only
exception where primary stress is assigned to the head-noun.

Whether the second term of a nominal compound is another noun

or a verb is irrelevant to the stress-assignment. Examples

of two-term verbal compounds are

/kaleaj heP/ 'to return home'

/hum cfaik/ 'to have a bath' [V_NJv
/d'ak kwi/ 'to go by bus, car'
 1 03.

/lip ?a/ 'to enter'

/ket na/ 'to take away'
[v-v]
/htom cih/ 'to fall down'
/kl cbp/ 'to arrive'

As above, in nominal compounds, primary stress lies on the

second term, the first having secondary stress (2 - i).

Nominal compounds consisting of three or four

terms follow combinatorial rules:

/pha miih ht/

'Pier Monastery' 2 - 3 - 1 0-
/1cik 6a knp/

'two volumes book ' 2 - 3 - 1 0-
/mIY kb m.?/ 'parents' 1 - 2 - 1

/kon ik ctot hl/ 'little boys' 2 - 1 - 2 - 0-
The stress pattern 2 1 applies to various re-

duplication types as well:

/kweh kweh/ 'really, frankly'
/pr3h prah/ 'quickly'
/sa sa/ 'gently'
/kl ?a kl 'to go to and fro; coming and going'

Embeddings into more complex environments, like

' , '.
/ hu ? V ich lh/ 'not V at all' (strengthening of negation),
has no effect on the stress-placement of such compounds. Other
reduplication types follow the same pattern of stress-place-

ment, like the reduplication of variables and the reduplication

of constants. Among the first we find verbal phrases such

as/hbm 'a hm k1/ 'to speak without interruption, constant-

ly' or /ph rao ph (lik mn hi k'3 ? )/ 'he is illiterate in

Mon' 'with the stress pattern 2 - 1 - 2 - 1 and 1 - 2 - 1

respectively. As for the repetition of constants, whenever

a noun is the variable to be add?d, it receives primary stress

regardless of the position 'within such a coriplex phrase.

Thus /sbmNI smN/ 'both N and N' has the 2 - 1 - 2 - 1

 1 O4.

stress pattern whereas /Nkbm Nkin/ ... and;

either ... or' receives primary stress on the first term,

the noun, and secondary stress on t'ie conscant /kIm/. As

'we shall see below, this may be coiiriected with the peculiar

behaviour of nominal pieces determined by clitics (plural,

determining terms, deixis).

The pattern 1 - 2 - 1 applies to positive (or

affirmative) verbal phrases such as /hbm sem/ 'to speak

Thai' and /hurn m cfaik/ 'he is having a bath' and to their

negative counterparts /hii? ket nc.m/ 'Ihaven't got it yet'

/cfo hti cfo/ 'aren't you tired?'.

But unlike nominal phrases where it is the noun
that receives primary stress, verbal phrases and compounds

follow rigidly the rule 2 - 1, and this includes co-verbs or

auxliliaries with variable position, such as /t^h/ and /kP/:

t'e
kl ra?
V ?a V mo'3
na b 22
and

th V 'must, to have to' V th 'to be able'

k V 'have a chance to' 'to be able'

to which the pattern 2 - 1 applies. In such compounds and

phrases, the variable 'full' (main) verb, in the verb position

never receives primary stress unless embedded in a different

environment: When the phrase is closed by Ira?!, it receives

the 1 - 2 - 1 stress type. The placement of' the auxiliaries

(v"Aux, AUXV) has no effect upon the stress rule.

In marked contradistinction to such verbal se-
quences we find noun phrases (or nominal pieces) closed by the
 1 05.

marker /kh/ determining the preceding noun, like /kwan/

'village', /kwan ma/ 'a village', /kwan kah/ 'the village'.

If /kch/ closes a noun-phrase, the preceding noun always re-

ceives primary stress:

/kwan ma/ 2 - 1
/kwan kh/ 1 - 2

Ambiguous is the behaviour of the marker of indefinite plural,

/h2ldJ/: If the context is not emphatic, it follows the rule
of co-occurrent primary stress /kwan hl/ 1 - 0- 1
'villages'.

Deictic terms, however, are exempted from the

/kh/ rule and receive primary stress whereas the preceding

noun shows secondary stress: /kwan n/ 'this village',

/kwan teP/ 'that village'. The extension of this kind of

nominal piece by the definite plural marker /t3P/ does not

alter this rule, and it is the constraint of' this stress
pattern that causes the contraction of /t?/ an /na?#..te2/

to /tn ? n' tte?/ to conform to - 1 stress. This process

goes back to classical OM /t'? eh/ (pronominal. plural suffix)

/t3?/ (plural marker, definite) and /d'eh/ 'he, she,it,

they'and also in OM the weakening of /t?/ before /goh/

(SM /kh/) to /tgoh/. In sequences like /kwan tn3 P / ' these

villages' and /kwan tte?/ 'those villages' the pattern

followed is 1 - 0- 1, by the rule of co-occurrence of primary

stress. The same applies to expanded nominal pieces closed

by /kh/ containing one of the two deictic terms /n.? teP/:

/kwan n? kh/ and /kwan te ? kh/ (where kh may play, accordir

to context, an anaphoric role) receive the stress pattern

1 - 3 - 1, in emphatic contexts 2 - 1 - 2.
Other expansions of nominal pieces follow the
 106.

given combinatorial rules:

/l3ik cteh tn kh/ 'these books of' his...' 2-1-0-2-1

and in this context /kah/ receives primary stress, but only

because it is part of a reduplicated 2 - 1 pattern. Primary
stress on /kh/ occurs also in a single 2 - 1 /0- 1 pattern,
as in /?ikh/ 'that' and /hkh/ 'thus'.

Noun-phrases can thus be classified by a re-

strictive stress system alone: If a noun-phrase shows

primary stress on the head-noun, it is closed by /kh/

('definiteness', or mooted topic); if the head-noun shows

secondary stress, it is followed by a possessive and/or

deictic clitic (like /deh/ 'his, her', /n 3 P/ 'this', /te?/

'that', and their pluralized forms).

This may be interpreted as stress marking deixis

and zero-stress (unstressed word) definiteness, or, in the cas

of nominal compounds, a specifying second term.

Other classifications of complex pieces can be

built up as well on the sole basis of stress, and will be

exemplified in the sections on syntax concerned, together

with related systems of intonation.

The stress-assignment-rules are tabulated on

the following page (p. 107).

The dynamic stress mentioned, analyzed on the

sentence level (nonc) has to take into account particles, ci

clitics and sentence-types; it will be shown later how, for

instance, /ra/ and /kh/ may actually occur in complementary

distribution, or as a compound Ira? k3h/, or as part of' a

polymorphemic form (/Pi?ra/, /hakh/). In all these cases

particular stress-assignment-rules apply, and it is possible

to classify fixed clauses by stress. Even more extensive
 107.

54
0
-S C) -I
.000- C) -4 5-.
-o 0 54 C) 0.
C) .0 ,0 0
0 '.4 4.) 54. 54 54
C) -4 00 00) 0.
0 .4 0 0.
E .000 I 4.4 0 0 C)
0 0 C) 00 C) ..,4
0 '004)- C) 0) 0)54 0
0 Oko 00 .0
0 0.0.0 0 .4 C) 4)
-4 o D+ .4.) 0 0
-4 0 00 -'40 C)
00 '4
0 0 E 0.4.4 '.44)0
0 C) 4.4 '.454 '40) V
k - C) 00 00 00 0
o .0 0 5400 -I .-40 '.4
0 00 O 0...4 k-P 0.0 4.4
-4 000 4.) 0.4 0 I.
O -4 C) _.4 0.0 00 0 0+
E-4--4 0.40 540 054
.4 0 P0 0.-4 0.0-4 C) C) 0.0
4) -4 4.) 0.0 0 0 -P EQ 00.
0 C) 4.) ..4 -'4
000 0) 0- 0:
0 4.4 0,40 00 .04.4
V C) 0.40 .4.00. "".4 0
0 0 -'4 .00 0)0 54 OP
O -D 0 - C) 0'D 00
.4 0 0 44) k o 4)0 -4 :44.)
. E H000 0-
0 E 000 0)
-4 0 0 C) 00) 0)
- 0 0 0) 0.0 .00 C) 5- 00
' '000 E.4k C)
0 -4 04) 00 4.) .-40
-4 4.) C) 0'O 0 C) C)
'0 0 0 .-0 0 '.4 C)
k 4)0 E 0.04 0 0) '.4
0 0 0 0 00 -.4 C) -4 C)
0004.4 00-4 0o 0-
4) 0
0-454 0. 0540 540
04)4) 4.)- -4 k-4 0 4)0
54.40) 0 C) 0)54 00,4 0) '.4 0)
I 0 C) 540 o 5454 00. 4.) C)+) 4) 0)
4) 00 ,0 C)0 0 0,4 0 00 C)
0054.0 54 0.4 540 000 '.40 4-..
0 0 0 0.0 4)0 '.40_I 00
0 I E+4 .0 0.0 C) C)
. k I) I 0-'4 C) '.44.40 -'4 C)E 00 C)'
o o 0 00540 0-400 0.0 0540
4.4 1H '4 00 0.E '.40 o,0 000
0 .4-
C)
--4
C) 'S.
0

4)
I I ) C)
C)
- - r C.4
I I I I
C
S.. C C'

C.
- c r' N
J-
 108.

rules are to be established for verbalizing and nominalizing

terms, like /pa?/, or /th/, /hw^. ? /, /s^ak/, as well as

prohibitorystatements (emphatic stress) /pa ? V/ 'do not...!'

which may be linked to negation in general, /hiX 9 sea/, /hX?

ma/. If one takes a position whereby negation and assertion
are part of the same modal system, as Culioli does, one

could back that analysis up with certain stress rules, applyin

to terms like /h/ and Ira?!.

Although superficially no stress-shift have

taken place in the historically attested period from Dvaravati

Mon to present day dialects, the fact that the inflectional

prefix cs- (/s-/ _/s_/), the 'hypothetical', was attached,
in OM, only to the first of' a two-term verbal compound
(sCVC cvc, SaC(C)VC cvc) leads us to assume that a

distinction between primary stress and secondary (or zero-)

stress was recognized as being pertinent, as show the numerous

weak forms and junctural features exhibited in spellings,

and also changes in the morphological system lead to changes

in the stress pattern of more complex phonological pieces;

the loss of the hypothetical shifts part of the semantic

function onto the sentence particles Ira ? ! and /no/ or

other clitics. Equally, the inflectional infix C-rn->,

the attributive, is replaced by the proclitic /mP/.

Scarce as these facts may be, they do nurture

speculations that dynamic stress in SM substitutes, at least,

partly, the loss of earlier OM inflection, a point awaiting

further investigation beyond Mon-lthrner into Munda.

Dempwolff tried to tackle this problem in an

early study on Nama-Hottentott and spoken Malay; the former

is a tone language, the latter a language with fixed word-
 109.

stress (similar to SM in the type of stress, but different

as regards stress placement). Since emphatic stress, accordin

to him, does not exist because of the restricted syllable and

word prosodies (tone, fixed stress), special morphological

devices operate in both languages to 'topicalize t nouns.

This would not, however, apply to Mon where /kh/ can, in fact,
be used as topicalizing device, and superpose, at the same

time, stress, leaving apart the whole question in SM of the

relationship between stress and intonation for later dis-
80
cussion
 110.

5 Syllable and word-structure.

Not much much attention has been paid to the

analysis of word- and syllable-structures of various
Mon-Khmer languages, 'with the exception of Palaung, Khasi,
old and modern Khmer, although, for the latter, no real
advances have been made since Henderson's first intro-
ductory article published thirty years ago.
The structure of Mon-Khmer words has been genera
ly described as quasimonosyllabic or sesquisyllabic8l.
Such labels blur significant typological differences bet-
ween groups and even individual languages, apart from being
simply incorrect: Modern Khmer cannot be described as quasi-
monosyllabic because it retains a -CC- mediocluster (the
first term of 'which is a nasal), asin /riimlw.k/ 'to think of
(-i.. /rlw.k/ 'to be aware'), /szmre:k/ 'thirst' /sre:k/
'to be thirsty') and a minor syllable vocalism 'which is
environmentally conditioned /X .'- o../, nor is that
description appropriate for Aslian languages with their
distinctive 'minor' syllable vocalism - or even one of the
Eastern languages like Bru, /kacit/ 'to die' > /kucit/ 'to
kill'. Because of its vocalic infixation, Mon (but also
Katu, an Eastern language) shows disyllabic derivatives from
monosyllabic bases, and even more complex syllabic structure
occurred in OM, like /sgeh/ 'to be rich', /ssgeh/ 'shall
be rich', /samgeh/ 'being rich', /sgeh/ 'to enrich',
/ssgeh/ 'shall enrich'.
The characterization of a language according to
the number of' syllables tolerated by the phonological
system in itself is meaningless, both historically and
 111.

82
typologically . More relevant, however, is the question

in which environments and how many syllables are tolerated

to constitute a phonological word; thus Sundanese has bases

of the shape CVCVC, a canonical form found in most Indonesiar

(or Western Austronesian) languages, but yields derivatives

of' up to seven syllables, such as /dipapararabankyn/

'they are fed (by several persons for someone else)', from
the base /parab/ 83 . Khmer, old and middle Mon permit the

incorporation of two affixes, and this procedure yields

derivatives with two or three syllables; although the

majority of bases in both languages are monosyllabic, bases

cannot be identified with a p3rticular type of syllable or

word-structure since disyllabic bases (secondary bases)
occur as well.

The following remarks on Khmer syllables serve

to illustrate the difficulties involved in analyzing 'word-
structures in Mon-Khmer.

Previous analyses on the word-structure of

modern Khmer, apart from Henderson's ( 1 95 2 ), Pinnow (1958),
Jacob (1968), Jenner (1969) and Huff'man ( 1 97 2 ) agree only
on two patterns which form the poles of Khmer syllable
structure, monosyllables with simple initials and disyllable
of the type CVC.CVC where no junctural feature in the
C 1 sC - sequence is found.
Transitory kinds of syllables - shown together
with 'polar' (or discrete) types on the synoptic table on
the following page (p. 112) - are subject to conflicting
definitions; Henderson's extended monosyllables have no
counterpart in subsequent descriptions, except in Jacob's
who adds, like Pinnow and Jenner, three-place initials as
a special subgroup. Jenier rejects defining transitory
types in terms of either mono- or disyllables and pro-
 112.

c.'J 0
C 0 U)
0 a)
CU) EU) H
a) ,0
('3
H
HC'3 Hc'3 H
PH Pr-1
Er-4 (I)
r 0)
U)U) ('U) rd

U)
0) rI
a)
LI) H
ci) 0)
H ('3 C)
H H
H 'do) ,0
I-- H Wa) Cd
H 0) H
5.4 0) H
U) a)('j
0 U)
U)

I E
0
('30)
rI

-p
H rlO) U)
ai F' C)
r4 cli I 0 H
U) -p U) rI rI 0
a) C) + 'd -' ('3
Ha) i--I r1 .-' 0 '-I
rl 'd os- -1
('3P 0) (3 r1 a) U) '-
U) H +'WO 0)
i--I .rI H Wo i--I a) 0 0 Or-I I
U) ('3 0 -'-- 'Cd
Ci) r1 a) U)C'3
0 0,-p o H 0 C.) +H 0 C) H
C) + r1 c0 U)r- H
('3 o d ka o I 0
-i-I 0)0) E r C.) 0 *-lU) ('4

Si 5.4
5.4 0) a)
-p a) -p -p -p
o -p C) 5.4
('3 a)s-4 , :0
G) H Ir-I -p :0 ,-i :cl
0 5-i :cd
d O) 0 w i--I ,W 5-ca)
If' ,0 . -p a,
0i i--I E HE r1 O UI U)rI C) .r
r4 ('3r C) .rl C) r4 r1 W
C') C) DH C) H
5-4 5-4 ,0 rl
r4 a) .rI 11 rl I I U:) C) .rI 0) (I)
r1+' a)Cd Ci) 00 -p 0) .r4
5-I ci C) H5-4 C) C)
:o o H r-I 0 c) .
H ('3U) H 0) 00 H Cd t

U) CD
C) C)
,-1 H
c'J ,0
LC 0 Cd "3
H i-I
0 0 H H
E
0(l) (ci U) U)
0 'dai .rI
UI H C)H 'Cd 'Cd
C),0
C) 5.4 Si
PH WI-I 0 0
a) ('3
(QU) WU) E

0c'3
rI
a) + I 0 0
P .r4 I 0 (b 0 C) 0
0 C% 0
E .r4 10 o 5- 0 0 0 0
 113.

poses "subdissyllables" ( 1 9 6 9.33-3 4 ) to characterize them:

At the phonemic level monosyllabic, but phonetically
disyllabic. This view is, of' course, incompatible with
Henderson's prosodic approach which postulates a set of
junctures (zero, , h) in words with complex initials, and
all types of initial sequences (orthographic) CC-, ChC-,
C 1 aC 1 - , CCaC- and CaCC- fall in this category. Although
Jenner recognizes the same set (called "bridges", 1969.19,
21), he accords one tenn, , a status relevant for syllabici
The differences in approach become more apparent with the
choice of distinctive features for the syllable. Henderson
and Pinnow take stress and register as main criteria to
classify word-structures: In the former's description,
minor disyllables (CvCC-) cannot be classified together
with the extended monosyllable because the first syllable
may take register independent of the following (1952.150,
1 7 0 ) even if' no vowel alternance exists in that position
(3c 11- 3:C$ for the first register, wC before -n "- -
and iiC before -m - for the second register), and
because the minor syllable is always unstressed. As for
major disyllables, no suggestion of' secondary stress has
been made, except Jenrier (ibid., p. 30); Pinnow claims
- erroneously - that both constituents (syllables) are
stressed, apart from having independent register. The
main criterion for both, Henderson and Pinnow, however, is
register: Junctural 8 does not show register, hence it is
no syllable, whereas in the case of a vowel unit affected
by registral differentiation, however restricted its terms
may be - three in minor syllables , it is the nucleus of a
syllable. Furthermore, Pinnow's description implies that
register is assigned rather to the word than to the syllable
A phenomenon which we may call induced register can be
observed in that a monosyllabic base taking an infix - if
it is a syllabic one - assigns to the minor syllable of the
derivative its register, or, put differently, the major
syllable induces the register of the preceding minor.
When the derivative contains a prefix, like < p1 ->, the
major syllable takes the register of the minor. In some
cases the register is independent, but this needs further
 1 iL'.

investigation.
For Huffman ( 1 97 2 )
register seems irrelevant fo
a classification of word-structure; only stress is set
up as a distinctive feature along with the criterion of a
reduced syllable being "expandable" or not. He identifies
several types of minor syllable reduction in colloquial
Khmer, like shortening of open syllables (CV > cv), re-
duction of minor syllable vocalisrn (CvC-> cc-), a sub-
sequent devoicing set, /mtray/-type reductions, rhotacized
reductions (Cr- .> ca-), nasal reductions CYNC- > CVC,
and syllabic nasal reductions ( 1 97 2 .5 8 -60) whereby medio-
clusters -mC- > jrn-, -nO- > in-, -C->4- and -pC->
- with loss of' minor syllables. If phonetic CC-
sequences are the reflex of an underlying minor syllable
vocalism, Huffman classifies them as disyllables, if //
is epenthetic it is a complex monosyllable - the difference
to Henderson's interpretation is that CCC- and raC- forms
are monosyllables, with Huffman disyllables.
The problem, however, is different for Mon even
if we encounter, superficially, the same initial patterns,
like CC- initials. Although experimental tests for SM are,
unfortunately, still lacking, a significant phonetic
difference, length, exists for the anaptyctic vowel in
Khmer and Mon, in CC- initial sequences.
In the case of' plosive / plosive sequences,
transition between the two members of the sequence is
markedly shorter in Khmer than in SM. As has been already
mentioned earlier on, modern Mon orthography allows to
write all initial sequences CO-, except plosive / liquid
and plosive / semivowel clusters which mark a phonemic
difference, LM ky- SM /ky-/ LM kay- SM /ky-/, to be
written either as a conjunct or as a disjunct, corresponding
to LM kta- (conjunct) and LM kata- mo (disjunct),
since the syllabicity indicated by the latter spelling
stems from the anaptyxis on the phonetic level SM /kta?/;
in spellings like LM kra ' LM kara the syllabicity of the
disjunct orthography reflects a vocalic infix - which does
not exist in Khmer , and anaptyxis does not occur in
sequences of' the type cited (plosive / liquid, plosive /
semivowel), so that LM kr- ) SM /kr_/, LM kar- > SM /icr-/
 115.

while LM kt- and LM kat- > SM /kt-/. Both phonological

processes resulted in a confusion as to the function of
minor syllables CC-, whether /'/ was a vocalic infix (and
hence had a phonemic/segmental status) or an anaptyctic
vowel (and hence a prosodic/suprasegmental status). It
is obvious that this peculiar aspect of Mon orthography led
to misunderstandings in earlier descriptions, and is even
perpetuated in the recent Phonologie panchronigue by
Hagge & Haudricourt (1978).

The earliest observation on this subject was

made by James Low (1837) followed by Bastian thirty years
later. Kuhn (1889) recognizes

Praefixe C ... J mit reducirtem Silbenwert im Mon

( p. 202)
in discussing a set of Mon-Khmer numerals, but fails to
identify "m'sun" /pasn/ 'five' as a contraction of LM
mway and LM sun, and the three remaining examples "t'rou"
/karao/ 'six', "t 'pah" /hp3h/ 'seven' and "d' cm" /hcam/
'eight' (corresponding to LM tarau.'.-trau, thapah and
dac respectively) as irreducible disyllables since he
conceives of Mon-Khmer (his "Khasi-Mon-Khmer") as a mono-
syllabic proto-language. Even if one concedes that the
forementioned scholars were not acquainted with Mon - al-
though at least Bastian and Low relied on first hand ob-
servations - Blagden's and Halliday's attempts, half a
century later, to state word- and syllable-structure in a
more rigorous way, were not very successful either 8 .
Shorto is equally silent on this topic, althougl-
presenting some elementary facts in his "Vowel systems"
(19 66 )85 . .
In passing, however, a brief remark is hidden
in his notes on epigraphy ( 1 95 6 ) where a suggestion is made
that Mon is a language

[...1 not presumed to be monosyllabic

(1956.3L).
This is the only reference Shorto ever made on syllable-
structure, though the phonological survey in the intro-
duction to flII (1971) hardly conceals the assumption of OM
 116.

showing mono- and disyllabic native forms. Despite the

abundance of SM disyllables as described in DSM (1962),
this aspect of Mon grammar has been, as we shall see below,
gravely misunderstood recently by Haudricourt8

Les mots y [sc. in spoken Monl sont en apparence

dissyllabique, mais la voyelle de la premire
syllabe n'a presque pas de valeur diffrenciative,
et tout se passe comme s'il s'aggissait d'une
espce d' "0 muet" servant faciliter la pro-
nonciation du groupe de consonnes initial
(Hagge-Haudricourt 1978.81-82).
Historically no change in word-structure as
to the number and type of syllables occurring in native,
and most IA loans, has taken place in the attested period.
Syllable-structure was, however, affected in that OM final
liquids /r, 1/ 'were lost in MN resulting in open syllables
(spelt -'w; in epigraphic middle Khmer (IMA) phonolo-
gically open syllables were orthographically 'closed' by
final -h), OM final palatals /c,J,/ merged with final -k
and - respectively, resulting in MN in diphthongization
of the preceding vowel. Furthermore, medioclusters were
simplified at various stages, OM glottal/nasal medio-
clusters reduced to simple glottalized nasal medials in MN,
OM labial medioclusters /-mC-/ simplified as late as SM,
and retained through the period of MM > LM. ftC-I pre-
syllables and /chc-/ initial sequences are MM innovations
and retained in SM.
In the following, syllabicity is not defined
by register as in Henderson's analysis, but by stress:
Any sequence of zero or secondary stress followed by a
syllable bearing primary stress is a disyllabic word.
Further restrictions apply: Reduplicates, like /kweh kweh/
'really, truly', are excluded. The presyllable (or minor
syllable) consists of a single initial consonait followed
by a neutral vowel //, the main syllable of a single
(rarely two-place) initial consonant, a vowel nucleus and
a final consonant which may be zero. Defining disyllabic
loans is more difficult since their word-structure CVCVC
CVC.CVC &c., a sequence of two major syllables, resembles
a compound as in /pra ? kbh/ 'treatise' (Skt. praka)
 117.

and /kwan n?/ 'this village' (cvc.cvc). Restrictions on

this level of' abstraction cannot be made, but it should be
pointed out that the tolerance of such disyllables in the
secondary pattern is supported by phonological systems
controlling complex primary patterns, like compounds, governe
by certain stress rules. Disyllables containing a vowel
nucleus in the first syllable are loans; a word consisting
of a minor (/c-/) and a major syllable is a native disyllabi
In the SM lexicon, as tested in the field, loans of tn-
syllabic and tetrasyllabic structures are recognized
(current vocabulary of Buddhist terms), but occur rarely
and in very restricted contexts

Monosyllables.

The basic type of a free form in SM is the monosyllable. It

has the shape

vc R

ccv' ccvcR

ccc yR ccc

(three-place initials occurring only on the first register)

where C, V and R are separate systems (consonant, vowel

and register). Unlike OM/MM, monosyllables with simple

initials are potentially polymorphemic in that under given

phonological conditions derivatives may be yielded from

simple-initial monosyllabic bases by initial consonant

alternance /nLk/ 'stake' - /t6k/ 'to strike', mo! 'spool'

/to/ 'cotton'). Examples of native monosyllables are

given on page 119.

Forms transcribed in DSM as V are preceded by a

glottal stop and treated, and transcribed, here as /P/

(= cv), like DSM /a/ 'to go', transcribed here as /?a/.

Since the CCC- initials reflect an intermediate
 118.

representation ChC-, they are all confined to the first

register.

Disyllables.

All native disyllables are also shown on the table on the

following page (p. 119).

Three types of disyllabic words can be dis-

tinguished,

(1) words with initial vowel /g-/

(2) so-called major disyllables, exlusively confined to
loans and consisting of a sequence of' two major syl-
lables (c(c))cvc(c)vc
(3) native disyllables (otherwise called minor disyllables),
and a structurally similar type of the form /c -/ which
is the most complex one because it occurs not only in
loans but belongs to the native primary pattern as
well.

The first type, or the /a-/-type disyllables, are shown

on page 120; /-/ may occur in any combination of patterns

shown in the table of p. 1 19, listing native mono- and

disyllables. Some forms, many of' them borrowed from Burmese,

have as variants either a reduced form, as /ma/ /ma/,

or an expanded form, as /33/ ".- /t'a/. Non-affixed forms

of the shape /aC-/ are suspect, and, if not demonstrably

of Burmese or Indo-Aryan origin, due to Burmese contaminatior

or dialect admixture. However, all affixed forms with initi

/-/ are native words, although there are rare exceptions

like /kh/ /kh1/ (Pali kho). Affixed /-/ may occur
on either register.

Before turning to major disyllables (the second

type listed above), the distinction of native disyllables

needs further comment; the difference between the



119.

14
-I
(5
.0
4.)
(V.
E
(V

(V

(5

(5
'(V
0
4.)
(V 0
-4
4.) -4
-;
- .4.) ' -
4
-4 _4 _4
0 - (50 -P (5
0 (V (5.0 0 -P
_1 .0
-4 E (V.0
-40 14 0, 0
; ,,a
- 0-I
(5
- (5 4) '01 (I '(V '-.41
.I.0 - 01
411 0 (5
(VI .(V ,(V

' 0
00 0 0
4141 41 (I
r:': :': 00 0 0

-1
4 (V
'-4 (V
4) '(V
(5 (5- 4.)
14 14
0 (V (V
4.) (5 .4.) (5

(5 (5 (5 14
(5(5 -4 4.)

(5 - . 4- 0.5 '0 (5
(5 14 5 (5 5.0 ,0
-4 (5 p14 440 (5 0
'(V 0 _4 4 14 4
(5 V 4)
14+ E .4.) 4.)
,-41 +I
o (VI E 1'I
(VI ..) (V .01
.01 .4.)
o ts 4.) oI 14 14 -1I +)
(V .- -I- (V .0 (4 (51 ( 01
o . (Vl (VI.0 (VI
E
(5
(5
(5
0 -4 - 0
+ b 0.0 00 0 0
(V (V 00 4141 (4 (4
Z 00 000 00 0 0


120.
a)

a)
P.O
P.O 0
-.-4-,-4 a) -4
V
V WV 0
a) 00 -4
-4.00 P
0.01W
Ct P. a) WV
-o 1. 4 a) 4__'
a) 140
- - _4
p
I. a)
,0 0- (1) O __
-I 0
p a) P.
-
4.. O 0 - WV
a) '0 p o a) .00
-0$ 0.0 . -p p
14 -P.O . 14
0 Ia) . P. -P..P.U)
a) - -4 -4 -4-
0.00.
00-p 0. -
000
.-1 (1) 0 a) ..4 P P
E a) 0
0 0
- .00- V - b o
010 Q-4-P 0 0 '04
- .i 0 1- -4 -p
WOW 00 .'-, -p P 0
P.0fr 044 -P00 O 0,0-i-I
WC)I -4 0 .000 a) --0
- -
) a)
.0 0. 0 bDW 0 .0
.4.) -Pa)- 0 -p
VkO iEW .-4 0 a)
4l0 0,D a) -i-fl40 -4.4
OWCI) P4W - 01,01,0 .01 WV
4_ - 0I-P 4I -40
'00
+'I,I
411(11(1
a)
PrJ '
AlA CDI (I (PlO
.)
CD
.or.or.o
-p-p Cl .01
(P (0 A cil
'014

0 0
-pP
A (141

(a)
0 0000 0

0000 00
0 14
0 0 0 0000 -i-I
0 0 0 0 0 0000 (H I I
4.4
CII

0
.8
a) U)
a)
-p O -P
a) -
p 14
40 a)
.0
0 a)
0 -p
- z U)
a) a) U)
E 0-4
10 a)
0 - -
p
'a) - - a) 0 '0
4 40 -P 4 a) P
0. P 0 o -4
a) -4
p4 -I P. 0
a)- E P
0.4 -P1 .W
01-P WE 4-4 - - Wa)
14.0
Pl.d 00 0
(PCI) ,0 a) , 0
a)- '0 .0 4.' 4.40
WI .0
0 W -p
WIW .0 .01- -Pa) -4 0 .0-
01-P Eft' -4V .Id 0
4 WO Ala) i-4 - a)
.I.0.10 .O 0.0 o E'.
a) a) -4.4-P. 01 4- .4-4
? 010 P. .0 14 -p. (51 P. -
I -- 14P. a) W 141
CI -p.4-i -a) 00 -0
-0 0W 0
000
V 0-p .- 0 -
- 0 a) a) p4 (D a)
'0 0(I) p I) p(H 014 .-40 .-
o 0-P -0 a) o V
o 'I c
VP. 14 - -VP "-II a) -4
a)-.14 -P140
.,l -.0i I-40 5I (H
a)0 4-4W I - 0 -
4. WOW -
(H ..0 -400 140 ,0 a)
Ia) .-400 14 -p o e-. 14
WEO 00 0
a) (500 - - -0-,0 -4 ')I 140 4.414
'0 -40W Q4OP.
0W-P - - - - 01 _ 0,0 0Z
0
a)
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cs-I
I 01
I .00.0-
-
-
0 WW ('01W .0 .0.0 1 .0Il.0I I I
0 p o - ,l.j-'I -1 . O.J
E0 P1W -4 -4
- (141(1 (1(1141 WIWrI
A CI CII ('III (II .0 .'
0 .0.0
.0 (Ip <p41

0
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C.) 00
0 00 00
'01 0 0 14
0 0 0 -4
0 0 0 LO 4-4 I I I I
'I 0
(H
< I
 121.

'weakened' type /c-/ and the major type is that in the

latter register can be assigned to either major syllable

even if the first syllable is unstressed. This introduces

a distinctive feature of unslxessed syllables and 'weakened
syllables. A pattern like CV.CV may thus be interpreted

as /limao/ (cv.cv), /wi'wca/ (c.c'Q'), /paoc^.a/ (cv.c) and

/piya/ (c.cv). But in none of these examples can the

first syllable be reduced to a form like /c-/. The other

distinction between minor and weakened disyllables is rele-

vant in so far as weakened disyllables, although identical

in structure /Ca-/, stem from LM disyllables containing

medioclusters of the type -mC- (which are labial forms,

hence polymorphemic) 'whereas minor disyllables may or may no

contain a vocalic infix // or a syllabic prefix /c-/.

Furthermore, disyllables of the type /'C-/ and /Ca-/ differ

from each other in that the former is exclusively poly-

morphemic - if it is a native word. Medioclusters in SM

as shown on the table of native mono- and disyllables

( p. 1 19) are extremely rare and occur in derivatives con-

taining a base 'with /Ch-/ initial and a syllabic prefix

/pa-/ (cp-). /hpli?/ 'betel leaf' might be explained as

a contraction of /hla?/ 'leaf' and /pla ? /. If the initial

of a major syllable is a glottal /9, d,

/, it occurs on

the first register only and the presyllable (pr minor

8
syllable) has the snape /ha_/

Major disyllables (group 2, p. 118) can be

further divided into three categories; in analogy to /c-/

forms, the first set comprises / 2 i ? -/ as first syllable

'which Shorto (1966.399) - 'who relegates it to a secondary
 122.

pattern together with /c-/ without taking into account the

affixes such forms contain - interprets, whenever occur-

ring in native forms, as /y-/ (hence Ca-). His decision
'was made on historical grounds as reflecting OM /ya-/, syn-
chronically as a by-form, which was favoured at later stages

of the complex initial yaw- where the postinitial /w/

is an infix and /y/ reducible to the base-initial. As with

the previous set of /c-/ initials, /?i-/ (= cvc._) occurs

in native forms only if they are derivatives (see p. 123).

In all other cases they can be relegated to a secondary

pattern and are confined to the first register only.

Again, /??_/, like /c-/ can be extended to

trisyllabic patterns. But the important restriction on the
two sets /?iYte/ is that in an /??_/ trisyllabic se-
quence, one syllable may be a minor one (/' ? i9 slam/ tlslamt,

Engi. via Thai) whereas this is not tolerated in the former

set /c_/ ('where the following sequence must consist of two

major syllables). /?v/ initial sequences occur only on the

first register, following the rule of glottal initial; /??_

however, is a morphemic segment attached to free forms

which occur on either register. Loans from IA with initial

/?u ? -/ are calqued on / ? i?_/ sequences (/?u?tao?/ tseason,

P. utu). A subset of /?i'_/ is also to be postulated as

belonging to the pattern with glottal initial and vowel
/?v/ , only that the third place glottal is replaced by any

other member of the C-initiaL system: /?inti?ya?/ 'India'

(DSM).

Most CC- forms are reducible to affixes and

bases of the shape /Ca-/ (syllabic prefix) in CC- or

/--/ (vocalic infix) in CIlC-; in these cases the pre-
 1 23.

V
0
0
'C
0
'C
-p

C
0-
p.

0
C 0
00
-p
0-
-p
- El

-p
CO
0-- 0 '.4

V 000
'.4 -p - -

- -

o
' j J

C)
-- 00
0000

I'4
'-4
I I I I
Cl-
4-, '.4
Ct-

'.4
0-

-4
E

'C) -0-

. z,-I
rJ

-4
-p -
C) 0
V 0 C)
fr.m--
-I C)
- 0
-p
-p _4 - 0
- ,V EQ.
Cs) E -4 o
W E H '-I _4-p 0
C.) - - m 00 m
Q -1 H-- - ,-I '.40
Q. fl-l-- ,C)-p Ii
V I 0 C) k
bQ 1E C) .,.4o -
0 0 HC) ,C C.-
UC ,C) - ,.l ( Cl -
- .pC, Q - 4 C'
-4 C) C'- C.) C)

'.4
'.4
0-
'.4 ,.I
Cl- CL CL Cl.
p 10 4
-p
-I
C) 0
-I -4
('-
' 0 0
- C)
C-) 0000
"-4 00
- 0 CI
C.)
0
0
L)
-'-4 I I I I
C'.
c-I -,-4
- 00000 < 41.
 12k.

syllable (minor syllable) in native words comprises the

series of plosives /k-, t Wa-, p-/ and /h3-, ya-/ (So
interpreting /?i?_/), besides vocalic presyllable /'-/.

Minor syllables in loans or contractions have already been

mentioned previously (pp. 35-37). As far as the phonologica
tolerance is concerned, virtually any shape /c-/ is per-

mitted in that position; in other words, if the consonant

of /c-/ is a term of' the maximal consonant system (initial

consonants, p. 1), except of the series mentioned /ka-, ti-,

p-, h%-, y-/, it is a loan or contraction.

However, not all disyllables of' the form CC-

contain affixes, and a sufficient number of these have to

be regarded as irreducible disyllables. Corresponding bases

have not been found in either dictionary (MED or DSM), nor
did I succeed in collecting additional evidence.

Upon close examination of those CaC- forms which

are not the result of a particular morphologiOal process

(cic--.- c)1c-) already mentioned (pp. 2L_35) nor show the

anaptyctic vowel in clusters of the shape plosive / plosive,

we encounter a phenomenon one could describe as 'syllabic

accretion' or Silbenzuwachs in analogy to Dempwolff's

nasaler Zuwachs or vokalischer Zuwachs 89 , and concerns the

consonant shift from LM to SM initials entailing not only

a consonantal mutation of the first term of a two-place in

initial (c 1 c 2 - > cc 2 _). but also a vocalic 'insertion' whic

cannot always be interpreted as a junctural feature. In

most cases, Silbenzuwachs occurs on the second register when

SM initial plosive groups are involved (/k-, ta-, p-/).

If the LM initial is /m/ it corresponds to SM

/p/ on the second register, retaining, apart from the
 125.

following postinitial, the labiality; thus we can set up

the series
mr- > mi'i- >
ml- > /pi-/ mu- /paJ1./
mn- > /pnV
(see also p. 79. B ., 80-81).

Equally, LM initial /i/ corresponds to SM /k/

reataining the postinitial (or pre-nucleus consonant, or

medial) which determines, in this case, the register1'

i- > ic- > /kC-/
iN- /kN./

1L- > /kL./

lY- /kY./

The argument in favour of a non-junctural featur

of this syllabic accretion is that in the case of ]iquids
as postinitials we see a functional difference between CC-
and CC-: SM /kr-, ki./ ( ( LM gr- - gl-) SM kal./
( < LM gar- #- gal-, with vocalic infix, or LM lar- lal-)
and SM /pr. , pl . / ( LM br- -'- bi-) SM /par., pl . / ( LM
bar- "-bal- containing the vocalic infix, or LM rnr- / mar-
and ml- / mal-).

In all other cases (plosives, nasals as post-

initials) Silbenzuwachs must be assumed to be junctural;
I I ++I %I
no oppositions between SM /pan-/ and /pn-, are possible.
The second subset of presyllables are /ha-/ forrn
As in the foregoing, affixed ones are predictable: If the

postinitial is a glottal, /h-/ is a syllabic prefix and

The symbols read as follows: - voiced plosives, C- voice-

less plosives; N- nasals (except /j/); L- liquids; Y- semi-
vowels.
 126.

the derivative occurs on the first register only according

to the rules governing registral distribution of glottal

initials; if the postinitial is a plosive, /k-/ is a

syllabic prefix and the derivative takes the same register a

the corresponding base-initial (for other forms containing
affixes see pp. 33-35).

All the remaining forms containing /ha-/ pre-

syllables are reducible to any base or affix. A possible,

historical, explanation ought to be looked for in the

voicing processes of MM and mediocluster simplification.

But even some OM forms, with or without medioclusters

Ccvc cccvc), cannot be accounted for as derivatives.
In this respect, the history of Mon shares the same problem

as the analysis of Javanese disyllables which cannot be re-

duced to affixes and bases90.

Major disyllables.

Major disyllables are shown on the table on page 127.

They are exclusively confined to loans. Two groups are to

be distinguished, according to the nature of the final con-

sonant of the first syllable and the initial consonant of

the second; they may be different or belong to a class whic]

we call 'pseudo-geminates'.

Major disyllables consist simply of a combi-

nation of native monosyllabic shapes. Virtually any com-

bination may occur, even if not actually attested, within

this phonological pattern. The first syllable receives

secondary stress, the second primary. Major disyllables

- in contradistinction to what we call 'native disyllable' -



145
0 (5
1, I0 127.
.0
0 .0
(5
(H 0.
1(5
- I_I (5.
1(5
0
-I
.4.) k
4-' (5 -'I
-I (H
1(5
.0
.0 45-I
45
E 0-I
0.4)
(5
I-I.

4)
45
0 C
.0.0 .0 -
4-' , 0.-
(5 (5 ;jq 111
.0' -I j
4-; .0 E Ok ..
- . 04 (1) .. 4)_I
I0 Cl) -1 Cl)00 0
..-1 (5_I 0 (flO
45 - Ibo I 0
- -.0 0 _I bO -_I
0 k .,-I 0
-,.I 0450 _l 0
- 0 '04k'- 0 I
4-' (H 0110 II rnp.-
E-- ) 0 N0Z- 0 0
II 45 0
-4-' 045 (H (5 0 0- 11
0_I 0 -'-Ia, 04- 0 bo 04)
.p 0 0 '-4_I (5 k_I
4)0 0 00 0011(5 0
oP-I ClI .00 bD_I4) bD 0110
0 4)0. 0
00 45(5 (5
bo- 0. 0- -.00._I .- -m
- - -0
0 .0 0- - 4)1
-0 C, tsl tsl olsi.0
0fa (5()-.c5 (5
,_I )(0 0 In-
(J pc'- 4.) '0
p ,.-I -01.01 ,.4
0 0 ,-l14)I E 014' d1J 'II

0
14
0 00 0
4) 0 00 4) 0-- - 00
0 - - 00 0 0) 00 0 00
-1 0 0 0' -I 00'O .0
. - 0
0 - - -0 - 00 0
0 0 00 0 00 0000 C.) )o

-I
-4
4545
0 0145 0
0 0(5
0 .0 ioaIo
(5 4' .04-' 45
(5 00 0. 0
0 010 45
0
0 0l4)
- 45 '(5
45 E 1-.
0 -I P,rI) 45 10
45 4.' 0.0 k P.
-4 0 0.
kO 0 .-'.
'5 X4 0.
4)45 0. 4545
0.
o _I '- (5 145145 4-' -I
0.4) 0, (5
0 45(5 (1) -4
0 (5
-4 - 0(5 0(545
kk(5
0. 0..
0 0 (54)
00. . bo 0 (5 4)_I (H '(5 (5 -
-I 04-'- 0 4)4-' 0 .V
-I 0 4' 0(5k 0 .E0
0. c) W0_4 (0(1) -I ho
(5 0 11 0
45(5 0 0 045 0. 0
- -4 0450.0 (H c-I
0 0- I - 4-'- c-I -0
0 ,-1 .4kO '.45 0 0
(5 (5 0 4)4500k 045- -
- 0. .0 - - (50000 rn_I-p 0 4) 04-'
00(0
a,- a, 0 l - 0.-14.' -(50 45
a, - 0 '000 0 11.-I 11
0 00. 0 .. 0 (50(5
0 00 0 o a 0(H45o -'44)-
I4) 0 0E
0 1 0 0 4) 4)
0 0(5 4) Q - - 0--
-1 - C'- 0- (5
(5 451(5 4)1(5 oII.I
o n- .-II ' .01k sIsI.0 /...,'
0 450 (5 .01 4 0I 0
0 . 01 01 C'- 4'I(5(5I(5I(5 0I
.-1 ,-40 (5 (5 ;' i
.0- -40 . . J JI 01
(5
- I
-4

(5 0
-'4 i 11
'0(5 0 ;- o- a)
4.) 0 - - - 00'-0 000 4-'
.. (5 0 0 0 00000 0(
o -, 0 000
bo
0
(5 - - - . 000 (5
0 0 0 0 0 00000 000 0 000
 128.

show register on both syllables. As has been pointed out

before, secodary stressed syllables do not 'lose' registral

differentiation.

The following restrictions concerning the

combinatorial pattern should be noted: The combination of

open syllables CV.CV needs not further comment; an extenslo

of this pattern is CV.CVC. But its inversion, CVC.CV , in-

volves the formation of medioclusters -CC- which is not re-

stricted to the same degree as in OM or Khmer: The final

consonant of the first syllable must be a term of the

system of final consonants (p. 1) and the initial of the

second syllable may be any term of the system of initial

consonants (p. i). Given that rule, the designation medio-

cluster, in this context, applies to surface (or inter-

mediate) phonological representations only. A further
restriction is to be stated for complex initials and

complex (surface) medioclusters: In initial position of the

disyllable CCV(C).C- any two-place initial of the systems
set up earlier (pp. 15, 17) may appear; the second syllable

however, may not contain any two-place initial other than

Ch-. ChV(C).ChV(C) forms do occur, but comply with the

rules of registral distribution in secondary patterns (/Ch-/

initials on the second register are 'unnatural' in native

forms, in loans they correspond to the series of voiced

aspirates in IA). The register of each syllable is con-

trolled by its initial consonant; it is not predictable

form the initial of the major disyllabic word.

'Pseudo-geminates' -CC_, in loans, occur only

as phonological surface representations (see table on the

following page, p. 129) corresponding, in most cases to
 129.

P
a'

a'
4.'

P.
0
pp
4.' 4.' 0 4.'
. 4.' 4.' a'
a' (I) pa'
P
Ia' 4.'
.0 0
.0- EP. P
_I .- a'
P a' -4
a'
- - P.
a'
P. P
- -4.' 4.' a'
P.

a' P
- . _I P
a' a'.0.0 E C) a'
P. a-I a' _I E
a' a'
P a' - a' a'
a' .4 P
...i C) C'. -
P- I--
C..,
a' 4.'
- a' P
.0
PiI_ 'Ir,I a'. .,
4.'

IIIH
,.) .
'I .PI a'
P1 I 4 4.' 4'P
-o 4.'
1
4'E a'

0
0
0 0
0
'. 0 041
o 0 oJ 0 0J
o C) 010 0I
0000 00 0

-4
a'
P
a'
P
-4 a'
.0
P 4.'
a'
P
'a' .
E.
a' P
a'..
, pp P 'P
P (0
a' E
a'
C)

p a' -
-' -4 Pp
z -I a'
(0 0) 4.' -I
a' Ia' 4., -
P. a'
4.' C)
Ia' a' 'P.
E-4 .4 P 'P
04.' -I b -4
4.'. EQ
a' P. 0
4.' P a' P.
a' P. P. 0
pa'a' 4.'
P P. P. a' 0
'4 -I 4.' 4.' a'
- P '40) .4
- - 0 a' P 0) P. p4'
a' P a'
O'C) a' a'
o P C) EQ o
,4 C) '4,4
bo,-I PP.
o a' P.
a' a' - a' 4.'I
P C)- E a' 4.' a' 0
a' - 0 e P1 P a'
0 P a' a p1 4.' a'
-4 a' a'. (I P
4.' P PP
4.' P PP
a' (, ") 4 (4 () ('.0
a' 4 C) C)

a'
P
0
P 0
a'
0 00
0(1
a'
00
0 0)0
000 CO 00 0
C.
a' 000 00
a'
000 00 00 00
 130.

true geminates in IA. In Mon they indicate a syllable

boundary, like /mtta/ i- (Pan. mett).
Pseudo-geminates of the shape -C.C.C.- occur only if C. is
JJ1 1
/h/, preceded by a plosive /k, c, t, p /, as in /pItth?,?/ 4-
(Skt,/ p . buddha).

To these phonological processes, two cases of

de-gemination should be added, as in SM /p3tsao/ (in /Pa

ptsao/ 'to go to the lavatory') corresponding to Pall

passva 'urine' (IA -ss- > SM -ts-, presumably following an

ancient Thai pattern whereby final /-s/ I-tI), and SM
/sinla/ 'coral' corresponding to Pali sil 'stone, rock',

but spelt in LM as silla; a caique upon Thai seems likely

in view of Thai final /-i/ > /-n/. Only one case of

gemination proper occurs in SM, possibly by contamination (?

Pali patim 'image' > SI s I /ptte ? ma/; no explanation can be
offered.

Trisyllables

Trisyllables are shown on the following page (p. 131).

The assumption that this particular class of

medioclusters (that is, pseudo-geminates) marks a syllable-

boundary at some underlying stage of the phonological deri-

vation is further supported by the occurrence of extended

patterns in trisyliLables like -C.0 -, as in /pinnapat/ 4-

Pali pindapta. Minor syllables in tn-

syllabic patterns are not attested in initial position when-

ever a pseudo-gemination is involved, and this justifies the

setting up of' a different class of trisyllables with gemi-.

nation: In a sequence of three syllables .4j . S 1 -S 2 -S 3 con-


'a
.0 a
a
a'
4., I. 131.
0
Ia 'C a
I. a a
E a'
'a I.
'C 4-'
4., 4-' P.. I)
a
(I) 14
-P
a 1.4 IH -.4
,- 4.' '-.4 El' U)
H Ia Ia a
iO . C- a
H '0 .0 P. Ia
-aa ac5 14 a I.
a0). ,4.' -C a I
0E0 ZIP 'P
-.4 P.. aaH .0 la'U) I... a
.0 PIP--. 'C E
a-
- Ia'P.. E a
a 4Ia'- Ia-
P.. 4., - .
a' 4.' P U) C
0 ..) a-
a .ppCI) - P..H P
. P.H -
o U) a-.
H -- Hk a
14 4.' ---I - a-P '0
4.'- 140 a
a' 3 140a' HH I.
0 aPE a COW C
E '0 .,aa' -PH
a' P aH-4 PC H'OH 4.,
.,.4 14,a' Wa' 4.' WH - C
0 - P.- - P.E a a
CM z a- 14 H
- - a' P.
'a' a Ial -2
CM P .l'Cl a al
El lb ml4'I 141
-Q b) 141el a "Cl
CM /')1 '
/d_.4 EFEI
CM

CM

CM CM
o o 0
0 0. . 14 0.
a' 0'0 00 a' -0 0
4., 000 m -P 000 4 0
a 0 aq 00 a lb41 0
-.4 0 000 H 000
0
a' a' 0 a
0 0000 00 000 0 0

14

.0
a'
a a
P
a a
0, 14
'a -P
.0 a a
-P. H
a '0
0
Ia a' .-
.4 .
rI U) LL
1.. a .4 a
ia P (flP.la p tD'-
H .) a .04-' 0
'0
P a Ia 0,. 'a' 0) 0 a
.4.' 0).C' IH .0- a a .P 4p,
H P. 4.' C- a i P.-- a
(1)14 a '-- 'a
E a .14 P..
1.. P.-- Ia EP.. a
1.
4.' .eH
4.' P. 4-' , a'P
- .0 .) -E
4.'4.' a U) 4. H H -a' -
P , - P a bD a
aU) P. aaa' .0 P 4.' E 14
U) H - HP0 E' CM CHI4 a'
P. a' P.H aap
- -I C 'OW P IP 0
a '
a C- H HI4C a-' P.
- 00 P Oa' I. aOa - a'
14 (bH H4.' .CP E.0 - -I
a -,H 0 -P-P a H -1 0 P.- .0 a
o 4.' Qa' C Q4-'W P '0 0
aP.'0 aIi a' Ha p, a a-P H
14 HO a' "a 14 0 014a b
o I.E. E o a'HH , P 141E a
4.
' a- - WH -P- E'-- - CM a 0< E
0 P.O H
- (. 4.' P.
Olo-la a 4'I 'a n.I
aa WI-P al a p 114 0) 'CI'Q14-' !b)l
a io.l ni a l E El m a' -0l .l14l4 .)l
. 1) H 0)1 El "I mml.0 a El al m l 01
o H Ii 01 ml a P-i -P +l. I. (9 14Ik al
4.' 14 0 El P P,..Io 1 n l.H 1
I, a o 0)IH .0 H e)l, .Cla'.0 al
E El P10) 4-' o P-In .0 i1 Pl c - 4-' El
CM

a I
a
H - 0 :.' 00
0 0
a 00 0 - -0 0 I. 0

a o o - - 0 00W a 0 00Cb >
-4 + 00 .- 00 4 440 0 maO 0
0) 0 "(I 0 000 - a > 00
(I) H 0 00 00 ..o H 0 . 0-
- ..0 - 000 0
- -- - 0 0 a 0-0 a
0 00 0 00 0 000 0 0 000 0
 132.

stituting a phonological word of a secondary pattern, S. car

only be a minor syllable when no gemination occurs. If

gemination occurs it affects the final of S 1 and the initial

of S 2 which is the presyllabie of the word consisting of
S 2 - S3 . Trisyliabic words with pseudo-geminates may take

a -Ch- cluster as initial of the final (major) syllable

S3 , as in SM /sakktht/ 'semen', Pall sukkhadhati.

As for trisyllables without gemination, any

combination of the basic (native) syllables may occur provid

the mediocluster rule is not violated. Tentativelv one

might set up a sub-series of minor trisyilables, that is,

a combination of a monosyllable and a minor dis liable the

pre-syilabie of which ought to conform to secondary pattern

and thus not be restricted to the native pre-syllabic
pattern of plosives /ka-, ta-, p-/ and /ha-, y-/ ( .. /?i?_

This distinction, however, seems gratuitous since no

combinatorial restrictions exist for both patterns, major

and minor trisyllables.

Syllabicity is not defined here on the presence

or absence of a registral system, and hence a pattern con-

sisting of a monosyllable and a minor disyilable is re-

garded as a trisyllable even though only two syllables

bear registral distinctions. In addition, a /c-/ pre-

syllable reflects in most cases a weakened vowel of the loan

like SM /thapana/, Pali thpana, or SM /s. j khra/, Pali

san1dira. Apart from Ch- thitials, clusters of the shape

CC- (like plosive / liquid) are observed only in initial

position of a trisyllable, as in /prapte ? /, Skt.

brhaspasti.
 133.

Tetra syllables.

Tetrasyllables are shown on the table on the following

page (p. 13k).

As with the previous patterns, major disyllables

and trisyllables, tetrasyllables occur only in loans. A

combination of two major disyllables is rare; in one

case, a reduction of one of the syllables to C - is con-

ceivable (SM /pnca?kan3e/ /pnca?1cnoe/), in yet another
(SM /pra?kaoti?kbt/) the actual loan extends only over the
first three syllables (Skt. pra-, koti, corresponding to
SN /praPkaoti P /), and the final element /kbt/ ('ioo,000')

is a naturalized loan, also derived from koi, but the

shape is indistinguishable from native words (unlike the

unnaturalized SM /kaoti2/).

SM /rac^awsa / is also a combination of two

major disyllables.

All other forms are combinations of two mono-

syllables and one minor disyllable or of one major and one

minor disyllable. As in trisyllables, any combination may

occur provided the mediocluster nile is followed even if

a structure like (c)cv(c).cc(h)v(c) is not attested.

Very few tetrasyllables actually occur in colloquial Non,

and words like /khretsamat/ (remarkable as it
is the only attested example of a combination of two minor

disyllables) I have never heard myself.

Tetrasyllables do not show pseudo-geminates,

but these are conceivable as canonical forms.

The symbol ', glossed as 'secondary stress', in the tables

on pp . 131 and 13k does imply unstressed syllable to which
no registral distinction is assigned; it is a convenient
graphic symbol to denote the absence of register in a
(minor) syllable.


CM.-
.0
0-1.) a)
134.
0 . a.
(
II (a CI)
I) I-4
- -
a) CO
II to a) Ito a)

t..0 I.. a)
'-CM EE C)
a) I..
II Ia) 0. 0 4.)
a) a)

Ito

.0 -
041 to
0. '0

0 P
.00 0
CM - = E 0
a) - a)
0 a)
- Ia) 0 to
.000
a) Ia) .0
0_
a) ItO
_I a) a) .0- .1
a) to
.a) a) 0.0
00. P.- 4
P

a) 4.) (1. (- ,
C) a) a)
0 n) n0
CM a). 4)
, ,. 'I

CM

CM
o
0o
00o
CM 0
Q r
a)
4)
00oO
a) c_)
o
0000
a) 'I )
o 0 00

4)

Ia) -
a)
00
a)

'-I
0

-
I

-
a) .
a))!)
-
4) - a)
0 a)
.-40 E
_I r 4.)
a) .-I a)
o_ -1
-1

- -p
a)
a)4)
ta). a)
0"
-p
Ca
E
(a 4-
a)
on.
0 (a

0
a)
0 0

00)1
a)
-p -o
(a

0
(. '
0 C) -0
00
 135.

Summarizing the preceding remarks, we can state

two native word-structures: Monosyllables of the shape

c( (h)c)v(c)'
and disyllables of the shape
c(c)cv(c)R

pre-syllables beirg restricted to /a_, ( /?iP_/)/,

/ka-, ta-, pa-/ and /ha-/.

Deviant patterns are loans.

The structure of affixes in SM conforms to that

of pre-syllables and -V- for the vocalic infix (/-a--/),

/-ac-/ for the syllabic consonantal infix (otherwise noted

as -c->), or C-> in the case of p-) followed by a
liquid or semivowel.
 136.

Part II.
MORPHOLOGY

Introduction.

All authors who have been engaged in comparative

'work on Mon-Khmer, or Austroasiatic, languages, have not

failed to recognize affixation as one of the most distinctive

characteristics of that group in marked coritrast to the mono-
syllabic Tai languages91.

Schmidt (1905.1) refers to Mon-Khmer as pos-

sessing a

C...Jmerkwurdige, auf Pr- und Infixbildung be-

ruhende Architektonik,

and postulated, a year later, a certain number of Austric

affixes.

Apart from Schmidt (1916), Pinnow published

an extensive paper on Munda verbal morphology, but contends

himself with listing only a limited nunil;er of PM-MK cor-

respondences (1966 [1960])92. it was not until 1969 that

further light was shed on the history of certain AA

affixes; Shorto states that OM nominalizing infix <-w->

corresponds to Khmer <-b-> (< PMK <-p-.>) and ON causative

(-IT-> (/--/) as a term of the complementary set with

 137.

<p-> for CVC bases - to Khmer c-Vm-> (/-m-/ /-iiIm-/).

A cursory reading of the PMK-vocalism (Shorto
1 97 ) suggests, on the basis of the forms given, the re-
6

construction of an infix <-ri-> - in accordance with Schmidt's

earlier analysis - for PMK to derive quantifiers and in-

struinental nouns from verbs93.

The historical development of complex con-

sonant sequences in Mon-Khmer languages can only be observed

in processu in Mon (Khmer being more conservative in this

respect), and inferences drawn from it are of fundamental

importance for any reconstruction. Comparing OM and SM

initial sequences and setting up rules for mediocluster

reduction, one can trace the change of affixial types,

whereby OM infixes correspond to SM prefixes, or former

consonantal infixes corresponding in SM to vocalic infixes,

Two basic types of' medioclusters C I C J

CVC
reducible to affix and base occur in OM, (i) C1'C2CJVC
(with C 2 as infix, from base C 1 VC) and (2) C1C2C3VC

(with C 2 as infix, from base with complex initial C1C3VC).

If, as has been mentioned earlier (p. 82sqq.), C 2 is a

liquid, it is lost, if a nasal and the following consonant

other than glottal, it is retained, and if followed by a

glottal, it is glottalized for a transitory period, sub-

sequently loses glottalization but induces the first re-

gister. In both cases the second term of the mediocluster

-CC- (-C 2 c 1 - , -C 2 C 3 -) is lost. In these cases, no

affixial shift takes place because the first term, the

affix, is retained. In the previous one, however, we

witness a shift of affix-type:

 138.

OM /dm/ > /drm/ 'to stay'/'place' (i)

MM /drnj/ (ii)
SM /m/ > (iii)
(where (i) incorporates a syllabic -r-> infix which is lost
in MM by mediocluster simplification, hence the vocalization
of the consonantal affix, and (iii) for the base, a plosive/
nasal cluster reduction to simple-initial /m . /, and for the
derivative, by voicing-distribution-rule, former /dm-/
SM /hm . /, hence the following affixial correspondences:
OM (-r-> I MM <--. / SN <h-,.). See also Affix-syn-
kretismus,

If the mediocluster shows a multiple affix, as in OM

/carna / 'food' ( /caP/, SN /c&?/, incorporating the
infixes -r-> and -n->), the liquid is lost and the
nasal retained. The syllabicity, however, survives on
the SM form /kQn-/, otherwise len-I (/c-/ base-initial,
and infix <-n->), corresponding to the SM derivative /hn-/.
The inverse ordering of multiple affixation yields a
different correspondence in the spoken language, OM /pnr.s/
'swiftness' (-h- /prs/ 'to be quick', SM /prih/) > SN
/pr3h/; here the nasal is lost, and the liquid retained
if the latter occupies the second position of' a medio-
cluster.
Another rule, not applicable to Mon though,
is conceivable and valid for NMK languages; the pre-
syllable is lost and an earlier infix corresponds to a
modern prefix, c 1 a c I cvc > CCVC (c. being lost), as in
Palaung where a former <-r-> infix corresponds to an
r-> prefix now, and was subsequently generalized.
Similarly, the vocalic infix in Mon shifts,
in certain environments, t;o a plosive prefix, either <k->
or ct->, as in:
 139.

Affix Base Derivative

LM CN- CN-
SM <Ic->
0
N- ksN-
N- tIN-
as in
LM /t3k/ >
SM > /tak/ 'to be bent' / 'bend, angle'
LM /knp/> /knp/
SM /np/ > /kn3p/ 'to be silent' / 'to hush'.

The nasal infixes <-n-> and $-m-> show a

peculiar behaviour in typological shifts; SM reduces CN-
clusters to4tN- on the first (unnatural) register. The re-
suit is that infixes correspond to commuting terms of the
initial system as in

OM / NM /t3m/ > /tnm/

SM /t3m/ , /nm/ 'tree' / 'tree (quant.)'

This reduction type is found in two attested

cases in Khmer, one of them not mentioned hitherto, and
in a fair number in Vietnamese:
OKhm. dneici > der 'yoke' / 'to yoke'
mod,Khin. /n&m/ /tm/
/tnm/
OKhm. daian - iian 'weight' / 'to weigh'
mod.Khm. /t)mii3n/ - /tht1an/ / 'to be heavy'

The first example was discussed by Saveros Pou

in 1967 and rejected by her as a case of "d6riv insolite"95.
The evidence of SM, however, demands more caution because
here we have stated a rule whereby original (OM, MN, LM)
plosive / nasal clusters are reduced to 4N- in SM
(LM /toa/ > SM /oa/). Shorto reconstructs a PMK cluster
'cm-, yielding relatively few cognates, but incorporating
the infix c-n->.
 140.

That the nasal cluster-rule operates as

stringently as in SM cannot be discounted; in Mon the
cognate pair OM /dnal/ 'measure of rice' > SM /na/
'coconut shell' shows no correspondence in Khmer, only
the cognate base /nI:l/ (mod.Khm.) 'pound (weight ca.
600 grs.)'. I do not propose to reconstruct OM Ydal/>
SM'/t.a/, mod.Khn./tI:al/, and interpret the postinitial
/-n-/ in the OM form as an infix (-n-) (quantifier,
instrumental). But Saveros Pou's assumption is found
unacceptable on the evidence from SM plosive/simple-nasal
initial (c-n-> affix) alternance.
Further evidence was provided by Mohring (1969)
and Ferlus ( 1 977) for Vietnamese: A certain number of words
with initial nasal can be connected to presumed bases
with plosive initials, such as deo 'to wear (ring, etc.)'
neo 'bracelet'. Ferlus adduced material from Khxnu and
showed that the instrumental infix <-rn- must correspond
to a reconstructed nasal infix -[]n-> in Vietnamese.
The loss of pre-syllables in Vietnamese produced a shift
of postinitial consonant to initial in later forms,
as in the cognate pair

Khniu2 /ta:ji/ "tresser" ) /t'Irnla:J,/ "objet tress'
Vie t n
/cfan/ /nan/ nan "latte de
bambou".

Structural types of affixes.

We recognize in SM various structural types
of affixes: Simple and complex prefixes, vocalic affixes,
 141.

simple infixes and two morphological processes. These

types to be postulated for spoken Mon represent of course

only a subset of all affixial types to be found in Non-

Khmer languages; a first tentative list is compiled for

Khmer and Mon on the following page (p. 142), and it

indicates, at that elementary level, distribution of types

at various stages of the two languages.

Simple prefixes in SM are <'p-> and the vestigial

k- . >; complex prefixes their corresponding nasalized series

N N
< p -> and <k ->.. In contradistinction to Khmer and to the
labialized series in OM the base-initial is replaced by a

corresponding nasal (Dempwolff's Ersatz-rule which will be

discussed below) whereas in Khmer and OM the nasal and

labial series of prefixes retain the initial of the base as

a second term of the mediocluster in the derivative

(as in cNcv(c) or CCVC, the latter only for OM), the first

term of the -CC- sequence being a nasal or labial respectively

(following Dempwolff's Zuwachs-rule). Other complex pre-

fixes in SM are the three syllabic prefixes h->, 4k->,

<t-> (or /h-. /, /ka-/, /ta-/). /pa-/ is interpreted here

as an allomorph of p->, the neutral vowel being analyzed

as anaptyxis. By contrast, /ka-/ (-) cannot be inter-

preted as containing the anaptyctic vowel // and thus

being an allomorph of It-I <t-> since base-initials

/w-, l-/ yield derivatives of the shape /kw-, kl-/ and

not 1kw-, kl-/, corresponding to the underlying forms /tw-,

t%l-; tw-, ti-/. The restricted distribution of t-> which

occurs only with velar base-initials /k-, b-I suggests an

analysis as syllabic prefix because it corresponds to LM

 1112.

Affix type OKhm. mod.Khm. OM ENM LM SM

simple . .
rhotacized 0
nasalized Cv-.
0
Prefix

reduplicative 0 . I .

labial .

voca lic

Infix
vocalic . . . .

Processes nasalization .

labialization .

Combination of affix types

OKhm mod Khm OM EMM LM SM

C- / C- ci

C- / -C- ci . .

-C- / -C- . .

C- / -- . . . 0

Zuwa chs .

Ersatz .

starred

0 rare, irregular
 13.

1-3-I, the vocalic infix. Prefix d-) /ha-/ is syl-

labic and does not contain an anaptyctic vowel because
hN- sequences are permitted, and derivatives yielded by
this prefix (if the base-initial is a nasal N- ) have the
shape /h.N-/. Finally, ? i?_ > is the only complex prefix
of the structure CVC; it may, however, he interpreted
as a syllabic prefix /ya-/.
Other complex affixes, in Khmer, include the
rhotacized series of prefixes consisting of a voiceless
plosive or spirant /s-/ initial term and a second term
/-r-/ (/Cr-/, symbolized as <Cr-> or a rhotacized
prefixial series does not exist in Mon. The base-initial
is not affected by the morphological process except that
an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the rhotacized
complex (/Cr-/) and the base-initial and entails thus
syllabic accretion, as in /mi:y/ 'one' > /cramI:y/ 'to
unite'.
Another set to be postulated incorporates
vocalic affixes; we recognize a vocalic prefix, mainly
as an onomastic and deictic/locative prefix, and a vocalic
infix, as a general nominalizer and causative, in the
latter function occurring in complementary distribution
with <p-> and <h->. Vocalic affixes are phonologically
analyzed as /a-/ and /--/, phonetically higher than /3/,
the other central vowel in SM 96
The remaining series does not consist of
segmental affixes of the structure (-)c-, 3- or
but of prosodic 'units' which, during the derivational pro-
cess, replace the postinitial of a CC- base by a cor-
responding labial or nasal and retain the initial of a
 1144.

two-term sequence of the base, or replace the initial

of a C-base; in both cases, - that is CC- and C- bases -

they undergo syllabic accretion.

The idea of a non-segmental, 'prosodic',

morphology was systematically set out as late as 1976
by Henderson97.

Processes, bowever, were confined to

aspiration and tone-change, and thus AA languages and AN

were not mentioned at all since one feature does not

figure prominently in this group and the other was

assigned only to Vietnamese; material on other AA tone

languages such as Khmu 2 and Riang-Lang is too scarce to

permit any generalization.

In Mon, non-segmental morphemes include

nasalization and labialization. Little is known about

these processes in other languages of the area, but
Indonesian languages such as Javanese have nasal forms
analogous to the ones found in Mon:
mod. Jay.
/tah/ 'centre' /nah/ 'to go to the centre
/pj/ 'corner' /mj3?/ 'to go to the corner
/paicu/ 'nail' /maku/ 'to drive a nail'
/sikat/ 'brush' /J,ikat/ 'to brush'98
SM

/pkp/ 'to join' /pp/ 'joint'

the only difference being that nasalization in modern

Javanese affects the initial, in Mon the postinitil

consonant. But this accounts only for disyllables of the

shape C 1 aC 2 V(C) .> cNv(c) and can e analyzed as Demp-

wolff's Ersatz; complication arises with monosyllables
 145.

undergoing nasalization. The derivative is always a

disyllable, although the syllabic accretion is due to

anaptyxis, /k'w3h/ 'to sweep' > /kamh/ 'broom' ([km_j >

/km-/). A limited nunther of bases, with initials of the

type hC- or glottal consonants, yields disyllables and

does not follow the Ersatz-rule in the strict sense,

otherwise it would retain the monosyllabic shape and would

alternate the initial (derivational type c.v(c) >
as in 'to be salty' > /hnay/ 'saltness, attributive'.
Taken as surface forms, that derivational pair could be

aralyzed as incorporating an -n-> infix (dn_J .>

but the simple initial is due to a cluster-reduction cor-

responding to an LM C- complex (where the initial term is

a plosive). In LM the postinitial of the bases alternates

with the corresponding nasal in the derivative, LM CjCkV(C)
> LM CkNV(c) SM cv(c) (by cluster-reduction) > SM
haNV(C). The pre-syllable /h-/ in the derivative, how-

ever, is difficult to account for; it also occurs in

other nasal forms with corresponding bases of the shape

hC-, such as /hla P / 'leaf' > /hna?/ 'flame, wick' or

/hw,t/ 'to be small in age' > /hmot/ 'child', instead

++ /hnaP/ and
of yielding the expected ++ /hint hmot/.

Labial forms in SM are more easily interpreted:

All SM derivatives correspond to LM forms incorporating

the infix <-m->. Bases have exclusively the shape kC-

and the derivatives pC- (from LM kC- bases LM kamC-.

derivatives). But again, two exceptions should be classed

with the disyllabic Ersatz-rule mentioned with nasal forms;

these concern disyllabic bases, like /krea/ 'to shout',

and their labial forms, /prea/. On the grounds of analogy,
 116.

the interpretation as labialer Ersatz (like the nasaler

Ersatz) SM /kC_/ > SM /pC-/ is tenable, and possible

variation ought to be sought in the class of bases rather

than the pair base-derivative; in c.ther words, the un-

explained disyllabic bases of the shape /kC-/ should

be taken as anomalous variants of originally monosyllabic

ones /kC_/, instead of setting up a variation of the pair

/k3C-/ ' /pC-/, even if this seems conceivable.

Circunifixation or simulfixation, as in Malay,

is not reported for any Mon-Khmer language.

No processes are attested for Khmer, nor do

I know of other MK languages showing vestiges of' processes.

Multiple affixation.

Four combinatorial possibilities of multiple affixation

are recognized for Khmer if ordering of prefixes, in a

starred system, is taken into account; Jenner compiles

the following list (1977.171):
A sequence of two prefixes (c-) or infixes (-c-) or a
sequence of an infix and a prefix in either order:
base, C- / C- /r':/ 'to clarify (liquid)'
/tra:j/ 'to filter',
/kantr3:/ 'bamboo strainer', <k N-?
base, -C- / -C- /dot/ 'to grill'
/tot/ 'to hold in cooking-sticks', <-1->
/dam6ot/ 'cooking-sticks', <-m-)
base, C- / -C- /t:/ 'older sibling'
/c63:/ 'to be older, superior', <c->
/cam6:/ 'to be oldest', -m->
base, -C-. / C- /tul/ 'to bulge'
/thul/ 'to be chubby', (-h->
/kanthul/ 'to be tubby (derogatory)', ck N-)
This, however, applies only to derivational
morphemes, and a comparison with Mon suggests a rather more
 147.

complex picture: Apart from derivational affixes, OM

had an inflectional pre- and infix, s-> and -m->, for

the 'hypothetical/future' (tense/modal) and the attri-

butive. In OM two systems of affixation, derivational
and inflectional, overlap; but within each system re-
strictions seem more severe than in Khmer. Also, the

ordering of affixes is irrelevant since morphology was

fully productive in OM, and forms like OM /ssgeh/ 'shall

enrich', derived frcmthe base /sgeh/ 'to be rich', con-

taining the hypothetical prefix es-> and the causative
infix <-a->, occur together with the forms /sageh/ 'to en-

rich' and /ssgeh/ 'shall/might be rich', unlike Jenner's

analysis for modern Khmer where no forms ++/kantul/ and
++I /
/6m3: j f are attested.
(i) C- / C- only <s->, <p-> and rp 1 -.> co-occur; the
ordering of the constituingelements follows
the rule whereby (p-> or <p -> never pre-
cede the inflectional prefix <s->; OM /lop/
'to enter' > /slop/ - /plop/ - /splop/;
/dk/ 'to be complete' > /pndk/ 'to com-
plete' /sjmncru&lc/, /sdLuk/, but not
attested in the corpus.
(2) C- / -V- the only prefix co-occurring with the vocalic
infix is s->, <p-> as causative being in
complementary distribution with -a-> applied
to complex bases; /km$n/ 'to be king' >
/skmn/ ' /km$n/ -- /sk%mn/.

(3) C- / -C- the only case of prefix/infix co-occurrence

is attested for <p-> and <-n->, and this
is subject to interpretation. Shorto 1969
analyses /pan-/ sequences in verbal derivatives
as a multiple affix consisting of p-.> and
<-n- and interpreted as a 'frequentative of
the causative'; one could, however, argue
that the sequence follows, by analogy to
Khmer, c N_ > prefixes.
(4) -C- / -C- infixes <-r-)/<-n-) and -n-/(-m->do co-
occur, /t32/ 'plural marker' > /tmm?/
tinmo' 'all'; no single affix attested with
this base. Equally /ca '2 / 'to eat' > /c'rna?/
'food' (SM /kona2/).
 148.

Multiple affixes in SM are confined to

causative extensions of the shape

Base Derivative 1 Derivative 2
(secondary base)
C- pC- p'C-
/r1a/ /prea/ /p;rea/

('to form a row', 'to prepare', 'to arrange, set in

order ' )

Reflexes, however, are retained in a few

starred forms in SM as in the previously mentioned

OM /crna?/ 'food' > SM /kna/ (.- OM /ca 2 / , SM /cc?/)

instead of the expected and phonologically well-formed

/hna / (if the system were still productive).

There are no two-term affixes in Mon as we

find them in Khmer, with the phonological shape /-Vmn_/;

two-term affixes may be interpreted as a case of multiple

affixation, but the functioning in Khmer forbids any

further analysis of these forms into separate morphemes

(-m- / c-n-->.

Jenner postulates, at least implicitely,

ordering of affixes in a sequence of prefix and infix,

but this does not apply to Mon: OM morphology is pre-

sumed here to have been fully productive, and the only

ordering of affixes possible in SM sequences such as

/pC-/ is to analyze the initial /p-/ as the first term

of a two-place initial /pC-/ of the secondary base and

and the initial of the primary base.

In any case, multiple affixation in both

languages, at any stage so far attested, is rather re-

stricted and does not reach the complexity attained

 1Li9.

by the majority of Munda languages and Nicobarese.

To summarize the possibilities schematically we obtain:

'lultiple affixes

C'Khm. MKhm. mod.Khm. SM CM

c-mi]-) <-rnn-> <-mn-)
<-n-/-rn->
<-rn-)

(5-/p-)
(S - /-.3 -)

(S-I-fl->
-

Isolation of affixes.

For modern Khmer Jenner takes any complex initial se-

quence to contain, at least potentially, one affix. Such

a procedure, questionable even for Khmer since many forms
could be simply back-formations and disregarding the

possibility of reconstructing Mon-Khmer non-morphemic

complex initials CC-, is not applicable to later stages

of Mon because of the various cluster-shifts; but even

in OM a superficial examination yields instances like

/sgeh/ 'to be rich' where /s-/ is not a prefix (since a

form /ssgeh/, or /ssageh/, is actually attested for the

hypothetical <s-,), but the first term of a complex base-

initial. In SM, sequences of the shape /py-/ on either

register, for instance, may contain the same affix, <p->,

but reflect a different base-initial according to register:

 150.

/py/ /:/, / py_ '

/ / y-V.
But complex initials do not necessarily con-
tam any affix, and phonological words with simple initials

may incorporate an infix; whereas the latter forms can

be identified by reference to LM forms because they re-

flect reduced clusters (SM N-, LM CN-, N being the infix

<-n->), potentially complex sequences of the shape /cc-/

cannot be identified by the same means: In some cases,

such as /h'C_/ initial complexes, identification is im-

possible if no corresponding simple form or a series

of other complex forms exist; where corresponding

bases do exist, literary forms do not indicate any

affixial element, as in /d' a/ 'to follow round'
/hd'ea/ 'to chase' < LM thadefi, thleii, khadefl, gadeii,
caeii,

There is a great difference in assessing,

let alone solving, the problem of how to identify

prefixes in Khmer and Mon: Due to lesser vowel-variation

in Mon, establishing sets of rhymes and working gradually
towards the initial complex is more successful in Mon

than in modern Khmer; examining consonantal initials

in Khmer proves to yield more successful results than

in Mon because of the latter's extensive consonant-shifts

at later stages (post-EMM) and variations in the initial

complex in modern literary Mon which are explicable

partly in terms of inferential reconstruction or as

phonetic spellings of their SM correspondences and partly

as dialect admixtures.

If registral distribution is taken into

account, the variability of the initial term in an initial
 151.

complex in LM corresponding to SM shapes CRC- shows

a remarkable contrast: For the second register, a

single initial term and a variety of' postinitial terms

which are part of different consonant classes cor-

respond to a single SM sequence whereas for the first

register a variety of initial terms and a single class

of' postinitials correspond to a single SM sequence.

SM CC- initials on the second register reflect thus

LM bound sequences and on the first register LM variable

sequences

LM SM
'C-
mC- pC (kaC tc.)

icC.-
3
cC.- kC.-
J 3
tC
3

Variation of the initial term in a complex sequence

in LM increases with the set of SM /h-/ initials

followed by a glottal consonant /P, cI, 6/ where the initial

term in the LM reflex is unpredictable. One could thus

conceive of a complex hierarchy arranged according to

tolerance of variation of the initial complex in SM and

LM, as shown on the diagram on the following page (p. 152).

Further research into LM consonant systems is required

to complete the picture; this, however, is complicated

by the fact that ever new spellings emerge from recently

recovered MSS - late 18th to early 20th century AD -

not to mention artificial spe1lirs and t phonetjcjsmst such

as LM hu (in a Burmese literary annual) for LM hwa', pre-

sumed to be the standard form, or the abbreviatory LM ha-
 1 52.

Tolerance of variable initials

LM SM
Initial C- any h- maximal
Postinitial -C- --

Initial C- k, C, t C-
1- Ca. G)
0

Postinitial -C- -N- -N- CD

..
0

Initial C- p- p-
Postinitial -C- -t- -t- minimal

or h-; but future investigations should be conducted

along the lines suggested here.

Whatever the interpretation chosen, in a

significant number of contexts - the two terms that con-
stitute a complex initial C 1 C 2 -. or C 1 C 2 - - the initial

term of a two-place sequence, both in LM and SM, cannot

be taken as a segmentable unit to which subsequently

a morphological function is assigned. In this respect

Mon is certainly not unique, and on various occasions ie

alluded to Tibetan; some scholars, including Wolfenden,

set up a suffix /_d/ while others concluded (Lalou and

Przyluski) that this is entirely environmentally con-

ditioned, occurring only after finals /-n, -r, -1/, the

so-called da-drag99.
 153.

Dupont in his Nrada-edition fell into a

similar trap when analyzing affixes, as Shorto pointed out:

The peculiar relation between written and spoken

Mon has given rise to a proliferation of ortho-
graphic variants, the explanation of which in terms
of a root with simple initial and a variety of
meaningless prefixes is erroneous. On the other
hand, the editor's [sc. Dupont's Iassumption
that CC- and CaC- are orthographic variants in
all contexts has led him to 'correct' in the
word-list forms accurately transcribed in the
text [ like LM sman 'to ask' > LM saman 'question')
(Shorto 1958.200).

The only way of isolating affixes in Mon is to work

gradually from the rhyme towards the initial complex and

cross-check OM and SM clusters to establish rules for the

consonantal shifts. In some cases, it will prove necessary

to refer to underlying forms - often identical with an

LM form or its abstract formula - as with the infix <-n-)

following the plosive/nasal cluster-reduction rule in

SM (LM C- base, affix c-n- . LM Cn- > SM ,4n-/).

Productivity.

In this study, derivational morphology in LM/SM is assumed

to be an obsolete process. This is at variance with some

authors on related languages, like Khmer.

The only test suitable

to morphological systems to decide whether they are pro-

ductive or not, is to analyze loans incorporating affixes.
 154.

In OM loan-words behave in exactly the same way as

native bases, as in OM 'anubhw - 'anubhaw (tNI /nu?bhaw/
?/Panu?bhaw/) 'to have supernaturally potent quality'
'supernatural power', and the hypothetical s'anubhaw
(Pali anubhva), OM niman (ii ?/nm3n/) 'invitation; to
invite', and the hypothetical sniman (cB ?/8nm3fl/) (Pall
nimantita, skt. trita), OM duk .- dok - dukkha (LMI /duk/)
'misery; to be poor', and the attributive dmuk /dnwtk/
(Pall dukkha 'suffering').
If productivity can be shown for all affixes
occurring in OM, spoken Mon, on the contrary, fails the
test except for the causative prefix <p-> which occurs with
bases of the shape Ch-; according to the phonological
rules applicable to such sequences in order to derive
causatives from bases with complex initials, the vocalic
infix should have been inserted - and in some isolated
instances it has - yielding a structure like Cah-, as
/kha/ 'to be firm' > /pkha/ 'to make firm', /tht/ 'to
be strong, powerful' > /patht/ 'to strengthen' instead
of /kba j / or /tah3t kah3t/. In the Thailand dialects,
however, (p-> is no longer productive because of the ab-
sence of verbal loan-bases from either Thai or English
(most modern loans are nouns). Judgements on the gram-
matical acceptability by Mona should be treated with caution
- a point made by Jenner, too (1969.14).
Productivity is thus not a uniform qualifi-
cation of a morphological system of a language, but rather
confined to different stages of its development, as has
already been observed by Henri Maspero (195 2 .61 2 ), however
 155.

questionable his conclusions 100

Jenner concedes that
No trustworthy technique was developed for testing
productivity C... ] the full original affixational
system is long dead
(1969.14)
whereas Saveros Pou claimed repeatedly that derivational
procedures by affixation are still productive in modern
Ithmer contesting Martini's earlier view 101
C... J si la valeur des affixes eat encore pleinement
reconnue par lea usagers, la larigue actuelle n'a
plus recours aux proc6d6s classiques de d&rivation
pour cr6er des mots nouveaux. Ii apparatt bien
qu'ils ont cess d'etre actifs.
In contradistinction to Martini she points out that the
Khemaraykamma uses what she calls classical derivatives
for semantic extension by analogy and the creation of new
derivatives from existing bases. In these cases, however,
we are dealing with back-formations, and the productivity
of these processes is a secondary one.

Function.
Assigning the semantic scope, or 'function', to each indi-
vidual affix is fraught with difficulties; Jenner faced
similar problems in establishing a set of functions for
modern Khmer affixes.
My treatment here agrees with Jacob's (1963)
and differs from Jenner's (1969) for Khmer in that I limited
the number of functions and gave them a broad and flexible
scope rather than increase the number with highly specific
functions.
 156.

The labels given in the subsequent lists

should be largely self-explanatory; a difference with
Jacob (1963) ought to be mentioned here: Her 'object-
made' corresponds to my 'instrumental', and 'resultatjye'
is to be interpreted as a result or a product of an
action or event, as in /po/ 'to heap up' > /hwo/ 'heap,
stack'. 'Similative' refers to any metaphorical sense,
/c/ 'to burn, set light to' > /hn/ 'star', /tp/ 'to
fold, arrange in a certain order' > /kwp/ 'fold; rings
of a tree'; 'collective' conveys the sense of a set of
abstract properties, as in /th/ 'to set upright' >
/hrz/ 'upright position, projection', /ti/ 'to receive'
> /hm3/ 'recipient'. Cases of a de-causative are rare
/pin/ 'to divert' > /h'lIn/ 'to be out of alignment'.

Affix-Synkretjsmus.
The interpretation of Mon data is more complicated than
in Khmer because of the more numerous sound-shifts in
the initial and medial consonant complex (CC- -cc-)
which resulted in the loss, merger or substitution and
addition of affixial functions in the modern language.
This, however, is notaproblem exclusively
confined to Mon. Deibruck, in a monograph of 1907,
put forward the idea of a syncretism (Synkretismus)
of grammatical cases in Germanic where a number of cases
in the proto-language (say, Indo-European) a, b, C,
(Dative, Ablative, Accusative, ...) correspond to a
restricted set of cases in a subgroup or individual
language e , d, ..., where x is a syncretism of the

cases b and C, and, in a methodological remark, stressed

 157.

the difficulty in defining grammatical functions t02 .

Affix-Synkretismus may be exemplified as

follows: OM shows two types of' native disyllables,
caCYC (cccvc) and cccvc (ccoccvc), with simple or complex
medial, the former incorporating a vocalic infix de-

rived from bases with complex initials (cc-), C.ICVc,

the latter a syllabic consonantal infix derived from

bases with either simple or complex initial (c- - cc-),

CIcIcVc. By early MM medioclusters were simplified
yielding as canonical structure C8CV(C) for all native
disyllables with the exception of -mC- clusters and

glottal medial sequences -Ne- which were simplified to

a single glottalized nasal -N- corresponding at later
stages to CNV(C) with loss of glottalization, on the
first register
3
NM CN- SM cN-
MM CaN- SM

The reduction of medioclusters -mc- is of relatively

recent date, and still attested for modern literary

Mon (ui).

The result of this gradual mediocluster

reduction was that in some cases the first member, in

others the second member, was lost, depending on the

class of the terms of the -CC- sequence. The basic

correspondences are as follows:

-mb- > -m- -mL- > -L-

-nd- > -1-
-nr- > -r- -ni- > -n-
-nC- > -C- (where C is any consonant except liquid
or glottal)
-NL
 158.

-LC- > -C- (where C is any consonant except

liquid or glottal)
Thus a derivetional pair in OM consisting of a derivative
with a consonantal infix CCCVC and a derivative with a
vocalic infix CCVC, corresponding to a base with a com-
plex initial CCVC, or of two derivatives with a consonantal
infix (OM /garlitj/ and /gm:iw/ " /gi/), underwent medio-
cluster-reduction yielding SM forms of the shape ccv(c)
and 'vocalizing' former consonantal affixes to be merged
with the earlier vocalic affix, retained in the spoken
language, as in the series
OM grlw. SM (base OM g1uLj, SM klP))
gmlUL
g ].w.
The spirantization to initial /lm-/ of the former voiced-.
voiceless plosives, like OM /tlto1/ 'lineage' > EMN
/ttow/ ) MN/LM /dtow/ > SM /hto/, derived from the
base OM Itoh .> SM Ito! '(cotton, plant) thread', entailed
a syncretism of an OM consonantal infix to a SM prefix;
other examples, including a further step of merging earlier
consonantal and vocalic infixes to modern consonantal pre-
fixes are tabulated on the following page ( p. 159). These
latter, however, affect only instances derived from bases
with simple initials.
This Affix-Synkretismus helps to explain why
- not only in Mon (a point Jenner fails to make for his
Khmer analysis) - individual affixes have such a variety
of different functions ('agentive', 'attributive'; 'locative',
'onomastic', and the like). On the obher hand, two
syncretistic processes overlap, one distributional


159.

C-

A AA
I II
a'U)
I 1.
C
5-
---S
AA A A A A A A A A .
p.. P s A A A A A A A P A .
II II III IIIp,'.. II II II II I I
Or 1.i 1.E 1.E1e I I E1. 1. Ev. 1.
.i.,.',!, .!,. ., ,, .!,J,

K AA AA A P.. AA AAP... AA
-4 II II I I II III II AA AA AP...
($4 41(141 tl (1(5 f5)i (5(5 II II II
(.4 Z II II
'5#51
I I II III II
% V.IV %V s vv s,

a' - -
0 -0
- 0 0'.4
- .4' r. '.4 Ca'
- a' 4, '.44.'
0 - ..0 a' ,.',
o - - a'a' 0
04.' '01. 4' 4'Q 0
-4 -4.0 a'4' U)a' -
1.o -U) D U-I' ,0 - a'a'
a'a' a'U) '.4 ha' - '.1 '0
4.', 0U ,CLJ r' 1. 0 a' '.40
($4 U)0 .0 -- .4' 0 04'
- --.a'fa' 4' 0 -
- 5-. U).4 a' a' a' E---
-U -0. U) .4'a'a'a' .. - '0 a'
-.' +'a'O(j U 0 '.4 "-h V
0000 -'., 01.'.4 .. 0) , a'
4 a'
a'- 0'.4 E 4 '- 0'CO .' - a' a'- 0,0 0
0. 0U Ua'0a' r)sU a' hi'O Ca' 0-
,0a' ,.4 , , 0 04.'1. 0) 0 '.'IU 04
'.-1. a'a' U)'. 4,4. ,4'.4Q - a' 4'E
0 Ua' ha' . (.40O0 4'4' 'OU) a'4.' 0a' I'.I
a'4' oH -4'1. a'a'4'Q,p,'.40'..4 ;o 0a' a'1. lc.i
E 0 0.4' N.,4 -..-4U 0 a' 4' -
,4O 1.0 CUC 00 00 -40 4,0 00
4,4 4'u4' U)0 LJI.J %..Jb'4 .' U)4.' 0.4' a'4' (4-44,

E
4 0
4 40 -I'-,4
'.44
')r, 44 00 )' (. E4' 0, 0,
fl a'-.4 000 004041 0r a' 4141 G.U) C,
'-4 00C". .-..- 1.0 4'a' a'a'
01. 1. hEa' 1.EC4141 E1. 01.1.4'
4141 4141 41 U) (la'4141a' 41411' lIla' 41(5 XZ 0.0.1'
44 4,4.' U)41 Ib4 .0,0 -P-I.' Z
a'

'.4
.4.'
a'
00 ,44 00 EE
to 00 a' 'a' a' a' i. .. n C)
.-I.14 '0'0
'.4 a' a' a' a' 41
1. 1.1. - -4 00 k 4'4.' 4'4 0.
a' x (III 4141 II II 4141 II(I lIe (5(5 (l
(I) 4 4 .Id 4 0 .0 .0 .0 S.8.'S. .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 .0 S.'S.S.

a,
4' 1.
0 a' a'
a' H a' -
0 -I 0
0' 0 a'
a' - 4, 0 4.' -
a' a' .0 a' .0 a'
a' .0 bD U 0 a' 0 -4
0 0 - "4 1. 0 0 - 0
a' 4 .0 E a' - (to
a' -4 4 0
a' a' U) a' a' a' a' 0 a'
.0 .0 ,0 .0 E .0 4 .0
0 0 0 0
H . 0 0 0 0 0 0
4.' 4' 4.' -.4 4.' 4.' 4.' 4.' 4,
a' a'
1.
E 1.
a' 0
0 4
4' I . , 4 C,
1, E o,
- 0
a' 0 0
a' -,
1. -4 0 44 a' -.4 -a,.
c'l4
1. a'
4.' a' .0 4.' 4.' 0.
0 0
'.4
(I) 4'
I a'
K 4 fl.
'
.4 -4 a' 0 -4 4 L a',
($4 1. a' I a' a' '0 'U) ' C E '.4
4
(.4 a' a' xl 1. -4 0 - I.. a'
4.'
..)
-4 0.
h) Cfl14 4 .0 .0 4 0.
 160.

- both in CM and SM causative forms are derived by

the affixes <p-> and <-i-> from bases 'with simple
initials and complex initials respectively ('while
in SM, in addition, <p-> is in complementary dis-
tribution with h-> for bases with glottal initials)
and the other shift-conditioned (a 'merger')

- OM c-r-> and C-rn--> > SM .--> (see p. 1 59 for

examples), or ON <-a-> and <-r- SM <-i->.
The latter group is summarized below, without being an
exhaustive account:

Affix-Synkretismus II
Affixial correspondences
SM SM OM

MM <-in-) tm MM tim 'to know'

4-, h.tLm MM .mtim 'attention / manifestation'
<-a-> ind. 'to stay'
h3md dam 'to jnstal'
tah ds 'to be'
hath dard3s 'existence'
Pt 'to be finished, exhausted'
hbt MM Pt 'all, entire(ly)'
MM saik- kh MM gh 'tclitic'
hak3h MM ssik-gh 'thus'

-a-> -n-> prc. pra 'to send'

psr p-anrai 'present'
kl glis. 'to be numerous'
garl N. 'quantity'
(-in-> hl slu 'to be high'
samlu' 'summit / [attributive]

<Ic-> (A-> peik paik 'to split'

kpaik limpaik 'either side'
<p.-> ma ma 'to guard'
pama 'guard'

Problematic are those cases for 'which only the complex

forms cacv(c) are attested in SM, and no reconstruction

can be offered; three groups can be distinguished:

(i) A very limited set of /im-/ forms yielding causative

verbs and nouns from non-causative bases of the structure

cv(c), (2) /ha_, k-, t-I forms with non-causative/

 161.

causative verbs and (3) /ha-, ka-, ta-, p-/ forms

incorporating both nouns and verbs. Examples for each

group are:

(1) non-causative v. >. causative noun

v.P,

/kit/ > /hkit/ 'to bite' ' 'to cause to bite'

dysentery'
(2) non-causative v. > causative v.
/kaf)d/ 'to be loose', 'to loosen'
/hakut/ 'to be severed', 'to sever'
/tek)/ 'to lie across', 'to lay across'

(3) verb / noun

/k reak/ 'to split', 'part split off'
/h? urn / 'to heap up', 'heap, stack'
/t la!j t/ 'to study', 'training'
/psaP/ 'to stink', 'stench, odour'.

In some cases, phonological constraints prohobit any

reconstruction of bases in SM with simple or complex

initial, and this is an important argument against

Schmidt's (and Jenner's) assumptions that any form ex-

hibting a complex initial feature is reducible to a cv(c)

base. One example must suffice: SN /hton/ 'to learn,

to teach' corresponds to OM '[bton3 'to learn', to be

reconstructed from the attested frequentative /banton/,

and the causative, derived by vocalic affixation, /bton/

'to teach'. Through the simplification of mediocluster
in MM the OM frequentativeand causative forms merge to

MN /baton/ which in turn merges in SM with the reconstructed

ON base " fbton l according to the rule whereby a se-
quence of voiced/voiceless plosives (cc-) in LM cor-

responds invariably to SM /hc-/. Furthermore, if we

reconstruct oi {bton as a base for the frequentative

and causative forms with their respective affixes -n->

and <-s-, it is unconceivable to reduce further
 162.

the complex initial of the base OM bt_3 to yet

another affix and base-initial: Besides a phonological

reason - voicing distribution-rules did not operate

at that stage in Mon - the vocalic infix, inserted into

bases with complex initials of the shape CC-, is a regular

feature for the OM causative, and the presumed prefix

(or ++<b_,) would lack any function within the

attested system since - i -> is the causative affix in

this particular environment. Thus OM btonJ t t O learnt

is to be accepted as an irreducible base, and the SM

correspondence /hton/ cannot be analyzed as containing
the base ++/ton/ and the prefix

This may also be taken as yet another

proof that in this particular case /haton/ is a starred

form in SM; if affixation were still productive back

formations of the type SN++ /ton/ ++
/pton/ - or a
variation of the type /++p.ton hton/ - would occur 103

A last instance of syncretism is the re-

tention of a particular affix, as -r-, in both languages,

OM and SM; whereas in the former OM (-r-> serves to

derive abstract nouns from verbs, SM shows a restricted

set of occurrences confined to base-initials of the

type ChC-. Again, the proof that we deal here with an

innovation in SN lies in the mediocluster reduction in

MM of OM -CC- 'where all OM -rC- > MN -C-; the remaining

initial sequence CaC- underwent subsequently voicing

distribution changes and corresponds to SM /hiC-/, hence

OM <-r-> > SM ch-,.

The commonest source for syncretism of functions,

 163.

however, is that once derivational productivity ceased

(after the loss of inflection) starred (complex) forms

acquired new meanings. In a number of cases this

tendency might have been re-inforced by re-borrowings

(cf. for Khmer, Lewitz 1969.l43.).

On etymological grounds, one can state

with a high degree of certainty that i-n-> is an

'instrumental. / quantifier' (< PMK), (p-) a 'causative'

(while p-> as nominalizer being phonologically con-

ditioned, as Shorto pointed out, 1969 pssim).

The vocalic infix (-- has no primary

derivational function but acts as a phonologically con-

ditioned morpheme in complementary distribution where

other affixes cannot occur, that is CC- intials. (-m--)
arid the class of labial-forms <-)'-> in SM can be traced back

to an original attributive form or a general nominalizer.

Affix-Synkretismus also occurs in OM i-n-> / -n->

< -m-> / <-m- (before labials) as a frequentative.

OM -r-> was used to derive abstract/collective nouns from

verbs, and this is now in SM, confined to Ch- bases only,

as a collective and, in two cases, frequentative. c-w-> is

more difficult to delimit; it is a purely nominalizing

affix, may function as an instrumental and shows in that

particular case exactly the same distribution as instrumentals

derived by (-n-), and as a general nominalizer without

any specific scope as in /c3h/ 'to have a fever' > /hw3h/

'fever', /c& ? / 'to eat' > /hwa/ 'curry, dish'. On the

basis of SM data alone, the nasalized series < pN -,ck N->

cannot be interpreted as a single function, and is phono-

logically an innovation in contradistinction to Ithmer where

 16k.

its syllabic form <Ic-> , /kNc-/ (with nasal accretion,

Dempwolff's nasalerZuwachs) refers to animated nominals
(.2!. Pou 1977.130).
The scope of individual affixes is shown
on the table on the following page ( p. 165).

Word-classes and derivation.

The number and variety of word-classes occurring as bases
is much higher in OM than in SM. Provided we assume a
difference between a nominal class and a verbal class in
Mon, as in any other mainland language of complex
syllabic structure, other than c((h)c)v(c), the derivation
of nouns or verbs (causative, transitive) fran verbal
bases prevails. In OM we find in addition nouns derived
from nominal bases, from what Shorto calls "noun-suffixes"
which also derive adverbials, and nouns from numerals (to
be presumed verbal); the latter type is unknown in the
modern language, except for /ta/ 'two' > /k%ma/ 'to be
geminate' (k 1_ >). Exceptional is the derivation of verbs
from nominal bases, as in /hne/ 'rudder, helm' > /kne/
'to steer' (<--). On the evidence of M1 /cew/ (Er .ni /ci/)
> /phyew/ ('to arrange' / 'to make ready') a SM base
can be reconstructed, and the complex initial /hn-/
interpreted as containing the instrumental infix i-n->;
thus the anomaly of a nominal base in SM can be removed
(cf. also Shorto 1 969.108, note ik).
Three instances are attested of derivations
involving clitics, /tz ? / 'definite plural marker'
, /kIm3 P/ 'all, every' (<-m->), /kl/ 'to be numerous'
/hbl/ 'indefinite plural marker' ((-->), /te/ 'tense


165.

I I I
z z zz
.

z z

I I I

I I I I I I I
..

I I I
0 Cl 0 lb

I I I
A- A-
- H .4
A- C

0
4
C'..
0
4

0
0 I I I I I
0 > ,
I I I I

I I I I I
I I I

I I I I I I
EE EEE E
I I I I I I

I I
I I

I I I I I I I I..
b 0 0
I I I I I I I I N H
.1.4
0 0
-4 I I I I I I I I I I H"
C'-' b (II' (I l , I (P El
I I I I I I I I I 00
H
0
I 0 .
H H
0 0 0 0.1 0
0.4 0 .4.) HO
.4 NH .400 .1 0 H O E
.100.4.1.40.4.4 H H H 0
0 E HO 0 .4.400.4 -
-4 0 H . 0.4.100.40 .i .10 00
H $., H H H H H WOO -P0 E
0 -4-P 0 0 0 OH E 0 E 0
E 00-POW Q 00 H .40 -
 166.

marker' ) /pate/ 'to complete' (cp->), and /hate/

'perfection' ((11.-)).
The distribution of word-classes verb
and noun and their fonnatives can be summarized as
follows, for both languages, ON and SM:

Base Derivative OM SN
V. v. Cs-), -rn-> 0 inflection
(p-). , < 1-> (p->, derivation
tc->, <t-)
V.

0 derive tion
0
c-a->, C-rn-)
<-n->, (-r-) C-->, (-r-)

Affix-types.
The typological account of affixes occurring in Mon and
Khmer, given on page 142, can be further reduced to the
following eight categories divided into two main sets:
I. Complex affixes
rhotacized prefixes Cr- /CrC-/
nasalized prefixes
-syllabic N
/CaNC-/
-non-syllabic /CN-/
reduplication of initial C C- /c c -/
labialized affixes /pC-
II. Simple affixes
vocalic prefixes /a C - I
vocalic infixes -.- /Cc-/
consonantal prefixes C-
consonantal infixes -C-
A complete list - except for EMN and LM - attested for
both languages is given on the following list (p. 167).


I Z
I
Z
I 167.
4

I I I III
I I I I I I I I .4 E ..
z : . (b A. I I I I I II
C_) 4 . +. g.

.4
C...

0.

I I I I
I I I I E ..
I I
- I I I I
0 U
.1
0.

I Z1
> 4 0.

I I I I ii
I I I E .4 (SI
o 0. I I I I II
-4'.
C...
.. 0.
0.
V
0
.10
0
0
S 0
I Z
0.

I I I I I II
I I I I E 0
0 0. I I I I I II > 0.

I I I I I I I
4 0+ 0.-.,
I 9 (S
Z 4 0-4

I I I I I
I
40 4 0.

I I I I I I
E I ZZZZ ZZZZ
Q 4 0. 4 - C-

. I I I I
0 I I I I I I I . EOZ
E o 4 04 0. 4 - I I I I

40
(1 ()
40

I I I I
4
0. 4 0. m

I I I I I I I
zzzz zzzz S)CL
40 4 0. .. -
I I I I
I I I I I I I 0. EOZ
0 4 0. I I I I

I I I
(S (S
z E

0. I!.
0.

I I I I I I
zzzz z z
0+ 0. 4 (.

E .1
C...
 168.

Suffixes do not occur in Mon, although Shorto reconstructs

a causative suffix for PMK.

However, one class of formative elements,

labelled in t!1I "nounsuffix" needs further comment.

Pinnow argued, in passing, that in Munda

the relationship between a final formative element,

attached to a base, is ill-defined and that some suffixes

might equally be termed particles:

...] die Verbindung dieser Suffixe ist ...I

ziemlich lose, sodafl man viele von ihnen auch als
Partikeln bezeichnen knnte
(1959.16-17).
The systematic, combinatorial, use and the
sharing of the same semantic features (deixis, definiteness)
suggest rather a description as nominal suffixial forms or,
as adopted in this study, as 'clitic'.

In SM ambiguity in these cases does not

arise: The three clitics, /-n?/, /_te?/ and /-t3P/ cannot

function independently or, alternatively, as sentence or

clause-particles. L.M wwa' (SN ++/wI1/, as r.pron., OM wo')

is the only exception in that it can function as a noun used

in sentence-initial position, as /kh/ in literary Mon

(and which constitutes an earlier four-terni deictic

system MM/LM kh - -nP - -te a ). OM wo' /wo?/ finds
a striking parallel with Old'Khmer in this respect.

Although /-i/, /-kh/ and /-raP/ are de-

scribed as clitics as well and may coinLine with a series

of prefixes, as the a!ove-mentioned clitics, they do not

belong to the same category because of their versatility:

They may occur together with nouns, but can function as
sentence-particles, too.
 169.

On a different level of description, /-t,P/

and /hl/ belong to the same class of forms following
a noun as determining particles, definite and indefinite

plural; but /hl/ cannot take any affix (since it 15

already a complex, derived, form). OM ta' /t3P/, on the

contrary, yields, as pronominal suffix, ta'eh ' t'eh

/teh/ and as derivative tinmo' /tmm3P/ (LMI) 'alit, SM
/k m3P/.

All clitics whether occurring with one of

the affixes or in a simple or complex noun-phrase may
take the nominal 'particle' (or clitic) /-kh/.

The prefixes < ? IP_ , arid -, function

as deictic and locative when collated with the clitics

/-n ? / and /-te/.

/-t3 P/ is the only clitic which may be

combined with the two deicitic clitics /_n?/ and /-teP/;

we obtain the following sets: (where a is a clitic)

(i) N-a N-no? 'this N'

N-te e 'that N'
Nt3 ? 'the N [ plural, definite]'
(2) j?..., / <_>
9j?fl3? 'this' ;n? 'here'
ite 9 'that' ate? 'there'
(3) N-ta-a (where /t?C-/ weakened
N-tn3? 'these N' to /tc-/)
N-tate? 'those N'
(Li) i?_/_t3?/_n3P
?itn ? 'these'

A phonologically possible form /?i?tteP/

does not exist in SM.

The prefixes (h-)

0
and (k-,
S
when occurring
 170.

with /-n?/, correspond to LM sk /saik/ and LM ke /kea/

and the surface forms SM /han3?/ A /kn3?/ are the result
of weakening, from which, however, the affixes .b- and
k-> can be deduced because of the phonological stability
of the final sequence /-nzI'/ serving as a term of a two-term
nominal piece in LM and a base in LM:

() C1- h hn?
>
<k-, )
...n? '
( kanP 'like this, in this way'

/-kah/ and /_t P/ may also be combined with

the quantifier (noun) /ph/ to /p^h-kch/ 'they; anyone; who'
and /h-t?/ 'they f referring to a specific group]'.
From all this it emerges that the six
clitics /-k3h/, /-1t/,/-raP/, /-n?/, /_te ?/ and /-t32/

are too versatile in their distribution and function to be

considered suffixes proper1
 171.

Previous analyses of Mon morphology.

If one compares the evolution of grammatical studies

on Khmer and Mon in the West, it is surprising to realize

that, although linguistic documentation on Khmer had

been undertaken much earlier, systematic description of

specific aspects of Mon grammar antedates the first

comprehensive linguistic statement on Khmer 5 . This
is surprising insofar as derivational morphology is one

of the areas of grammar both languages share - as opposed

to the early simplification of clusters in Mon or the

various syntactic changes in Old and Middle Khmer - and,

at the same time, distinguishes them radically from the,

geographically peripheral, languages of the Tibeto-Burman

106
and Tai group But it was only in Mon that attention
to affixation has been paid first.

Except for Blagden's and Shorto's work,

all authors used orthographic forms to justify their

affixial sets treating, in many cases, spelling variants

as indications of complementary distribution or affixial

variants with according semantic variation 107

In 1874 Haswell published his Grammatical Notes, and

already then mentions LM 1- prefix as well as pen-

phrastic, or Nissaya Mon, LM dadai ma- > SM /hth m)-/

(/ya/ 'to be sick' > ' "'/hath m ? -yia/ 'sickness', which in

fact is a redundant form since /ya/ may be both noun and

verb) 108 . Witile saying that

C...] many other nouns are formed from verbs

he concedes that

C...] no rule can be given to their formation (pp.9-10)

 172.

and quotes as examples LM damlu ('blindess' ' LM glu) 109 ,

LM kamlat ('thieV .. LM kiat 'to steal') and LM kalon
('work' LM klan 'tO works). He also mentions the

plural clitic LM ta' (SM /t3 2 /) which he combines with

LM iah (SM /j&h/) to LM Ia1ji-ta' and, following a noun,

with LM gamluifi (SM /halhj/), but failed to see that LM ta'

(and its SM reflex) is a bound form (or clitic).

Forchhanimer (188 z E1882)), presumably based

on Haswell's observations, states the same derivational

devices (LM cl-> prefix and periphrastic dadah ma- in LM).

However, the first systematic attempt to

analyze affixation in Mon was made by Karl Himly, a sinologist,
in 188 9; he recognizes three prefixes, 'cp->, (i->,
two of them (c, and ? i-> as a related set), and one

infix -m->. His examples are drawn exclusively from

Haswell's vocabulary, and this misled him in stating

further affixes on the sole basis of variant orthographies:

ck-> (a non-nasalized prefix not recognized in DSM which
we set up as a vestigial affix), as in SM /klh/ 'expanse'
/l'^.h-/ 'to spread out', 1ut also some ghost-derivatives

like SN /kw43t/ "Lehre, Vorschrif't" SM /w3t/ 'action,

behaviour' (Pall vatta) for which he posits "g-" and
"1-" in complementary distribution (P . 267), LM el->
(p. 263- Z ) having SM reflex ch-, (LM labuit SM /hpt/

'stone's throw Edistancej' .'- SM /pt/ 'to throw') and

<k-> (LM layali SM /ky.h/ 'light' SM /yh/ 'to dawn'),
s-> (which was productive in OM only, as inflection for the
hypothetical/future). He also recognizes t-d->.

Although an (-n-> infix does occur throughout the history

 173.

of Mon (to be reconstructed for PMK *<_n_ ) ), his given

examples are ghost-derivatives.
Roughly a decade later, in 1901, Schmidt
published a comparative study on Aslian and invokes
( p . 572) some material from Himly's analysis and adds
some new, in the case of <-n->, for instance, this
time correct examples like SM /keh/ 'to write with a
stylus' > LM kneh (SM /neh/) 'stylus'. But again, he
posits correctly an <-r-> infix, though marked by a
query, without adducing justifying evidence (LM sk _
srk are spelling variants, but a correct derivational pair
is not cited, like LM /khok/ SM /khok/ 'cup' > LM khrok
kharok karok garok SM /harok/ 'bowl, cup').
Robert Halliday, in his Talaings (1917),
recognizes the existence of prefixes and infixes, end cites
four examples without stating any rules of derivation
(in this particular case, the vocalic infix /-'a-/).
In the introduction to Mrs Mime's Palaung
grammar of 1921, Blagden drew attention to the causative
prefix p-> and the old syllabic infix -r-> /-?r-/ in
connection with Palaung r- ("ra-"), rejecting an r-
prefix in Mon at any stage (1921.7-8), and also mentions
a possible nasalization of the causative p->.
In his Dictionary of 1922 (MED) Halliday
is more explicit about morphology and gives p-> as
causative, "ma-" as "participial" and "assertive particle"
(p. xx), cs-> as future prefix (which has survived only
in starred forms in MM/LM), c-> and cl-> as nominalizing
prefixes as well as periphrastic (Nissaya) dada!i ma-.
Thipont, thirty years later, added a few
 174.

notes on derivation and Nissaya peculiarities to his

Mon version of the Nrada-Jtaka (1954.18.) without

specifiying their function: The prefixes a-, ka-/ga-, ca-

/ja-, ta-/da-, pa-/ph'-/ba, ra-, la-, sa- (where pa- is

identified as causative, and sa-, as quoted from Blagden,

for the future tense; but in Dupont's MS as syllabic)

and the infixes -n-s -m-, -w-, nasalized prefixes 1 and

suggests, in the case of mramow mow a nasalized -ra-

infix1' 1 A double prefix is held to be LM tau datau

padatau (SM /tao/? /htao/; his padatau is not an affixed

form - there is no word division in this environment in

Mon MSS - but a verb SM /pa P / 'to do, act' which serves,

in restricted contexts, to verbalize nouns where no cor-

responding derivational procedures exist; cf. also Shorto

1958.200).
Pinnow ( 1 959) recognizes p-> causative,
but treats LM glu dlu i- darniu as prefixed forms
and includes a ghost-derivative "lA-a" (- /Pa/ 'to go').
He recognizes an <-m-) infix (1959.15) LM kiat > kamlat
and an instrumental <-n-> "Werkzeuge".

Shorto in L4I established two sets of affixes

for Old Non: s-, p- and -rn- 9 -n-, -r-, -w- -v- (/_a_/).

Guillon, in a short paper on Mon syntax

(19T6 f1 9733.408), incorporates material partly drawn
from Haswell and Halliday: As prefixes he states 1- in

gam 'to step' > laganu 'pace' Haswell , what he calls

"factitives" derived by "ph-", and adds that adverbial

(...i adverbial and participial prefixation of ma

(is] preceded by bway
(1976.409).
 175.

The flaws are easily pointed out: The compounding of

ma- in bway ma- occurs in LM only in starred forms where-

as the particle ma- (preceded by zero or other nouns)

yields highly productive patterns; in OM boy does not

occur with ma- (only in more complex constructions like
boy kal (m)a lo' 'for a long time'), and it is since late

NM that a compound bway ma- is attested. Causative

(his "factitive") /ph-/ is simply an allomorph for /p-/

in certain phonological environments. As infixes he

identifies the same as Dupont whose Nrada edition he
is quoting, adding that

... 3 at certain stages of the language con-

sonantal infixes C. ....) are found preceded by a
vocalic infix. Occasionally [ ! ) such vocalic
infixation occurs by itself
(1976.LIo).

What is meant here is syllabic infixation which occurs

throughout the attested history of Mon (and can be re-
constructed for proto-Mon); vocalic infixation, however,

is not a rare affix, but systematically developed and

attested since OM, and it yields in SM, taking DSM as

a test-corpus, the highest number of infixed forms.

Sujaritlak ( 1 97 8 ) does not treat

morphology.
 176.

Word tases.

Four basic types of derivation are recognized: Verbal

bbases yield either verbal or nominal derivatives,

nominal bases either nominal or verbal derivatives;

the first type, I'c'wever, yields by far the highest number

of derivatives. In this group, prefixation results in

a causative, regardless whether a base is a transitive

or intransitive verb, and infixation, except in the case

of complementary sets such as /h-, --/, in a noun

with a large, but still closed, variety of functions.

The other types, derivations from a nominal
base, are rather restricted; among derivations from such
bases yielding verbs are

hne / kne 'dder, helm' / 'to steer'
wa / kawa 'pasture' / 'to tether'

cfaik / bdaik 'liquid' / 'to water'
In one instance, the base is a numeral
and its corresponding derivative a verb:

Ba / kma 'two' / 'to be
geminate'
I shall argue in a subsequent chapter, that, historically,

numerals did not consitute a separate word-class, but

were in fact verb; numerous attested derivatives in OM

bear witness to this, and SM still shows a trace in the

negation of 'to have, to be' /nam/ where the negative

particle is combined with the numeral 'one' to /h ma/

'not to have, not to be'. This, incidentally, would

explain the lack of classifier systems in Mon112.

Apart from <i->, -> and h- which

occur with clitics, only /t3 P /, the plural clitic,
undergoes derivation to /km/ 'totality'.
 177.

Structural types of' bases.

Jenner (l969.45!., 1977.169-172) distinguished two

types of word bases for modern Khmer, primary and

113
secondary bases The former type Is assigned to a
cv(c) pattern, the latter to "subdissyllables" ccv(c).
Primary bases are irreducible, do not contain any seg-

mental morphemes (affixes) and yield primary derivatives

of the form CaCV(C) or disyllables with minor vocalism

cvccv(c) or rhotacized forms (Cr-). Secondary bases

contain a non-syllabic affix and correspond thus to

primary derivatives. Secondary bases yielding secondary

derivatives contain two affixes.

Three examples must suffice:

/ pcfj 'to know' / 'to inform'

kap / prkap 'to stab' /'to fight each
luih / tlih 'to pass through' / other'
I
I - .
tumluh I 'piercing' 'to stab'

Jenner's Khmer corpus shows 86% primary bases and i%

secondary bases ("unanalyzable subdissyllables"); of all
subdissyllables 9% have primary base correspondences.

Appropriate and convenient as this analysis

may be for modern Mimer an analogous investigation into
the structure of SM bases would result in a gross dis-

tortion. Structures such as cv(c) may be polymorphemic

in that the initial is part of a system of alternances
(cv(c) > c kv ( c )) and entail a change of meaning and

word class, and a term of a complex initial sequence need

not be a potential affix (SM (Burma) /ce! 'to be beauti-

ful' > /pye/ 'beauty; to adorn' ' SN (Thailand) /kye/,

the latter being the more archaic form).

 178.

CC- patterns represent a similar problem;

they cannot be classified as secondary bases, but only
as primary derivatives. Combined affixes do not occur
in SM forms - except causative extensions discussed be-

low -, and there is only one instance of such a pattern

in OM /crna?/ 'food' .-.- /ca/ 'to eat' (s?4 /c.'/), in-
corporating affixes c-r-) and _n_>. But even for

ON such a classification is misleading: OM CCCVC forms

may or may not correspond to OM monosyllabic bases

('- ccvc ' cvc) and hence are structurally ambiguous.

Moreover, we recognize a class of irreducible CC-

patterns (with // not being anaptyctic) which show

both intransitive/non-causative and causative verbs.

This is due, again historically, to a merger of OM

CCC- > SM CC- and ON CC- = SM CC-, as in /hton/

'to learn, to teach' < OM /banton/ (frequentative) and

ON /bton/ (casuative) from a base ON [bton, by LN

mapping-rule bt- > SM /h'at-/ (voiced/voiceless plosive

spirant/voicless plosive clusters).

On the other hand, one restricted class

- causative -- extensions - is identical with Jenner's

secondary base/secondary derivative: Monosyllables with

base-initials /y- - r- - i-/ yield causatives

as primary derivatives by non-syllabic prefixation cp->;

these derivatives may be extended by vocalic infixation

to CC- forms since the secondary base does not contain

any anaptyctic vowel /a/:

l' / plao / plao 'to roll' / 'to turn over'

/ 'rotation'
cm / phyin / hcin 'to boil' / 'to cook by
boiling' / 'Id., to
heal'
 179.

But triples like /lm/'to be damaged' > /plm/

'to damage' and /palm/ to damage, hurt' are more

problematic; it is not clear whether /plm/ is a

variant of /plbm/and how the irregular form /pe]m/

is to be explained. The cited triple /cin phyin -

h'acin/ is also exceptional in that the primary base

initial /c-/ violates the restriction set up for

causative extensions.

Two other classes of disyllabic bases ought

to be set up: Bases for labial and nasal forms. The

currently available data forbid any further reduction to

monosyllables (like /pkp/ 'to join' > /pp/ 'joint').

Phonologically more complex are labial forms for they in-

volve an LM mediocluster reduction of the type LII -mC- >

SM I-c-I, as in /p%leP/ 'to lose' (LM kamle') /kieP/
'to be lost' in the case of monosyllabic bases or /kac3k/
'to be black' (LM lack lck/)> /p3ck/ 'id.' (LM
lamck, as vestige of an attributive form) for a di-
syllabic base.

Apart from these exceptions, any mono-

syllable in SM may a base; in contrast to Khmer, the

following structures are found as derivatives:

Derivative Base
CV no to spool, lineage' / 'cotton'
CVC nuh puh 'pellet bow' / 'to fillip'
CCV pyI ct 'to rest' / 'to rest'
CCVC kwt k3t 'learning' / 'to study'
CCCV phya 'to make low' / 'to be low'
CCCVC physik caik 'to split up' / 'to be torn'
CaCV hna sa 'met' / 'to spread out'
CCYC hsnan dan 'fish hook' / 'to angle'
C.CCV psthea thea 'to anger' / 'to be angry'
CCCVC pthbP thb? 'to place' / 'to place, throw'
(for CV- /P iP _/ disyllablu as wells. /ac/ forms, see pp. 123, 120.)
 180.

Loan bases.

Borrowings, from whatever source, once naturalized

according to the rules governing secondary patterns,

comply to the same phonological rules as native forms

when involved in a derivational process.

Few loans occur as bases because verbal

bases are by far the most numerous word-class, and
borrowings are restricted to nominals. One exception

is the particle /kh/ (Pa ii kho 'then, now') /kh/

'during, while'.

Further examples of loan bases are /thea/

'to be clear' (Eurm. thaii) > /pthea/ 'to make clear',

/khok/ 'cup' (Burw. khwak) > /harok/ 'small cup'.

I do not know of any verbal base borrowed

from Thai into Mon and yielding any derivatives.
Burmese borrowings date relatively early when affixation

was still a productive process.

Reconstructed bases and derivatives.

In a few instances, disyllables show a semantic merger

of causative/non-causative or transitive/intransitive
forms; in these cases they are not reducible to any

attested simple form (base). In only one, recognized

in DSM, two derivatives - or polyrnorphemic forms -

cannot be connected to any base:

/phyim/ 'to feed a child'

/hwbm/ 'step rrelative]' (/kon hwbm/ 'step child')
can be reduced to a reconstructed base /cbm/ (Shorto)
and the affixes (p-) and (-w-).

In three other cases there is no evidence

 181.

in my corpus, and tentative reconstructions were

refused by my informants in Thailand. An argument in
favour, however, may be set out in analogy to modern
Khmer: /h.laj/ 'to drop; to fall into' ' /hla!j/,
mod. Khm. /tlk/ 'to fall from a height, &c,' >
/tml.'ak/ 'to drop'. In the remaining instances, only
the bases are attested and the derivatives have to
be reconstructed: /klbh/ 'to be penetrated; to pene-
trate', mod. Khm. /tlih/ 'to be pierced' > /tmlifli/
'to pierce', ) SM /hlbh/; and /krp/ 'to be covered;
to cover', mod. Thm. /kr:p/ 'to cover' > /kmr:p/
'cover',> SN /harip/.
A puzzle is /kle/ 'to be left; to leave'
which has three attested derivatives, /kne/ 'faeces',
/kle/ 'to put out' and /ple/ 'to loose'. A syllabic
<Ic-> prefix cannot be assumed for a base ++/le?/ since
base-initial /i-/ does not take any syllabic prefix,
and base-initials of the shape Cr .-, Cl-, Cy-. (where C
is /k-, p_/) take as causative the vocalic infix.
 182.

Phonological processes.

Phonological processes described in the

following present a restricted system of cluster-

formation and registral distribution controlled by

changing initial complexes. The various systems of

complex initials in both LM and SM are not fully de-

ployed in derivatives since there are only five infixes
<-fl-), c-rn- ) <-r-)., <-w->, <-i-> and four series of pre-
fixes, vocalic <s->, <?i P ->, non-nasalized <p-i end k->,
N N
nasalized <p -> and <k -, and syllabic ch->, <k->, <t->
and rp-, which restrict the number of terms in initial
and postinitial position.

Induced first register.

In certain environments simple base-initials controlling

the second register correspond to derivatives with

complex initial on the first register. The registral

change is induced by two series of prefixes, non-

nasalized and nasalized<p-> . ck- and <p N

- -_k N-,>115
If the initial of a base is /-,ji-, y-, r-, i-/, con-

trolling the second register, end the affix tle causative

<p-,, the resulting initial cluster / p -, paj'), py-,
pr-, pl-/ assigns the derivative to the first register.
If the base-initial is a labial /m-, w-/, <p-> affixed

forms yield as underlying initials m_l.pv_}, tolerated

in LM, corresponding to SM /km-, kw-/. As regards the
surface forms, however, the initial complex /k-/ is

to be interpreted as the prefix k->, as in /wi/

'to visit' > /kawi/'suitor', /mi/ 'to hear' )

/kami/ 'to announce', and which is an allomorph of
 18:3.

<p-. The same rule applies to the naa1ized series

of prefixes <pN_>..<kN_>: /t/ 'to be in the middle,

among' > /p,n L k bJ/ 'among' (by (p>) and /p?/

'to be white' > /kamao/ 'id.' (by (kN_>); ir-

respective of' the nasal replacement (nasaler Ersatz)

- labials /p/ /_m./, dentals /t . / > /-n . / - the

first register of' the derivative is induced by the pre-

fixes cp-'k->, a significant fact for rule-ordering

(register is assigned after nasal mutation of former

plosives).

A special case present nasal forms having

disyllables as bases, such as /ti1/ 'to be straight'
>/p a o/ 'id.' or /hkt/ 'to be bare of leaves' >
/tjat/ 'to be shorn; to shave'. The only explanation

can be offered by reference to spellings. The nasal

forms show, among other LM variants, an -mj- mediocluster

(spelt -mii-/), for /p'jao/ tam, /tat/ tamiiat, with

initial variation of p- in the former and tiFi in the

latter. If the initial of a complex sequence CamC-

is a voiceless plosive the corresponding SM form takes

the first register; since the initial variation in

LM is confined to the same class, the registral dis-

tribution in the cited SM nasal forms follows the

given rule. How the initial variation in /tk/

/paao/ ought to be interpreted, I am unnble to say.

In all other cases, the insertion of i

affix into the structure of the base does not change

the registral distribution in the corresponding deri-

vative1 16
 184.

Cluster formation.

A restricted set of phonological rules applies to the

formation of complex initials due to affixation. It

is not necessary to recapitulate the entire system

of complex initials since in the case of infixation the

set of postinitials in the derivative is limited to

the four terms /n, m, w, r/ corresponding to the in-

fixes <-n-, <-m->, -w-, <-r-'. In certain cases,

however, this is confined only to underlying forms,

and in order to arrive at the surface forms special

rules have to be set up, like cluster-reduction or

alternance.

Jenner (1969.55-62) introduced the con-

cept of variant base which enabled him to detect further
derivational connections than were hitherto recognized

by his predecessors; this concept - covering quanti-

tative variations of the vowel nucleus of' the bases,

qualitative variations in openness or advancement of

the nucleus, few initial consonantal alternations

(like r- i-) - cannot be applied in a similar

manner to Mon117.

To summarize briefly the problem of

variant bases in SM, we have seen that the vowel quality
depends not only on the registral distribution of a

form corresponding to a single nucleus in LM (LM ga .- ka

SN /k P / /ka?/), but also, in each registral system,

on the class of the preceding and following consonant.

Very few variations are to be noted for

SM - one significant parameter in vowel variation

in modern Khmer, length, is lacking in Mon. Change

 185.

in registral distribution is to be attributed to what

Jenner incorporates into his morphophonemics and I

interpret here as induced register.

Among the few cases attested in SM, we

note the following variations:
ct..? / kana? 'to eat' / 'food'
bah / kamaoh 'to be cool' / 'to cool'
ph / handh 'to remember' /
ph / pah 'to swell up' / 'to be stiff'
s k / hnok 'to peel' / 'peel, rind, bark'
cih / hneh 'to go down' / 'landing place'

An important difference to Khmer variant bases is that

Mon shows no alternative forms, like /pah/ /j1/

(corresponding to the derivative /hnih/), and the

variation is restricted to a derivational pair (base-

derivative) and not to a pair of bases (as quoted by
Jenner ( 1 9 69.93) /lI:et lat/ 'to spread, display' >
/klat/ 'to open wide'). In only one instance we find
a variant derivative corresponding to an homophonous

base, /bbh/ (i) 'to be cool', (ii) 'to sprinkle',

> /kamaoh/ 'to cool', > /kmuh/ 'to sprinkle', incor-

porating in both cases the prefix

Even if the analysis proposed here assigns

little importance to the concept of variant base, we

have to refer to the notion of underlying form, most

frequently nothing else but an abstract formula based on

variant LM orthographies (like lm- > lam- lm-, or

amC- with C being any voiced plosive, &c.), in order

to state a set of phonological rules governing the

formation of derivatives, like /cao/ 'to return'

/phyao/ 'to take, send, home' (p-), /tk/ 'to strike,
 186.

hit' > /n.k/ 'stake' (cn ), /s?/ 'to wither'

/hr'&/ 'sediment' (.-->).
Since the morphological systems of LM
do not present a set of affixes simply mapped onto
that of the SM affixial system (unlike Khmer, for
instance) - LM cp-> corresponds, in certain environ-
ments, to SM 1c->, in others to e1i> or to p-
/p- "- p-/ -, a derivative showing differing features

from its corresponding base may not be termed 'variant':

It belongs to totally different grammatical patterns.
Khmer shows a problem of how to identify a base if the
affix in the derivative is known, whereas Mon pre-
sents a difficulty of how to identify the affix or the
base (/hr-/ <-r- with /Ch.-/ bases or c--> with
/s-/ bases; /phy-/ in the derivative cp- with either
/s-/ base or /c-/ base).
Detection of derivational sets is
aggravated by the fact that the majority of bases, in SM,
yield only one derivative, unlike Khmer: Cases like
/c?/ > /kna ? / > /hwa P/ ('to eat', 'food', 'dish'),
/s / /hwaj/ > /phya j / ('to drink', 'drink', 'to give
to drink') or /lm/ > /plam/ > /p1am/ ('to twine',
'to twine, creep', 'trellis') are rare. Variation thus
concerns the entire initial sequence, leaving vowel
nucleus and final consonant stable. In Khmer it is rather
the vowel nucleus which is the most unstable element
(apart from liquid initials), and the existence of a
series of four or more derivatives makes it easier
to set up corresponding setsand to detect variations.
 187.

Given the intricate history of consonant shifts in

Mon, 'variation' of initials ought to be relegated
to underlying phonological processes.

I. Prefixes and base-initials.

Three classes of prefixes are to be
distinguished:
(i) Prefixes which leave the base-initial stable and
occur before any base-initial
(1-) , (? i ? -,
(2) Prefixes which leave the base-initial stable (un-
changed), but show restricted distribution (like
h- /ha-/ and kN_> which are the only affixes
glottal base-initials tolerate)
<Ii->, dc->, (->
(3) Prefixes that induce a change of the base-initial,
with or without syllabic accretion (Silbenzuwachs),
of the type mentioned (Ic-I base, prefix 'p-> >
/phy-/ derivative, &c.)
<p->, ckN_, , <pN_>.

For the second group (2) the following restrictions

apply:
(i) <h-> occurs only before glottals
I?, ci, b/, plosives on either register /k, c, t, p/,

nasals /m, n/, liquids /r, 1/ and the semivowels /y, w/.
It also collates with unnatural register In, 1/ in
/hbn ? / and /halb/. Induced register does not occur
in this class.
Exx. flbt/ 'to be exhausted' /h?bt/
'to exhaust', /d'at/ 'to be sweet' > /hdt/ 'to sweeten',
/bm/ 'to be blunt' /hetbm/ 'to blunt'; /kit/ 'to
bite' > /h%kit/ 'to cause to bite', /tcm/ 'to know' >
/httm/ 'to inform', /ch/ 'to be diffused' ) /hic.h/
 188.

'to diffuse', /pn/'to rebel' > /h'ap3n/ 'rebel, rebellion';

/m/ 'to stay at, reside' > /hm/ 'residence, place,
location', /n' ak/ 'to be deep' /hnak/ 'depth'; /lh/
'to dance' > /halh/ 'dance', /rh/ 'to demolish' >
/hrbh/ 'decay'; /yh/ 'to dawn' > /hayh/ 'morning',
/wai/ 'to sit crosslegged' > /hwai/ 'crosslegged posture,
sitting crosslegged'.

(2) ct-> occurs only before velars /k, j/

and is always syllabic /ta-/; in two cases it cor-
responds to the LM infix (-V-). //-prosody is not

anaptyxis since bases show cluster-reduction of the

type LM tii- tk- ) SM /j-/ /k-/.

Exx. /km/ 'to step' > /hakm/ 'step, pace',

/k/ 'to be set' ' /tjk/ 'to set'.

(3) <k-> also occurs only as a syllabic

prefix /k-/ before base-initials It, p1, /n, m/,

/s, h/, /i/ and semivowel /w/.

Exx, /tea/ 'to be taut' > /kteaj/ 'nerve,

sinew', /paik/ 'to halve' > /kpaik/ 'side, direction';
/nap/ 'to be silent!> /kanp/ 'to hush', /mc/ 'to increase'
/kamz/ 'to multiply'; /sat/ 'to go past' > /ksat/ 'to
propel', /ha/ 'to be distant' > /kha/ 'distance';
/l/ 'to be long, in time' /klc/ 'duration'; /w3ij/
'to visit' > /kwij/ 'suitor'.

A change of the base-initial is induced

by prefixes of the third group:
(i) <kN_> occurs only with base-initials /, t/, it, p1
and /w/

(ii) ,N_> occurs only with base-initials /k, t/

(iii) p-> is, apart from h- (/h-/) the prefix which
takes most types of base-initials, including Ch-
type clusters; plosives /k, c, t/, nasals /, J/,
 189.

liquids /r, i/, semivowel /y/ and spirants

/s, h/. Apart from ck->, it is the only affix
which takes both spirants as base-initials, and
as clusters of the Ch- type /kh, ch, th/. This
prefix follows the rule of induced register.

(4) Process: Labial prefixial forms occur only with

base-initials /y, 1/
CA->
(5) Process: Labial forms occur with base-initials
/ky, kr, ku, on the first register

(6) Process: Nasal forms occur before clusters /kl, kw,

p1/ and /hl, kiwi, and before simple initial /k/
and the glottal initial sequence /hd-/ as base-
initials

The distribution of base-initials and the affixes they

take to form derivatives is shown on the following two

pages 190 and 191.
 190.

4
1
C) C
A

-I 'I 'I 1
. C)4 .
A

I I I I
C

-I -I
0-p
A

4 C

.I -I I
0-pg. Ii

I I I I
. 0-Pg. C
'I

'I I I -, -I '1
E -1

4 0. 0 E C
V

-I -, -I 'I I I 'I -,
. 0P. 0 E
I'
I I I I I
.c. . a -P 0. 0 '-I
V

. -P
A

- z
p 0.
-
V
0
'4

-P0.
C

.0 Z I I
(1.
S.,

E
'4
C A

0 V
C
C
0) -I I 'I
0 + r7 .0
'4
'-S
I I I I I
0. 0 + C
V
 191.

A
4.
V

A
z

V
 192.

In order to set up phonological rules of

changes in the initial complex when class (3) affixes
pN _>, k'-> and p- (as posited on p . 18 7) are joined

to the base-initial, we proceed by stating them according

to the class of the base-initial. Inevitably, some rules

are redundant the way we are presenting them here, arranged

by affix types (prefixes, and subsequently infixes), like

clusters /p-/ base-initial and -w-> infix or

/w-/ base-initial and p- prefix; in both cases,
/kaw-/ for SM.

glottals and kN_>: Base-initial corresponds to the

nasal /m/ in derivative, and underlying km_J initial
shows syllabic accretion. Exx./bh/ 'to be cool'

/kamaoh/ 'to cool', /bh/ 'to be full to the brim'>

/kambh/ 'to overflow'.
plosives and <k 1 ->, and Base-initial /k/
corresponds to the nasal // and underlying {-J
with syllabic accretion, following tpN_>; for the

non-nasalized prefix p-> anaptyxis occurs when

clusters of the type plosive/plosive (/p-/ for affix

<p->, and /k-/ base-initial > /pk-/. Equally for

base-initial It! with prefix p-> > /pt-/. For

N
nasalized .k -> base-initial It! > /i/ and syllabic

accretion /kl-/ through LM kami- LM t-. Base-

initial /c/ occurs in the third class prefixial

series only with <p->: /c/ bases and p- > {pc-J

LM phy- > SM /phy-/, as with the spirant /s/,

following the rule of OM kc- .. ks- SM /khy-/, OM

pc- ps- SM /phy-/. Base-initial /p-/ and
 193.

yield syllabic accretion and labial nasal /m/ as

postinitjal /kam-/ < Skm_3. Exx. /pn/ 'to be
firm' > /kamn/ 'to be persistent' (ckN_>), /tt
[tmJ/ 'to have secret communication' /klt/
'government emissary' (k_>); /kih/ 'to swell up' >
/pah/ 'to be stiff' (4pN_>); /kt/ 'to study'
/pakt/ 'to teach' ( p ->), /tea/ 'to be taut' >
/ptea j / 'to tighten, make fast' (< p->), /cao/
'to return' > /phyao/ 'to bring, take, send' (<p-).

liquids and <p-: These yield clusters SM /pr, p1/

and follow the rules of induced register. Exx.
/la/ 'to go away' /plea/ 'to chase out', /raj/
'to form a row' /prea/ 'to arrange for'.

semivowels and <p->, kN_>: Cluster /py/, with

induced first register, from base /y-/ and affix
< p->; initial sequence /km-/ in derivative con-
taming ckN-), with syllabic accretion, corresponds
to base-initial /w-/. Exx. /yca/ 'to be ill'
/pyoa/ 'to harm' (< p ->); /wn/ 'to be deformed' >
/kamn/ 'cripple' (<kN->).

spirants and p->: Complex initial in derivative

/phy-/ represents a merger of affix p -> and base-
initial /c-/ or /s_/; spirant /h/, as base-initial,
colligates with affix to Ch- type cluster in de-
rivative > SM /ph-/. Exx. /53/ 'to be low' >
/phy3/ 'to make low' (< p ->), /hap/ 'to eat' .>
/phap/ 'to provide food for monks'.
 194.

Ch- type initials and p-: Syllabic accretion by

anaptyxis, as 'with simple plosives pC-1 > /pc-/,

pCh-} ' /peCh-/. The retention of the complex

initial is a sign of productivity until a relative-

ly recent date (post-MiI) of this prefix (<p->);

by the dissimilation-rule it should yield the de-
rivatives kh-, ceh-, t%h_j, by vocalic infixation,
> SM /kh_/, as a merger. Ex. /th3t/ 'to be
strong' > /p'th-t/ 'to strengthen'.

II. Infixes and base-initials.

We have recognized seven infixes, C-n-->,

c-rn-), c- w->, c-r-), (-%->, (-v->, ->-> (the latter two
also being designated 'processes, but for convenience
classified here together with the infixial series).

Only three infixes occur 'with simple base-initials if 'we

discard the spirant /s/ (< LM s- . Cr- ( jr-.) - sr-)
as a special case.

plosives and <-n-, -m-,, -'w->: (i) affix

-n-> occurs on the first register with /k-/
as base-initial: [kn-j yields regular SM /n-/
derivative by cluster-reduction , and hence the

surface forms /k- > n-/ correspond by consonantal

alternation. With base-initial /c-/, derivative

shows complex initial /kn-/, it reflects earlier
multiple affixation, as in OM /crna'?/ 'food'
/ca 2/ 'to eat' SM /c/ > /knaP/, and not the
 195.

'2
expected ++ /naP ..v n /. Base-initial /t/, on

the first register, behaves like /k/ in that

cluster-reduction I Cn_} (or more general, IcN_}
where N is a nasal and C a voiceless plosive,
SM IN-I) yiedls a derivative with simple initial

corresponding to a consonant-alternation, LM tn-

/n-/. For the second register, the dissimilation

rule applies if we posit as underlying form Idn-}

= LM > SM /hn2 /. This rule is i6entical with the

one for base-initial /p/: pn-1 LM > SM /pn-/

in derivative, on the first regis,ter, but, on the
second register bn_} = LM > SM /hn . / by dis-

similation. Exx. /keh/ 'to write with a stylus t >

/neh/ 'stylus', /to/'cotton, thread' > /no/ 'spool',

/tn/ 'to chop' > /hnn/ 'chopping block'; /cih/

'to descend' > /hneh/ 'bathing place by the river',

/pk/ 'to be open, to open' > /pnok/ 'aperture',

/ph/ 'to remember' > /hanh/ 'remembrance'.

(ii) Affix <-m-> occurs with plosives and

complex sequence /th/ as base-initial. Plosive

initials follow the rules of dissimilation, for

second register words, /k . , c, t . / and <-m-

merge to SM /hm . / while for first register words

it-I merge to SM /k3m-/. Exx. /tok/ 'to calculate'>

/kamok/ 'calculation'; /1p/ 'to cover' > /hm'p/
'overhang', /ci j / 'to sew, stitch'> /hmi j / 'seam',

/t/ 'to receive' > /hm/ 'recipient'.

(iii) Affix -w-) occurs with plosives

/k-, c-, t-, p-/, on either register, and with
 196.

complex initials /ch- khy-, ph-/. It colli-

gates with /k/ to /kw/ clusters (< LM kw- ' gw-)
which represent a merger of base-initial /t/ and
affix -w-> to underlying form tw3 ( < LM

t'w- - dw-)> SM /kw-/, on either register. Syllabic

accretion and dissimilation-rule apply to base-
initial /p/: p'w_} ( ( LM p'w- ' bw-) ^ SM /kw-/ '

(This is in line with the treat-

ment of other labial clusters, such as [pm) LM
pm.-.bm- > SM /k%m-/ /hin./.) Initial /c/
follows the spirant-rule: Underlying jcw}
( < LM cw- jw-) yield SM /hw-/, on either re-
gister. Exx. /kt/ 'to study' > /kwt/ 'study
[ sub j e c t :I', /ch/ 'to have a fever' > /hwh/ 'fever',
/tp/ 'to fold' > /kwap/ 'fold, ply', /p/ 'to
surround' > /hiw/ 'encirclement', /pa/ 'to
possess' > /kawa/ 'possession', /chao khyao/
'to swear at' > /hwao/ 'curse, oath', /phLk/ 'to
mix [socially]' > /hw..k/ 'companion'.

spirants and -n-, -m->, <-w->: The only

spirant occurring with this set is /s/. For

affixes c-n-> and (-'w-> the same rule holds as

for the palatal id: snj = LM > SM /hn-/ and

sw} = LM > SM /hw-/. However, in the majority of
instances of Isn} and its regular SM correspondence

/hn/ complex by-forms /hn-/ exist and can only

be explained as containing traces of a multiple

affixed form, as in the variant /sa/ 'to spread'

/hna hana/ 'mat' where the former derivative
 197.

shows the reflex of' a simple and the latter of a

multiple affix (OM Cn- Cern- C- > SM Cn-

Can-, the latter by mediocluster-reduction), and

/s/ and affix -m-> /hm- hm-/; a second re-

gister base /s-/ does not occur with these affixes

since /s/ correspond to an underlying (LM) two-
place initial occurring with the vocalic infix.
Exx. /sao/ 'to mesure' > /[n] hnao/ 'measuring
basket', /s3/ 'to drink' > /hw3/ 'drink',

'to officiate' > /hmoij/ 'official'

(contra Shorto).

semivowel /y/ and <-w->: Mon dialects today have

caiqued derivatives with complex initial /yaw./

where the postinitial corresponds to the infix

<-w-> on prefixed forms containing ji-> /iCV-/;

this kind of calque is attested for OM orthographies

yiC- i'.- iC- (where C is a labial postinitial /-rn-/

/-w-/). Derivations of this type yw.j do not

show any registral change. Exx. /ym/ 'to breathe'.

'breath'.

liquid /r/ and -n->: Initial /r/ undergoes cluster-

reduction SM /n/ in derivative; in this case,

however, the underlying form is nothing but an

abstraction since no rC- cluster exist for LM

(or SM). OM rC- > MN lC- > LM i(c)-. Exx./rc3t/

to reap' > /nt/ 'sickle'.

______ nasal /n/ and -m->: /n/ base-initial, on the

second register, dissimilates to /km . /; but this

 198.

is a hapax (Burmese loan-base), ex. /nak/

'to be deep in mud' > /kamak/ 'puddle', possibly
caiqued upon the existing secondary pattern of
/nVmn/ 'to invite' (DSM gives /kamn/), Pali
nimanteti 'to send a message, to call'.

Ch- type clusters and -m->, -w->: /th, ph/

follow the dissimilation-rule whereby /th/ initial

and <-m-> >/hni-/ and /ph/ initial, affixed by

<-w-> > /hw_/. /ch/ shows irregularity (hapax!)
in that /ch/ base-initial and <-w-> >/hw-/ instead

of the expected /h'aw-/ (permissible in other

contexts, of course). Exx. /tho/'to have a hole
in' /hmoj/ 'hole through wall', /phk/ 'to
mix [sociallyj' > /hw&k/ 'companion', /chao/
'to curse' >/hwao/ 'oath'.

Ch- type clusters and -r->: A very restricted

type in its distribution is the affix <-r->; in
occurs exclusively, in SM, with Ch- type initials

on the first register; by contrast, in OM <-r->

occurred even with simple base-initials (/d,s/
'to be, exist' > /thrd3s/ existence). The

application of the dissimilation-rule is regular:

/kh, Xch, th, ph/ initials and <-r-> Chr- merging

to SM /hr-/. Its LM reflex shows uncertainty of

syllabic spellings, but disjunctive orthographies

LM Char- are generally preferred. Exx. /khok/

'cup' >
x
/h^rok/ 'cupful, bowl', /cbai/ 'to be
outstanding' /hrai/ 'glory, pride' (Skt. chaya
'beauty'), /thui/ 'to be confused' > /hrui/ 'id.',
 199.

/phk/ 'to mix' > /[ h3 " ui] hrk/ 'materials for

medii

two-place initials CC- ---Ch- s.-hC- and -a-):

The vocalic infix /a/ can only occur with two-place

initials of the type indicated and, as shown below,

with three-place initials of the type /ChC_/; the

spirant /s/ as base-initial in this context can be

treated as a merger of an original two-place initial

( < LM Cr- "- jr- > SM /s- Three types of
phonological processes are to be set up, (i) A

cluster-split entailing a change in syllabicity, as

with the other two types, (ii) dissimilation and

(iii) a dissimilatory split (see below for ChC-

initials). A cluster-split (i) is produced by in-

sertion of the vocalic infix into the initial CC-

sequence of the base yielding disyllabic derivatives

of the shape /c 1 c 2 -/ (" base c 1 c 2 _). The register

of the base is retained. All CC- initials permitted

as terms of the complex initial system in SM do

occur, /ky, kr, ki, kw/ and /py, pr, p1/> /icay,
kr, ku, ku'w/ /py, par, p1/ on the first re-
gister and, on the second register,by dissimilation

/hy, hr, hul, h-w/ where both plosive clusters,

pC- and kC- (where C is a liquid or semivowel in the

environment specified), merge to /hC-/. Two

examples for each register must suffice here:

/kwa, j/ 'to be tired' >. /kawa/ 'tiredness',

/kwi/ 'to be anxious' > /hwi/ 'anxiety', /proa/

'to make a profit' > /puro 'profit', /pri/ 'to
 200.

make a noise' > /hnXi'/ 'noise, sound'.

The interpretation of Ch- is problematic in the

case of /ch-/ initials, in the Eastern dialects

(Thailand) realized as a three-place sequence

/khy-/, in analogy to Western (Burma) /c-/ and

Eastern /ky-/. By contrast, /ph-/ follows cluster-
split rule as in /pah-/. hC- pre-aspirates conform
to the same pattern, following cluster-split to
derive /hac-/; all pre-aspirates occur /hn, hm, hi,

hw/ except /hp, The register of the base

is retained in the derivative. Exx. /phzik/ 'to
fear' /pahc3ik/ 'fear', /hne/ 'to be spilt' >

/hne/ 'to spill', &c. for all hC- sequences with

-->. /khyu/ (DSM /chu/) 'to write' /ksao/
'writing' (from earlier ks- cluster).

pirant Is! and (-a-.>: As mentioned above ( p . 199),

spirant /s/ may reflect a two-place initial UI Cr-

jr- or sr- (merging LM s- to SM /s-/, by progressive

cluster-reduction); but as base-initial it never

reflects a simple initial in LM with affix -->.

Exx. /sai/ (LM sry - cry) /hrai/ 'to se-
parate', /si/ 'to be lean' > /hri/ 'leanness'
(base LM jry).

three-place initials and <-a->: All four terms of

the three-place initial system, /khy, khr, khl/

and /phy/, occur as base-initials; a rule which we

call for convenience 'dissimilatory c1user-split'

yields derivatives of the shape /hC 2 -/ from
 201.

bases C 1 hC 2 -, the first term of the sequence, the

plosive /k *- p 1, being lost and the remaining hC-

cluster treated as above by split clusters. The

only exceptions to this rule are /khy- .. phy-/

si /pc_/ (with <-a->) which, as has been noted,

is the modern reflex of the merger of OM ks- ' kc-

SM /khy-/ (Eastern) > /ch-/ (Western diall.). The

old forms are retained in the derivative as LM kas- >

SM /ks-/ and LM gac- &c. ' SM /hic-/. Similarly,

OM PC- -- ps- > SM /phy-/ (both dialectal zones).

/khra/ 'to close in' > /hra , j/ 'enclosure',

/khlak rcihj/ 'to fall into place' /h3lak/ 'to

fit in, on', /khyao/ 'to curse' > /kasao/ 'curse'
/khytt/ 'to die' > /hacbt/ 'to kill', /phyah/ 'to
be sour' > /hcah/ 'sourness'.

disyllables and i-v->: The following disyllabic

bases occur: /tk2 '. pak/ and /hak - hd-/, in

nasal forms <-v-). //-prosodies are interpreted

as anaptyxis in the former pair. Postinitials

of the base correspond to nasal postinitial in the

derivative - similar to AN, described by Dempwolff

as nasaler Ersatz Cak- > Caj- and Cad'- Can-.

Ex. /pakp/ 'to join' > / payDp/ 'joint'; induced

first register /tak . > /ta- 'p-/.

two-place initials and (-v-), <-X-): The following

CC- type initials occur with these typologically

overlapping derivational processes /ky, kr, ku

(for <-v->) and /kl, kw, p1/ (for (-A-)); in

addition, hC- clusters /hl, hw/ occur also with
 202.

nasal forms <-v-> For labial forms we not only

have to postulate a dissimilatory cluster-split

C 1 C 2 C 3 - > C 2C 3 -, but a mutation of C 2 > C. (where

c C1, C 2 , C 3 ), retaining, in this case, the

feature labiality /ml-/ (= LM) > SM /p-l-/, as

set out earlier ( pp. 77, 79-81). The dissirnilatory

split refers to a mediocluster rather than an

initial sequence if we postulate an <-m- infix

for the LM reflex of the derivative, C 1 amC 3 -

(< C 1 aC 2 C 3 - ..- C 1 C 3 -, where /C 2 / is the affix,

-C->). Without the reconstruction of the underlying
phonological process, the interpretation of the

surface forms would prove misleading, if not

impossible:

SM LM

Base Derivative Derivative c-rn-> Regressive Silbenzuwachs

Cluster and plosion
Reduction
Icy- pay- kamy- my- /
Icr- par- kamr- mr- / pVC- forms
Ii- pal- kawl- ml- /
plosion retained
labiality retained

is the feature voiceless

which is being carried over
from kamC- ) paC- (it voiced,
gamC- h.C.).

At all stages of the shift, three features were

retained, labiality, plosion and voicelessness:
plosion
ki amC
m C p ac labiality

One example must suffice to illustrate this process:

 203.

/kl/ 'to resound' /pij/ 'to make a noise'

(< LM kaml&ii kli).

The distinction between the two types of dis-.

similatory cluster-splits should not be taken as

gratuitous; dissimilation for complex initials

and complex medials involve different inter-
mediate stages:

Type 1 Type 2
ChC- CC- Base
CainC- Affix- insert ion
hC- inC- Regressive clust.r-re&ctjon
paC- Dissimilatory split

Before proposing a synthesis of all phonological processes

involved, however, contractions of two-terni compounds
are discussed.

Contractions.

By contraction is meant a weakening (and de-stressing)

of the first syllable of a compound made up of two mono-

syllabic simple forms; polysyllabic compounds for which

weakening might apply do not exist or a confined to
secondary patterns (loans).

Thus Contraction may be classified, as it is here,

as a morphological process in SM. Unlike Thai where it
occurs only in rapid speech (/yI:sp/ 'twenty' .> /ylp/, or
the simplification of initial clusters de-rhotization
 204.

specific to certain social groups or dialects, for

instance) or Khmer (de-rhotization as a dialect feature)

with which it shares only one type of contraction, Mon

retains prefixial reflexes, like LM sak /saik/ > SM /h'-/

(i-^).
The patterns of contraction, however,

follow different rules; 'we may distinguish two main types,

/m-/ and other prefixial forms as well as some limited

irregular developments.

(i) ma-type contractions.

/rnahne / 'one moment' (/mahne?mahneP/ 'often, more often'

/ma/ 'one', /hne/ 'short time')

LM mway sne'
/m3la'/ '10,000' (/ma/ 'one', /lk/ '10,000')

LM mway lak
The last example can be traced to OM; siin(na) /sun/,

MN sun 'five', msun /moy sun! and, taking syllabic

<-r- infix, mursun /mrsun/ 'group of five'. We find a

parallel case in Old and modern Khmer: bhai (PA-Khmer

'unit of twenty' (used in the same way grammatically as

plon 'unit of forty' and slicc'- slik 'unit of 400', in

the environment

bhai
NP num. plon ...
slik

Its modern reflex /mphy/ stems from a parallel process

in Middle KhlnerhlS; in modern Khmer /m:y/ is weakened

to /m_/ before single counting higher numerals such as

'100' /mar?:y/, '1,000' /mp' n/, '10,000' /mim':n/9

 205.

The first example given above suggests a similar de-

veloprnent in OM mleh /mleh/ 'entirely' ieh /leh/ 'time'
(quantifier), /moy/ 'one'. /ma/ can thus be inter-.
preted as some prefixial element, keeping of course other
functions, such as a verb when preceded by the negative
particle.
In /ma-/ contractions the register is re-
tamed in the major (second) syllable. This also cor-
responds well to Khmer, like /tay/ 'day' > /may/ 'one
day ,120
Although the evidence presented here consists
only of two cases of the whole corpus of SM (DsM), the
Mons seem to justify such a process intuitively by preferring
orthographies (mway) in cases of disyllables of the shape
m-CV(C) where /ma-/ does not correspond to LM mway, like
/man.m/ - a contraction of /m/ and /nem/, 'in addition,
still, further' - which is spelt "on-the-spot" (phonetic
spelling) LM mway niii instead of the correct dIUii nir.
(2) Prefixial forms.
Two sets can be recognized, a /t '? /reduction in plural
deictic expressions and adverbial /h- ka-/ which will be
treated as proper prefixes below.
/t3 P/_reduction: /t P/ can be analyzed as
a pluralizing clitic and determiner follow the noun or
nominal compound; but, as mentioned earlier (p. 169, (3), (4)),
it can form together with its base a secondary base to be
'suffixed' by one of the two other clitics /te?/ and /noP/,
as in
 206.

/ph.a/ 'mona stery' /pha-t3/ 'the monasteries'

/ph a - t n P / 'these monasteries'
/ph.a-n3 P1 'this monastery'
/k'w an / 'village' /k'wan-t3 2/ 'the villages'
/kw an - t t e 'those villages'
/kwan-teP/ 'that village'
When combined with one of the deictic clitics, the same

rule of stress reduction applies either to the second

syllable of' a trisyllabic word or to the first syllable

of a disyllabic one if the 'suffix'-group is taken by

itself (which is justified since it can be prefixed by

in one case, /? i P tn3P/ 'these [pronominal]').

Adverbial /ha- ka-/ forms: The semantic

functions of these prefixial forms will be discussed be-
low; /he-/ forms are the reflex of' LM sak or sii (phono-
logized as /saik/ and /sa j /), and here again the stress

on the first syllable is reduced:

/hn7/ 'in this manner' /saik/ 'kind, type', /nP/ 'this
/h%cfeh/ 'oneself' /s/ 'kind', /cfeh/ 'he, she, it
and for /kQ-/
/knoP/ 'in this manner' .... /kea/ 'manner', /n3 P/ 'this'

A special rule applies to

/hdj/ '[correl. part.]' /h-/ (?), /d j / ' intensif.

part.
where the LM kh- reflects a phonetic spelling and justifies
the setting up of two different systems, the adverbial

/ha- "-' k-/ in SM corresponding to nominal compounds in

LM of the form: /n/-clitic, and accounts for the fact that

SM shows forms made up of prefix and clitic, without any

(verbal) base. Both systems function independently, and

 207.

/hd's j / /d'&1/ is to be considered a caique of that

partially productive SM system having no LM correspondence 121

(3) Irregular developments.
The remaining cases of minor syllables of the shape /sl-,
me-, ch-, l-, ha-/ (except for loans) are cases of con-
traction, or weakening proper, and no parallel morphological
sets exist:
/seak/ 'of green colour' /saik/ 'colour, kind',
/eak/ 'parrot'
The mediocluster /-k-/ is simplified, and initial /saj/
split cluster preserved and not reduced to a possible
reflex /k3h . /, like LM say > SM /ha A kah3a/ 'to be
distant distance'; the reason for this may be that

/veak/ shows unnatural register, corresponding to a complex

initial in the LM form /teak/ tek.

In the following instance, the first (open)

syllable is weakened to /s-a-/

/sanI/ 'Spouse's younger 5j /s3e/ 'parent's younger

sister'
/n1/ 'pillow'
/S3e/ is also part of other compounds, /khams3e/ 'parent-
in-law'.

/m-/ forms are reductions of /mY-/ or

/mik/ and /m/; medioclusters were simplified in these

instances:
/ma k / 'to want to' '/mcik/ 'to wish to',
/k??/ 'to be able to'
/mkh/ 'if" ,1./m'.?/ 'subordinating part.'
/k&h/ 'to say'
/m ne m / 'still, else' #ii/m/ 'to stay, reside'
/nm/ 'still, yet'

The compound yielded, the contracted form, belongs to a

different wordclass than its base, and in all these three


208.

cases they are grammatical terms.

/ch-/ and /la-/ are of' obscure origin in

the forms /chla P.u-ch-13?/ and /lacho/. /lacho/ 'some-

times' is analyzed in DSM as incorporating a weakened

/la?'..kala?/ 'when t , but it may equally well be a weakened

/ic 2 / 'when, till; to be long in time'; the only clue

is the existing orthography LM la- with no other variation,

and this favours Shorto's interpretation of /la?/. /cho/

cannot be analyzed; it occurs as a weakened form in /chl?/
(Eastern diall. pref. /sl 3? /, /ti 13?!) 'when?' and /ch1ai/
sometimes?.

Finally, /h-/ contractions merely reflect

the negative particle /ha P/; phonetic spellings LM ha-

are not infrequent. This should not be confused with pre-

fixial forms proper.

In conclusion to this section (3) we can

state the following rules of mediocluster simplification
underlying the contracted forms cited above:
CVC.CVC CVVC.CVC forms are weakened to CCVC by a re-

gressive cluster-reduction (cv(c)c 1 .c 2 vc cc 2vc/ c-' 0)

and subsequently by a stress-reduction (secondary stress

unstressed syllable) and weakening (loss of register in the

originial first syllable). The simplification of the

mediocluster follows a restricted pattern; the first term

of the mediocluster is either a velar /k, / or a glottal

//:
-kn- -kk- > -k-
>-n- > -n-

-Pt- > -t- -d'-- > -cF-

The resulting minor syllables of the shape /C-/ merge

 209.

'with existing prefixial forms like /k-/ .. /ha-/ or are

suggestive as 'pseudo-affixial' forms like /m-/ /te-/.

Since back-formations form the latter are completely

lacking, it seems appropriate to exclude them from the

set of affixes as set out here.
 210.

Rules of' phonological processes.

A total of five rules are to be stated

in order to describe the formation of complex initial

sequences which incorporate affixes, (i) cluster-formation,

(2) mutation, (3) reduction (initial alternance), (14)
expansion and (5) a subset of dissimilatory rules.

(1) Cluster-formation.

Two types of formation are distinguished, (i) simple and

(ii) anaptyxis.

(i) simple formation: Out of the set of

two-place initials in SM only four terms are reducible
to base and affix:

-
- - 11_-_
JI"1
Affixes <-w-, (p-).
Base-initials Ik-, y, r, l . /, /c./.

This is the only phonological rule SM shares with modern

Khmer, a rule whereby no change in the nature of the

initial consonant of the base and the affix takes place,

if junctural phenomena are discarded. For /p-/ initials

the rule of induced first register applies. The PC- se-

quences on the second register are irreducible to affix

and base, except for /py . / derived from bases with /c2/

initials (/pyj/ 'to incite' . /c/ 'to fight', <p-,).

In this case, the induced-register-rule does not apply.

/pl . . pr. / correspond to former */bl- .. br-/ clusters,

and no I+b_, prefix is attested for Non.

 211.

() anaptyxis: Initial clusters

pk-, pt-, pu-, r- pn_}, on either register, show the

anaptyctic vowel

pk- pt'
pan- r-

Affixes <p->, <-n->.

Base-initials /k . , t . , -, ji ; p-I.
/pN. / initials, on the second register, reflect mN- initials

in LM and do not incorporate affixes while /paN-/ initials

on the first register do.

(2) Cluster-mutation.

The complex initial system involving two or three-place

initials one of which is /h/ (ch- hC-) contains four
terms reducible to affix and base, /hn-, hm-, hw-/ and

/phy-/ for <-n->, <-m->, -w- and <p-> as affixes and

/s-/ and /c-.. s-/ as base-initials, respectively.

h- hji . hrj- h1
'khw- khl- khr- khy-
[p]

Two types of mutation have to be distinguished, (i) a

two-place initial the second term of which is an affix

(-n->, <-m-, -w-> shows a mutation (or shift) of the

first term; bases with initial /t-/ and infix .-w-> cor-
responding to the sequence /kw-/ in the derivative have

to be included here. If the base-initial is the dental spirant

/5/s it corresponds to a glottal spirant /h/ as the first

term of a cluster. In both cases, the class (manner of

articulation) remains unchanged:
 212.

The manner shifts while the place of articulation is re-

tamed

stop pirant
dentality > velarity dentality > glottality

/t'w/ > /kw/ / sm sw/ > /hm - hw/
(ii) The three-place initial sequence /phy-/ is reducible
to prefix < p-> which remains stable and the base-initials
/c- . s-I. As mentioned on previous occasions, this
rule follows /kc- -'.- ks_/ initials where, however, the
first term /k/ is not an affix, and the Western dialects
pushed the evolution even further,

/kc- - ks-/ > /khy-/ > /ch-/ (Western diall.)
/pc- 't- ps-I
>

/phy-/

(3) Cluster-reduction (initial alternants).

Cluster-reductions occur only with derivatives containing

the infix -n-s First register plosive base-initials
/k-, t-, p-/ are lost in the corresponding derivative,

kn-, tn-, pn-}, /nV(C)/, yielding a form with unnatural

register. The comparison of the surface forms leads

to the establishment of a morphological process of con-

sonantal alternation of initials, /k-, t-, p-I
Base Derivative
k-
t- n-
p-

( Li. ) Cluster-expansion.

Again, comparing surface forms (derivatives) such as

/kem_/ /pn-/ - /kal_/ compels us to classify them as
cluster-expansions. But if their respective bases are
 213.

taken into account, /t-/, /p-/ and /kl-/ as base-

initials, a different classification ought to be set

up. Cluster-expansions concern all complex base-initials

of the shape CC- Ch- ,i' hC-, on the first register,
and the insertion of the vocalic infix --, as in

/kl/ 'to come' > /kl/ 'to receive s.o.,' (but /kl/
'to be numerous' > /hl/ 'quantity, &c.'), /ph3ik/

'to fear' > /phik/ 'fear', /hmaik/ 'to hook' /hemaik/

'hook'.

(5) Dissimilatory rules.

Dissimilatory rules are numerous and involve several

affixes. As with all previous phonological processes,

register assignment or distribution plays an important

part. Thus splitting of clusters in bases takes only

place in derivational processes of first register words

with CC- initial sequences, but hC- base-initials con-

trolling either register may be split and do not follow

dissimilatory rules.

Four main types of dissimilation can be

distinguished depending on whether one classifies

according to the initial sequence of' the derivative or

the base-initial. The former type yields simple base-

initials and vocalic infix dissimilating to a CaC- sequence;

the three remaining types yield /hC-/ '- /kC-/

/pC-/ sequences from either simple or complex base-

initials. As a reminder we present on the following

page (p. 214) complex initial sequences of CC- shape

incorporating affixes (cf. p. 2Lt.).



21t.

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 215.

C- > CaIC- .v CaICI- dissimilation-type.

Beginning 'with the first set, three cases of simple
base-initial, Is_I, /cf-/, /k. /, and syllabic affixes,
<-a-> and <-'J -, dissimilate to a CaC- sequence. All
other types of dissimilation consist of complex CC-
CCC- base-initials or simple base-initials and segmental
consonantal affixes; simple base-initials never occur,
except in the case cited above, 'with non-segmental
affixes (processes) such as <-v-> or <-X-'which are
confined to complex initials of the base'22.
/kh3i/ 'to tourt, a nasal form of the
base /ki/ tt0 go from place to place', is a hapax and
no explanation can be offered 'without referring to LM
orthographies: LM follows the pattern of all other <-V->
derivations, LM geli > LM gaiien, but gaii- initial se-
quences correspond to SM /kah-/, as LM jazi- > SM /kah./.
No OM occurrence is attested.
/hnat/ 'sweetness' is a nasal form of
/dt/ 'to be sweet' (the derivative being the attributive
form) where a glottal /cf/ corresponds to a nasal (formerly
glottalized nasal) in the derivative. Some spellings
suggest a multiple affixation for its LM reflexes of the
shape Camn- ('where C is either a Ch- plosive cluster or
a voiced piosive). The glottalization in the SM derivative
is lost (but determines, of course, the register).
/s-/ base-initials follow regular patterns
'when deriving forms by vocalic infixation /-a-/ (<--,):
Whenever such a derivational process takes place, the
simple base-initial /s . / in SM reflects an LM two-place
initial Cr- (sr- 'i.- Cr- ui jr-, the latter, LM jr-, cor-
 216.

responding to second register /s . / in SM), LM sr->

SM Is-I by progressive cluster-reduction, LM Cr- jr- >
SM /s/ by merger. Cr- base-initials, in LM, as part

of the CC- initial system, yield regularly Car- > SM

/Car-/ derivatives by vocalic infixation.

However, in derivational pairs (and SM

and its LM reflexes such as kamC- > /pC-/) the con-

sonant class is retained, and this rule applies to /s-/

dissjmjlatjons as well. /5-i shows two different re-

flexes in the derivatives /har- > kar-/ (as shown on

p. 21 11), if surface forms only are considered: /saP/
'to ulcerate' /jira/ 'ulcer' and /sah/ 'to clean' >
/[hao ? ] karah/ 'clean rice'. The first base corresponds

to LM sr- > LM sar- >SM /hr-/ (by vocalic infixation)

where the manner of articulation is retained, but the

place changed (dentality > glottality), the second cor-
responds to LM Cr- > LM car- SM /kr-/ (by vocalic
infixation) where again the manner of articulation is

retained but the place changed (palatality > velarity).

If one takes up Shorto's suggestion (1971.xviii, and in
teaching) of a possible distinction between front-con-
sonants and back-consonants in Mon, the LM/SM shifts

outlined above indicate a backward movement. What im-

plications this may have foran historical phonology of

Mon, I cannot say yet.

For the second register, the LM reflex

jr- > SM /s . / follows the rule whereby all voiced

initials in a CC- > CC- sequence in LM yield second

register correspondences, except in reduplicatives

CaC- > /hC-/, C%C- > /hQC .. / where both C are stop


217.

consonants, like LM gak- > SM /hk-/, LM gag- > SM

/hik/. Examples for this rule are SM /si/ LM

jry 'to be lean' > SM /hri/ LM jary 'leanness'

(attributive). These rules are part of the denta1,

palatal cluster-system:

SM LM SM Register SM LM SM Register
der., <-- der., <-s->
I sr- /hr-/ /hu-/
Ijr- /hn-/ :: } 2
( Cr- /kr-/ 1 Ln_ /kn-hn-/ 1

/hm-/ 1 1
Jm- 2 /hu-/ 2
cm- /ksm-/ 1 (cv- /kv-.haw-/ 1
(sl_ 1
2
cal- /k31- hl-/ 1

The only other case of simple initial

dissimilation depends on the interpretation of dialects,
in the Western groups (Burma) SM /ky-/ merges to SM /c-/,

but corresponding derivatives with vocalic infix -a->

are retained, hence /ca/ 'to adorn oneself' (Eastern

dialects, Thailand, /kya j /) > /k?ya/ 'to decorate s.th.';

similarly, on the second register /c./ ( . /ky2/)

/hyj/ 'life', from base 'to be alive'.

Dissimilation of simple base-initials and

consonantal affixes.

Simple base-initials C 1 - which dissimilate to a C?ICI_

(/CaC-/, C 1 - * 0) where ICI represents a consonantal

affix, or C1- > cc 3 _ ( / cac-/, C1- 0) in the

case of complex prefixes <cN_, (nasalized prefixes, in
 218.

this notation), are confined to plosives /k, c, t, p/

on either register, semivowels / y , w/ on the second

register and glottals /?, B/ and spirant /s/ on the

first. All consonantal infixes, except -r-> which occur

exclusively in derivatives corresponding to ChV(C) bases,

colligate with these classes of' base-initials as well

as the two nasalized prefixes kN - and p N->.

Beginning with the latter set, we may

set up a special type of dissimilation, following

Dempwolff's interpretation of nasaler Ersatz and

nasaler Zuwachs (to which we shall add, later on,

labialer Ersatz and labialer Zuwachs 123

The base-initial is substituted by a

nasal of the corresponding class
velars /-k-/ > /---/
dentals /-t-/ > /-n_/
labials /-6-/ loss of' glottalization
/-w-/ > /-m-/
I-p-I

Following the rule of anaptyxis, kN- and pN- clusters

SM /kN- '- paN-/, as in /Bbh/ 'to be cool' ' /kimaoh/

'to cool', /pn/ 'to be firm' ' /km' n/ 'to be per-
sistent', /wn/ 'to be deformed' /kamn/ 'cripple',
/t/ 'to be in the middle' /pno r ko ]/ 'among', /kah/
'to swell up' /pjih/ 'to be stiff'.

As for the other type of dissimilation,

they show a regular development: Plosives on the first

register yield kICI- (wherejcj- is a consonantal infix

(-m-)-i- i-n-> .i- <-w->) > /kC-/, and on the second register

hICI- >/haC . /, as in /pk/ 'to wear' > /hwk/ 'ckithing

&c., /k' p/ 'to cover' > /hmp/ 'overhang', /cn/ 'to
 219.

string together' > /hmn/ 'garland', /tok/ 'to ca1culate'

/kmok/ 'calculation', /ph/ 'to remember' /hanth/

'remembrance', /c&/ 'to eat' > /kna?/ 'food', /tn/

'to chop' > /hnn/ 'chopping block'.

In the case of nasal infixes -m->'t. i-n->,

the anaptyxis rule mentioned applies here as well since
derivatives show kN- clusters > /kaN-/ whereas /p-/

base-initial and labial infix <-w-> undergo syllabic

accretion pw-} /kaw-/, like /paik/ 'to halve'

/k'waik/ 'half' (also 'to cause to walk, lead in a pro-

cession' from the base /kwaik/ 'to walk', by vocalic

infixation).
Further restrictions, such as pm_j '-

/ p -/ bases, -m->, > /km-/ merging with pm-3

/m-/ bases, p-.> >SM 4-, will be discussed below.

The same rule, syllabic accretion, operates with /y-/

base-initials yielding /yw-/ derivatives, like /ym/

'to breathe' /i'iwm/ 'breath', only that /i2iw2/

is interpreted, as previously, as 'innovation' of an

original /yw . / initial sequence; this is supported

12L1.
by historical evidence from MN

/s-/ /h-n-/, with infix -n-, as in

/sat/ t to feed' /hanat/ 'trough', is exceptional and

reflects an original multiple affix, otherwise /s-/ >

/hn-/ (LM sn-).

Registral distribution is not affected by

consonantal infixation except that plosive initials

dissimilate to /kC-/ on the first register (for first

register bases) and /h'3C . / on the second register (for

second register bases). The complex consonantal pre-
 220.

fixes <p> and induce the first register in the

derivative corresponding to second register bases (as

in the quoted /tc3/ /pno/). In all other cases they
retain the register.

Dissimilatory cluster-expansion.
A dissimilatory cluster-split rule applies to complex

base-initials CC- of second register bases only when

forms are derived by vocalic infixation. It is sym-

metrical to the rule of cluster-expansion (pp. 212-213,

( Li. )) which applies to the same type of complex initials

of first register bases, CC- > CC-. Here the initial

plosives /k, p/ dissimilate to /h/ and undergo syllabic
accretion by <-i->. The postinitial of the base, a liquid

/r, 1/ or semivowel /y, w/, is retained in the derivative,

> hjjC 2 -, 41c 1 ^. The result is a merger of

derivatives of the shape /hC-/ corresponding to either

base-initial in this restricted set kC- .' pC-, as in

/krct/ 'to fit closely' > /hrt/ 'close fit', /priX/

'to make a noise' /hni/ 'toccause to Sound', /kl?/

'to be short' ' /hal P/ 'to shorten', /plk/ 'to sink' >

/hlk/ 'to immerse', /kyi/ 'to live' > /hy/

'life', /py/ 'to be hungry for' /hy/ 'to starve',

/kwi/ 'to be anxious' > /hawi/ 'anxiety'.

An identical shape of the derivative /hC-/,

on the second register, occurs with the previously dis-

cussed forms from simple base-initials by consonantal in-

fixes.
 221.

Cluster-expansion and loss of initial.

Another type of dissimilation yielding the same shape

in the derivative as the one cited above, /hBC-/, occurs

with a consonantal affix. However, in this case, severe
restrictions apply: First, derivatives of this type

occur only on the first register, and second, its base-

initial consist of two terms CC- (or, more specifically,

Ch-). The infix <-r-> does not occur with any other

initial sequence than Ch-.

The two other infixes occurring with Ch-

bases are the labials (-m-> and <-w->. The phonological

process involved yields the derivatives /hC-/ from an

underlying form tC,hlCI-} corresponding to the base

Ch- and the infix - i d - (-m-> - <-w-> -i <-r->) where

the initial of' the base, C., is lost and the cluster

IhICj-3 expanded by the rule of syllabic accretion.

Infixation of this type is comparatively rare, both in

terms of the number of occurrences attested in the

dictionaries and actually used in conversation or nar-

rative texts; examples are /phLk/ 'to mix [sociallfl'

/haw t.k/ 'companion, pal' (-w->), /1thk/ 'to catch on'

/hrk [kmotJ/ 'match [to light fire]' (.-r->), /tho/

'to be hollow' > /hmo/ 'perforation &c.' (-m->).

In contrasting Ch- initials with their simple counter-
parts and derivatives incorporating labial infixes

<-w-> and <-m-> and <-r-> we obtain a set as outijned

on the following page (p. 222).

 222.

Base Infix Derivative - Register Base Infix Derivative Registe:

/ph-/ /h;w-/ 1 /th-/ 1

/ p. / /h'w./ /t/ <-rn-> 2

/ p -/ /kw-/ 1 /t-./ /kam-/ 1

Ch- <-r-> /har-/ 1

Dissimilation of ChC- sequences to CC- (cIIc-).

One of the most complex processes is the reduction of
three-place initials ChC- to two-place sequences in the

derivative. Again, one pattern, /hC-/ (hIjc-), merges

with those described above; in this case, the post-

initial consonant is restricted to /-c-/ and reflecls,

historically, the postiniial of the original cluster,
Cc-: /khynt/ 'to die' /hcbt/ 'death' < OM /kct/,
/phyn/ 'to give an order' '> /hcn/ 'message < OM
/pcn/ ( OM /pancn/, <-n->). The three-place se-
quence in the SM base represents a merger of Cc-
initials, OM /kc-/ /pc-/ > SM/LM /khy-/ /phy-/.

Similarly, /k.s_/ initial sequences in derivatives,

corresponding to /khy-/ base-initials, reflect an OM
/ks-/ cluster which, in turn, merged in SM with /khy-/
OM /kc-/: /khyu/ 'to write' > /k..isao/ 'writing'125.
/pc-/ clusters may not only represent OM reflexes

( < OM /pc-/), but also underlying forms ( LM,

in this case, as LM spellings and SM forms are identical)

as in derivatives of the shape /phy-/ reducible

to /c-/ base-initials and the prefix < p ->, as in /cao/

 223.

'to return' /phyao/ 'to bring, take, back' (LM cau >
LM phyau) pcao.

This type of' dissimilation is restricted

to processes involving the vocalic infix only.

Labialer Ersatz.

These two processes are confined to the simple base-

initials /y, 1/, on the second register, and to complex

base-initials of the shape cc-, /ky-, kr-, kl-/, on

the first register. The register is retained in the

derivative during the process; the surface forms are

identical in both cases - except for the registral dis-

tribution - /pc/ (second register with simple base-

initials, first register with complex base-initials).

In the strict sense of Demp'wolff's termino-

logy, derivatives of the type /y' m/ 'to breathe' )

/p3m/ 'life' presenting a sementable prefixial

shape /p-/, cannot be described as labial Zuwachs

unlike its nasal counterpart in Khmer, for

instance (/rIn/ 'to learn' > /3rin/ 'to teach', in-

duced first register), and we shall use the English

term accretion instead. The usage of 'Zu'wachs' is

justified only in LM which shows analogy to Khmer as

in the case cited, LM yuirl > 1amyuir, <i >'-> (SM /yim/>

/p3ym/).

/kC-./ base-initials retain their class

(stop consonants), but shift the feature (place of'

articulation) 'velarity' to 'labiality' (fronting)

/pC-/ with syllabic accretion, as in /kye/ 'to be
 22Z.

pretty' > /pye/ 'to adorn'. This we term, in analogy

to Dempwolff, labialer Ersatz. The underlying process,

however, is more complex: In the former case, the

initial sequence /paC-/ incorporates a complex prefix

(i-'>) in the underlying form, la mC-1, whereas in the

latter /pc-/ is reducible to a syllabic infix <-rn-> in

LM yielding derivatives of the shape LM kamC- kamC-}

corresponding to a two-place base-initial kC- (where

C is a term of the set y , r, i)). The divergence of

derivational procedures (processes and affixes) in SM

and LM is typical:

SM LM SM
Process Affix Der. Base
labial labialer
accretion Zuwachs
lamC- /p.C./

labialer syllabic
Ersatz affix
<-rn-) kamC- /p.C-/ kC-

Only two rules, for either register, can

be stated for dissimilations yielding /hC-/ sequences;
for all the remaining derivatives of the shape C C-

any segment, C or /'/, may be part of the initial or

the affix:

Initial Constituent Affix Type

Derivative
C .a C - C. infix -m-, (-n->, (-w-) C. C -

infix <-a-> CRC-

C. prefix, then anaptyctic C I C -

C. prefixial group /h-- ki-/ CJC-
C.aC irreducible disyllabic
1 j
 225.

As for the two rules mentioned that

apply to initial /hC-/ sequences in derivatives, they

are to be grouped according to registral distribution:

If' on the first register C_ (in the sequence

corresponds to an infix, the base-initial type is Ch-;

if /--/ is the vocalic infix, the base-initial type is

ChC-. If, on the second register, C i -. corresponds to

an infix, the base-initial type is C-; if /--/ is

the vocalic infix, the base shows the complex initial
CC-, or schematically:

Register Derivative Affix Base-type

1 hC- <-C-). Ch-
2 c-C-> C-
1 hC- ChC-
2 CC-

No induced registral change, in this particular con-

text, takes place.

The structure of an initial sequence of

any form in the lexicon does not reveal whether it is

a simple or derived one; as the following list indicates

( p. 226), derivations cannot be inferred, nor can the

nature of the affix be determined (prefix - infix, con-

sonantal affix - vocalic affix, simple prefix - complex

prefix), nor a process (nasalization, labialization), or

incorporated into the sequence from the number or con-

figuration of initial consonants and //.
 226.

Base Derivative Affix Rule Underlying

fo nfl
C- C- <-C-> reduction cc-
c- cc- 1<-C-> fonnation
Cc-
'<C->
C- CCC- <C-> mutation CC-
Cc- CaC- expansion
1<-c->
ccc- cac- <-s-> ccc-
CC- CC- (-v.-> dissimilation
types

If, however, one takes the class of a con-

sonant and the distribution of its members in the initial

sequence of a phonological word into account, some al-
though not all base-derivative connections are predict-
able, especially when registral distribution is taken

into account also. The following affixes and base-

initials may be inferred from specific shapes of initial

sequences in derivatives:

Initial Class of Affix Base

sequence -C-
/haC-/ glottal
nasal /rn, n/
liquid /1/ <-a-> hC-
semivowel /w/
liquid In Cl-i-
liquid /1, n/ ChC-
stop /c/ Chy-
/hsC. / liquid /1, n/
semivowel / y , w/ <-a-> CC- system
if C is a consonant -n- - -m- .-w-, it corresponds to
the respective con3onantal infix -n-)-<-m-,..(-w->
the base-initial is a plosive on the second register.
/CaC 2 / if both C are plosives, // is anaptyctic, C may be a
prefix or an irreducible disyllabIc; this rule
hslds for both registers.
 227.

Beyond this outline, no other rules of in-

ference can be given on that level of analysis; as has

been mentioned on several occasions, initials of the shape

cc- or CaC- (other than a series of two plosives) may
or may not be reducible to bases and affixes. All
phonological processes are stated on pp . 228-230.

Complementary sets.

As can be seen from the charts on pp . 1 9 0 / 1 9 1 , 228/229/

230, some affixes group only with certain types of base-

initials. The considerable overlap of semantic and

grammatical functions assigned to the derivatives by a

restricted number of affixes and processes, on the other
hand, suggests constraints of a phonological kind im-

posed on such distribution of cluster-formations.

In order to state complementary sets of

affixes to which only one grammatical function is
assigned, we proceed by stating the relevant systems

according to the function rather than according to

phonological types.


228.

Plosive base-initials

o _________________
... '

0 ___________
-

0 0 0 000 0 000
- -
-
o. 0 0
0 -

- 0 0000 00 00 00
I -,
.
0
0
00
7; ______ I
0
0
04
I 00 0
000

'I 'I 'I I I I -, -,

'I g,IIIEI I 0 - I C I I I C
.8 .: :0 is is a .0
=
0 a ) .
. .
.8 -
I I I I
-- I I I is I 4
I I I I 4 II is
.4 4 4 I
is I 4 C
0. iC 4 .8 0. .8
0. 0.. .8 0. .

AAAA p. 1S * , a * a a a a
8 a a * * I I I I I II I I I I I I
- I I I I : CII 4)
C o o I 4) I I I, J_
I I I I i I I j..
C
- - -.

-
-
S I
1 1 U U U
_I. ('I .8.4 .8 .4
-
IC
5
I I I I
CS I I I I I I 0. 0.
.8 .8 U
U U

8 a Al a
- a - A A I II I
A I I ,
I 0.0. 0.0. 0..4I
- 0.0.0.
0. -I S.
 229.

. '

.4.4

W.4


230.

Complex base-initials

0
A

lo o o 001 0 0 0 0 01 0 0 0
I
I

0 0 II I 0 0 0 00 _
0 0
S

A-'

o 0
o 0

I
-I 1 'I
- 3 ). I. -
3 4 3 S A A A
A S S
: : =

U
S .

-w
I I I
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
-- I I I I 3.
3 - I '. '. 1 3'. C I-- ( I

-
3
3
A
3.

I.
I)
-
A S
A 535 3A IS AAS
SW .j .8 .s .8 A.
:

P. * P. ft . ft P. frg. ft ftP ** A
H AAAAAAAASSP. P. I I I I I I I I I I I
- I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
1.31. A A A A44S.A 5 4S
1.. '...S. I I.

- .1 '1 3.
1. - S 3. -
3.
.8 .8 .8 .8 A. A. A.
- CII .

:1.
A.

I. I
I I I
3- I 3.1. 3. I I I I I I I
I I I I I I I I I I - S.
. - ::: I. - 3 3. .
' ' - I .3 .8 .8 .8 A. A. A.
- :.S .8 .S A..A. .8.84 A.

H
 231.

Causa tives.

The proto-Mon prefix for deriving causatives / transitives

from (intransitive) verbal bases is the prefix p->.

However, there are four other affixes fulfilling the

same grammatical function, <--', di->, k-> and <k N->.

No consonantal infix derives causatives from verbal

bases. The distribution of all five causative affixes

shows severe restrictions on the class of base-initials:

If base-initials are plosives - except /p-/ -, nasals

- except /m-/ - liquids /r, 1/, semivowel /y/ - except
/w-/ - or spirants /s, h/, the prefix p- is attached
to the initial, yielding a structure like /pC- pC- -
phy-/ (where // is an anaptyctic vowel, and /phy-/
follows the rule previously stated). The plosive /p-/

does not follow that rule because SM has no reduplicated

initials, unlike earlier stages of the language and in

contradistinction to modern Khmer. The other two ex-

ceptions, the nasal /m/ and the semivowel /w/, share

the feature 'labiality', and for labial clusters, as

Shorto has been pointing out on an earlier occasion

( 1 9 6 9. passim ), special rules apply in SM:

LM pm- ..- pw- clusters, as a sequence of

two labials, dissimilate to /kam_/ /kw-/ initials
in the derivative in SM; since the labial postinitials
/-rn- .t- -w-/ correspond to the base-initial, the initial
syllabic consonant /h-/ [ka-] can be identified as a

segmentable unit and interpreted as a prefix in its

own right, on phonological grounds, even if it shares

the function with other affixes as, for instance,

/t.m/ 'to know' > /pt.rn/ 'to inform' and /m/ 'to in-
 232.

crease' /km/ 'to multiply'. This process also ex-

plains the rule of induced register: The LM reflex

of SM k-> is LM p->, whereas ck-'> corresponding to

LM cl-> retains the register of the base in this con-

text (labial base-initials /m- w-/). The second set
concerns all two-place or three-place base-initials
which derive causatives by splitting the cluster and

inserting the vocalic infix <-s-> (//), /hlan/ 'to

be scorched' /hlan/ 'to scorch', /khlak {cih3/

'to fall (into place)' > /hlak/ 'to put on, fit in'.
If the base-initial is /p-/, causatives are derived

by means of the prefix ch-> /ha-/, as in /p3iJ/ 'to

be full' . /hap3i/ 'to fill'. The same prefix occurs

with glottal base-initials, /cf3k/ 'to be damp'

/hd'3k/ 'to damp'. The prefix <k N> can only be ex-

plained as a secondary development, the class of base-

initials is identical with the fore-mentioned one. In

one case only, two derivatives of both types are attested,

/B.h/ 'to be cool' > /habh/ 'to cool' and /kmbh/ 'to
cool', incorporating the affixes <Ii-> and

respectively. A trace of an original attributive

is preserved in /d'o/ 'to be tired' /hd'o/ 'to tire

N
out' (szii >), /k.moj/ 'weariness' (ck -).
Two other overlapping systems have to

be noted: Base-initials controlling unnatural register

due to a regressive cluster-reduction in SM /c 2 -/ from

an LM reflex /CC-/, take the prefix <k- to form

causatives, like /np/ 'to be silent' > cn3p/ 'to

hush', /mon/ 'to be tightly secured' > /kamon/ 'to

 233.

wrap round tightly t . The overlap of affixes con-

sists of two different sets in SM and LM denoting the
same function; the reduced cluster, in both cases,
reflects LM kn- SM /n .-/ (first register retained),
but the prefix <-k- in SM corresponds to the vocalic
infix <-V-> in LM for which the rule of two-place
initials being split by C--> to yield derivatives is
valid. The two pairs given are thus in LM knap /knp/>
kanap /k'n3p/ and LM kmon /kmon/ kamon /kmon/,
respectively.
Yet another divergent feature is that
/s-/ and /c . / base-initials yielding a cluster-mutation
with the prefix p-> ( > /phy- ' py. / in derivative) and
initial plosives It- .i_ k-/ ( > /pt- > pak-/) occur also
with the prefixes k-, and <Ii->, as in /sat/ 'to go
past' ? /ksat/ 'to propel', /ch/ 'to be diffused'>
/hch/ 'to diffuse', /t.h/ 'to hit' > /ht.h/ 'to
cause to hit' and /kiX/ 'to rain' > /hicii/ 'to cause
to rain', as opposed to the 'regular' derivations by
< p -> as /s/ 'to drink' > /phy/ 'to give to drink,
administer medicine', /c/ 'to fight' > /py/ 'to
incite', /tch/ 'to be' > /Patth/ 'to organize, establish'
(against the nominalized form /hatah/ 'fact, state of
affairs, &c. t , LM dadah " tadah) and /kt/ 'to re-
valve' > /pkt/ 'to turn'. Here, the overlap con-
sists, in the first instance cited, of a difference
in LM reflexes: The sequence SM /kas-/ incorporates the
prefix .,k-, which reflects the LM complex initial tas-
with the prefix LM <t->, as against /s-/ base-initials
and <p-> prefix > LM phy- SN /phy-/. /ks-/, as a
 234.

reflex of' LM /ts-/ tas-, is a regular phonological

development in the mutation of two-place initials.

As for plosive base-initials /k-, c-, t-/, we shall

interpret them as cases analogous to ordinary CC-

initials if they occur on the second register.

Summarizing the first set of affixes

in complementary distribution we obtain the

following synopsis:
Causative cp->.
Affix Type of base-initial
plosives, spirants, nasals, semivowel /y-/
Ch- initials
<11-> glottals, /p-/
glottals
<k-) labials /w-, m-/
two-place initials CC-, and LM reflexes
thereof.

Nominalizations.

For reasons already stated, complementary

sets for nominalizations are far more restricted in

number because infixation covers a consonant class of'

formative elements (affixes), nasals /n, m/ and liquids

/r, 1/, more likely to be assimilated to the base-

initial: If we derive, for instance, a causative

p -> from a simple form with base-initial /w-/, the

derivative yielded would have the shape /kw-/ < LM pw-;

if we derive a noun with initial /p-/ by affixatiori

with <-w-, the derivative has an identical shape to
 235.

the previous one, /kw-/ LM pw-. However, the difference

in evaluating the identical initial sequence /kaw-/

LM pw- lies in the fact that the former derivative shows

a segmentable unit /kLaw/ and a postinitial identical

to the base-initial; in the latter, the postinitial
corresponds to the affix and the initial shows a mutation
of the base-initial, /kawI-/ ' /p-. /. Apart from the

vocalic infix and (-r->, the complementary distribution

of infixes integrates the prefixial systems as well

and excludes distributional constraints among them-

selves. This would explain the fairly clear-cut as-

signment of functions to the individual infix.

As with the causative prefix p->,

two-place and three-place base-initials never occur

with consonantal affixes (except for -r-> and ChC-

bases), but yield derivatives by means of the vocalic

infix which is inserted between the initial and the post-

initial consonant, /kwa/ 'to be tired' /kwa/ 'fatigue',
/phik/ 'to fear t > / pahaik/ 'fear', /hn3k/ 'to be large,

tall' > /hnk/ 'adult, chief', /kyh/ 'to spit' >

/EdaikJ ks3h/ 'spittle'.

For glottal base-initials, the same rule

applies as for cp->, the consonantal infixes are in corn-

plementary distribution with the prefix c.h-), /cfak/

'to ride, mount, load' /hfak/ 'freight'.
The nasal prefix kN_, fulfills also this

complementary function for the consonantal infixes

((-n-, - -m-> c-w-)), and in one instance it has

agentival function in a simple form with initial -w->,

 236.

as in /wn/ 'to be crippled' > /kmn/ 'cripple' to

avoid clusters of the type labial / labial.

Labial base-initials /m-, w-/ take no

infix in either language (SM or LM): LM 'p->, as a

rare nominalizing prefix (apart from its other, causative,

function), corresponds to SM nominalizing cl->. Apart
from <h-> in the contexts already stated (pre-glottal),

it is not found in any other complementary set, but is

a nomina]Lzing prefix in its own right.

Nominalizations - (-n-) (-rn->.

Affix Type of base-initial
glottals
N
<k -> glottals, labials
labia is
two-place and three-place initials
of any kind (cc-, Ch-, hC-; ChC-).
conson- plosives
antal
infixes

From both tables (pp. 234, and above) it emerges that

any consonantal affixe <p-> - -m-) - -w-> (-fl-) shares

the same phonological constraints and yields thus

identical complementary sets.

Corresponding sets in literary and spoken Mon.

Taking the analysis of distributional constraints one

step further, we ought to set up sets of affixes

corresponding to LM and SM so as to explain certain

anomalies in the development of affixes, like SM <k->

LM c-V.-', (.--)) in a restricted number of contexts

 237.

including base-initials controlling unnatural register;

but since we are not concerned 'with the morphology of'

literary Mon, we shall state only those affixes occur-

ring in LM as regards their reflexes in SM.

In spite of the fact that the distribution

of affixes in both languages is radically different from

a typologically arranged one-to-one correspondence,

we shall list below all SM affixes recognized and those

in LM with identical shape:

Prefixes Infixes

SM LM SM LM

(p-) (-r->
<-a->
-> (-n-)
N N
< p -> ' p ->
N N
<k -> k ->
0
0 0
0 0

As can be seen from the chart, the most unstable affixes,

that is affixes for which no one-to-one correspond nce
may be established for both languages, are <Ic-> .t.. <t-) -
<h,. Further investigation reveals that all four
affixes in SM have different reflexes in LM, not only
in shape, but also in affix type: An SM prefix may
have as reflex in LM either a prefix of a different
shape or an infix.

The interpretation of prefixial <h->

0
/h3-/
fonns in SM is rather difficult for several reasons:

It has already been observed on previous occasions

(pp. 33-35) that presyllables of the shape /h-/ have

the highest number of different reflexes in TM.



238.

Suth reflexes may have the shape of any Ch- plosive

initial and /s, 1/ if the postinitial is a glottal
/2, d', 13/. The second reflex is the spirant /s/ which,
in contradistinction to the former series, may be inter-
preted, in isolated cases, as a vestigial prefix. The

third possible interpretation of /h-/ is based upon

reduplication in LM involving at least one voiced con-

sonant, the postinitial of a two-term sequence con-

trolling the register in the corresponding SM word:

LM C.C.- SM on the first register

3 3
LM C.C.- SM /haC../ on the second register.
vJ J

Out of these structural possibilities, only a relatively

small number can be analyzed as containing an affix

((h-' in SM, an as yet unidentifiable affix in LM as

its reflex) and a base. For sequences with a glottal

postinitial, SM /he-/ (on the first register only),

we can offer an historical explanation even if attested

examples in OM and their modern reflexes are scarce -

we have to rely on reconstructions by levelling (analogy):
OM ?VC bases taking a consonantal infix follow the

pattern of simple-initial bases and consonantal infixes

yielding derivatives of the shape C 1 ) c)c 1 vc ( - base
c 1 vc) by iterating the base-initial and inserting the

infix, in this context always syllabic, between the

initials (the process is, in fact, more complicated,

but it seems unnecessary to explain it at great length

here: Cf. pVC and <-m-> (i) OM /pa?/ t to do' > /pmaP/

'doing (attributive)' or (i) OM /pi/ 'three' /pmpi/

'triad'). In the case of base-initials with glottal
 239.

stop PVC, however, the initial is not iterated ++ /Pan vc/,

but replaced by /r-/, as in PVC r I Qn I PVC , ON /ctw.k/
'to be complete' > /rnc&tk/ 'to complete', /?t/ 'to be
exhausted(HLS), all' /r.nPt/ 'end' (/ran-/ with
verbs of motion in OM are contractions). In MM initial
liquids became unstable elements (in fact, only in late
MM), and consequently spellings show confusion, ra'VC

la'VC for the cited OM form. At even later stages, cull

culminating ultimately in modern literary Mon, only
la'V(C) forms, phonologized as LM /l%V(C)/, survive

and develop to SM /hV(C)/ (/r/ /i/ before glottals).

A different history can be set up for

back-formations which we must assume, especially for
/h-/ forms, to be numerous. Taking the same base-type

with different initial from the one instance just

quoted, OM /yas/ /yryas/ ('to shine' / 'light'),
<-i'-> - and leaving the intermediate history apart -
we have the LM forms layah - lyah and the regular SM

reflex /kyh/; the SM form /hyh/ must be analogical

levelling on the regular /h-/ development, and, by

inferential reconstruction on the part of the native

speakers, /ho-/ plays an affixial role only if a base

- except for glottals - occurs in other derivatives,

as /yh/ /kyh/ > /hayh/.

LM /i-/ in disyllables, if final I-hi,

then shows /ka--' ha_/ doublets in SM; otherwise

LM /i-/> SM /t[J- , k[]_/.

Similarly SM /s . / > /ky2

A different interpretation, and equally

difficult to prove, is to assume dialectal variation
 240.

and borrowing upon which, subsequently, another

meaning was imposed.

However this may be, we are confronted

with three overlapping, or better, intruding systems:

One in which /h--/ forms are reducible to <h-, pre-

fixes corresponding to earlier affixes of different

type (infix or prefix) and shape (/hi-/ is a modern

innovation)126 or /h-/ being the reflex of an irreducible

disyllable or caiqued upon (h-> prefixial forms as
back-formation.

For the remaining two plosive syllabic

prefixes <k-> and t->, the setting up of correspondences

to LM is much less problematic: SM <t-> occurs only

with velar-nasal base-initial /J/, on either register.

The prefix SM ct
0
corresponds to LM c-a-: /oa/ 'day,
sun' /tvjoa/ 'middle of the day' - LM tiay .> tanay.
An identical pattern occurs with base-
initial /m-/ on the first (unnatural) register re-

flecting LM clusters kN- ,... tN- of which the syllabified

form kaN- - taN- merges to SM /kN-/; since postinitial

/-N-/ can be equated with the base-initial, /ka-/ ought

to be interpreted as a prefix dc->. For LM, however,

the CN- cluster (with C being, in this environment, a

voiceless plosive, and hence, for LM, regressive cluster-

reduction of CN- type does not apply) corresponds to

the initial sequence of the derivative CaN- incorporat-

ing the vocalic infix, /mat/ 'to stop up, close'

/kmat/ 'stopper' - LM km- > kam-.

When yielding derivatives with prefix <k-,

 241.

- plosive base-initials and the semivowel /y/ - the

SM prefix corresponds to the LM prefix (1-): /t3n/

'to recur' > /kt3n/ 'repeated action', LM latan tan.

This rule applies also to /i_/ base-

initials which show reduplication (or LM 1- prefix

permitted in this environment (?)) in LM lal- (phono-
logized as /ii-/, SM /].h/ 'to spread out' /kl.h
fkthbnJ/ 'Kathin-robe', LM lalah - lah.

More difficult is the correct assessment

of /s-/ base-initials and SM /kas-/ derivatives. All
SM forms show an LM tas- reflex (oM /sas-/); but it

is questionable if an LM t-> prefix ought to be

set up (otherwise why is LM t-, SM <t- (?)).

We can summarize the correspondences
of SM and LM affixes and their types of base-initials
as follows:

SM LM
Prefix Base Register Affix Base-type
/n-/ 1 (-a-> kn- v tn-
/m-/ 1 --> km- tm-
labials 2
cl-,>
plosives 1
2
/s_/ 1
/i .V 2 (R->, <1->

/U - / 1 <-a->

/J . / 2 (?)
plosives 1 C.C.-
J J
2 C.C.-
"3 vJ

A synopsis of this kind must await the sifting of

an extensive corpus of MSS to be complete.
 2112.

Part II.
APPENDIX

This appendix includes wordlists upon which the pre-

ceding analyses were drawn; it is divided into four
parts:

A. Prefixes
i) <Pi?>
2) <3-)
13) <1i->
4) ->
5) c-

6) <p->
7) <kN)
N
8) < p ->
9) X->
B Infixes
1 ) <-n->
2) <-m-)
:3) .-r->
4) <-'w->
5) <-a->
C. Processes
i) <->..->
2) <-->
D. Vestigial forms
 243.

1. Prefix (i->.

The prefix <2j?_> can be classified together with

->: Phonologically both prefixes occur in unre-

stricted environments, unlike all other affixes; they
are both non-consonantal - <?i?_> cannot be regarded

as a vocalic affix because it may be interpreted juncturally 0]

historically as /ya-/ or as a prefixial structure like

CVC - and they show complementary functions like

'deictic' (<?j?_>) and 'locative' ((->), onornastic

'female' (<?i2_,) and 'male' (...>).

1.1. Onomastic <'?_

Historically, <?i?- is a late innovation in Mon and its

shape may be due to its large areal diffusion on the
continent. Old Mon shows as onomastic clitics the

pair ya /ya/ (phonologized fonn queried in DM1) cor-

responding to SM /?i?/ for female names and ON n, weak

form iia /a ja/ 'male' corresponding to modern //.

Complication arises with clitics sharing the same function

in cognate languages, such as Khmer, and one cannot

decide whether they are cognates proper or due to

contact. Forms of the shape /ya '.- y/, spelt ya,

occur in Pre-Angkor Khmer in two inscriptions, K. 137

(undated, AD 6th or 7th century) in a slave name

yaces ces 'cotton thread') and K. 451 (AD 680);

Mrs Jacob (1960.367) alludes to a female slave title

ya as being a borrowing from Mon. In OM it is re-
cognized by Luce (1959.66) and Shorto (1956.346, note 4, and

1141). Its systematic use in modern Mon as a pair c-> /

was first pointed out by Himly (1889.274-5).
 244.

A similar ger1er system may be assumed for Palaung

(Mime 19 2 1, Shorto MS), as in /ampj / 'grasshopper',

/prP/ 'squirrel' (both Mime), /2o2/ 'dog', /ruy/

'fly', /be/ 'spider' (Shorto) and /ikLur/ 'porcupine'

(Mime), /iki3r/ 'crab', /igre/ 'crocodile' (shorto);
furthermore, /abo/ for calling men and /iboy/ for

calling women. Shorto contrasts this with /ime/ 'man,

male' and /ip3n/ 'woman, female' and adds a cognate
from Riang-Lang /i?/ 'human being'.

Kuy /?a:i/ and / 7 :i/ 'male' / 'female'

may be due to Thai contact (or the reverse (?)). Epigraphic

Thai (Sukhothai) shows no occurrence, although earlier
evidence is alluded to in Haas (1964.619, 624, while
4/ 1
discussing modern ' V1.) which are derogatory).
In modern spoken Mon, three onomastic
subsets may be established: one for female human beings,
another for different varieties of rice and for body-
parts (finger).

t3h / ?j?tDh 'breast' / 'grandmother'

ciX? / ?jPciXP
ni / ?ini
nck / Pj?nk
pria / Pipra
I
foa / rj Boa
mi / / ?i-p mi?
'great-grandmother' / 'great-aunt'
'respect title' / 'parent's
elder sister'
'grand-' /
'woman' / 'general title, woman'
'elder sjster' / 'elder
wife; husband's elder sister'
'mother' / midwife'
 2115.

For the second subset:

kreh / ?i?kreh 'pebble, gravel' /
krea, / ?i?krea 'eugenia' /
sem / Pj?sem 'Thai, Shan' /
prt / ?i?prt 'plantain, banana' /

For the third subset:

ken / ?i?ken 'little finger' /
sen / ?i7sen 'fourth finger, ring finger' /
/ ?i?tc 'middle, centre' / 'middle finger'

1.2. Deictic ?j7_,.

Deictic pronouns are derived from clitics by c?i?_>,

as in h%wa-lb m rao 'in which district is he living?',
rao 'which one?', hwa?_n2 cl'3 kweh 'this curry
is really salty', ? i-nD ? c131) kweh 'this is really
salty'.
te? / ?j?te? 'that' /
t n 3? / ?i?tn? 'these' /
fl3? / ?i?fl3? 'this' /
lb / Pj?lb 'which' /
kh / ?j?kh 'noun determiner' / 'that'

Modern Khmer shows some traces of deictic pronouns formed

in a similar way, /i:c/ or /i:ceh/ 'this way, like this,

/i:co/ or /i:coh/ 'like that, that way'. PA-Khmer has

y (K. 30, undated, AD 7th c.) corresponding to modern

/ae/.
 21i6.

2. Prefix a-,.
As in the case of the preceding prefix < P i?_) this

prefix occurs in phonologically unrestricted environ-

ments, and affixation does not entail any phonological

change in the base. In two of its functions, onomastic

and pronominal, it is complementary to t?i?_>.

Unlike the preceding prefix <?i?_, however, it yields

a higher number of occurrences in the lexicon; this

is due to internal variation and Burmese influence

of CVC forms. Variation - reminiscent of Brandstetter's

type C- "aC- in Austronesian - is exhibited in cases
like /ama/ /ma/ 'as much as', /lcn/ -'- /lcn/ 'time,
turn', /awi/ ".- /wi/ "-' /kwi/ 'time while, during'

2.1. Onomastic <s->.

In its onomastic function a-> is more widespread on

the continent than its complementary term <i-7;

shades of this aspect occur in Sino-Tibetan, as pointed

out by Laufer (1915, with reference to Mon-Khmer pp. 773-
774, note 3) and Benedict ( 1 97 2 . 12 1-123, 28) where it
seems confined mostly to kinterms. As has been pointed

out in the previous section, <-> occurs in a number

of Mon-Khmer languages, arid it is attested in PA-Khmer

(. Jacob 1979.418) in such forms as ata -" ta 'father',
ame me 'mother'. Jenner ( 1 977. 18 5- 6 , and note 32)
is cautious and explains an areal /a-/ with reference
to mod.Khm. / P a:/ which, however, is a cognate of OM
' /Pa/, a particle of address, in postposition.

SM /-/ is a reflex of OM /a - a/, following a sound-

shift as yet to be explained.


217.

It occurs frequently in folkstories; variation is

found in /atk khe/ (Rangoon MS) and /m ? ttk khe/

(Bh Dow MS), or in titles of stories in Stewart's

unpublished collection, suchas /akun k lk/ 'Mr Ku
and Mr Lak', /ataP tim! 'Mr Twist', /kanh fI/
'Mr Lazy', /aklk/ 'Mr Blind', derived from bases

/tim/ 'to twist, cheat', /k-nih/ 'to be lazy', /kli.k/

'to be blind'.

-kraoh / kraoh 'male person' / 'man, chap'

n / ni 'respect title' / 'parent's
elder brother'

2.2. Locative <a-.

In this function <a- is complementary to the pro-

nominal ( P i? -> designating deictic expressions. Like

<Pi?...> the prefix -> occurs with clitics, but not

exclusively (hani-n3? 'this place', a-n3P 'here').

te? / ate? 'that' / 'there'

n3? / 'this' / 'here'
lb / 'which?' / 'where?'
tao / tao 'to he superior' / 'top,
upper part'

/ '(in the) middle' / 'middle'

d'oa / 'd'oa 'in' / 'interior'
 2i8.

2.3. Temporal ->.

- may also exercise a temporal function, sporadical-
iy forming doublets.

i-c i3 'to be long (in time)' / 'duration'

yh / yah 'to dawn, shine' / 'tomorrow, morrow'

kia / kla 'time before' / 'before'

kii / kh 'during' / 'time while'

/kb?/ is a Joan base (Pali kho 'now, then; indeed,

really'); /k1a/ is a pronominalized form (conventional

narrative incipit: /kla kia te ? n?/ 'once upon a

time').

2.4. Enumerative <a->.

To date I fail to propose a convincing interpretation

of the following instance

r?3h / r1h 'to count' / 'every'.

 2Li9.

3. Prefix di->.

The following set for this prefix ch-> may be set up:
0

:3.1. Causa tives

2 De - causative
3. Nomjno-attrjbutjyes
Verbalizer
5. Adverbial
6. Syncretistic forms I: Causati.ve/Non-causa tive
7. Syncretistic forms II: Nomino-attributives
8. Syncretistic formslll: Causative/Nomino_attrj'outjveg

<h-> is a stable prefix, it does not induce any phono-

logical (including registral) changes in the base-initial,

and it occurs only in its syllabic form /ha-/.
The phonological environments in which the presyllable

/h-/ may occur - and hence, at least potentially, the

prefix <h-, - are recalled here (see also pp. 25, 33-35):
h%k, hac, ht t , hp9
hp han, h m
har,
hw
h?_ , hcf-, h- (on the first register only, following
the glottal distribution rule)
Out of these distributional possibilites, not all are

obviously realized and attested as distributional

pairs. But ch- is in complementary distribution whenever

causative with the proto-affix < p -> which applies to

different environments except glottal base-initials and /p/

where ch-> applies.
 250.

:3.1. Causative cli-.>.

/ h?bt 'to be / 'to use up'

?3j / h3i 'to fast' / 'to deprive of food'
?on / h?on 'to be few' / 'to reduce'
Put / hut 'to be stale' I 'to go stale, to
let go stale'
cut / hfit 'to revolve' / 'to spin'
d'eak / h deak 'to be wet' / 'to moisten'

/ h%ct 'to be expensive' / 'to raise price'

cfa t / h d'a t 'to be sweet' / 'to sweeten'
dbt / h that 'to be finely ground' / 'to grind'
cfbn / h% du n 'to be soft' / 'to soften'

cfob / hdo 'to be tired' / 'to tire out'

d n / h cn 'to be flarrOw' / 'to make nalrow'
d3k / ha d,k 'to be damp' / 'to damp'
cte a / h-d'ea 'to follow round' / 'to chase'

/ h%S.k 'to pass beyond' / 'to cause to

pass limit'
tb m / hi f,m 'to be blunt' / 'to blunt'
keak / hokeak 'to be sharp' / 'to sharpen'
kzh / hak,h 'to be dry' / 'to dry'
k / hka 'to rain' / 'to cause to rain'
cip / hcip 'to be fitted together' / 'to fit
together'
c / ha c&P 'to eat' / 'to feed'
c3k / ho C3 k 'to touch' / 'to cause to touch'
ch / h'och 'to be diffused' / 'to diffuse'
t3p / hot3p 'to be straight' / 'to straighten'
torn / htm 'to fall prone' / 'to fell'
th / h-th 'to hit' / 'to cause to hit'

/ h%p3 i 'to be full' / 'to fill'

peak / hpeak 'to run away' / 'to chase away'
 251.

1ik / h,lik 'to fall down' / 'to blast away'

3.2. De-causatjve

I know of only two instances-of de-causat.ves; these

are non-causative verbs derived from causative bases.

Since on quantitative grounds the majority of' verb to

verb derivations assigns a causative to a non-causative

base, the latter type of derivation is assumed to be an

exceptional pattern in Mon.

r h / hrbh 'to demolish' / 'to decay'

kui / hkui 'to rock' / 'to be drowsy'

3.3. Nomino-at-tributive <Ii->.

The term 'Nomino-attributjve' covers derivatives which

can be equated with former (oM) attributive and

frequentative forms or nominalizatiotis; the morphologi-

cal merger of e8rlier infixes in OM is due to a medio-
cluster reduction CCCVC > MM ccv(c) and subsequent
voicing of initials, corresponding to SM /h3-/ while
retaining the medial consonant corresponding to the
base-initial. In the following list attribuive
forms are listed first.

km / h k3 In 'to be warm' /
tb fl / h- tori 'to rise' / 'rising'

/ hatbm 'to be thick' / 'thickness'

fbh / hd'bh 'to be clever' / 'cleverness'
n&ak / hn^.ak 'to sink in' / 'sinking in'

/ h%i 'to endure' / 'long suffering'

c1k / h.dk 'to ride, load' / 'freight'
 252.

cfok / hcfk 'to harrmer' / 'hammer'

cIoa / hacfoa 'in' / 'inside, middle, inter:ior'

6o k / h360k 'to hoe' / 'hoe'

/ ha6ot 'to measure' / 'measure'

ke / hake 'to weigh' / 'Baht, Kyat; weight'

ke p / hakep 'to pinch' / 'tongs'

kom / hkom 'to assemble' / 'association, club'

kut / hakut 'to cut off' / 'piece cut off'

cih / h'cih 'to descend' / 'lower level'

cun / hacun 'to lean on a stick' / 'crutch'

toe / hatoe 'to be finished' / 'perfection'

tbp / hatp 'to bury' / 'cover, lid'

tk / hta,k tkloikj 'to root up' / 'epilepsy'

ton / haton 'to stand' / 'establishment'

to ik I lmtoik 'to lie down' / 'sleeping place'
tao

/ hatao 'to belocated' / 'residence'

th / h%tah 'to be' / 'existence'

tak / htk 'to be in want' / 'poverty'
pk

/ hap&k Ucfaik] 'to splash about' / 'bathing place'
pn

/ hpon 'to rebel' / 'rebel, rebellion'

poi / hapi 'to e full' / 'day of full moon'
pot / hapot 'to rub' / 'mop'

p'?it I hapt 'to throw' / 'distance (stone's throw

m / ham3 j 'to stay' / 'place'

yh / hayh 'to dawii' / 'morning'
lh

/ hslh 'to dance' / 'dance, dancing'

3.!1. Verbalizing h->.

In only one instance a nominal base derives a verbal

fonu by affixation:
 253.

cfaik / hd'aik 'liquid, water' / 'to water'

35, Adverbial h->.

Adverbial forms are derived from clitics and, in one
case, from a personal pronoun. In the three former
cases, it is the result of a phonological weakening of
LM /saik/ 'kind,, sort, type; colour', sk, rather than
a derivation proper. But taking the surface forms
only, we do establish derivational pairs.

d'eh / hcfeh 'he, she; it; they' / 'oneself'
/ hana 'this' / 'like this, in this way'

lb / haib 'which?' / 'what, what sort of, how?
kh / hkch 'noun determiner' / 'thus, so'

3.6. Syncretistic forms I: Causative/Non_causative <h-.

In a certain number of cases, a potentially polymorphemic
form cannot be reduced to any attested base, and its
semantic scope extends over the non-causative and
causative alike.

hkut 'to be severed' / 'to sever'

h'akui 'to smoulder' / 'to cause to smoulder'
haton 'to learn'/ 'to teach'
hatom 'to fall' / 'to knock down'
ha mn 'to be untrue' / 'to tell lies'
ham ot 'to be true' / 'to tell the truth'
hal a 'to fall into' / 'to drop into'
halo 'to be pleased' / 'to take pleasure in'
halah 'to be free' / 'to free'
holot 'to come off' I 'to take, strip, off'
 254.

haw 'to be blown away' / 'to blow away'

h wili 'to sway' / 'to cause to sway'

37. Syncretistic forms II: Nomino-attributive uch->.

The second set of syncretistic forms haCV(C) contains

stative and operative verbs and corresponding nominals
and attributive forms.

h-a P UITI 'to heap up' / 'heap'

hakt 'to observe, comply with' / 'habit, cunduct'

h k3 'to o!serve, undertake' / 'fourth lunar month'

haceh 'to scale' / 'scale'

hta 'to turn towards' / 'space, time, in front'

h3tik 'to saw' / 'saw'

hatoa 'to put forth fruit buds' / 'developing buds'

hath 'to be acquainted' / 'acquaintance (_hayh)'

hapao 'to screw' / 'auger'

h3pih 'to powder' / 'powder'

hamai 'to lay an egg' / 'egg'

hmoi 'to coil round' I 'turban'

h mao 'to roll' / 'roll; weaver's beam'

ha r. p 'to wink' / 'wink'

h- r. a 'to spin' / 'bobbin'

h-alat 'to be bare' / 'open ground in village'

h 13k 'to be sunken' / 'indentation, hollow'

h-a lea 'to hold onto' / 'handrail, support'

hl' 'to rob' / 'bandit'

hyh 'to be well known' / 'fame (_t3h)'

hawai 'to sit cross-legged' / 'cross-legged posture'

 255.

38. Syncretistic forms III: Causative/N-)minO_

attributive CII-).

This set oomprises polymorphemic forms haCV(C) due

to Auuix-Synkretismus, as tabulated on p. 1 59, that is

an attested base of the shape cv(c) - ccv(c) and two

derivatives of the shape CCVC and CCCVC in ON. The

mediocluster reduction merged the latter two to cacv(c)

ard the subsequent voicing distribution rule yielded

forms in SM of the structure h-aCV(C). The difference

to the previous two sets consists splely in the fact

that bases are attested.

cfit 'to be motionless' hcfit 'to hold steady'

'stillness'
cta 'to be shallow' had 'to make shallow'

dt 'to hatch out' hadt 'to cause to crack'

'pimple'
dot 'to be few' hadot 'to reduce'

'to be cool' h6bh 'to cool'

kit 'to bite' hakit 'to cause to bite'

'dysentery'
cak 'to make a bundle of' hacak 'to tie up'
'cluster of fruit'
t.m 'to know' hat.m 'to cause to know'

mk 'to appear' hamk 'to reveal'

'East; entrance'
sh 'to be deep' hayh 'to be deep'
'depth'
 256,.

4. Prefix <k->.
The syllabic prefix <k-) occurs in the following en-
vii'onments, 's shown on pp. 25-31 passim:
kcS, kat, kp)
k kp, kam)
kl!
kay?, kw'
kah
ks- (on the first register only).

Not all phonological possibilities are realized with

the prefix ck-) , and the above inventory covers potentially

polymorphemic forms.

The prefix dc-> is a recent case of Affix-Synkretismus

since its reflex shows a different set in modern literary

Mon (LM); but it is also a syncretism of a different

degree than the one pointed out previously: While SM (-a->,

in certain phonological environments, corresponds to

an earlier OM affix <-a-> and <-C-> (various consonantal

infixes like <-r->, c-n- or <-m->), SM k-> does not

correspond to a putative LM k-> and another consonantal

prefix SC->, merging thus LM (k-> and <C-> to SM <Ic->,

but a second degree syncretism 'whereby two affixes <C1->

arid <C 2 - at one stage (or in or.e language) correspond

to a totally different one at anotb.er, say <C.->, like

LM <p- and <-a- corresponding to SM (k-> in certain

contexts to be specified. In addition, two different

types of affies merge, prefixes and infixes to a sing!e

prefix.

The environment in question is the base-

initial labial, ii SM with both natural and uniituraJ

 257.

register. Thus base initials /m . , w . / yield de-

rivatives of the shape SM /kam-, kw_/ on the fiist

register corresponding to LM derivatives /pam-, pw-/

(or 1pm-, pw-/); the first register in the SM derivative

is induced by affixation. If, however, in labial con-
texts, the second register is retained in the derivative,
the SM prefix corresponds to LM <1->.

If a SM base occurs on the first register

in nasal contexts, end hence unnatural, with base-
initials /n-, m-/, the SM prefix k- corresponds to
the vocalic infix in literary Mon (-3-)), due to

the reduction of plosive / nasal clusters in SM CN-

to N-. The following instances may serve as illus-

trations:

labial natural register

Base Derivative Register in der. Affix

Induced Retained
SM m ik kemoik <k-> 'to wish'/'dOSiX'S'
LN mik pmik pamik

SM w, iJ kw k-> 'to visit'/'suitor'

LN win pawin (p-)
SM mn kman k-> 'to work clay'/'potter'
LM man iman laman ci-,

nasal unnatural register

SM np kanp <k-s 'to be silent'/'to hush'

LM knap kanap

SM mat kemat (k-, 'to Stop up'/'stopper'

LM 'kmat kamat
-mat
 258.

The SM prefix <k-) extends over the following scope:

4.1. Causatives
2. Nominals
3. Verbals
4. Syncretistic forms I: Nomino-attributive
5. Syncretistic forms II: Causative/Non-causative

4.1. Causative <k->.

tO / ktt, 'to stand' / 'to stand up, get up'

np / kanp 'to be silent' / 'to hush'
mo /I km3 'to increase' / 'to multiply'
mci / kmoi 'to hear' / 'to
wi:in / kawun 'to be properly cooked' / 'to bring
to a proper consistency'

sat / k s a t move past' / 'to propei
Sbh / ka sbh 'to be peaceful' / 'to hush'

4.2. Nominalizing <k->.

The nominalizing prefix <k-) in SM corresponds to

cl-> and <p-^in literary Mon.
tea / ktea 'to be taut' / 'nerve, sinew'
t3n / k3tn 'to recur' / 'repeated action'
paik / kapaik 'to halve' / 'side, direction'
puh / kapuh 'tc fillip' / 'index finger'
mat / kemat 'to stop up' / 'stopper'
m / kamo 'to plant seedlings' / 'clump'

/ kaInPj 'to watch over' / 'guard'

m8ik / kamoik 'to wish' / 'desire'

mn / kmn 'to work clay' / 'potter'
18? / ka18? 'to be long' / 'duration'

l3ib / kali1 'to make a loss' / 'trading loss'

yh / koy.h 'to dawn' / 'light, shining'
 259.

w?i / kawi 'to visit' / 'suitor'

I
w.h i kw.h 'to break off' / 'broken length of stick'
sak / ksak 'to be well-to-do' / 'wealth, happiness'
hia / kha 'to be distant' / 'distance'

4.3. Verbalizing <k->.

Only two instances of' a verbalizing affix (k-) occur;

I cannot offer any historical explanation for this

unusual pattern of' derivation from nominal bases.
wa / k-waa 'whirlpool' / 'to turn round'
wa / kwa 'pasture' / 'to tether'

4.4. Syncretistic forms I: Nomino-attributive

k3nI3e 'to roof' / 'roof'
km3k 'to have a nightmare' / 'nightmare'
kmt 'to examine, certify' / 'certificate'
kmo 'to be weary' / 'weariness' /cf'oj/ 'to be
tired')
kbreak 'to split, slit, open' / 'part split off'
krbh 'to pour out' / 'strainer, filter (_dalk)'
kbro 'to spring a leak' / 'leak'
kron 'to be cracked' / 'crack'
ka yo 'to stretch' / 'height of man standing with up-
stretched hand'
kwi 'to be surrounded' /
kwah 'to coil' / 'coil'
 260.

4.5. Syncretistc forms II: Causatives/Non_causatjves.

kma 'to be uprooted' / 'to uproot'

k,pcP 'to be loose' / 'to loosen'

kaliui 'to be left behind' / 'to leave behind'

kyt 'to oscillate' / 'to cause to oscillate'

khiui 'to swing' / 'to cause to swing'


261.

5. Prefix

The prefix t-> is again a case of syncretism, and hence

no clear-cut function in derivational pairs can be

distinguished. Except for one instance, its phonological

distribution is extremely restricted, confined oniy to

the velar-nasal as base-initial on either register.

If the velar-nasal base-initial shows unnatural first

register, the prefix (t-) in spoken Mon corresponds to

the vocalic infix in literary Mon and to a consonantal -

infix in OM, such as LM tiiay LM taiiay L. OM /try/"/t3y/
SM /oa/ > /taijoa/. The first instance cited below,
/km/ /tkm/ corresponds to LM prefix <1->.
S
kern tkm 'to step' / 'step, pace'
oa / toa 'day, sun' / 'middle of the day'

D lc / tjk 'to be bent' / 'bend'

jk / taj&k 'to be set' / 'to set, clench'

/ t 'to be lost in thought' / 'abstraction

of mind'

5.1. Non-causative/causative.

tkj 'to lie across' / 'to lay across'

5.2. Verb/noun.

tj3t 'to study, practise' / 'practice, training'

 262.

6. Prefix <p->.

The main function of the prefix < p -> is to form

causatives from non-causative verbs; it is attested

throughout the history of Mon and to be reconstructed

as a proto-Mon derivational affix for the same function.

Exceptionally, < p -> may also derive verbs from a noun

and, in a few instances, nouns from verbs. There are

also some cases of syncietism (nomino-verbal).

In addition, causativQs derived from bases

with liquid initial /r-, i_/, resulting in structures
like /pr-, pl-/, may be expanded by vocalic infixation

to form specializing verbs /pr-, pl-/, thus under-

going secondary affixation.

6.1. Causatives
2. Verbalizing <p->
3. Nominalizing <p->
4. Syncretistic forms
5. Causative expansions (secondary affixation)
The prefix p-) occurs with the following base-initials:
k- c- t-
kh-, ch-, th-th-D

1-' !' J
r U , l.

y-.

where denotes induced first register in the derivative

and 0 a retained second register in the derivative.

As mentioned previously, labial base-initials /m, w./

take the syllabic prefix SM <k- to form causatives,

glottal base-initials and /p-/ the syllabic prefix SM (h-).

To recall the phonological processes involved in derivations
with cp-) and the above noted base-initials, we can state
 263.

cluster-formation with semivowel and liquids /y . , r, i./

/py-, pr-, pl-J and the plosives /k-, t-/ and nasals

/, p 2 / to /pic-, pat-. , p-, p-/, mutation in the

initial complex with Is-, c- " c . / to /phy- ,r py-/.
/h-/ initials follow the formation-rule, to /ph-/; the

second register /h . / derived to /pah . / is exceptional

(hapax).

6.1. Causative <p->.

keaj / p'kea 'to have had occasion to' / 'to

accustom, practise, train'
kbm / pktm 'to accompany' / 'id.'
/pak3 'to be broken in two' / 'to cause
to break (off), snap'
kt / pkt 'to study' / 'to teach'

kom / pakom 'to come together' / 'to assemble'

kt / pkt 'to revolve' / 'to turn,

ko / pk 'to be handsome' / 'to heal, restore'

kj / pk 'to be brave' / 'to make brave'

kc3 !J / paki 'to go froir place to place' / 'to

swivel'
ci / phyi 'to turn a ligh.t on' / 'to flash
momentarily'
cih / phyih 'to descend' I 'to lower, let down'

cm / phyin 'to be cooked' / 'to cook by boiling'

cea / phyea 'to decline' / 'to turn aside, avert'

caik / phyaik 'to be torn' / 'to Split up'

c3k / phyak 'to come in contact' / 'to touch with

an instrument'
C3 / phy3p 'to adjoin' / 'to join, unite, combine'

con / phyon 'to be mottled' / 'to dye'

cao / phyao 'to return' / 'to bring, take, back'

Ce / py 'to fight' / 'to incite'

c1 / py'l 'to rest, stop work' / 'to rest, allow
to stand'
 2611.

teat I pteabj 'to be taut' / 'to tighten, make fast'

tL.t / ptt emerge' / 'to take out, publish,
expel ,
t3e / pte 'to be finished' / 'to finish, complete'
tni / pt&rn 'to know' / 'to inform, acquaint'
tbfl / ptbn 'to rise' / 'to raise, elevate'
tbp / ptp 'to bury' / 'id.'
tbm / ptjm 'to be thick' / 'to make thick'
tn / pt3n 'to stand' / 'to establish, found'
tp / pt3p 'to be straight' I 'to straightent.
tao / p3tao 'to be located' / 'to set up &c.
ti '2 // pati 'to fight with horns' / 'to incite...'
t / pt 'to cover' / 'to cover, shade, with'
th / pth 'to be' / 'to institute, arrange'
kha / pkha 'to be firm'/ 'to make firm'
khn / pakh3n 'to be muddy' / 'to make muddy'
chi / pchi 'to shake' I 'to shake vigourously
chak I pchak 'to come near' / 'to bring together'
theaj / pthea 'to be clear' I 'to make clear, distinct?
th / pth 'to place' / 'to place, put'
that / path3t 'to be strong' / 'to strengthen'
thij / path3i 'to stable' / 'to make stable, firm'
thou / ptho 'to have holes in / 'to tear, make
holes in'
thui / pathui 'to be confused' / 'to confuse, disturb'
th / pth 'to be direct' / 'to straighten'
33k / p3k 'to be bent' / 'to bend'
t / pDt 'to be digested' / 'to digest'
3ih / p31aoh wake up' / 'to rouse, awaken'
,pl / pji3e 'to be level' / 'to level'
rm / prm 'to help' / 'id.'
rEa.!3 I preaj 'to form a row' / 'to prepare, arrange fo
 265.

S.
1 ta / plea 'to go away' / 'to chase away'

l. a / pl. 'to be melted' / 'to melt down'

1 im / p1m 'to tist, cheat' / 'to twist together'

S..
lh / plah 'to spread' / 'to spread out, extend'

1 m / plam 'to twine' / 'to twine; to pass one's

hand along'
li / plai 'to be dissolved' / 'to dissolve, loosen'
lik / plaik 'to fall down' / 'to break down, dig away'

lh / plbh 'to come undone' / 'to u:m'ind'

1n / plan 'to tread on' / 'to get paddy trodden out'

1c3ii1 / P1ij 'to be dissipated' / 'to waste, destroy'

lt / plot 'to fall down' / 'to bring down, cause to

fa 11'
lip / plop 'to enter' / 'to introduce, teke in'
/ plao 'to roll' / 'to turn over, roll about'

iit / plut 'to do wrong' / 'to slander, malign'

yh / pyah 'to shine' / 'to give off light; to point

out,
ya / pyoa 'to be ill' / 'to harm, molest'

yt / pyut 'to be degenerate' / 'to slander'

hap / phap 'to eat'

monks'
I'to feed, provide food for

hut I phut 'to decay' / 'to destroy'

hum / phum [daik3'to take a bath' / 'to give a bath, to bathE

hui / phui 'to be mixed' / 'to mix in'

ha / phoa 'to be / 'to push away from one'

sak / phyak 'to be wealthy, happy' / 'to make happy,

please'
s / phy.3 'to drink' / 'to give to drink'

S3 / phy 'to be low' / 'to make low, humble'



266.

6.2. Verbalizing (p->.

t3m / pt3m 'foot of tree' / 'to transplant'

t3m / pt3m 'beginning' I 'to begin'

6.3. Nominalizing cp->.

kt / pkt tto revolve' I 'turn'

/ pj3k 'to be bent' / 'bay, bend'

6.Li.. Syncretistic forms: Nomino-verbals.

pakan 'to yoke' / 'button'
pti 'to lean on, against' / 'dependence'
pnot 'to be angry' I 'anger'
pale 'to make a noise' I 'noise'
prcn 'to have an eruption on the skin' / 'smallpox'
psaP 'to stink' / 'stench'

6.5. Causative expansions of primary derivatives < p-> I -->:

Primary derivatives incorporating the causative prefix

<p-> and a liquid base-initial /r 2 , i-/, /pr-, pl-/, may
te expanded by the vocalic infix <-a-> to secondary

derivatives of the shape /pr-, pal-/. Semantically,

the functions are not clear-cut, hut generally secondary

derivatives in this set contain a specializing, inten-

sifying or frequentative nuance of the causative of the

primary derivative (or secondary base).

ra / prearj 'to form a row' /
'to prepare'
prea 'to set inoorder, arrange'
f^.h
plah / 'to spread out' / 'id.'
p lah 'to lay open'

/ plE3 'to melt' / 'to melt down'

palf.Ij 'to melt down'
 267.

li / plai 'tO be dissolved' / 'to dissolve, loosen'

palai 'to uncoil'
lik / plaik 'to decay' / 'to break down, dig away'
p'laik 'to destroy'

l m / p-l3m 'to be damaged, spoilt' / 'to damage, break'
pa ].bm 'to damage, hurt, seduce'
lh / plbh 'to come unt%isted uncoiled' / 'to
palbh 'to unfasten, disentangle'
pf3h 'to unwind, unravel'

lip / plop 'to enter' / 'to introduce, take in'
plup 'to introduce, bring in'


268.

7. Prefix kN -.
SM has two nasalized prefixes <k1 - and in

contradistinction to Ithrner, this process shows no

nasal accretion (nasaler Zuwachs), mod. IQim. /r'In/

'to learn' > /6rin/ 'to teach' (<B'-,), but the

nasalization affects directly the base-initial, and does

not foi'm a nasal cluster CaNC-.

occurs with glottal and labial base-

initials and /t./:

?-, t- ) km-
' '
icarn-
p -, w-
t.

N
7.1 Causative 4k ->.

bt / kmet 'to be tired' / 'to tire out'

h / kmaoh 'to be cool' / 'to cool'

7.2. Frequentative
wi / kemi 'to go from side to side' I 'to stir'

pn / kimn 'to be finn 4 steadfast' / 'to be

continual, persistent'

6bh / kmuh 'to sprinkle' I 'to asperge'

7.3. Attributive ckN_.

do / kamo 'to be tired' / 'weariness'

t^a / kla 'to run away' / 'flight, movement away'

p3- 2 / kmao? 'to be white' / 'id.' (induced reg.)

?bh / kambh 'to be full to the brim' / 'to over-
flow'
 269.

7.t. Nominalizing

/ kmo 'internal cavity' / 'embryo'

t3k / km1 'to hoe' / 'handful of rice'
ti't / klt 'to have.secret ccmmunicatjon (tm)' /
government emissary'
wn / kemn 'to be deformed' / 'cripple' (induced reg

With the exceptions of /pl? > kmao/ and /tXt> kl3t/,

the register of the base is retained in the derivative.

 270.

8. Prefix pN ->.

Occurrences of the nasalized prefix <p N_> are too few

to permit any generalization as to its distribution

arid function. The process of' nasalization is the same

as with the preceding affix - the base-initial is

nasalized, /t . > pan-/ and /k . > p . /;- but in this case
the register of the base may be induced or retained.

t / pno [kb} 'centre, middle, among' / 'among'

kih / pjh 'to swell u r' / 'to be stiff"
 271.

9. Prefix :X-).
Labial prefixial forms are restricted to three cases,

to bases with initial /y . / and /i . /. If the surface

forms are taken, one might set up two sets of prefix

<p->, one syllabic /p-/ and the other asyllabic /p-/,

one inducing the register, the other retaining it in the
derivative, /y 2 / > /py- '- py2 /. Historically, such inter-
pretations are untenable.

ym / pym 'to breathe' / 'life'

yh / payh 'to shine' / 'light'
1h / plh 'to lay down' / 'horizontal surface'

SM /pym/ corresponds to LM lamyuiri, by regressive

cluster-reduction /lamy_/ > /my-/ and subsequent cluster-

mutation and syllabic accretion /my-/ > /py-/ > /py-/
(nasal to stop).

SM /py.h/ Corresponds to OM /yaryas/ yirys, as derived

from /yas/ by the infix <-r->. Regressive cluster-

reduction in MM and liquid confusion /r- i-/ in the

initial complex yielded NM /lyas - lyah/, and the

modern forms LM lamy- (and lami-) can be interpreted

as attributive forms (most probably back-formations,

by <-m->).
 272.

B. Infixes

Two main types of infixes are to be distinguished in

Mon, at all of its attested stages: Consonantal

and vocalic inuixation.

Consonantal infixes in SM may be

syllabic or asyllabic, /tak/ 'to tie together'

/k'wak/ 'bond, chain', /pa/ 'to accompany' > /kwa/

Icrnpanifl These infixes are mai.nly confined to
derive nouns from verbal bases or attributives from
verbal bases.

Vocalic infixes which also occur in some

of the Eastern languages like Pakoh and Katu - although

hitherto not recognized - are phonologically restricted

to bases with complex initials (except SM /s- -

and hence their semantic scope is wider; the vocalic

infix, inserted between the two base-initials CC- > CiC-,

may be in complementary distribution with the causative

prefix <p-in such environments and other consonantal

infixes. Complementary distribution such as this is

attested throughout the history of Mon.
 273.

1 Infix (-n-).

Phonologically, nouns derived from verbs by infixatjon

with <-n-> may show syllabic, asyllabic or alternance-

features, as in

tn / hnn 'to chop off' / 'chopping block'

sa / Ima 'to spread' / 'mat'
toi / noi 'to shave' I 'razor'

In certain environments, syllabic infixation with -n- -

cannot be explained except to assume an earlier complex

infixation - in the case of /c?/ > /kana/ 'to eat' /

'food' the OM form is attested, /crna P /, incorporating

the infixes <-r-> and (-n-), phonologically one would

expect a form /hnaP/ - or a subsequent syllabic

variation of the sort /-, k-a-, h-/ which would account

for doublets like /hna/ /hna/ 'mat'.
The main two functions which have remained

stable since OM and are to be posited for PMK are the

'instrumental' and 'quantifier'.

The following base-initials occur:

k-, C- i' c, t- .- t, p- - p.
5-
r.

The register of the base is always retained; when not

reflecting a formerly complex infixation of the ON /crna2/
type, plosives, except /c- c2/, alternate with the in-
fix -n- , which thus replaces the initial of the base, or
correspond otherwise to the derivative-initial /p'n-/
(from /p-/ bases) or /hn 2 /, on flue second register,

(from C . bases). Base-initials /c- - s-f yield derivatives

/hn-/, or with formerly complex affixes, /kn- -_ hn-/.
 274.

Base-initial /r . / is a hapax, and follows the alternance-

rule while retaining the register.

1.1. Instrumental c-n-,.

keh / neh 'to write with a stylus' / 'iron stylus
for writing on paimleaf'
c3t / knot 'to prick, sting, plant upright' / 'skewer
spit'
ci / hni 'to catch with a stake net' / 'cQne-shaped
net attached to pole'
tk / nk 'to strike, hit, heat' / 'peg, stake'
toij / noi 'to shave' / 'razor (mainly for monks)'
tak / hanak 'to tie, tether' / 'jess for poultry,
noose; ambush'
tn / hnn 'to chop up, off' / 'chopping block'
t / n j 'to climb' / 'ladder for climbing palm'
puh / nuh 'to fillip, propel' / 'pellet bow'
p3t / p3not 'to mortise, gouge with chisel' /
'awl, punch, chisel'
sa / hna hna 'to spread, unroll' / 'mat'
sat / hanat 'to scoop up, draw? / 'baler, trowel'
sat / hanat 'to feed' / 'feeding trough'
rt / n6t 'to reap, cut crops' / 'sickle'

1.2. Quantifying <-n-p.

to / no 'cotton, yarn, thread' / 'spool,
lineage'
taib / nai 'spine of palm frond' / 'branch, bough'
t3m / nm 'foot of tree' / 'plant, tree'
sao / [n'2 J hnao 'to measure' / 'measuring baskec'
 275.

1.3. Freguenttive <-n--.

c / knorj 'to burn' / 'burning'
ct / knot 'to prick, plant upright' / 'to skewer,
fasten with a pin'
pch / hnIh 'to remember' / 'remembrance, thought of'

1.4. Nominalizing <-n->.

cih / hneh 'to descend' / 'bathing place by river,

landing place, ghat'
c..P / kana 'to eat' / 'food'
c / hn 'to burn, set ligh.t to' / 'star'
/ kno 'burning'
pk / pnok 'to open' / 'aperture in wall'
Bk / hnok 'to peel, rind' / 'peel, rind, shell;
tyre (DsM)'
 276.

2. Infix <-m->.

Although the infix (-m-> is attested in OM and MN, its

function has changed in SM; previously it derived

attributive forms from verbs, like ON /jnok/ 'to be great,

large' > /jamnok/, and was, together with <s-s for the
'hypothetical', a productive inflectional affix. A

shift in the function of <-m-> took place at later stages,

favoured by the tendency in ON to delete the accompanying

noun with attributive formations and resulting in an

agentival function of the affix, such as /thc/ 'to be

proper, morally good' /thmhc/ 'a man with character,
a good man'. The semantic functions in SM are very
het erogenous.

The infix <-m- occurs with base-initials

k., c . , t- -t. t . , th-

5-

yielding, on the second register, invariably the derivative-

initial /hm . /, and on the first register /kni- - ham-I.

2.1. Agentive (-rn-).

torn / kamom 'to cook' I 'cook'

tt I hmt

'to strike with flat hand, slap, stamp' /
'smith, metalworker'

2.2. Resultative '-m- .

tan / k-man 'to plait, twill, of barntoo' / 'plaited,

twilled, work of bamboo, cane'
tok / kniok 'to calculate' / 'calculation
t / ham 'to receive, accept' / 'gift, recipient'
ci / hiiici 'to sew, stitch' / 'seam, hem'
c3n / h m3n 'to string together' / 'garland (of
flowers)'
 277.

2.3. Similative (-m-).

kp / homp 'to cover' / 'overhang'
tho / hnio 'to have a hole in, be torn' /'hole
through wall, perforation, membrane'
c3ik / hamik 'to harrow, prepare for cultivation' /
agriculture'
/ hmo tca 'to be low, short' / 'North'

2.14. Instrumental (-rn-).

ct / h-ant 'to wipe out with cloth, erase, rub

out' / 'duster, cloth for wiping'


278.

3. Infix (-r-).

As the preceding infix -m->, the syllabic infix -r->

occurs in CM, but its phonological distribution is &ery

different in SM. Here it is restricted to bases with

initials of t1.e type ChC- while in OM derivatives con-

taming <-r-> are reducible to bases with simple initials,

like /ths/ 'to be' > /thrd3s/ 'existence'.

So far, I am unable to offer any sat-

isfactory classification.

3.1. Frequentative <-r->.

khEk / hrk 'to catch on, snag' / 'to scrape,
scratch, draw a line'

3.2. Noniinalizing -r->.

khLk / hr.k [kamot] 'match (to light fire), lighter'

kh3 D / hr 'Kalok-post, at S.E. location'

khok / h-rok 'cup, cupful (measure)' / 'bowl,
cup; valley; cirque'
xchai / hrai 'to be outstanding, handsome (skt.)' /
'glory, pride'
thou / h%r3 1'
to set upright' / 'upright position,
dorsal fin'
phtk / hr.k 'to mix ingredients' / '(h'?ui_)
materials for producing medicines'
 279.

14. Infix (-V-).

The infix (-w-> is attested from the early OM records

onwards; its functions are diverse and include fre-

querttative/attributive formations.

The entire series of stops /k, C, t, p/

occurs as base-initials on either register as well

as the complex /ch-, ph-/ and /y . , s-/.

The following phonological processes

take place:
k
kw-
t.

p kw-

C-
hw-
5-
Ch- haw-
. '.
r1rw_ I * '.
y- < ' yaw-

Lii . 1. Agentiva 1 <-w- ).

pa / kwa 'to accompany' / 'companion'

p / kw3j 'to associate with' / 'friend, wife'

ph&k / h3wC.k 'to mix socially' / 'acquaintance, peer'

Li.2. Instrumental <-w->.

k / kw 'to keep, put away' / 'basket for

storing paddy'
toi / kwoi 'to pluck instrument'
strument'
I'musical in-

t / kwc 'to hide, close, cover up' / 'fish

trap (barrier in stream)'
t.ak / kiak 'to tie, link; build in stone' / 'bond,
chain; encircling wall; song (poem)'
ph / kwh 'to grind' / 'mortar'
pt / kawit 'to grind in quern' / 'quern for
husking rice'
 280.

pk / kwk 'to wear, put round one's body' /

'lower garment'

11. .3. Frequentative-attributive -w-

tbn / kwn 'to rise, ascer.d' / 'rising, increase'

pn / kawn 'to shoot' / 'shooting, shot'
ph / hawh 'to reed' / 'reading' -
ym / ?iwm 'to cry, weep' / 'crying'

-l-i4-. Nominalizing <-w-.

In addition to the three specific functions outlined

above, <-w-> derives nouns of various semantic cate-

gories (collective, similative, resultative) from
verbal bases.

k3t / kwt 'to study' / 'study, branch of

learning
c? / hwa? 'to eat' / 'food'
ch / hwh 'to have a fever' / 'fever'
chao / hwao 'to curse, swear at' / 'oath, curse'
tp / kw3p 'to fold, arrange in order' / 'fold,
ply; rincs of tree'
toik / k'woik 'to lie down, go to bed' / 'pond left
by seasonal floods'
paj / ka2 'to demarcate (_khra)' / 'compass,
extent'
p-an / kbw3n 'to shoot' / 'shot, shooting'
p3t / kw3t 'to kneed, massage' / 'massage'

p / kw 'to pledge, mortgage' / 'mortgage'

p3 / kib 'to exceed' / 'excess'
paik / k-awaik 'to split, halve' / 'half'
pa / kawa 'to possess, have authority over' /
'possession, authority'
 281.

p / hw 'to heap up' / 'heap, stack, collection

of goods'
p / hw 'to surround; to co-operate' / 'ercircie-
rnett, siege'
s / h'wj 'to drink' / 'drink'
i.)
y 3 // r1rw '
'to carry on head' / 'burden, headload'
ym / ?j9im 'to breathe' / 'breath'
 282.

5. Infix <-s->.
The vocalic infix /--/ is attested since the OM

period, and its phonological distribution has remained

identical: It occurs exclusively with complex base-

initials and is in complementary distribution with other

consonantal affixes occurring with simple base-initials;

OI'4 phonology does not tolerate three-place initial

sequences, except for s-pieces (which may be accorded.

a different phonological status anyway 127 ), and CCC- (ChC-)

sequences are a MM innovation. The only exception to

this distributional rule in SM is /5- s./, but they
reflect an earlier CC- cluster, /sr- Cr- jr-/ in
Middle and modern literary Mon (spellings in MSS and

epigraphs suggest that the sr- reduction is relatively

late, following the merger of cr- .i' jr- to s- during
the devoicing period).

The following base-initials are actually attested in

derivational pairs listed below:
s- - s. ( < sr- - cr-, jr-)
hi-, hrn-, hn- hn., hw- - hw
ph-, ch- (Western diall.) .- khy- (< 1ks-ii-kc-)
ky 2 , kr, kl .V, kw
() p1-
py-, pr-, ()

Idly-, khr-, khl-

phy-

Although the function of the vocalic infix in OM was

mainly confined to derive causatives we find
instances like OM /kr3w/ 'behind, after' > /kr3'w/
'to turn one's hack (on)'. Through Affix-Synkretismus
 283.

the vocalic infix <--> took over former consonantal

infixes, normally restricted to nominal derivations,

in SM and retained <-s-> for causatives with complex

base-initials. Thus for SM the vocalic infix derives

causatives, frequentatives and attributives from verbal

bases and nouns of various categories.

There are only two instances of a de-

causative and one case of a verbalizing vocalic infix.

5.1. Causative <--,

sE.t / hr.t 'to be worn, abraded' / 'to abrade,
rub against'
sai / hrai 'to be separate, apart' / 'to
separate, disentangle'
soi / hroi, 'to be wide apart' / 'to separate,
disperse'
hla / h'l 'to be high, tall' / 'to raise, exalt'
hiak / halak 'to e dirty' / 'to dirty, soil'
hian / hlan 'to be scorched' / 'to scorch, singe'
hlik / hl3ik 'to be broken into pieces' /'to pull
to pieces'
hloi / hloi 'to rest, sleep' / 'to lull, put to
Sleep'
hloa / hloa 'to be broad, wide' / 'to widen, en-
large
hne / hn3e 'to he spilt' / 'to spill'
hnao / hanao 'to be mixed, to associate' / 'to
mix'
hw? / hw 'to be distributed' / 'to distribute'
hw3 / haw 'to flow' / 'to cause, allow, to flow'
kre / kr3e 'to be thin' / 'to make thin'
kren / karen 'to be worn down' / 'to whittle down'
krep / karep 'to be interposed' / 'to interpose'
kr / ker 'to be finn' / 'to ripen'
krp / kar3p 'to be near' / 'to tring together,
 28L.

k r. a / hara 'to understand' / 'to inform'

kleP / kal3e2 'to be muddy' / 'to make, get, muddy'
k 1 e9 / k1eP 'to leave' / 'to put out'
ki e t / klet 'to be close together' / 'to set close
together'
ki e t / k1et 'to be sticky' / 'to smear on, with'
kick / klk 'to be filled in' / 'to fill in'
k1 / k1e 'to be orphaned' / 'to orphan'
klah / k'1ah 'to be clear' / 'to clarify'
k lb P / k%lb? 'to cross, go round' / 'to transfer,
send over; to put round'
k lb h / klbh 'to be penetrated' / 'to pierce, per-
forate; to explain'
kl3t / kbl3t 'to germinate' / 'to plant (seeds]'
kb / k'lo 'to be starving' / 'to starve'
ki (3 P / h'1(3 'to be short' / 'to shorten'
k1(3j / h1(3 'to be numerous, much' / 'to exceed'
k 1(3 i / ha1(3i 'to be long' / 'to lengthen'
klu / ha1iP 'to be dark' I 'to darken, deprive of
sight'
kwaik / kwaik 'to walk' / 'to cause to walk, lead a
procession'
py / hy 'to be hungry for' / 'to starve'
pre / pare 'to be thin' / 'to make thin, plane
down'
pre / pare 'to be smooth' / 'to smooth'
prah / prah 'to be scattered about' / 'to dis-
perse, separate, scatter'
prap / prap 'to approach' / 'to tring near, con-
duct to the presence of'
pr3h / prh 'to fall' / 'to shake down, cause to
fa 1 1'
prop / prop 'to be bruised' / 'to bruise'
pr(3m / hr(3m 'to be blighted, fall, capsize' /
'to blight'
pr? / h%riiP 'to make a noise' / 'to cause to
sound'
p1t / palbt 'to be extinguished, to set' / 'to put
out, extinguish'
 285.

plk / hlk 'to be inundated' / 'to immerse'

plt / hlt 'to miss the mark' / 'to divert, turn
aside'
pl?3p / halp 'to dive' / 'topish under water'
khyai / h3cai 'to be separated' / 'to disperse'
khy-bt / h-cbt 'to die, he dead' / 'to kill'
khye / 'to be fleecy' / 'to fluff off'

5.2. Frequentative <-'->

krap / krap 'to press betweentwo surfaces' / 'to
fasten between two surfaces'
krap / krbp 'to wallow' / 'to lead to water'
krt / kr3t 'to cross' / 'to take a short cut'
krao / krao 'to be suisequent' / 'to turn'
kr^.a / hr'a 'to crow, hiss, coo' / 'to roar,
trumpet'
kr? / har' 'to grunt' / 'to make an inarticulate
sound'
klan / hln 'to be restless' / 'to be finicky, fussy'
pl3n / pl3n 'to do again, in turn' / 'to return &c.'
phyn / hcn 'to give instructions' / 'to direct,
send a message'

5.3. Do-causative <-->.

hl / h'l 'to blaze up' / 'to burn brightly'

pun / hln 'to divert' / 'to be out of alignment'

5.4. Attributive --> -

si / hari 'to be lean' / 'leanness'

krt / kr3t 'to cross' / 'crossing'
krrj / krzn 'to be firm' / 'ripeness; obstinacy'
kra / h-ar^.a 'to crow, hiss, coo' I 'crowing'
krlp / hrlp 'to run (away from)' / 'motion from
one place to another'
 286.

kl / k3l 'to be short' / 'shortness'

k1i? / kliiXP 'to be dark' / 'darkness'
kwa b / kawa 'to be tired' / 'weariness, stiffness'
kwui / kawui 'to feel weary / 'weariness'
kwi / hawci 'to be anxious' / 'anxiety'
prh / parh 'to be quick' / 'speed, earliness'
phyah / hcah 'to be sour' / 'sourness; sour pickle'

5.5. Verbalizing <-a->.

hne / kane 'rudder, helm' / 'to guide, steer'

5.6.1. Agentival <-a-p.

hnk / h3nck 'to be large, great' / 'adult, chief'
kla / hlia 'to carry on yoke' / 'porter, porter's
yoke'

5.6.2. Instrumental --
S3k I krk 'to plant upright' I 'beanpole'
/ horj 'to steam' / 'steamer, cooking pot'
st / hart 'to suck' / 'drinking tube made of
bamboo'
hmaik / h,maik 'to hook, draw towards one with hook' /
'hook, crook'
hwk / hwk 'to lift, carry by handle' / 'luggage
(cak_)'
hwat / hwat 'to shred with sharp instrument' / 'tool
for grating coconut'
Icyab / k5ya 'to adorn (oneself)' / 'article of
jewellery'
krat / karat 'to swill' / 'small brush'
krap / krap 'to press between two surfaces' /
'clip &c.
krm / hrm 'to erect across, along side of road' /
'trellis for creepers'
krp / hbrp 'to cover' / cover'
 287.

kro a / h.rca 'to pull' / 'stay, rope (c3k_)'

kri h / hrh 'to comb, harrow' / 'harrow, rake,
comb'
k1 / ha1 'to thrust with pole' / 'bamboo, pole'
kwi / hw). 'to wrap up' / 'wrapper'

plam I plam 'to train' / 'trellis for climbing trees'

khy39 I ksP 'to insert' / 'lock; key'
khy3t / hct 'to put in, insert' / 'squirt used
at New festival; pea shooter
made of bamboo'

5.6.3. General nominalizing <--.

The remaining instances of derivatives containing the
vocalic infix - all nouns derived from verbs - show

shades of different functions like similative (metonymical

meaning), resultative or some specialized meaning, re-

stricting the semantic scope of the corresponding verb

(ito itch', 'scabies' or 'to provide', 'marriage settlement').

set / lrvrc.t 'to be worn, scratched' / 'line, streak,

striation'
/ hera 'to wither, be withered' / 'dried
residue, sediment'
krbp / krbp 'to wallow' / 'heavy rain'
krp / k%r3p 'to be near' / 'vicinity; near, next
to'
krm / h.rIm 'to bind the edge of' / 'rim, edge'
kh / kwh 'to speak formally, preach' / 'words,
utterance, instructions'
pr / pr4j 'to send' / 'message, present, bribe'
prak / parak 'capacity, contents'
proa / proa 'to make a profit' / 'profit, gain'

plop / pelop 'to provide' / 'marriage settlement'

plbt / p1bt 'to set, extinguish' /
phik / phik 'to fear' / 'fear'
 288.

khy3p I kas,p 'to think' / 'intention, t1ought'

khyu / ksao 'to write, copy' / 'writing, painting'
khra / h.ra 'to be separated, separate'
between two points'
I 'distance

phye / h'aceP 'to deck out, titivate' / 'embellishment'

hnok / hnok 'to itch' / 'scabies'
ot / h'.nt 'to foment' / 'bundle of herbs used as -
fomentation'
h / hl3v 'to be high, tall (also socially)' /
'top, summit, crown of head'
 289.

C. Processes.

Two processes are recognized for spoken Mon, nasalization

and labialization. The difference between processes

and affixes is that no phonological segment can be set

up or identified. Although monosyllables of the shape

(c)cv(c) show syllabic accretion, to ccv(c) (where C

is a nasal or labial), no segmentable unit is affixed

to the base (except in the case of simple glottal

initial), hence more complex structures can undergo

morphological processes without violating rules of

syllabicity, like ccv(c) (where C is a non-nasal) de-

riving c%NV(c).

1. Nasal forms

Two types of nasal forms are to be distinguished, an

Ersatz-type and a Zuwachs-type applicable to disyllables

and monosyllables respectively. The Ersatz-type of

nasal forms shows induced register in the derivative.
This type shows instability of base-initials in two

instances which I cannot explain yet; in the three

remaining cases the base-initial remains unaffected

by the process, and the nasalization extends only over the

postinitial (or medial) consonant, like the Javanese

examples quoted on an earlier occasion (p. lZi4).

1.1. Ersatz-type <-u->.

hkt / tjat 'to be bare of leaves' / 'to shave,

be shorn'
t.kI / pjao 'to be straight' / 'id.'

pikn / 'to yoke' / 'button'
 290.

pkp I P)P 'to joint / 'joint'

hd'3m / han3m 'to be round' / 'noodles'

1.2. Zuwachs-type <-v->.

The material is sufficient to permit a reasonable

classification into frequentative-attributive forms,

instrunentals and abstract or general nouns covering
a metaphorical or similative meaning ae1l.

1.2.1. Frequentative_attributive <--,

dat / henat 'to be sweet' / 'sweetness'
cf3 / han 3 'to be salty' I 'saltness'
kai / kh3i 'to tour, go from place to place' / 'id.'
pla / pna? 'to show' I 'pretence'

1.2.2. Instrumental c--s-.

cftn / hnn 'to angle' / 'fish hook'

kleh / kaneh 'to 'wear over shoulder' / 'crossbelt'
klea / knea 'to bind' / 'bonds, lashing'
klh / kenDh 'to throw' / 'stick, boomerang'
kk 'to hang up'
/ kanik
hwck 'to carry by handle' / 'handle'
k'wa / k%m3 'to bind strips together' / 'rattan
lashing'
kw.h I kemh 'to sweep' I 'broom'
kiat I hnt 'to chisel' / 'awl'

1 .2.3. Nominalizing <-v-'.

/ h.non 'to be restricted' / 'epitome, digest'

hla / hena? 'leaf' / 'flame, wick'
hwt / hem3t 'to be small' / 'child'
 291.

I
hwo ,, hmo 'to flow' / 'current'
kb / kno 'to be starving' / 'famjne'

kieP / kne? 'to leave' / 'faeces'

klp / k'np 'to eat copped-up food' / 'salad'

k'aik / krnaik 'to walk' / 'footprint'

Zuwachs-type derivations retain the register.

 292.

2. Labial forms c-)->.

Like the preceding set of nasal forms, labialization

occurs with mono- and disyllabic bases; Ersatz-types

and Zuwachs-types may also be distinguished. Mono-

syllabic bases show exclusively two-place initials,

/ky-, kr-, kl_/. Register is retained throughout.
Labial forms correspond to labial-infixed forms in modern

literary Mon, 114 C 1 C 2 - C1mC2- by irifixation with

<-m->; LM sequences C 1 emC 2 - follow the rule of regressive

cluster-reduction whereby, LM mC 2 - (with loss of C1-)

corresponding to SM paC 2 - with syllabic accretion.

2.1. Ersatz-type (-A->.

kck / pck 'to be black' / attributive
karea
/ parea 'to shout' / attributive

2.2. Zuwachs-type .-X->.

This set comprises the formation of cousatives, attrihutives

and nominalization.

2.2.1. Causative <-)->.

kye / pye 'to be pretty' / 'to adorn'

krat / p%rat 'to swill' / 'to splash about'

kie? / pa1e? 'to be lost' / 'to lose'

klj / pBlb 'to resound' / 'to make flj5

2.2.2. Attributive <-A->.

kick / plk 'to be biind' /

klah / plah 'to be clear' /
 293.

2.2.3. Nominalizing -A-.

k1a / p1aj 'to bore' / 'well'
k1t / p1t 'to germinate' / 'sprout'
 2911.

Vestigial forms.

As we have seen during the discussion

of Af'fix-Synkretismus (pp. 156-16 11), two morphologically

distinct fonns in OM may correspond to a single one

in SM, like ON /kta ?/ 'to turn' '> /knta?/ 'space

in front' (<- n -> infix), SM /hta?/ ( MM /gtaP/, by

voicing distribution rule).

SM has a limited number of cases which show,

if the surface forms are taken, an initial consonantal

alternance in bases and derivatives of the shape ccv(c).

A different kind of syncretism is exhibited in these
forms as one corresponds to OM CC- bases and /--/ is

junctural (anaptyxis) and the other to OM CaC- derivative

and /--/ is the vocalic infix. Because of the merger

of affix // and junctural // in certain contexts

(sequences of plosive / plosive) in SM no other den-

vational process could take place in structures like

ccv(c) than initial alternance. But what appears in

SM as a consonantal alternance in the surface forms

(c.cv(c) > c.acv(c), in possible analogy to alternances

in monosyllables c.v(c) > c.v(c) in plosive / nasal

sequences ( infix -n-))), can be relegated to a phono-
logical shift and retention of the initial sequence:
OM /kt$r/ 'to rouse' MN /gatw/ by voicing distribution
rule (ON '&C- > MM cc-) ) SM /hat-o/ 'to supply', de-

rived from the base OM /katr/ 'to stand up' > MM /ktw/

(retention of CC- clusters in MM/LM) > SM /katt/ <.

LM ktuiw V katuii.

Although in the following three cases the

surface forms show identical initial sequences with the
 295.

foregoing pair, the underlying process assumed is that

of an infixation by <-m-> and a subsequent reduction of

the mediocluster of the shape I-mt-I to SM /-t-/; again,

the vocing distribution rule applies, /kamt-/ (from

base /kt-/) > * /gmt-/ *
/gt-/, as in

k3tk / hbt,..k 'to be miserly' / 'miser' (DSM)

k'tao / htao 'to be hot' / 'to heat'
kt& / [hl&m] ht 'to be bitter (in taste)' /
'Persian lilac (DSM)'

Another shift in the mediocluster system

of OM resulted in an affixial shift: OM /-nd-/ > late
MM /-i-/ as in sequences of the shape OM /thnd-/ in-
corporating the syllabic infix -n->, derived from
bases with simple initial /d-/, corresponding to late
MM /d1-/ ' SM /hl-/, on the second register, with
bases /t-/; we can thus equate the OM syllabic infix
c-n-> with LM/SM -l->.

/ hala 'to cover' / 'to cover head'

t3 m / hlm 'to be secret' / 'to cover face'

th / h lh 'to be foolish' / 'id.,'

More complex reconstrcutions have to be

set up for the following set:

p3tai / hli 'to lean on' / 'to recline'

htn / kln 'to conceal' / 'to deceive'

In the first case, /pti/ LM bd- , pd-

corresponds to an oM */day/ base and its frequentative

in analogy to the base mentioned second, SM

/ht3n/ corresponding to an attested MM form /pd,n/

and its OM frequentative /dnd3n/ (<-n->). But whereas

the second, derived, form from the first pair /hli/

 296.

represents a regular development, that is OM /d'and-/

late MM /dl-/ > SM /h-l . /, the second derivative

/kl3n/ shows an artificially inferred form from LM tal-

retaining the regular shift OM /-nd-/ > LM/SM /-i-/,

but introducing an incorrect voicing distribution

rule, or, perhaps, a variation. It is regrettable that,

as yet, we do not know any other classical LM spelling

other than tal- for this particular instance.
For the pair
prah / krah 'to spread out' / 'to spread'
no explanation can be offered; a possible
analysis might suggest that since /prah/ yields a de-

rivative (causative) /prah/ 'to disperse' and in order

to avoid syncrestism which would have otherwise occurred

in the case of original infixes <-n- (frequentative)
and -m-> /pnr-/ /pmr-/ > SM /p'r . / inferential
spellings of the series tar- car- developed. But
this is far from certain.

lh / klh 'to spread out' / 'flat surface'

may be a simple back-formation since I do not
posit a non-syllabic ck-> prefix for SM. Evidence does
not suggest the contrary.

An equally uncertain analysis is to be

set up for the pair.
hciX / hy 'to drip' / 'eaves'

OM /j3nj_/ , MM /d?y-/ > SM /hy . / and

OM / j -/ = MM /j-/ > SM /c 2 /, with <-a -> infix, derived

from bases with simple initial / j -/ in OM. The original

base might have become obsolescent, and should be re-

constructed SM '/ciX/ > /hyiI/ (corresponding to the re-
 297.

gular OM /jnj_/ with c-n-? infix); the palatal

alternation in the SM forms could be relegated to a

confusion in the MM stage /dy-/ from MM li-I bases,

and inferential LM forms dj-- dy- '- dhj- '-dhy-.

The last two pairs of' vestigial base/

derivative are
chan / shan 'to love' / 'lover'
that / s?h3t 'to be strong' / 'strength'
The first pair is attested for classical
OM j(i)rhn /jrhan/-'-- chn /chan/ by infixation of'

syllabic <-r-), the voicing in the derivative as yet

unexplained at that stage. MM metathesized initial

OM /jar-/ to MM /jm-/ (or variation in spelling (?))

corresponding to SM /s . / on the second register, although,

as reading pronunciation, SM /crh-/ is still retained

(Lopburi). The formation of /tht/ is due to analogical

levelling.
 298.

Part III.
SYNTAX

At least four main classes of words

are to be distinguished in spoken Non, nouns, verbs,
auxiliaries and clitics. These classes or categories
can all be distributionally and morphologically defined 128

Morphologically, verbs cannot be derived by prefixation

with ->, and the scope of the negative particle /hI/

may extend only over verbs. Historically verbs and
nouns can be distinguished in that the former alone may
take inflectional affixes (oM cs- and -m->, for the

hypothetical and attributive respectively).

Within the class of verbs tvo types

can be set up, stative verbs (verbes d'tat) and

operative verbs iverbes d action) 129 ; stative verbs

only may be reduplicated, as /pr3h/ 'to be speedy' >

/prh pr3h/ 'quickly', as adverb (/kwaik pr3h pr3h/

 299.

'to walk fast'), while operative verbs only may co-

occur with their own derived forms, like /krIp hrp/

'to take flight'. This intensive usage is mainly con-

fined to narratives. It is, however, not clear whether
the derivative /hr 'Ip/ corresponds to a former frequentative
of the verb /krIp/ 'to run away' or its nominalized
form 'course, flight'.

Auxiliairies may be distinguished by their

occurrence with other verbs, in pre- or postposition.

Auxiliaries may also occur as full, or autonomous, verbs,

as in /Uh khyam/ 'to catch a cold', /t^h cao ph.a/ 'I

have to go back to the monastery'

Finally, clitics may never occur on their
own, but may, in a limited number of cases, undergo deri-
vation. They differ from particles in that they are con-

fined to nouns and are not characterized, unlike the

latter, by a high degree of versatility, both syntactic

and semantic; /kwan n?/ 'this village', /chlD cp

'when did you arrive here?' (/na 2/ 'this')130.

 :300.

The nominal piece

A nominal piece consists of a nominal nucleus

which may be autonomous and functIon as grammatical subject

or object in a sentence or which may be juxtaposed to other

verbs or nouns to constitute a complex noun-phrase. Both

types of noun-phrases, simple and complex, may be preceded

or followed by a series of clitics or particles, some of

them in a fixed order, to indicate certain grammatical

features such as plurality, possession or determination.

There are no restrictions as to the syllable-shape of

any NP-constituent except that they have to conform to the

canonical shapes as described previously; however, some

syllabic features are confined to nouns only: To these

belong the initial sequences /C-/w /?i?C_/ (which may

also be adverbial; /C-/ sequences incorporate the prefix

- when they are not Burmese loans and tn- and tetra-

syllables except /hcarna/ 'to reflect'. No other rigid

phonological constraints can be set up to detect nouns in

the Mon lexicon, like /py-/ sequences can be reduced to a

/ y / base and a p-) prefix - /py-/ irreducible initials

are Burmese loans -, but /phy-/ initials may incorporate a

<p- prefix from /c-/ initials and present irreducible

nouns as well, such as /phyun/ 'meat, flesh' (40M /pcun/).

In only one case all occurrences of /5-/, on the second

register, are confined to nouns.

Within a complex noun-phrase, the order of the con-

stituents is rigid, as in /kelok he/ 'house-spirit' and

 301.

/h3e ? kalok/ 'spirit-house' or /phyin p3/ 'to cook rice'

(VTh) and /k?hn phyin/ 'cooked rice' (NTh1).

A noun or noun-phrase may thus correspond to (1)

a simple form in the lexicon, (ii) a derivative incorpor-

ating any affix except p- or (iii) a juxtaposition of

simple forms the first of which must be a noun.

In slightly literary contexts (sermons, formal public

speeches), a noun-phrase may also consist of a loan head-

noun, such as /hwI/ /phYw'L?/ and /tiib/ or a more

complex sequence of noun and particle followed by a verb

as /hath m'^Y/.

1.) Simple nouns

Simple nouns consist of a single constituent and may

show any cononical syllabic shape; in a sentence they may

function as subject or object without being marked by any

clitic or particle. Thus simple nouns can be identical

with noun-phrases, such as /kao/ 'flower', /cfaik/ 'liquid;

water', /kwi/ 'wheel; cart, bus', /krp/ 'forest', /k3rao/

'journey', /hatbp/ 'cover, lid'. The class of simple nouns

is also meant to include those nominals in the lexicon

which incorporate an affix, like /kmIoy/ 'guard, keeper' -

/ma/ 'to watch over' (k- LM ip-), /klon/ 'work' _

/klon/ 'to work' (&--) or /3klk/ 'blind person' --

/klk/ 'to be blind' (-').

2.) Compound nouns

Compound nouns consist of a head-noun which determines

the semantic scope of its following constituents; these,

 302.

in turn, may consist of a sequence of verbs and nouns, in

that order. Theoretically, no restrictions are imposed

by Mon grammar as to the number of the constituents of

compound nouns, but cases with a number higher than three

are rare. Halliday (MED) notes a word for 'artillery',

(LM mra-tbi-'amlk-senat senat)

containing two loans from Burmese, /p'l' k/ 'amrok 'gun',

/s.nat/ senat 'rifle', and two unknown constituents.

This case also violates the rigid word-order in noun-

compounds since it can be changed to /pl'bk_pr'?_gu/.

Another compound noun consists of five constituents and

is equally artificial, 'wino,
playboy' ('man', 'drink', 'eat', 'to play, gamble', 'to

laugh'), but in reality this is more likely to be replaced

by a paraphrase of the sort /nIh_te ?_ kbh s3,-rhk-ki'ak/

'that man is a heavy drinker' ( - 'to drink', 'alcohol',

'to do in excess').

It is convenient to state compound nouns according to

the number and class (noun/verb) of their constituents;
but first, a classified set of those nouns which may occur
as a head-noun of a compound is to be established, as shown
on the following page.

Compounds with one constituent

The most frequent noun compound found in the SM

lexicon consists of a noun-head and a single constituent

which may be either a verb or a noun. Either term, head-

noun or constituent, or both may be a borrowing, as in



303.

004 0
. 3
:0>3
0'0 I.

00334)1.1.033
304)
I>0
tL I!
41
01 31 4)
-.I/I .I'1 4J '!II I

I(1lIIvI 1.
0
-
I0I
-II 1.OII4)L
'='gj-'
I Ii
0I9i1 ftii
.! '
"Ii 'I
0I -I

I-I
3
4
r13
- ).. -'4
0
01.
r-'... 0
00 .4)4)-
.40 .-1.
1.0 .4031.
0.0 - 30 33

0 3' .0 3
03 >- 0:
'40 4)01.1.30
44)
0
0
3

z
1.
0
o 0 r 8
1. E ') *Ir'o 0 .0

0 I
0
-
-44)- 4)
300 0
04)4)
- 3
4) .4 0
-
3
0
3 .0'4) -
.031 -4
34 .0
-'--40 34) 0
- .0 0 00 -
3_ 3 , 0 3 - - 3 )- C
04)4)0 0> 1.: - 1.0 4)
- 0 C... 1.033.00- 00 3 --
0- 0 0 >sbC 0 004)01.1.01.>
04)-' '0 4 ).. 030 - 3030380.4
.00300.0 '00- '0-' 0-4) -4)0 '0.0 b>
O 1.84)0-4)1.- 1.0-300 ).,4) 3 >. 304)330 1. o1.
S 01.0 0'00 04) 00.00 4)
.00 8V 0. 3.0 31 '0.0.003.00
- .0'0
II 4
1 44
I..
0
ft

1 OCCO00O0CI
2J =

0
- 1.
1. 0 -
0 -) -
- 4) 3 0
4) 4) 5 0.
0 0 1. 0- .4
O 0 - 0 0 -
- - laO
0 0 0 0
O - 3 3 3
- - - 4) 0 0 00 3
o o: I - 0 0 - -4
O .. o .... 0 >. 0 0 0
1..-* 1. 0 . - 00 3 5
4)
- -
,o.
- -
=
- - -
0
- -5 - -
I

0
4 ft S
- 3 0 o - 0 31 0 ol
' S 'C 4 51 C "Cl 0 '"C
0, - .0 Cl .0 = 1.
 3OL.

/ca 53/ '[native] doctor' (/ca/ Skt. acirya, /s3/

Skr. alya).

If the compound consists of a sequence of two

nominals, three types of relationships between them may be

stipulated: One type commonly described as "genitival" -

however objectionable the term may be -, as in /h3e ? m,k/

'father's house', secondly a collective or set type, consist-

ing of two separate notions which may be linked by a

particle connecting nouns, /kb/ (see below), to be expanded

to /mI' kb m7/ and /d kb kwan/, like /m'I? m.?/ 'parents'

(' ,1 ml? / 'mother', /m?/, short for /m?k/, 'father')

or /dj kwan/ 'towns and villages', and, thirdly, a relation-

ship between modifier and modified, as in /h3e? cfaik/

'latrine', /kon w1t/ 'girl', /m te/ 'map' (Thail.:

/phn ti/). In the first and third cases, the connecting

particle /ko/ cannot occur; as for the 'genitival' relation

between the two terms, or more appropriately 'possessive',

it is, unlike Khmer or Thai, not marked by a special

particle connecting both, Khmer /rh/ - being optional -

Thai /kh:/.

If the head-noun is followed by another noun,

variation in word-order is possible although extremely rare,

as in /oa s/ /sjoa/ 'early evening', but does not occur

in a possessive relationship having a rigid order or in a

modifier/modified pair. Depending on the sentence-context,

a change of emphasis can be induced by changing the order

of the terms.
 305.

If the head-noun is followed by a verb as a

constituent of a noun-compound, the order can, of course,

not be reversed. The commonest type of noun-compound n. v.

consists of a stative verb, the translation equivalents of

(English) adjectives, but other types may also occur, like

/kwaik/ 'to walk' in /101k kwaik/ 'passport' (neologism) 131

/sj/ 'to drink' in /cfaik s3/ 'drinkable water'. As for
compounds with stative verbs, no restrictions are imposed

except for word-order; /sok k]i/ 'long hair', /sala

krem/ 'old hail', /ki'? hn'bk/ 'main road; motorway'.

Compounds with two constituents

The most frequent type of compounds with two con-

stituents consists of a head-noun followed by a verb and a

noun, or two nouns and a verb, although a sequence of three

nouns or a head-noun followed by two verbs. The verb

involved, except in the case of n. v. v., is always a

stative ('adjective') verb.

Type n. v. v.

n' h-s3j -c3

'playboy' (short var. of supra)
he?_karem_hn'k 'a big old house'

The colligation in the first example is extremely rare

in Mon whereas the second, two stative verbs attached to

the head-noun, occurs quite often. As for the order of the

constituent verbs, no rigid rule can be stated except that

a quantifying verb 'to be big', 'to be small', always

follows a qualifying one; in

(kon)uit kye khh 'a very pretty girl'

khnh modifies as is evident from the paraphrase

 306.

(kon)wtit k'bh kye khb h ; a derivation of the sort (kon)w'it

kye k'bh khoh is non-sensical whereas in the former case,

h3e? krem hnbk, the derivations haej' krem kh hn'?k and

h 3 e? hn' k kh krem are both grammatically acceptable, but

in spite of both acceptable derivations, the order of the

constituents in a compound incorporating a quantifying

verb is rigid; if two quantifying verbs occur, verbs

indicating the whole of a class follow the verb indicating

degree or extent, as in hoe? krem hribk kl' 'numerous big

old houses' or h3e krem hn'bk hal 'big old houses'

(where hlIb commutes with the definite plural clitic t3?).
No other order is acceptable32

Type n. n. v.

kon aik knuh 'lazy boy'

s3t matj kut dat 'sweet mangosteen'
daik ca htao 'hot tea'

Compounds of this type consist of a stative verb,

quantifying (/dot/ 'small') or qualifying (d'3/ 'salty'),

preceded by a two-place noun. Outside any situational con-

text, it is impossible to determine whether sequences of

n. (n.) v. are nominal compounds or statements (enonces);

thus, in the foregoing examples s3t mLabkut dat may be

'a sweet mangosteen' - apart from the difficulty (again

outside any context) to identify plurality (a single

mangosteen ?) or generality ('mangosteens in general are

sweet') - or 'mangosteens are sweet' ('... and I dislike

sweet fruit'). The analysis will be carried further in

the sections on ra? and kh which in certain contexts, such
 307.

as this, are determining the syntactic class (s-3t makut

d'at k'bh marks it as a nominal compound whereas ra in

sot mIaakut (k'bh) dat ra renders the sequence a statement).

Type n. v. n.

If the foregoing type presents ambiguities which can

only be removed by additional contextual features, the

sequence of head-noun-verb-noun (n. v. n.) does not entail

divergent interpretations:

foikd3-p' .m 'printed book'

nIh=c ?_ ka 'servant'
The modifying sequence v. n., cf Am 'to print'

(/d/ 'to press, print', /rim/ 'picture, fount, &c.'

Skt./P. bimba), c& ka 'to use, employ' (/cO/, always

transitive, /ka/ 'work' P. kara), may function as autonomous

verbal compounds.

Type n. n. n.

I3k = kwi-kmot 'train station'

nm=s3t-pa 'coconut palm'

This type is identical with the above mentioned n. v. n.

in that the head-noun has only one constituent, and the

following two terms of the whole sequence may function as

autonomous members, only in this case as a noun, kwi kmot

'train', s3t pra 'coconut [as fruit]'. The head-noun is

restricted to one of the three class-noun categories.

Multiple constituents

Multiple constituents, that is nominal compounds the

number of which is greater than three, occur very rarely in

colloquial speech and are, in SM, confined to public
 308.

speeches or sermons; they are also likely, in colloquial

settings, to be replaced by neo-IA caiques borrowed from

Thai.

Five examples must suffice:

p' k hekom hwah sem mbn 'Thai-Mon Association'
'ok m'I mI? klao hakao p01 nbn tP jh hlI,

'our Mon friends and parents

assembled here]'
ba pp cI toa m k 'dislocation tof limb]'
[Halliday, MED]
ekrat mbn ri'ai pra pjia thao 'the Mon Queen'
hkao phasa sasna nion 'Mon race, language,
religion C culture]'

In the first case, hwah does not occur by Itself in

any other- context except in pk hwah 'good friends' and

its exact meaning cannot be determined, and hkom

can be glossed as 'company, association', hkom occurring
also together with noa hakom 'together (with)'. However,
only can occur as head-noun. As for the order of

sern mn ('Thai', 'Mon'), it follows the sequence of modified-

modifier.

The second instance is part of an address to an

assembly, in that context preceded by /yV/. The main
constituents are the head-noun , ml m 3 klao as
apposition and hkao pol ribn as attributive, h'kao mn
'of Mon race'. The pronoun collocates with m?,n as a
set phrase p01 m?n ('we Mons') and not as a 'possessive'

with hkao poi 'our nation, race' which then would yield

the sequence hkao mbn poi 'our Mon nation', as in cek kwi
k%me ? d'eh 'his new car' and ck kwi deh kmoeP 'his car
 309.

is new'. The juxtaposition of three nouns, m'I ? m? kalao,

follows a regular pattern which may be coordinated by

/kb!, only that in this context *mI? k m kb klao

would not be possible because the first two nouns are of

a different order (see below, opposites), and hence

ml ml..? k& kalao would be more natural.

The third example, ya p )3p cI toa ml.] k'dis-

location of limb' is rather artificial and taken from MED.

The occurence of a literary clause/sentence particle, /mV/,

suggests it rather to be treated as a noun-phrase than a
noun-compound.

The primary constituent Is cI,-toa, a class-noun

(collective) for 'limb' ('foot', 'hand, arm'), in genitival

relation to p'o3p 'joint'. To the compound pp toa
is subordinated the clause m k3 'that which is broken,

split, into two', and the entire sequence is preceded by

the class-noun for diseases j as head.

The fourth case cited, ekarat non ni prl..a popa

thao, is part of Mon popular (oral) history and quoted as

a title. The head of the compound is ?ekrat ('royalty'

rather than the sex-specifying 'king/queen') followed by

a modifier m'?rn (if it were in a genitival relation, one

would expect ? ekrat hkao rnbn 'king/queen of the Mons',

or in a different context, 'king/queen of Mon descendence'.

pria is specifying the sex in n' i pr.a, and p,jiI.a thao

(thao thaw Thai, as DM1 suggests,) a conventional title

for the nobility; in royal titles and addresses pQ.p.a

 :310.

precedes the proper name, like hmoi. The order of

the constituents in this case is rigid, and under no

circumstances can mn change its position.

The final example, hkao sasna mbn, shows, apart

from total naturalization of loans in Mon nominal com-

pounds, the relation of translation-equivalents of

'adjectives' (which happens to be a proper name here,

but might also be a stative verb of the kind kme? 'to

be new') to preceding nouns which are juxtaposed without

being fused a notion different from its constituents

(hence a pseudo-compound). Rhetorical tournures in

public speeches could, of course, yield sequences like

hkao mn (kbh) phasa mn (k'bh) sasna m'bn (kbh)

followed by a sentence complement (only with co-

occurrence of otherwise not necessarily followed
by sentence-complement).

I know of only one instance of a reduplicated noun

indicating a collective or class-noun, sit wit 'girls!'.

In that particular context, however, it was a statement

(or rather exclamation) made upon arrival of a novice's

sisters and nieces. In my corpus of traditional stories,

mainly Buddhist, no reduplicated nouns occur.

Complementaries

Opposites are a favourite type of elaboration in

mainland languages, including Khmer with nouns like t&k-

4 'territory' ('water, liquid', 'soil, earth').

Although an equivalent Mon term does not exist (like an

 311.

unacceptable t,e?-claik ctaik te) this type of

compound, consisting of two simple nouns, occurs.
wut pla]. 'girls and boys; young people'
-
mi. m, 'mother and father; parents'
th3 Sfl 'gold and silver; wealth, riches'

Sex/Gender specification

Grammatical gender in Mon does not exist and never

has, as, for instance, in Khasi. However, as noted in

Part II., the prefixes j?> and <a- in the onomastic

set refer to male/female distinctions. Similarly, the

nouns pr'.a 'woman, female' and kraoh (LM trun) 'man,

male' may specify sex in compounds, even though they do

occur as autonomous nouns as well. As a specifier the

pair can occur in either position, as head or following

a head-noun, as in kon-kraoh 'son', kon-pra 'daughter'

or t?_kraoh 'younger brother', t?pria 'younger sister'.

As head-noun they occur in pra-mai 'widow' and

kraoh-mai 'widower', as well as in pr'a-mIn 'anagariki'.

The pair may also be combined with the affixes .a-' and

to denote simply 'man' and 'woman', sometimes used

referentially ('that woman, her'), kraoh ?i?pra, or

?j?fj Here, the affixes conform to the male/female

distinction, as in other kin-terms, ?j?nk 'grand-

mother', nk 'grandfather', ?ini 'elder sister', -?rlIi

'elder brother' (both on one's parents' side).

In one instance the pattern is anomalous as

and me suggest identical affixes m (<a-) for

 312.

both sexes; but cannot be reduced to affix

and base, and occur only in a form with reduplicated

root, papa , m'm, as intimate reference terms used by

children.

In the case of 'elder sibling' neither the affix

pair iY-, nor the nouns kraohpra are used,
but replaced by the pair kao 'elder brother' and ta

'elder sister'. The 'younger sibling' pair does take

the specification by kraoh .- pr.a as in t - kraoh

'younger brother', ie? - pi.a 'younger sister'.

a_t' ? and kao_t? denote sisters and brothers of the

same mother, irrespective of age-relation.

Before proceding to the analysis of the constituents

of the noun-phrase, the pronoun system and reference,

address and kin-terms will be presented since they can be

part of the nominal-phrase.

Personal pronouns

Syntactically, personal pronouns behave like

autonomous nouns, or follow autonomous nouns in a

sequence consisting of clitics, and are most appropriately

treated as a subclass of nouns.

The pronominal system consists of four main terms:

?oa 'I, me" cfeh 'it; he, she;they'

221 'we, us'

'you' and
hkao terms of
address
mu
 :313.

The two terms for the first person singular/

plural may be followed by the noun d'oik 'servant, slave'
when addressing oneself to a socially elevated person
(monks), ? oa_cfoik .-poi-cfoik.

The distinction of exclusive/inclusive forms of the

first person plural, as in many AN languages, does not
exist in Mon; includes the speaker of the group, but,
generally, excludes the person to whom he is addressing
himself.

rh and cth may occur, as any other noun in the

lexicon, without specification of plurality and determin-
ation. If the context is ambiguous and requires
clarification, the definite plural marker t3? may follow
the pronoun, rh-t?, d'eh-t?. However, no sex is
specified and reference may be made to either male or
female.

The terms corresponding to the second person -

addressed by the speaker - are more complex as it
involves not only a single word, , to socially
subordinate persons or persons younger than the speaker,
but also a series of terms of address. I cannot make any
pronouncements on Burma here yet; in practice, in
Thailand, the reference-in-address is certainly far less
rigid than the one used by Thais; in conversation with
monks, ? oa_dbik poi-cfoik are usually omitted from the
actual utterance (thus '?oa-ctoik k21ea 7 h3e? 'your
Reverend, I'm going home now' is replaced by klea hoe?,
 :3114.

followed by three prostrations) unless a formal demand

is made. I was rarely referred to as p (because of

my age in those cases) not did anyone use ?oa-doik

while addressing himself to me. The key to such laxness

in terms of address lies in the fact that Thais do not

have any wide ranging conversational ability in Mon which

in turn gives it an exclusiveness and intimacy preventing

any social offence to outsiders; thus it is possible to

talk about Thai nobility or monastic life without using

honorific terms.

Some elementary terms actually used include lkin

and bkyaik (/l-/ weakened /kla/ 'master') when

addressing oneself to a monk, or acai. m%hathe, followed

by a proper (monastic) name while referring to a particular

senior monk.

The system is sex-specific for the address to men or

women who are older than oneself (speaker) (parent-

generation), m' ii and ?i?cl, respectively. A familiar term

used at home between a couple is fi.

Shorto lists several offensive terms which I have

never heard being used although they were identified when

asked about their meaning.

hkao? is used between persons of equal status and/or

age, and as quantifier for monks - the only rigid

honorific term in reference to the sargha -, and is

reciprocal when preceding a personal pronoun, hkao? oa

VP 'I myself...'; hd'eh occurs in final position of

 315.

a verb-phrase, 'himself; themselves'. The English

translation equivalent blurrs the fact that hkao ? is

actually used as an autonomous noun followed by a

pronoun in a genitival relation (possessive') 'my

person, self'.

Any kin-term (see below) may be used as a formal

address, but the current state of intermarriage with

Thais, and, to a much lesser extent, Chinese, favours

increasingly a replacement by Thai terms.

Kin-terms

The following remarks are not meant to be an

exhaustive treatment of Mon kinship, but only a
linguistic analysis of kin-terms.

The system to be postulated includes various sub-

sets:

1) bases: -nIl 'elder sibling'

-'?3k 'first ascending generation; parents'

-n'?k 'second ascending generation; grand-

parents'
-nak 'third ascending generation; great-
grandparents'
2) affixes and specifying terms:
?_> female kin m'i- . -pr.a
male kin - mr- -kraoh
3) Specifiers:
_klI ? 'first born'

-hcfoa 'second born'

-dbt 'youngest kin'

 316.

-cao 'grandchild'
-cak 'third descending generation'
-ceak 'fourth descending generation'
-cok 'fifth descending generation'
4) absolute terms:

tba 'elder sister' cii? 'great-grandmother'

kao 'elder brother' cE 'great-grandfather'
kon 'child' (which may be followed, among others
by specifiers)
5) hybrid forms:

tY 'younger sibling'
h ? 3h 'in-law, female'

haman 'in-law, male'

Kin-terms follow simple rules of noun formation:

Affixation to specify sex (i?_ ^, <a->) or juxtaposition

of tow nouns (modified (head)-modifier). The generic

term is a simple noun: kon 'child', kao 'elder brother',

a 'elder sister', t'? 'younger sibling'.

Although not proper kin-terms, the following terms

ought to be mentioned in this connection: kon hwbm

'stepchild', kon ara 'one's own son', kon cat 'one's

own daughter', kon kl, 'orphan'.

The terms for one's own descending generation are:

kon t3h 'suckling; youngest child'
kon tao t3h 'second youngest child'
kon hdba 'second born child'

There is no specific term for the oldest child or

the one born between the kon hcfoa and kon tao t3h.
 317.

The following descending generations show the same

pattern.

PP:
kon-cao 'grand-child'
kon-cak 'third generation descended'

kon-ceak 'fourth generation descended'

kon-cok 'fifth generation descended'

The system is, however, more complex with terms

designating one's own generation. For the younger sibling,

t, sex is not specified and has to be added, t?_kraoh

'younger brother, t'?_pra 'younger sister'; for the

'older sibling', no such term is needed, kao 'elder

brother', Fa 'elder sister', but three specifiers have

to be added determining age-relation,
kao-klu fa-klu 'eldest brother/sister'
kao-hdba 5' a-hactoa 'second born brother/sister'
kao-cfot b?a-cfot 'youngest brother/sister'

fa-pIi 'spouse's elder sister' and kao-yIa 'spouse's

elder brother; elder sister's husband' are fixed terms,

and the second constituent cannot occur in any
other combination, t' , however, does not specify age-
relation.

In-law relations are designated by hl?3h and hman

which can occur in either position of a nominal compound:

kon_h ?3h 'daughter-in-law'
kon-h man 'son-in-law'
hoh-t ? 'younger brother's wife'
hman-t'? 'younger sister's husband'
 318.

Further in-law terms are se 'parents' younger sister'

and t'-sanI 'spouse's younger sibling'.

The bases k 'parental relation', nbk 'second

ascending generation' take the specifying prefixes

i 'ica and mI' yielding forms like m'?,k
'mother, m3k 'father', ? l ? n?jk 'grandmother', nk

'grandfather'; only nak cannot take this affixial set,

but occurs in combination with mi'i.. epa, anti-n^ak

(synonymous with cu) 'great-grandmother', pa-n.ak

(synonymous with cv') 'great-grandfather'. The prefix

can be used in connection with ta, ?j?a

'elder brother's wife'; a corresponding form **kao

does not exist.

Constituents of the nominal piece

Constituents of the nominal piece are clitics and

pronouns which follow all simple or compound nouns. An

NP constituent may also be zero, as in kon bIlk wi' or

pha hnk, and outwide any context such statements are

ambiguous. Ambiguity arises in those two cases as for

plurality (a boy, boys; a monastery, monasteries),

determination (the boys, boys; the monastery, the

monasteries), deixis (these boys, those monasteries, this

boy, &c.) or generality ('boys in general do play games',

'monasteries are usually big'); in the second example,

pha hnk may, finally, also be a proper name, 'The Main

Monastery'.
 319.

Nominal phrase constituents thus are not obligatory

in any context, but serve to demarcate NP-boundaries and

restrict the semantic scope of the noun-phrase. A

series of maximal four constituents may follow a simple

or compound noun; the order of the constituents is

absolutely rigid, except for 'plurality, definite/

indefinite' which, when combined, may take any order in

that position. A noun-phrase may not take the maximal

number of constituents, but any number including zero.

A four term system is postulated for SM, including

'possession', plurality', 'deixis' and 'determination'.

1) Possession

Asimple or compound noun may be followed by any of the

four personal pronouns, ?oa, deh, kin-terms or
certain terms-of-address, like lakyaik; the latter class

is somewhat ambiguous because a sequence like likp3r

lkyaik may mean "Your Reverend's letter' or 'the Reverend's

letter'. Since pronouns are a subclass of nouns, the

resulting n. ' 1..] ' poss. phrase consists of two

(or more) nouns the last fo which retains a genitival

relation to the preceding noun(-head). As in European

languages, the so-called genitivus objectivus/subjectivus

has merged in Mon. Unlike Khmer or Thai, no clitic (or

other grammatical element) can be inserted between the

noun (or last member of a compound noun) and the possessive;

Khmer shows the same rigidity in constituent order, only

that no significant difference is discernible in

sivphu kjiom and sFavphu rB3h kiom except, perhaps,

 320.

in a parallel English variant 'my book', 'a book of

mine'. Examples for SM possessive nouns are l'bik hlp3t
su-,t 'Su-ed's manuscript', tun oa 'my knife',
cfa cfeh 'his umbrella'.

2) Plurality
Two terms exist which may co-occur, t for the definite,
limited plural and hfa ( - kfa, 'to be much, numerous',
--> ) for the indefinite, generic or non-specific
plural. Singularity in SM is not marked by a special
noun clitic, but equally any noun, simple or complex,
which has no clitic may function as an autonomous NP and
designate plurality as well. There are, of course, a
limited number of restrictions, such as wit phi 'girls
and boys, children' may command a special context to
indicate singularity 'a girl and a boy'; on the other
hand, if singularity and determination are necessary in
a context, ml? mi.? , for instance, would be rendered rather
ml? kb ml? a 'mother and father, both of them...' (not
'parents in general').

t..,? and hal' , may be combined, in either order, but

only in that particular position confined to 'plurality'
chitics, to t,?-hlh and hl'-t?, but is relatively
rare in the spoken language. If any noun is followed by
a possessive, tz? . hlI, have to follow it; if no
possession is indicated, they immediately follow that
noun: nih c? ka hl 'servants', nih ? ka d'eh hlj
'his servants', h'?ui m? t3? 'the tablets', hi'ui m?
'tablets' (h%?ui m? 'tablets, a tablet'), hacem
 321.

t.? 'the birds [in general, such as there arej'.

3) Deixis

SM has two terms of deixis, n3? 'this' and t.i' 'that!.

They may be combined with the term indicating definite

plural, ta?, which is weakened during the process,

yielding t3n3 ? and tate? , 'these' and 'those', respect-

ively; moreover, n.? and te can undergo affixation with

the syllabic prefixes ?_ , ( h- and k->

obtaining the derivatives ?i?n3? 'this', n3? 'here',
?? te? 'that', ate? 'there', hn? 'in this way',

kn3? 'in this way'. Combined deixis and definite

plurality may also yield the derivatives ?i?tn? 'these'.

A phonologically possible ? i ? tte 'those' does,
however, not occur.

The two deictic terms n and te? may, of course,

be attached immediately following the noun if no possessive

or plurality, t? t- occurs; if they do, they have

to be inserted between the noun and the deictic term.

Examples for such a construction are:

kwan te? 'that village' kwan tate ? 'those villages'

kwan fl3? 'this village' kwan tP 'these villages'

n3m chu ? tn? 'these trees [herej', k], tte 'those

boats tover there]', kon wit tteP 'those girls'; kwan

poi n? 'this our village'.

te ? and n? may be combined in set expressions, such

as kia kia te? no 'once upon a time', a conventional

incipit in traditional (oral) literature (kia 'time

 322.

(before)', kia te? 'formerly'), th te ? th n 'every-.

where'. te and nD? may behave differently in other

environments, like expressions of time or in derived

forms. We have already said, in passing, that te does

not take the prefixes h-'> and <k-? (the latter is, in

fact, a pseudo-affix since /k-/ is the result of a

weakening of /kea//n?/7/kn3?/) and does not occur

in combination withci?_ and the definite plural clitic
ta?> i?t.ate?.

Furthermore, te cannot be collocated with r,

whereas can, n' n 7 '(from) here, this'.

DSM confines teQ to expressions of time and other

place without mentioning a similar extension for na?;

in some contexts, such as past time, te? may be replaced

by koh, but n'r may not, as in hnam a te r last year

hnam ?a te? 'this year', oa te? 'the other day' boa k'oh

(as unspecified as in English; 'yesterday' is kane or

(ni) kane? te?).

Similarly in expressions with place or locality it

is part of the two-term system, te? n.?, like doa d,

phun te 'in Lamphun' (when the speaker is situated,

at the time of utterance, outside Lamphun) or ciba paik
? esan 'in the Isan' as opposed to paik n? 'this part'

or paik p1bt n3? 'this Western part', or cfoa kwan poi

n? 'in our village (here), however,...' (unlike other

communities).

4) Determination.

The most versatile clitic and, on some contexts, particle

 323.

of the nominal phrase in kh; in most environments, it

translates into English 'the', as in ham3e kh 'the monk',

haka 1'oh 'the cat' (as opposed to hm3e or hm3e mba

hkao? or hkba moa and h%kba ma kh, hkba hii1),

nm prit kbh 'the banana LTfruit]', l'bik d m kbh 'the

[printed] book'.

kbh may also serve as marking a boundary of any

nominal phrase; if redundancy were to be accepted in the

present outline - which it is not -, the combination of

the determined plural clitic t? and t,?-kh (which is

never weakened to **/tak'?h/, occasionally the glottal

stop is lost, but the vocalims is retained, /t3k'bh/)

would neutralize the former or make the latter redundant.

The functions of kh, however, are more complex.

1bh may close any nominal phrase with any number of

constituents and the three to four (h91 j -t3 ? , t?-hl)

clitics provided the order of both constituents and clitics

is not affected.
Ordering of NP-constituents

Simple noun compound noun Possession Plurality Deixis Determjnatjo,

NP-head nomjno-verba 1
22 t3 P n3? kch
constituents
kin-terms teP
autonomous noun tP -halu,
terms of hla'_t3?
address

kwai tn 2 kh 'these cakes', h]i k?h 'the people',

n1.h t? k'?h 'they, them', k3 te k?h 'that island', kon

?oa tj? kh 'my children', or the already quoted paradig-

matic case of h,e 2 krem knk deh t'te ? kh 'those big

old houses of his'.

In some cases, ambiguity arises: Since ta?, for in-

stance, following a personal pronoun, may be used as an

 324.

honorific expression (mi.?3k cfeh t 'his father'), se-

quences like h3e? mV ?3k cfeh t3 P may be interpreted as

'my father's houses' or 'their father's house' (or, in

the extreme, 'their fathers' houses; their respective

paternal houses'). In this context and interpretation,

koh cannot remove the ambiguity.

In no case can kh function as overt marker of

grammatical subject or object. Put simply - further re-

strictions will be exemplified below -, in a sequence

of subject verb object where subject and object may be

simple or compound nouns with any number of noun-clitics

either noun (subject or object) may be followed by koh;

pra cfeh kfhi chappya k?h 'his wife was looking for the

soap' pr&a dTeh koh lai chappya indicates a shift in

emphasis, but not topicalization (to chappya k?h pr.a cfeh

klai and a possible verbal complement hit' ch3 '... and

couldn't find it') in other cases, when the subject is
not followed by any nominal clitic, the role of k 'bh as

determiner is apparent/more: pra kli chappya k?h 'a

woman/women was/were looking for the soap' and pra kh

kihi chappya 'the woman/women...'.

More problematic are cases in which either noun, sub-

ject or object, takes the determined plural without clos-

ing the NP with kbh, hpoi t 'the novices', and an NP
with the clitics k?h, hapoi h?l kh which blurrs

any English equivalent like 'the novices'. Both sequences

are, however, not equivalent in Mon. Similarly, koh in

hpoi t? k^h is not redundant, but again an English trans-

lation is almost impossible to render the difference be-

 325.

tween hpoi t and hapoi t k?h, especially outside any

context. Firstly, hpoi t3? kh and poi ha1I kh may
both be emphatic (or in 'prominence position') and then

kh does not determine the noun (or the plurality), as

for the novices' and 'as for novices in general' (re-

tained in any NP-extension to, say, hpoi t3 ? cfoa cfasem

k?'h and hBpoi helk d'oa d, sem kh); secondly, k^h de-

termines if no plurality is indicated (and even in those

cases, like Khmer or Thai which do not possess any equi-

valent system of marking overtly plurality as in Mon, the

noun may be plural), as in hpoi kh 'the novice, the

novices' as opposed to hpoi 'novices, a novice' (as op-

posed to hpoi mba hkao? 'one novice'). Thirdly, NP-

sequences like n3-k?h and te?-kh place emphasis on the

preceding noun; this is more obvious in derived forms of

the two deictic terms: ?j?n? kok h1b 'what is this call-
ed?' and ?j?n3?_kh kok h8lb 'what is this one called?'

if a variety of items is presented. Emphasis is partic-

ularly obvious in cases where the noun position, preced-

ing k?h, is occupied by a proper name or personal pronoun,

as in ?oa k"oh, su?ct k?h (followed by a verb complement,

?oa kh a d no 'I shall go to town (Bangkok)', 'as

for me, I shall go...'). Rarely, n3? may be inserted (in

formal, quasi-literary contexts) between the pronoun and

Ibh. Sequences of this type serve also as answers to

questions 'who...' !"..h-kh [ph-k3e3, ,h-k?h ?a d'3,

'who will go to town?' oa kh 'I will' (or alternatively,

of course, oa ?a ra??oa k'bh a ra?); ! or itself
would be unacceptable as answer, even if intelligible).

In this context the modal particle ("assertive") ra may

 326.

not be used, like **?oa ra? (unless a verb intervenes).

5) <??_>.,_> and deictic terms in NPs.

The prefixes and e-, in combination with the

deictic terms fl3? and te? - and lb as a question-particle,

to be discussed later, which follows the same rules -

cannot occur with a noun to form a simple nominal phrase

which may or may not be closed' by koh; but any split of

the derived forms P i ? n i' , &c. or the postpositioning
of nouns is unacceptable:

'this N' N-teP 'that N'

N-tte

N-ta n3? 'these N' 'those N'

i2te
?i? nP
'this' that'
?
n 'these'
____ 'here' ste ? 'there'
**?? -N-np **? i -N-te

** -N-n ** -N-te 2
**N_Pi?n3? **N_ i' te

**N_ Qte

but

_______ _____
and a sentence complement 'this...' or
bn kh*.n? and a sentence complement, as in 3n? kh
.P-h c hw (as a possible paraphrase to hni nc
k'?n...) 'here they will cremate the corpse' or Pi?nD? kh

kok hla 'this is called a hiab' (silver bowl used in mon-

ast.) As for n? khin ? kh, their position in the

sentence varies according to emphasis so that the former

sentence might be derived from p^h c hw^? no or
derive in turn yIh k?h rh c' hw.P no n2 'tomorrow
 327.

they will cremate. ..' where the postpositioning of n3?

is obligatory since two N-k' hTh-kh followed by a sen-

tential complement are unacceptable grammatically ex-

cept when both nouns are co-ordinated by certain particles.

In other environments postpositions are the only order

permitted, like kl, n? 'come here' (dial. kl3' hP),

and not **? kl.

Co-ordination of nominal pieces.

Nouns and nominal pieces can be co-ordinated ('and',

'or', 'both...and') with kb. If they are not, ambiguity

may arise out of the fact that a sequence of two nouns

may constitute a class-noun, as in ml m? 'parents' and
ml? kb m? 'mother and father'. ko, however, although

in most contexts the translation-equivalent of English

'and', is not necessarily conjunctive; in the absence of
any word for 'or' and 'and' (statements, sentences, may

only be linked by tze), unlike Khmer with its choice of

r-: and we prefer to speak of co-ordination rather
than of conjunction and disjunction.

If the nouns are proper names and personal pronouns,

the co-ordination with kb is obligatory: ca su?&t kb Poa

'Su-ed and I', deh k ?oa 'he and I', nil fl3 k nil c3k

'Mr. Nop and Mr. Chok'. Compound onomastic nouns, however,

can omit ko when co-ordinated; kt, is not restricted to

any number of constuent terms of an NP: hkao mn k hkao

sem kb h'akao ham.a 'Mons and Thais and Burmans' or h3kao

mon hkao sem hakao hmLa. As in English or German, the

 328.

last member can also be connected to the preceding con-

stituents, hakao mbn hkao sem ko hakao hama 'Mons,

Thais and Burmans'. kD may connect a nominal phrase of

any shape provided the clitics are identical in each

case; either member of the NP may take a determinant k?'h

or the entire phrase, as in the case cited: hkao mbn kh

sem kh or hkao mbn kb hkao sem kbh. The former might

be glossed as 'each one of them...' whereas the verbal or

sentential complement in the latter refers back to a

single nominal phrase.

Two other particles can co-ordinate nouns and noun-

phrases, sam, and kbm, and a sequence of two full verbs
ko t?h ('to give', 'to be') and of particles (kh l km),

(l' 'also, too', km 'to accompany; also, as well'). The

difference to the foregoing type of co-ordination is, how-

ever, that these particles or sequences follow or precede

each noun in a co-ordinated phrase and does not link two

nouns by a single particle, like Nkr'N.

In the case of sm and ko t'?h the nouns or noun

phrases follow the co-ordinated element, somTh

kb th N , J kb th N2 whereas kbm precedes them.

Their usage is illustrated by the following examples:

sDnlp6.a sm sm oa 'grandmother and grandfather and
I' or closed by kh, either sm p,a k?h som l k?h som
?oa kh or sm pa sbm l som oa kh and followed by a
verb-phrase ... p w?i, lPk.. '...are going to see a likae

or by a series of clitics as in sbm kraoh sm pra

jr.h hlI t? kh 'all of them, both men and women'

CStewartl, sm .nh sbm ioa 'both, them and me' kbm, follow-
 329.

ing the noun, as in lkyaik prachum kbm ?oa kbm kwaik

pha km.n 'Reverend Prachum and I walked to

Potter's Monastery', the sentence might even be preceded

by, for instance, n' kane? te 'yesterday,...', ko kwi

kDm kb kl kbm 'by carts and boats' (from kwi km kl

kbrn 'carts and boats'); k t?h is more versatile in that

it can co-ordinate both verbal and nominal phrases. In

both cases the co-ordinated and VP5 NPs are disjunctive

of the type 'or; either ... or', as in ko tbh lakyaik

prachum ko fob ca ly hton kt, ph no 'either Reverend

Prachum or Loey will teach you'. Preferential construc-

tion in Mon, however, would be the use of kb, lakyalk pra?-

chum kb ca ly.

Whereas in the foregoing instances several NPs were

co-ordinated and assigned to a single verbal phrase, kbh

l and its extension k' h l km refer each to a verb phrase.

In colloquial usage this construction is relatively rare;

I noted in a sermon recorded at Ko Kret paok num sotth.a

kbh l kom '... and men will have faith as well' (P. pugala,

saddha) in a long enumeration. kh i following a verb re-

suits in its nominalization and a sequence of V 1 kbh lv2

V ' kh_l ' V4 can be best rendered as 'either...or' (or its

negation 'neither...nor': Vj'kh l hi ' V 2 V3 k^h l hI?'

V4 ). Co-ordination of NPs - conjunctive or disjunctive -

can be summarized as follows:

Co-ordination of nouns

Number of direction minimal

nouns sequence

1 rightbound 2 N N

1 leftbound 2 N. kbm N Ic,, m

1 j
verbal compi.-
bi-direc-
mont
t iona I
2 - zero N. N
t .J
 330.

Nominalizations.

Apart from affixation, certain nouns can be attached

to verbs yielding nominalized forms. A subset can be

established in which elements which precede or follow a

noun shift the semantic scope from a concrete noun to an

abstract noun, like hw? (r.pron. ph ? w?) and th; both

are loans from Pali, bhava and dhamma. Both precede nouns,
as in cfoik 'servant, slave' haw doik 'slavery, repres-
sion', th? ... which may be translated as 'the
principle, notion, of'. Nominalizations proper, like the
affixed forms derived from verbs discussed earlier, can

be achieved by using hth m'?, sak and kh which is the

most heterogeneous of them (and most frequent). hth

mi is, like s' ak, a somewhat artificial device, but fre-

quently found in Nissaya literature (translating Pali bhava

(SM hw?) which is not rendered in the texts as hwi

LM bhawa) and in bible translation (hence its mention in

Haswell 1874/1901). It is more often used in contempor-
ary writing, it seems, than in conversation in which ab-

stract notions tend to be replaced by English and neo-IA

loans or caiques from Thai or Burmese. I have not found

any occurrence of sak in my corpus; DSM describes it as

a nominalizing phrase-head, sak c&? 'eatables', sak th

'necessity' (q.v.). The apparent pencity of nominalizing

devices to produce neologisms reflects the sociolinguistic

reality of Mon communities in Thailand: In the absence of

any politically autonomous organization or movement and

decline in monastery controlled education on the one hand

and the increasing influence of the respective official

 331.

national languages (Thai, Burmese) on the other, there

is no demand, pressure or necessity to increase lexical

productivity. The potentialities of creating neologisms

are best studied, for AA, in Khmer and Vietnamese.

This leaves us with the only native and 'natural'

device to nominalize verbs or incorporating verbal phrases
into complex NPs, k?h.

Complex noun-phrases incorporating a verb or verb-

phrase followed by a sentential complement may be trans-

lated as a relative clause in European languages. In Mon,

there are no overtly marked subordinate or embedded ("re-

lative") clauses as in Khmer dael (or Thai tii, cf. SM

see below), but kh may integrate a similar grammati-

cal scope as well: n'ih k' h lip hoe? 'the man entered a/the

house' and nih 1ip he? kh 'a/the man/men entered trie

house' (underlining refers to overtly marked determination

of the noun by k'bh), the latter followed by a sentential

complement (consisting of a verbal phrase). If no sen-

tential complement occurs, k'bh, in the latter example, re-

fers to hoe? 'house' ( nIh lip hze?, a totally ambiguous

sentence as to plurality and determination of both nouns,

in subject or object position). Similarly, cases which

involve an expanded verb phrase like h k'?h kl3b flu

kok 'the people who have come from Bangkok...', n'i l'm

kbh m'bb d'oa cf lopirI 'Mr Liam lives in Lopburi [town-

ship]' and n'i lIm m d'oa ct loptiri kh... 'Mr Liam

who lives in Lopburi...', s3t krk c&? khbh 'mangos taste

nice', st krk kh ce.? khoh 'the mango(s) taste(s) nice'

and st kr3.k c&. ? khbh kbh... (sentential complement ob-

ligatory) 'the nice tasting mangos...'.

 332.

It is inappropriate to call these sentences types

'relative clauses' - even in Khmer d'ael can hardly be

said to be a relative pronoun when it co-occurs with

m&in-d'ael 'never', or Thai til which, when preceding car-

dinal numbers, derives ordinals - but rather to inter-

pret them as nomirialized VPs and to retain kh simply as

a determining and nominalizing (or noun) particle.

This is well supported by simple cases like hae? k'bh

hn'?k 'the house is large' and hue ? hnk k?h 'the large

house' where kh acts, in the latter instance, not only

as a determining particle but also as a nominalizer. By

contrast, he? hnk ('house', 'large') is not only ambig-

uous as to plurality and determination but to clause or

sentence types as well if they are separated from any en-
vironment ('a big house', 'houses are big,...).

The majority of possible sequences to be classified

as nominal phrases are summarized on the chart on the
following page (p. 333).

Noun particles.

The difference between noun-, or nominal, particles

and clitics, as described above, is predominantly one of

word-order - clitics follow the noun, particles precede

them - but also of the fact that clitics may be combined

with members of their own class and follow a rigid order

within a given nominal phrase. Noun particles comprise

spatial ('in, under', &c.), quantifying ('all, some' &c.)

and temporal indices. Some nominal particles may undergo

affixation (cfba>cfoa;kmD ? is derived from the clitic t:,P

-m-,), others may be combined with clitics, like ni and



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/0 1 .I ,c I
.4j L% ,c: ,
/0, 'I
1 .: i cl
/01 . 1
l0'1 ( ,0 E 0
. E : 43
/0 ,0 ci I asi I
. 4) 4.) ,
'I
J
0., I j U 'i
0) 0) 'I I iII
'I., 0) 94 ci 431 I
oJ cli cij
, 'l I rh ,cii iou 01 CI l7I
I 'I I .i I

ci 43
H 4' C)
- C) a
C) f-)
0 P.4 ,0
a, 0 P4 . ,0
43
ci
z 0 03 'ci
'ci a,
a) 'ci a) 'ci 'ci 'ci
0) 0 a, a) 03
94
4 C) 4 H .,.
94 I
94 C) E 03 03
43 0 43 43
0 E
$4 0 03 03
I 'ci p. 'ci

03 H

43 '
03 0 3 ')
H ' H . Z Z
0) ,
#0 r-4 4 ,0 9- P4 .oI
H ' ' ' .I Z

4
43 43 .ou . 43
'-.4 0) (13 ,0 Q ,0
. :::, . . . . P4 . /0 (0
,:
rl

0 ..-i 94 r4 94 94 r4 94 94 94 94
z z
z z z z z z z
 to ni-k?h.

No formal distinction between the three indices can

be drawn; five particles in this class show both temporal

and spatial references. Their semantic scope is indicat-

ed in the diagram below.

on (top 01)

behind in (side)

after outside

from to, as far as; until

dba presents the most complex problem of interpre-

tation. It is a starred derivative corresponding to LM

pday-paday, still pronounced in Western diall. /pfe/,

<CM ley /dy/ as base (DvravatT)> OM /pd.iy/ 'inside,

in', /trdy/ 'middle t (> SM /hd'oa/). Alone among the

noun-particles indicating space and time, it combines

with all members of the set 9kra, tao, 3hmo, htaP

(and k?h). Phonologically, ciba ought to be taken as a

simple form (base) in SM (even if the corresponding form

in LM is a complex one (derivative)), and it yields as de-

rivatives, in SM, hcfoa 'middle, inside' and ad'oa 'interior'.

1) Spatial reference.

In its spatial sense, it must be distinguished from

hcfoa, oa cut m? l?1k Poa cfoa kla k'?h 'I am putting my

papers into the box', but .p^h nim m hd'oa hoe? d'eh 'they

are inside his house', which is opposed to p^h 'outside',

.n^h n' im m pbt,h he? d'eh 'they are outside his house'.

doa - which is outside the opposition h foa . p.h 'inside/

 335.

outside' - may co-occur with p^h, d'oa pjh, 'outside'.

As far as the usage in the spoken language goes, no sem-
antic difference exists between cfoa and p2.h. But
the collocation of ctoa and pjah is significant in as

much as doa cannot merely be interpreted as a nominal par-

ticle meaning 'in, &c.t.

The oppostion 'behind/in front' may extend to a tem-

poral sense 'after/before' in the case of hta? 'in front',

it is the word-order which determines the sense, yh htaP

'next morning' (but y^h hnam 'next year'), and hta3 he

or hta? m'k hoe ? 'in front of the house'. ksrao, by con-

trast, occurs in fixed word-order in both senses, kerao

hnam 'last year', karao att 'last week' and karao hoe?

'behind the house', krao kamaib 'behind the wall'.

No temporal sense is associated with the particles

hmo 'under, below' and tao 'on, on top of'. Both are
derivatives, 53 'to be low' and tao 'to be superior'
(<-rn-) and <a-; ->); cteh toik nio! ahmo nom chu ? 'he is

reng under a tree', hmo cfa k?h 'under the umbrella',

tao tkah 'in [on] the sky', tao h3e? 'Eup] in the house

Cwhen on the ground]', atao noe 'on the floor', tao kmea'

'on the veranda'. Both may co-occur with ciba, ciba ahmo

and dba tao without changing its meaning or position in a

sentence.

kra 'between' follows the same rule of word-order,

'kra-N, and can also co-occur with ciba, cfoa-kra; although

a Burmese loan, it is used in the Thailand dialects ('akra:),

and first attested in MM; okra hoer a kh 'between the two

houses', d'oa-kra nom chu hl 'among the trees'.
 336.

hta 'underpart' is best described as a noun of

location or position rather than a particle; it is found

in genitival relation with a following noun as in fixed

expressions like hata cIj 'sole', hta toa 'palm Cof

hand]'.

at and hcfoa are to be distinguished in their

usage; (.t?,<a->) occurs in fixed phrases like at

oa 'midday' and tb hat3rn 'midnight' bi 'in the

middle of the river' whereas hcfoa is the most versatile
particle referring to middle or central positions in
time or space, hacfoa prasat kbh 'in the middle of the as-

sembly hail', hd'oa htom 'in the middle of the night'.

The base of may coilocate with hdoa, tb hadha, but

not with the derivative **t'? hctoa; it contrasts with
pno kb with which it is not synonymous because the for-

mer is locative t' hedoa xe.h hal kh 'amidst the people'

and the latter distributive to be translated as 'among'

pano kb ph'^.a mbn hlh pha n? hn'?k?bt ra 'among the

Mon monasteries this one is the largest'.

ri'ui and t might be interpreted as members of a set

comprising cfoa as well; all three terms - again, noun-

particles - show spatial and temporal indices, depending

on the context, and may also co-occur with certain clitics

or other particles. The simple forms are listed, together

with the particles of position below. doa and ni collocate

with k?th, taking a temporal reference t and nh with kD

taking a spatial and a temporal reference. As simple forms,

t and nu are posited before the noun and indicate a direc-

tion: ki flU lb rao 'where are you coming from?', kl ni
 337.

phya 'I come from the market', n ' i n? t' , nm chu? te?

'from here to that tree', n d 6kok t kan 6an phz ha

6zt hecit cuh kilomt 'the distance from Bangkok to
Ban Pong is 90 kilometres' 133w
Sp.ti.l tporal

in, into wh.n, whil.

b.tw ..n
out.id.
on, on top of
und.r, b.iow
in front of futur. ti.., v.ait
kirso ft.r, b.hind ti.. p..t, ti. b.for.
ni fr sinc.
a tsr .s until
n.ur
.lJk
i SlOfl(
j

2). Temporal reference.

Mon usage of indicating immediate future or past is

very precise, and it is here that one finds traces of a

tribal counting system. The native system marks overtly

only expressions of present and past by means of the

deictic clitics nz and te?, respectively. References to

past time with te? may be preceded by ni, but it may also
occur in expressions of the present, n'ti hnam n 9 'this
year'.

For precise temporal references of past and future

such as day, week, month and year two subsystems have to

be distinguished, one for days, the other for the remain-

ing terms. For references to the present, they are ident-

ical and share exactly the same formal features as any

other noun construct, the noun being followed by the deic-

tic clitic n3'?, as in oa ni 'today', ht3m n? 'this

night, tonight', htaoP n3? 'this month', hnam n3? 'this

year'. To indicate past or future weeks or years, the

appropriate noun is preceded by krao or like

hnam 'next year' in yh hnam k1 pl3n 'next year I come
 338.

again[back]' krao hnam 'last year', kerao att 'previous

week'. However, more often te e? is used to mark indeter-

minate periods of time past as well as kh: oa tel2

k'bh 'the other day', or more precisely, with the use of

?a in its aspectual sense, hnam ?a te 7 'last year'. Re-

ferences of days past or future, counting from the day of

utterance, are listed below. Some Mons prefer this system

to the one caiqued onto Burmese or Thai usage (oa- where

is one of the seven terms borrowed from Sanskrit, as oa
pIit-hwa 'Wednesday' (budhavra), .oa pr^apat3eP 'Thursday'

(b-hspati), &c.). The latter system is, in fact, the less

precise since it does not distinguish the days to come or

the days past: If uttering a statement on a Sunday, oa

prapte ? kbh ?oa keleab, k1, no 'on Thursday I'll
come back here' and oa prapate? te ?oa k1ea k1a n3?,

in both phrases temporal references has to be overtly mark-

ed (not,, zero and te) whereas in the indigenous system

one would simply say n' kna? te?..., for the past, and

(nCi)k1k..., future. It should be emphasized that this

system of counting is actually used.

hmiih indicates the present moment at the utterance,

'now', a hmuh'I go now', h'm' ih tck psn nafi kwaik

'it is now half past five'. k?h may also refer to expres-
sions of past in kh3n ? k'bh . vkhybfl k'bh 'at that moment fre-

ferring back in time)'. All temporal expressions behave

syntactically like all other nouns kh'na ? k'?h cfeh liip hoe?

'at that moment he entered the house', ma ma hneP 'wait

a moment'.

The names of the days and months follow the class-noun

 339.

i,oa.hatao, as in htao ? w?h "-October, 7th lunar month',

oa C3fl 'Monday'. The order is reversed in idioms like

s3 oa 'evening', oa 'midday' (A- taoa, but not
loa 'everyday' EKo Kret).

Days Weeks, months, years

'oa n 'today' hnavn 'this year'

(2) x 'tomorrow' y'h hnam 'next year'
ka ii 'day after tomorrow'
ka 1 a 'third day from utterance'
k% l. k 'fourth day.. 1
kaleak 'fjfth day...'
ni kane? te 'yesterday' karao hnam I 'last year'
kni te? 'day before y.' hnam Pa te? f
k.na' to? 'three days ago'

ioa te? 'oa kh 'the other day'

In narratives, doa, as a clause initial particle, is

used to denote 'when, while', as in d'oa rase cp nn k?h

'by the time/when the hermit arrived at the palace...',

but the more conventional expression referring to narrative

time ("when"), kala? #.la ? , occurs far more frequently; clauses

introduced by kala1'.la may be closed by te?, ka1a hkao?

d'ot d'ot te" 'when you were a child'. te here serves not

only as a clitic indicating the past (or a past event), but

also to nominalize the preceding sequence on the same level

as kh does in other contexts; changing the sentence into

kala? ?oa d'ot dbt te 'when I was little' (followed by a

sentential complement) as a nominalized sequence, would

yield a sentence by moving te ? leftward (forward) to kala2

te? ?oa dot d'ot 'then (by that time) I was very little'
parallel to nhi fl3 m an? kh 'Mr Nop who lives here'
and nai. np koh mo n39 Mr Nop lives here'.

One of the reasons for classifying dba, together with

ni, as nouns rather than defining them, in different con-

 340.

texts, as clause-particles is that both may collocate

directly with kh which in SM may only follow nouns or

serve as a nominalizer of verbs (under certain condi-

tions, if, for instance, the verb or VP is embedded in

a sequence consisting of a head-noun, NVP'kbh
NP
d'oa kh 'thereupon', n' kh 'after that'. k^h 'fulfills',

in these instances, a deictic role like te'? with refer-

ence to the past. In the idiom of the English translation

equivalent of 'the other day' te? and kh are interchange-

able, oa te?.boa kh, or in la? kh ikala P kh and kala?

or both in te? kbh 'at that time', 'then'. te?

in a nominalizing role occurs also in a conventional incipit
of narratives, like m? te te?nim kala ? rse? m'ba pa'?

h'tao m ctoa kb krp kh 'once upon a time there was a

hermit living in the forest' where te? nominalizes a se-

quence consisting of a clause subordinating particle, m'?,

and te 'to be finished', but also used as a tense marker.

The determining role of te?, similar to kbh in other con-

texts, occurs also in cfoa kop kia te7 '[Id.)', or kop kla

'formerly'. n3? is opposed to te? and k?h and refers to

events or action in the present; it may co-occur with nu

in the idiom n.i n 2 a 'from now on' (as against t hm'iih

'until now') - but hnam a te 'last year' - where ?a is

used in its aspectual sense. Otherwise n.j? may follow a

sequence consisting of a noun and preposition n ' N n3?, as

in n' i kl&, nP 'at this moment, just now' or nh hayh n?

'this morning'. But r1 'ti need not precede a noun, as will

be discussed later (clauses like n'U VP .ak 'ever since...').

Nouns in temporal idiomatic expressions are difficult

 341.

to translate. toa belong to this category;

occurs in fixed phrases like kbp kla 'formerly' as a

full noun, or ktp htim '(at) night (time)'. Similarly

toa, showing a reverse word-order in this it does not

'act' as a head-noun, like kla toa 'early, before' or

kanot toa 'finally'. DSM lists a collocation of the

former piba kia toa 'early rains tin the seasonj'. kh

- a Pali loan, kho, with a deviant phonological shape -

may function both as a noun-particle or a clause-particle;

the former occurs, again, in set phrases like kh' hnam

te? kh 'during that [past] year'.

As mentioned above nX occur, apart from spatial

references 'up to'- 'from', in temporal contexts as well,

translated as ".Lntil' 'since'. t' may co-occur with kb

retaining its semantic scope, but n ' i k introduces a sub-

ordinate clause of purpose or resultative 'so as to, in

order'; tI.h m c.foa ct3! l3nct3n t pn hnam 'I would have

to stay in London for up to four years'. Forms like lacho

, chala ? 'sometimes', 'always', although formally de-

finable as nouns, will be discussed in the section on ver-

bal phrases.

Quantifiers.

Quantifiers which do not involve numerals, like 'all',

'every', 'some', form a restricted class in SM. Although

they belong semantically to the same class as expressions

for 'few' / 'numerous' and the like, they behave syntacti-

cally in a distinct way, except h?bt.

The main difference between the two classes of quanti-

fying expressions consists in word-order; most quantifiers

 342.

precede the respective noun whereas the words for 'few'/

'Ipany' are stative verbs and conform syntactically to

that class, that is following the noun, as in kon ik

?on 'few children', jih kfa 'numerous people', and may

also be used adverbially.

Yet another class of quantifiers can be set up:

Those terms which operate on a sentence level, like

VP2 'some VP, others VP 2 '. In other cases, re-

peated stative verbs co-occuring with saik and a head-noun

may be conceived as quantifiers as well since they indicate,

or at least imply, as indeterminate plurality, as in kwai

k%n3h kan3h salk 'various cakes' (kanh 'to be different').

Semantically, this class of quantifiers comprises only

expressions of totality and inclusion or iteration, 'all',

'every', 'throughout', and some may only occur with periods

of time such as 'week', 'year'.

The exceptional case ref ered to, hPbt, is, whenever

quantifying, a stative verb 'total, entire' (also used ad-

verbially), but can also occur as a 'full' verb 'to spend,

use up; to waste'. As a simple stative verb it follows

the noun and may precede all clitics, behaving like all

other stative verbs in this environment, h3eP ha ? t 'all

houses', h3e? h?bt t3? kh 'all the houses' (cf. h3eP

kl'a 'numerous houses', hQe? hnk 'large houses', h3eP

hn?k t3 ? k'?h 'the large houses').

All other (non-numeral) quantifiers precede the noun

like kam3', an infixed form of to?, the definite plural

marker, designating any sort of totality, klbh 'through

(out) , r3hi kmep 'every' (the latter also an infixed

 3L13.

form from a reconstructed base *<OM/jap/ 'all, every,

each').

klch occurs in set expressions of time, as kioh oa

'throughout the day', klbh hnam 'throughout the year';
1oa is confined to a single example in statements like
?a lb rao oa ioa 'where are you going every day?'
[Ko Kret).

No semantic difference exists in the use of km'p

and ih, except that r' h may occur as a 'full' verb as
well, 'to count'; a cfj rh boa 'I go to town every day',
cfeh t3 ? kl ni Bbkok kmp hatao? 'they come from Bangkok
every month'.

Pre- and postpositioning of the quantified term are

possible (see word order), rh oa ?a d', kamp
htao(k?h) deh t? ki3 nh &'kok. The same order of
sentence constituents applies to expanded quantified
clauses like d'eh ki3 pha n 3 ? ih oa a ncfi"-rh oa
a ncti cf'eh kl3 ph.a n? 'every day at two comes here
[to this monastery3', or klea cao pn ncfip3n nacli
kiea.j cao 'he returns at four'.

scm has already been discussed as a noun-co-ordinating

particle when occurring in a two-place sequence, scm Nil
srn N 'both N 1 and Ni '. However, it may also function as
a quantifier when collocated with ?t or hbt, or as a
connecting noun synonymous with korom 'together with, in
company with', as in kwaik p' .ak krom1 karnnan chcw (not)

L sm J
'I shall (be) going along with Kamnan Chaew' (and could
also be paraphrased as ... kamnan chE.w ?a kbm or kamnan
 31414.

chew l ?a (kbm) ' ... and Kamnan Chaew goes as well').

Although Pbt and h7bt are both verbs, the simple

form (base) and its derivative <-^), 'to be exhausted,

finished' 'to use up, spend', the order relative to sm

is different: sm precedes h?bt, meaning 'all, every-

thing (together)' (som ho?iot) and follows ?t denoting

'all', following a noun. sm may, however, precede a

nominal phrase when quantifying over a quantified phrase,

like sbmJh [num.:! (as in sm j,h p3e?, all three of

them [persons]'), or, if the numeral is replaced by anot-

her quantifier, sbm!h h?bt 'all of them[persons]'

(kon 't kon b' ik sm ih haot kh... 'boys and girls,

all of them...').

rt sm follows the noun, ph^a nibn ?t sbm 'all Mon

monasteries', hia? pt ?ot som 'all manuscripts'. Clitics

may be inserted between the noun and ?t sum, piia m'bn

h3l' ? bt sbm.

A difficulty in interpretation arises with ? ot sm

co-occurring with ,Ph where it precedes the noun, as in

sbm ,p .h kh, or with a clitic being inserted, bt sm

x^h t? kh. Literary forms like kmp j.h ?t sbm also

occur. sm N sequences may occur in any position admis-

sible for NPs, as subject or object, following VPs, as in

clauses like kok na sbm d'eh ("-kok na d'eh 'I take him with

me') or ket na sm h2bt 'bring everything'.

The order of quantifiers of the first group ('all',

'every', non-numerals) relative to the noun can be sum-
marized as follows:
 3L45.

leftbound
N clitics
bt sbm

ri ghtbound N
' I I numeral

leftbound N sbm h?bt J clitics

rightbound
kmp N
k m

Covert quantification exists in a particular pattern

of noun-co-ordination, involving repetition of the quant-

hying term which may be either a noun or a verb. Quant-

if hers of this kind indicate an indefinite (undetermined)

plural translated as 'various'. In addition, the sequence

may be closed by the classifier salk:

N saik

N (k'?h)

n. -n . =n -n.

A sequence of the first kind may consist of either a noun

or a verb, na na, a pseudo-reduplicate borrowed from Pali

(nn) naturalized in the same way as in Khmer nI:a ni:

(only that here word-order is free, N-) -" ?-N, and

more complex sequences occur) and a reduplicate stative

verb, kn3h kan3h (kan3h 'to be different, other', co-

occurring with haaia, kn3h h ? aib 'E i d.l'). In both cases,

word order within the sequence is fixed, the noun preceding
1t= saik, as in kwaib kan3h kn3h saik 'various cakes',

lMk na na saik 'writings of various kinds'. In other

environments, saikmay, or course, occur in a head-position

or medial position when referring to colour terms, sampan

saik th 'a golden sampan', but it may also be deleted from

 346.

the sequence if the colour term is a stative verb (but not

necessarily so, if idiomatic, like sampan th sampan sn

'golden and silver sampans', but salk tkah 'sky-blue'

kla saik tkah 'sky-blue box' and not **kla tkah "sky-

box" (??) which is absurd!), as in kla haket 'red box'.

The second kind of sequence is attested only for the

noun t-a, as in kwan 'various villages'. This

term is difficult to render into English (Halliday trans-

lates it as 'some' (MED), Shorto in DSM is 'individual

(case)') outside any context; its syntactic behaviour is

similar to chala? 'sometimes' in that the reduplicated se-

quence may be split and each term initiate a clause, as N

t-e t& 'various N', VP1 It9 hII)2 'some VP1,
others VP 2 t ; ch-la ? chla ? 'sometimes', cha1a ? VP1
chala? VP 2 'sometimes VP 1 , sometimes VP2.

The third kind occurs only in an idiomatic expression,

mba hni ma hn' i 'various places'.

Yet another instance, still idiomatic, or a quantify-

ing expression yielded by repetition is t ' h and a deictic,

term, th te? 'that direction', t'h n? 'this direction',

th te? t\h nz2 'everywhere'. The ordering of the deictic

term conforms to the rule already alluded to whereby in co-

occurence of te and fl3?, te? always precedes n,? in that

sequence (cf. the already quoted kbp kla te? n3).

The remaining quantifying expressions form each a set

apart; the first consists ofma-ma and .p'j which are ver-
satile particles occurring also in different environments.

The function which concerns us here is the translation

 347.

equivalent of 'as adj.] as' relating to two nominal com-

plexes. Although sequences of this type, N 1 V ma N3,
do not form necessarily quantifying expressions - this

depends, obviously, on the stative verb preceding ema'

- but their inclusion in this section is justified

because they co-ordinate two nouns by assigning the quality

of one term to another, hoe? hn 'bk ma ph' a-'. hoe? hnk j,b

phia ' a house as big as a monastery'. shows a quant-

ifying function only in this restricted context - otherwise,

see below, it functions like a straightforward clause/sen-

tence particle, p deh hbm (kh) 'as he says, ...',

ph te.m 'as you know...' - whereas ma4' ma occurs in other

quantifying expressions as well, such as ma hal'j 'much;

quantity', ama k]^ ? 'long; duration', ama kah'ba 'far (away)'.

These constructs (n.-n.) are incorporated into the VP or

follow it: '?oa mb ph'.a no? ama kl 'I have been staying
at this monastery for quite some time' (in fact, this sen-

tence is ambiguous as to tense; it may equally be 'I am

staying...') or ?oa m pha no? ama kl no 'I shall be

staying here...' (the ordering is rigid as far as VP-final

position goes, hence a possible derivation as pha no? ?oa

'ama kl'? ? but not **phia no? (kbh) ma kal? ? 9oa

nib (not,). The other two expressions, ma hal and ma

kha, follow this rule, th cfak kwi ma kaha 'we have to

drive a long way' or, to incorporate it fully into the verb

phrase, as above, th cfak kwi ama k-h?a manm 'we still have

to drive (further)...'. The whole phrase may be, of course,

embedded into a sentence like cop kwan te? t&h d'ak kwi 9ma

k'ha manm 'to get to that village/to reach that village

...', preceding the VP.
 3118.

In questions which will be dealt with later on 'ama

behaves in the same way in that it precedes another noun

(or nominal particle, as it does here) and follows a

verb or verbal phrase; thus 'ama-h,, preceded by a

stative verb of quantity and followed by the relative

question particle rao, forms a question about degree or

extent, as in hn'bk ama-lb rao 'how large is it?',
cfot ma-1b rao 'how small is it?', and the stative verb

may follow a noun phrase (including clitics), kl3b tat&

kh hn'?k ama-lb rao 'how large are those boats?'.

Similar difficulties of interpretation of a single

term - even if grammatically classifiable in terms of
"noun" - "verb" arise with ,t and ; they cannot oc-
cur as autonomous nouns occurring in a head-position of

a complex nominal phrase. biot refers to an equivalent

degree or extent or some quality and may follow a precede

a noun, or occur as a medial term between nouns and

deictic terms or a stative verb and a noun.

To take the last cases first, we obtain a sequence

of the shape hoe Bot te 'a house like that, of that
kind', kls 6bt n? 'a boat like this' and hn?k 6bt

sala 'as large as a hail'. This type of construct is

identical with the one mentioned above where both nouns
are co-ordinated by ama and J 'b!j: Equally the stative

verb preceding bbt N may follow a noun, as in the

previous instances; thus in h3e? hn'?k sala,

may be one of the three co-ordinating terms ma

6tt 'a house as big as a hail', h3e ? hn' k ama saia "-
 3249.

he? hn'bk i sala h3e? hribk 6t,t sala. However,

the quantifying term - in this case the stative

verb hnk 'to be large' - may only be omitted from

the second example in which both nouns are co-ordinated
by , he p? sala 'a house like a hail' whereas
in the other two instances hn^k is bound by 3ma and
cannot be deleted. nt may co-ordinate two nouns if
both refer to quantity or involve a numeral complex, as
in h'?a t hl-lb rao 'how far is it?', ha 6bt
psn kilom.,t 'it's five kilometres (from here)'.
may also introduce complex verb-phrases.

Finally, renders verbs, subordinated by

mi to a noun-head, as adverbial expressions, or is
directly attached to nouns. In the colloquial lang-
uage only fixed expressions occur, like p'a mY l?n
- -.
'exceedingly', poa m klan 'very much'. Both sub-
ordinate verbs may also function, in other contexts,
as autonomous verbs (l 'bn 'to exceed, pass', kl'a 'to
be numerous'). may be followed by a noun yield-
ing an adverb, such as p'ba karao 'afterwards',
pr3h 'quickly' (syn. pr3h pr3h, following a verb).

Halliday (MED) lists more than thirty compounds, many

of them, however, literary.
 350.

Restricted noun-particles.

Restricted noun-particles resemble distributionally

noun-clitics, like deixis (te), possession or determination

(kh), and thus can only be attached to nouns or nominal

phrases; this set is confined only to l and ib, and the

latter occurs only in questions.

The origin of l' (LM le-"lew) is obscure; although it

is marked by Shorto both in DSM and DM1 as a loan from

Burmese las:, OBurm. le ..i' 1ai, and attested in Mon only

from Dhammaceti onwards (MM.), it is best described as a

contact-word. It may be used as a clause particle for con-

ditional sentences ("if") - and thus contravene our defin-

ition of a restricted particle - (replacing the formal

mkh, syntactically in the same position), but its collo-

cation with k,m and k'?h, kbm ] (and k?h l' kom) seems to

favour an interpretation as a noun-particle. It is not,

however, a constituting part of the nominal phrase since

that is assumed to be 'closed' by 1h and l ' may not split

the series of clitics in a maximal sequence (4#N d'eh t'n3?

kh (l' )). l does not specify the nominal phrase as the

clitics do, but rather links the nominal phrase to the verb

complex and relates even to two statements: Two speakers in

conversation may state A; ?a kwan kmIn 'I go to potters'
village', B; ?oa l ?a kDm 'So do I; I'll come along, too',

or by the same speaker, in a co-ordinated statement, yamI.t cI'eh

k'bh ?oa hii? tm I ca ch3y (kh) l hii? t.m 'what his name

is I don't know; nor does Acharn Choey'. le may also operate

in the same way as Khmer ph: , referring back to, or resuming,



351.

a series of nouns: akhoi', fl3? path poa kh l 'on this

occasion they organize a festival as well', l being al-

ways attached to the noun-complex and never to the (directly)

verb, p'tbh m'b poa k '?h l or p-ath poa kbh 1 non.

In !a cf3 b Pa ciy ctoa su ' tt kt,m 'I go to Bangkok and

will call at Su-ed's as well' (or p'h ?a c13 ... 'if you

go...') korn is used as an auxiliary verb, but semantically

in a similar way; yet the problem of using either, l or

kbm, or both kom l (kh 1 kom) or interacting in a clause

N l VP kbm is more complex and rather difficult to solve.

Given the following set of sentences:

oa a w3i, 6oa su?t N VP

Poa 1 ?a wi p, doa su?Lt kt,m N-1 VPkom

?oa 1 ?a wci. cfoa suct NIa vp-

Poa a wc3i doa sut k3h 1 N VP kch I

le is also restricted in that it cannot occur in any

correlative or co-ordinate construction, either binding two

terms like k or binding one term in a series, like kbm...

kbm, etc.

Counting, Measuring

Two sets of numerals are recognized at any stage of

Mon, cardinals and ordinals. The two sets are linguistically

distinct, the former consisting of native words below and in-

cluding 1,000, the latter being loans from Sanskrit and/or

Pall.
 352.

1. Numerals.

Cardinals

All numerals (cardinals) are native (MK) words, except

for numbers greater than 1,000 which are borrowings from

Sanskrit or Pall, or, as in one instance, hybrid forms. No

borrowings from Burmese or Thai are known.13

The system is quinary, like Khmer, and the numerals

one to ten consist of a single constituent; phonologically

one obtains a structure like CV(C) and C9CVC.135

cv(c) ccv(c)
mae 'one' krao 'cix'
be 'two' h)h 'seven'
'three' hacam 'eight'
'four' hicit 'nine'

'five'
/pesn/ LM msun *mway sun OM /moy sun msun/

The tens, eleven to nineteen, are formed by post-

positing the single numerals, one to nine, to 'ten' Jc3h/,

as in

'ten' c3h-ksrao 'sixteen'

c3h-nla 'eleven' c3h-hpDh seventeen'
ch-6a 'twelve' ch-h9cam 'eighteen'
ch-p3e P 'thirteen' ch-hcit 'nineteen'
c3h-pn 'fourteen'
c3h-53n 'fifteen' 6a cuh 'twenty'
 352 a.

Special rules apply to the numeral 'five' /ps3n/:

If in colligation with /ch/ 'ten', the minor syllable

/pa-/ is deleted, but in the higher numbers, twenty to

ninety, consisting of a sequence of single numerals, /cuh/

and single numerals the unit for 'ten' is discarded and

the word for 'five' takes the shape /is3n/, as in /a

s3n/ 'twenty-five' (and not ** /6a-cuh-s3n/). One

might be tempted to reduce this peculiar distribution a

morphological process, assuming a base /s3n/ and the pre-

fix ?j_ with a starred function; this is supported by

historical evidence: OM has /sun/ for complex cardinals,

like OM /ar-cw.s-sun/ 'twenty-five', in simple cardinals

the contraction /msun/ ( /moy/7sun/ 'one', 'five'). The

form /msun/, however, must have been the standard unit for

single numerals since it serves as.a base for the derivative

/m rsun/ 'group of five' (-r-). Whether the MM. form re-

presents the contracted /msun/ or a reflex of the derivative

/mersun/ following the mediocluster-reduction OM. /-rs-/ >

MM. /-s-/ cannot be determined. The SM. form or complex

numerals cannot be traced, but the interpretation of the pre-

syllable /?i/, even if it coincides with a prefixial pat-

tern in the modern language (i->), as being a junctural

feature (#/ya-/) should not be ruled out, especially in view

of the fact that /cuh/ does not occur in complex numerals

containing the unit 'five'. It is thus not correct to pos-

tulate an underlying form [6a-cuh-sn3 from which /cuh/ in

the surface- orm has been deleted and replaced by the pseudo-

derivative /?isn/, but to analyze the presyllable [pip-,

as a reflex of /ys3n/ (in analogy to onomastic prefixial

forms / ? iC_/ . OM. /yC-/) which in turn is a weakening of

 353.

/cuh-s3n/. The modern /ps3n/ corresponds to LM./MM.

/ms3n/ (LM. pasun is a phonetic spelling, sometimes even

encountered in texts), following the rule LM. 4mC->SM.

/pC-/. It is not to be analyzed as a syllabic prefix

to a base /sn/.

The complex cardinals, twenty to ninety, show a variant

/cuh/ to the one used in the numerals ten to nineteen, /ch/.

Historically, this can be relegated to OM /cos/ > SM /c3h/

and OM /cwos/ 'group of ten' > SM /cuh/ 'tens'.

ch 'ten'
ba-cuh 'twenty'

pe2 -cuh 'thirty'

ps3n-cuh 'fifty'

h cit-cuh 'ninety'

The single numeral (1-9) precedes the unit for ten

/cuh/, which may be followed by another single numeral, as

in

c3h-h cam 'eighteen'

pz n-cuh-6a 'forty-twot

k rao-cuh-hp3h 'sixty-seven'

p3e-i s3n 'thirty-five'
pSZfl-1S3fl 'fifty-five'

The higher numerals, except for 100, 1,000, 10,000 and

100,000, are used only in narratives, mainly Buddhist. In

combination, they precede the complex numerals for the ten

units /cuh/.

klDm 'hundred'

im 'thousand'
 3514.

m_la? 'ten thousand' (var., DSM /l.k/)

ktt '100,000'
pra? kaoti ? kbt '1,000,000'
ni lahut '10,000,000'
ni T 1ahut-tj 100,000,000'
as & kh a '1,000,000,000'
All preceding numerals, except 100 and 1,000, are loans
or hybrid forms: /m3_la ? / is a variant form of /niba 1&k/

'one lac', /1&k/'4./laP/ .. Skt. laksa/P. lakkha; even though

it occurs in OM. in a Sanskritized form (spelt laksa) along-

side a native spelling lak, a neo-IA loan cannot be excluded,

the Sanskritized form namely representing a learned spelling.
/kbt/ Skt./P. koti 'myriad; end of the scale'. /pra?kaoti?

kbt/ is a hybrid form, consisting of Skt. pra- 'Eintensivej',

/_kaoti? _/LMkoti as a variant form Skt./P. koti and /kbt/

LM kuit, as in the previous case, also from Skt./P. koti.

/n'ilahit/ Skt. nayuta 'myriad', P. nahuta, intrusive con-
sonantism /13-/ - irregular presyllable! - as yet unexplained;

equally the etymology for /nl ? 1ahiIt_tj/. /as&- kh'oa/4P. ?

The construction of higher numerals involving single

or ten units and so forth follows the pattern already out-
lined, the order being

where . may be any single unit, one to nine; in some con-

texts, oc is zero: /m^a/ is omitted in numerals higher than
ten, except 'ten thousand', /m3la?/; 'twenty thousand',
however, is /a kk/ ' /a laP/. Higher numerals are thus

expressed:
 355.

pie? -lk hp3 h-Im pas3n-kb m a-cuh-ba '37,522'

krao-'im h;cam-kl3m hcit-c3h '6,890'
&Im kl3m a-cuh-m'ba 1,121'
kl3m p.&2fs3n '135'

Ordinals.

No native words for ordinals exist in SM., and all

ordinal numerals are borrowed from Pall. No Thai/Khmer

loan-construction occurs, like /tt://[num.]/ as in Thai

1,.
/ti: sa:m/ 'the third, thirdly'. Normally, only the
ordinals for one to four are used and known. Should, how-

ever, the context require higher ordinals - if one is look-

ing for the ninth volume of a book in a monastery's library

- a headnoun is used followed by a cardinal number, as in

/kanpf/hcit/ ('volume', 'nine') 'ninth volume' (/mha wa!j

kan3p hcit/ (k^h) + S 'ninth volume of the Mahvaffisa'
+ S or /wsak//pn/ ('part', 'four') 'the fourth part'.

In the following, the Pall ordinals are given with

an LM. reading pronunciation:

Pall LM. r.pron. gloss varr.

pathama /pa?thama?/ 'first' /pat'ama/

dutiya /tii? tI' y.?/ 'second' /ti?t3' ya?/
tatiya /ta'ti9ya?/

'third'

/t3?te?yI?/

catuttha /c?tao?tha / 'fourth' /ca? tu?ta?/

2. Classifiers, quantifiers.

SM, unlike non-Mon-Khmer languages on the continent,

has no word-class equivalent to what have been called

"(numeral) classifiers", a head-noun followed by a numeral

 356.

and a group quantifier (or in some modified order, Tai

being different from TB ?), as Thai b:n s l 'two

houses'. But the constant exposure of
Mon to the two national languages, Thai and Burmese, in-

creased the pressure of adopting certain parallel con-

structions, in particular where languages are typologi-

cally (syntactically, at least) similar (word-order rules

affecting the nominal phrase and placement of clitics,

for instance).

Thus it is not surprising that all classifiers, in

the sense that most authors understand them in SM - as

far as they actually occur in conversation among the Mons!

- are loans from either language.

Leaving, for the moment, the subtle difference between

quantifiers and classifiers aside, Burma Mon (DSM) has

cfaik li? manet ma phan 'to drink a/one glass of lemonade'

whereas Thai Mon would say s cfaik manao ma kcw 'to drink
a/one glass of lime juice'; both quantifiers are loans,
phan from phan (Burmese) and kw from k2.:w (Thai). In pass-

ing, it should be noted that where Thai changes the word-

order in noun-phrases involving numerals higher than one,

'.
in the above example (na.m marna:w k:w nu), the quantifier
is postpositioned (na:m ma?na:w s k:w 'two glasses...'),
but retains its position in SM .. . La kew.

This poses a particularly hideous problem, and has

ctone in the past, to any investigator of the spoken lang-

uage - the classical literary language poses no such prob-

lem since classifiers are either absent or forthright

Burmese calques. Consequently, Haswell states eiL'ht,

 357.

Halliday thirty-six, Guillon eight (like Haswell) and

Sujaritlak some eighteen ("regular class ifier s t ).136 At
the same time, Stevens, in the second edition to Haswell,
adds a word of caution and goes even so far as to state
that in this respect (absence of class.) SM "... resembles
occidental languages, and differs from all the known lang-
uages of Farther India" (1901, pp.20-21). Shorto (1954)
speaks of an unsystematic use, and favours - in teaching -
the distinction of two systems, '? la chinoise (ST class-
ifier systems) and la japonaise (Altaic? quantifier sy-
'k

stems) the latter applicable to Mon. 137

If Mons are asked to translate a given set of phrases

into Thai, the result turns out, for the most part predic-
table, calques, like the above bI:n sj l 'two houses'
was always translated to me as h 3 e? a h3e?, which is, of
course, a bogus statement; a day later, asking the same
person how many houses there are in the village or
tambon, he would reply nim kl3m heP or nim h3e" k1m '100
houses' (and, perhaps, haka pn and ne m ' a 'four cats',
'a monkey'), adding later that getting from Lamphun to
Sukhothay is karao nibajoa, 'a day's journey'.

These observations will eventually result in the fol-

lowing axiom to be posited: SM has no numeral classifier
system; two and three quantifying sequences/complexes have
to be postulated.

Historically, only quantifiers are attested for OM.,

as in stu? thmph dnal (DM1, Ku. 151) 'seven measures of
rice' (measure, husked rice, seven), but derivations of
 358.

group numerals from (cardinal) numerals are systematic

by affixation of <-r->, and sporadically by -m->, c-w-)

and <-s->, like klm '100'> karljm 'group of hundred',

cs 'ten'> cw.s 'ten fas quantifier]' (mod. cuh), crcs

'decad', 'three', pmpi 'triad', 'one'> mmoy
'each'> mrmoy 'unit'.

In the modern language, no traces have been left of

this process except for coh / cuh

Three sets of expressions of counting are to be dis-

tinguished: (1) Classifiers, (2) Quantifiers and (3)

Measurements.

(1) Classifiers.

Only six classifiers occur in SM applied to humans,

plants and objects. hkao is obligatory in all contexts

wherever a numeral is involved and used exclusively for

members of the Sargha, hIm3e pasn h8kaoi 'five monks',
hpoi m'ba hakao 2 'a/one novice', kyaik cah hakao k?h 'the
ten Buddhas'.

Personal pronouns cannot colligate directly with num-

erals, and 'person' (but also, in respectful attitude,

'he, she; they; others') has to be inserted. The word-order

is reversed in that the classifying term follows immediately

the pronoun: poi .n^.h pe 'we three; three of us'; quantify-

ing terms of a nominal order (som, hbt) may precede or

follow such a sequence, as sm ,p .h p3eP 'all three of them',

or, combined, smjh hart 'all', poi ji ' h p3e? hbt 'all

three of us'. If the pronominal reference is omitted, the

word-order p'Lhnum. is retained, jih ma 'a/one person',

 359.

jih krao 'six people'. Each sequence functions on the

phrase, clause or sentence-level as an autonomous unit,

and the clitics behave accordingly, j'Ih ma k?h...',

kl3 cb sbm.nh poe? k'?h 'all three of them arrived...'.

pra?ka and salk are classifiers applying, in restricted

contexts, to objects or entities; in the spoken language
praka occurs only in the sequence rt poe 2 pra?ka 'the

Three Gems', and saik is limited to sequences containing a

head-noun and nLa-na or kn'h-k3nh 'various' , as already

mentioned, pra?kbh knoh knh salk 'various treatises',
sot chu? na na salk 'various fruits'. The interpretation

of saik as classifier rests solely on its position in a

nominal phrase quantified by a stative verb (knoh) or a

noun (n.a na). salk is not found to be collocated with

numerals in any context in SM.

This leaves us with the only genuine classifiers oc-

curing in SM, n'm and mc. nom is used with plants in
general whereas m applies to fruit: nom chu i pn nom

'four trees', specific plant names are to be inserted be-

tween the head-noun and the numeral nm pr 't La nom nm

sot pra poe? nm 'two banana plants''three coconut palms'

and st kr3k psn m 'five mangos', s3t pr^a karao mi..?

'six coconuts'.

Generic nouns do not repeat the classifier, but

juxtapose the generic - as head - and the specific name,

as in nom chu? norn tin 'bamboo (plant)'; S,t chu? st tin

is exceptional in that it denotes fruit in general and does

not refer to bamboo.
 360.

The relative conservatism of Mon syntax (OM. to SM.)

adds to furthering the speculations outlined by Przyluski

in 1929 of an earlier distinction of classifying objects,

animated and non-animated; evidence is, of course, ex-

tremely scanty, but the following considerations of re-

jecting classifier systems in Mon altogether should be

taken into account:

If such systems existed in the modern language, they

cannot be traced to OM. which shows a productive morphology

incorporating derivations of quantifiers from numeral bases;

since no change in word-order in quantifying expressions

has taken place in the historically attested period - the

numeral is preceded by a head-noun and followed by a quant-

if ler, OM. ctik pj? twaj 'three villages of slaves', or, in

periods of time or directions, no head-noun occurs lim bar

klm cnam '1,200 years' - one would expect the retention of

native classifiers in indentical sequences. The reality

shows, however, that word-order is retained and, due to

faulty inquiries, borrowed classifiers from Thai or Burmese

superimposed onto native structures. Speculating along

Przyluski's lines, then, one might conceive of a possible,

earlier, distinction between plants - nm*m ? - and ob-

jects - saik A pra? ka. The honorific classifiers h9kao and

pra2 ka are used rigidly in Thailand and could be interpreted

as a caique on Thai honorific vocabulary.

Instability or variation in word-order in SM. is

identical with the one encountered in OM., jv^h is followed

by a numeral except in the OM. contraction m,yiah (itt moy iah)

(in mjiah krkul p3n 'the men of the four clans' DM1); saik
 361.

is always postpositioned when occurring with a numeral,

but precedes a colour term.

2. Quantifiers.

Quantifiers differ, in my treatment, from numeral

classifiers; quantifiers embrace all expressions of meas-

uring and follow the numeral, that sequence being preceded

by a noun head to be quantified, like pr' .t a hr' h 'two

combs of bananas'.

Three types of quantifiers are to be distinguished:

General quantifiers as already mentioned,

belonging to either word-class, verb stative or noun,

hbt 'all', ?on '(to be) few', specific quantifiers in-

volving a numeral and a head-noun or a numeral, a head-

noun that is to be quantified, and a term of measurement.

Alternative classifications could be set up according to

the number of terms involved, as outlined below.

The first kind of specific quantifiers occur in se-

quences with the rigid word-order NThum'Q, and comprise

terms such as 'cluster', 'bunch', 'basket' in quantifying

fruit or vegetables (produce), like hatakhcak-noihrh

('cluster, bunch, comb'), hakut 'short piece cut off, part,

segment', hateh 'piece (of material, cloth)'. All these

terms are derived from verbal bases, or can be reconstructed

from such bases, teh 'to hew', cak 'to make a bundle of
s.th.', kr^h 'to harrow, comb', noi, unnatural register

due to plosive / nasal cluster reduction CN- > N-, LM kniii,

base *[C3oiP) , htak*tak. But base-forms do occur as well,

even if corresponding derivatives exist, like khok>hrok;

 361.

is always postpositioned when occurring with a numeral,

but precedes a colour term.

2. Quantifiers.

Quantifiers differ, in my treatment, from numeral

classifiers; quantifiers embrace all expressions of meas-

uring and follow the numeral, that sequence being preceded

by a noun head to be quantified, like prt a hdrh 'two

combs of bananas'.

Three types of quantifiers are to be distinguished:

General quantifiers as already mentioned,

belonging to either word-class, verb stative or noun,

h'bt 'all', ?on '(to be) few', specific quantifiers in-

volving a numeral and a head-noun or a numeral, a head-

noun that is to be quantified, and a term of measurement.

Alternative classifications could be set up according to

the number of terms involved, as outlined below.

The first kind of specific quantifiers occur in Se-

quences with the rigid word-order NnumQ, and comprise

terms such as 'cluster', 'bunch', 'basket in quantifying

fruit or vegetables (produce), like

('cluster, bunch, comb'), hakut 'short piece cut off, part,

segment', hateh 'piece (of material, cloth)'. All these

terms are derived from verbal bases, or can be reconstructed

from such bases, teh 'to hew', cak 'to make a bundle of

s.th.', krh 'to harrow, comb', noi, unnatural register

due to plosive / nasal cluster reduction CN- > N-, LM kniii,

base *[C]oib, htak.,*tak. But base-forms do occur as well,
even if corresponding derivatives exist, like khok>hrok;
 362.

a cup of tea is cfaik ca m' ba khok. No change in word-

order takes place is the noun-head consists of several

constituents, y'kt s3t La h%teh 'two pieces of silk(cloth)',

?at Ca hteh 'two pieces of silk', sot krak pn hcak

'four clusters of mangos', c' k hph hkut 'seven, ends,

pieces of ribbon, string'.

Word-order does change, however, if no numeral occurs,

the sequence being thus indeterminate or generic; this is

difficult to interpret in English since sequences of this

kind can nevertheless be determined by kh: The quantifier

moves from the final position in the sequence to the initial

place, otherwise taken by the head-noun, as in st kr3ktnum.f

hatak.h'atak s3t krkhtak sot kr3k kh &c. a cluster of

mangos', 'the cluster of mangos', 'clusters of mangos', but

sot krk nba hatak k' h tone cluster.. .'. Paraphrastic con-

trasts like these reveal a difference in determination, with-

out kh, rendered in English 'a', 'one', in using movement

of quantifier if the numeral is omitted. Quantifiers (as

are classifiers) are likely to be replaced by loans given

'e identity of word-order (of such sequences!) and a sim-

ilar lexical inventory of terms. Lexical replacements do

not seem to be predictable: Burma Mon has folk noa ?up

(DSM, Burm. 'up), glossed by Shorto as 'a book' (tone

book'?), whereas in Thai Mon one would expect fbik m'a

cLap (Thai chabap, Khmer cLap 'copy'), but only sequ-

ences like hla?p3t m' a kan3p 'one palm-leaf manuscript',

using a native term, knop, or, simply, l ' ik m?a occur.

The final type of quantifiers comprises expressions

of size, length, breadth, depth, weight and width. The

respective terms in Mon are hl?i 'length', hn '?k 'size,

 363.

length', kna 'breadth', hayh 'depth', hyIky'a.,1..

yI 'weigth', hloa 'width'. The terms of measurement,

as listed below, are either native or loans, more fre-

quently borrowed now from English via Thai/Burmese (r

French via Khmer-Thai as) sentimtt-m.t-kilo mct, kram

[krmJ 'gram'. Again, word-order is rigid and sequences

consist of four terms which, under certain conditions,

may be extended: A noun-head followed by a quantifier, a

numeral and a measurement, he hili, ch m&t 'a house

ten metres long', h3e? kn'at pasn m&.t 'a house five

metres in breadth'. 6i hy?h hp3h mct 'a river seven

metres deep'. 1h may close the nominal phrase, and
translate into English as a relative clause h3e? hli

c3h me.t kbh VP 'the house which is 10 metres long'.

Extensions of such quantified noun-phrases occur with

fy+ which are conditioned by word-order change within the

sequence: kela kayi c3h kilo 'a box weighing ten kilograms'

may thus be transformed into kayI d'eh t c3h kilo (or kay

kla bt c3h kilo) 'its weight being...' or 'it weight

', if the order of the prenumeral constituents is reser-

sed from noun-head/quantifier to quantifier/noun, ft-in-

sertion between the prenumeral sequence and the numeral

final is obligatory. Similarly, Bi hayh haph m.t -.
hyh flu bt hp3h met.

Terms of measurement proper include expressions like

'pair', or chao, in klIa ma te 'one yoke of buffalos'.
Standard native measurements are to be divided into three

main categories, linear/areal, capacity and weight. The

first category includes the following terms:

 3614.

kapuh 'breadth of index-finger or thumb'

cfe? 'distance between spread thumb and index-finger'

da 'distance between spread thumb and middle-

finger'

h do n foot'
mIh 'Capprx. 16 cmJl/3 of a hot'

hot '[P. hatthaj distance from elbow to tips of

finger'
S.
hlok 'distance from shoulder to fingertips of
opposite hand'
phih 'reach of both arms, ca. four hot'
k yo 'distance equivalent of height of a person

with upstretched hand'

ycn^.a '[P. yojana] equivalent to seven miles (PTS

Die.)' (rare)

All native linear measures are anthropomorphic. The most

important areal measures are kana? 'piece of rice-field

delimited by dams' and, borrowed from Thai, rki (Thaii(

ray) 2/5 of an acre, reckoned to be 1,600 square metres.

The main capacity measures, as far as they are native: nY

'a rice basket cip '1/4 of a basket'. kh,k toa 'a handful',

hm.p 'a double handful', khok 'a cup', ka1t 'equivalent of

two cups (khok)'. Native weights: psa 'equivalent of 100

hike', paik 'equivalent of 50 hake', hake 'tical; as mone-

tary unit Baht (Thail.), Kyat (Burma)', mh '1/4 of a hake;

as monetary unit one Salueng or 25 Satang'.

All three categories of measurements comply with the

word-order that governs quantified expressions, head-noun

 365.

followed by numeral and term of measurement; their usage

is, however, receding and terms are gradually replaced
by metric units. As far as monetary units are concerned,
all communities prefer the Mon system (h3ke, mh), and
the Thai terms, Baht and Salueng, are not used among them.

Recapitulating word-order types and changes in Mon

quantification, we can tabulate the types as shown on
the following page.

Allusion has already been made to the fact that num-

erals might be interpreted, in proto-Mon, as verbs on the
grounds that traces of verbal usage are still attested in
the spoken language; they comprise the negation of the
verb 'to have, possess', n?im, hi? m?a, the verbal negative
particle (hti? ) and the numeral 'one' (mba). No such traces
can be found - or posited at some abstract, underlying,
level - for some collocations of moa: It conforms to the
pattern of quantifiers/nouns (n'oa oa, ma hnam) as mba ln -
ma wa 'once, one time' nba lbn Pa wa 'once or twice'.
Word order is retained in more elaborate expressions like
noa oa 6a akhoi S3 h?ui nP 'take this medicine twice
a day' or p 3 e? hatao ? m' a l?n (k?h) cfeh kl3!, an3? 'once
every three months he comes here'. Similarly mba occurs
in a NTh sequence in nba cb? " m'ba hkom 'together (with)'
but only cP permits extended patterns, such
as nba ci VP./ma Cb VP. 'on the one hand. . . on the other;
partly. ..partly', functioning in the same way as t3 and
TP 1 /ta VP, 'some...others', at the sentence level.


366.
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 367.

The verbal piece.

A phonological classification of verb is possible

within certain limits, and has already been outlined in

the nominal specific phonological shapes like /3C-/,

/PiC-/, tn- and tetra-syllables (except /h'carana/ 'to

reflect, think', P. vicrana). No noun-verb classifica-
tion, on phonological grounds alone, is possible for the
bulk of simple forms in the lexicon, CV(C), CCV(C),
CCCV(C), C3CV(C), CCCV(C).

Indeed, the historical evolution of complex (derived)

forms resulted in a syncretism of various affixes, inflec-

tional (class-maintaining) or derivational (class-changing):

Thus OM /glw./ SM /k1'/, a stative verb, 'to be numerous,

much', takes the attributive infix -m-, OM /gam1t/, the
vocalic infix /--/ as a causative, OM /gal/ 'to exceed'

and, to derive a noun-qunatifier from a verbal base, the

infix <-r->, OM /grlu&j /. Subsequent phonological shifts

in the consonant system yielded a merger of all three dis-

tinctive OM forms, SM /hl'a/,
following the rules of medio-cluster reduction (OM /-ml-/

> SM /-l-/, OM /-rl-/SM /-l-/) and simple medial reten-

tion (OM /-i-/ = SM /-l-/), and voiced stop initialC )SM

/h-/ on the second register. Relevant in this context is

the fact that formerly grammatically distinctive classes

also merged, and SM /hl/ denotes the causative verb, an

autonomous noun and a noun-clitic. The majority of nouns

and verbs cannot be distinguished phonologically, and the

lexicon abounds in homophonous forms.
 368.

Before entering a detailed discussion, the main

features of the verbal complex should be mentioned:

Phonologically, chiming and alliterative forms are

quite frequent, especially in narratives, where the

verb-phrase may consist of several constituents, like

kr'ip harIp 'to flee, run away', k'bp k? '(to) ought (to)',

khy3p kas3p 'to have a think', kepat krat krao 'to wash
[clothes]', or, in a sermon, d d'ak hc3 hacah hikao

msa h3kao 2 'to oppress our nation' (d d'ak 'to oppress',

hc hcah 'to run against, counter').

A certain number of chiming VP constituents can, in

fact, be analyzed as a sequence of simple and derived

form or base (verbal) and derivative (nominal, verbal),

as in the above examples krIp 'to run away (from)'>h3r'lp

'running; to cause to run' (vocalic infix), or khyp 'to

think'> kas3p 'thought, intention' (vocalic infix).

A distinction can be made between stative and oper-

ative verbs (verbes d'tat,verbes d'action): If a noun
is followed by a stative verb, the resulting sequence is
ambiguous, h3e ? hn?k 'large house'*- 'the house is large'
(h.,e? kbh hnk.h3e hn'bk kh VP) whereas an operative

verb in that position determines the whole sequence as a

sentence (nonc) and functions as an autonomous verb;

kon tkik clot 'small child' (ambiguities as above), kon

bik krIp 'the child runs'. Nouns and operative verbs

can only be nominalized by k'bh, kon Iik krIp kh VP

'the running child...'.

Only stative verbs may be reduplicated to form ad-

verbials, like pr3h 'to be quick', prh prh 'quickly'

 369.

(kwaik prh prh 'to walk quickly') - any verb with

two constituents may be reduplicated as a stylistic or

intensive means, but not necessarily adverbially, kwaik

?a kwaik a 'to walk and walk', **kwajk kwaik is unac-

ceptable. Stative verbs cannot occur with verbs of

motion or in constructions like V 1 ?a V 1 kl3 (1mm Pa
hbm kl 'to talk constantly'). Certain auxiliaries can-
not co-occur with stative verbs, like krk, kwaik kr'ak

'to walk and walk', hbm kr ' k 'to talk without interruption'.

No pertinent distinction between voice and trans-

itivity exists in SM; similarly, no separate class of

verbs of motion is to be set up. The only relevant dis-

tinction within the verbal system in modern Mon is caus-

ative/non-causative which is overtly marked by a set of
morphemes.

Noncausative form Causative form

'to have a bath' htsn daik phtnn d'aik (kb) 'to bathe (s.o.)'

'to take medicine' s hi,ui phy3 h,P ui (kb) 'to administer ..'

'to eat (rice)' ce.? p p (ku) 'to feed (s.o.)'

An alternative construction is
hsc&? kon ik p, *, 'to feed the
kon ,Jik children with
hct p lcD rice'

Verbs like s 'to drink', c? 'to eat' never occur by

themselves, but only with a nominal complement, or ob-

ject, as in 83b craik Ca, s hui 'to take medicine

tincl. in solid form)', cc P3 'to eat rice', CL kwai,

'to eat cakes'; directional verbs, or verbs of motion,

are more difficult to classify, Pa may occur without any

 :370.

complement, oa ?a 'I go', Qoa ?a nob, or with a nominal

complement, oa ?a phya 'I go to the market', or with a

verbal complement, ?oa Pa kwaik , 'I walk', as opposed to

?oa dak kwi '... to go by car'.

Simple and derived verbs may co-occur freely as to

their position in a verbal phrase; in a two-term sequence,

either term may be a derived term: thb? phyih 'to throw
down' (thtP 'to throw', phyih 'to lower, take down'.cih

'to go down', <p->), phyih cb? 'to put down' (cb? 'Eid.]').
Two-term verbal sequences may also comprise a loan in any

position, khy3p hcarna 'to reflect, meditate, deeply'.

In some few cases one term cannot be identified and does
not occur by itself, as k'?p k? 'ought' where ko is unlikely

to be connected with k? 'handsome', even if contrasted to

the pair kb k?p 'to be handsome' ( 'to be sufficient').

The two basic rules of constituent-order as regards

the noun/verb distinction in SM are: (1) if all constit-

uents of a sequence follow a verb, the sequence is verbal

(unless it is closed by kbh, in which case it is nominali-

zed), (ii) if all constituents follow a noun, the sequ-

ence is nominal.

Since derivational procedures in Mon apply only to

verbal bases yielding, by affixation, nominal derivatives

(of the type kion 'to work'> kalon 'work') or causatives

(type cih 'to go down'> phyih 'to lower'), nouns cannot

- by derivational means alone - be 'converted' into verbs.

The only way of verbalizing nouns for which correspond-

ing verbs do not exist in the lexicon is by using the

 371.

verbal head followed by a noun. as with many

other verbs, may function independently as autonomous

verb or verb-phrase, meaning 'to do, perform'. It has

no cognates in other MK languages and may well have de-

veloped from the causative prefix <p-?: tao 'to be lo-

cated', htao 'residence' pa? h;tao 'to reside',

hme (or tt pa? hm3e) 'to become a monk', pa kiin

'to do a favour', pa? h;tm (kt) 'to pay attention (to)'.

The verb complex can be classified according to the

number of terms the maximum of which is four in any one

verbal sequence. Constituent terms in this sense com-

prise only verbs which may occur in any autonomous verb

phrase: tm jilt 'to be acquainted with', t.m 'to know'

(deh tm ?oa 'he knows me'), silt 'to see, perceive'

.nit kwi cfeh'I saw his car'); they do not include verbal

particles or auxiliary or secondary verbs (except for

verbs of motion/direction).
I. Complexes
4-Eerm complex

I know of only two occurrences of a verbal complex con-

sisting of four terms, and, in fact, it consists of two

2-term sequences, ci c3t klai ro to search for thor-
oughly', ci 'to search; to turn a light on', c3t cannot

be analyzed and occurs only with ci. ci ct 'to search

for', kili 'to search, look, for', ! 'to look at',

S. S.
klai rob 'to search for, . klai
'.
and ro may also co-

occur, apart from functioning as autonomous verbs in a

sentence, with other verbs, r kamDe 'to watch for',

kli kilk 'to inquire (into)'. kalea!, ket phao nea

'to bring back'.

 372.

3-term complex.

3-term sequences are more numerous, but still relatively

infrequent compared to the occurrence of 2-term complexes;

many can be reduced to a 2-term sequence incorporating a

verb of motion/direction (paik htom phyih 'to fell',

krIp ta ?a 'to run after') or a noun (hem ar hm3n 'to

tell lies'); instances without any directional verbs are
pa7 ka hcot 'to die', 1'op k? th 'ought' (used prever-

bally, as in kp kb t^.h klea cao 'you ought to go home'),

kli he klip 'to search carefully', kwi c tao 'to be
seriously concerned'. Other complexes include directional
verbs ?a, klb, phyih, in final position in the sequence.
chut k1ea kla 'to come back again', klea cao klz 'to
come back', kr'ip hup kl3 'to come running up'; tk,,t ta

?a, phik t^.a a 'to be frightened and run away', kr 'Ip tia

a 'to run after as expansions of t.a

' a; with quantifying
expressions kr3e ?on ? a 'to diminish', Ph li ?a 'to waste

away'; pak hatom phyih 'to blow down', paik hatom phyih 'to

fell' (htom phyih, 'to put, knock, down'), hetom phyih

pym 'tokill, execute'; hc? tk hawai 'to sit, sit down,

crosslegged' is an elaboration of hc '?? hwai and tk hwai,

with no change in meaning.

The direction of any expansion of a 2-term complex is

predictable: If the final term in a 2-term complex is a

directional verb, like kl, ?a, cih &c., the sequence can

only be expanded by addition of another term as head of

the complex, kalea kl > chut kleau) kl3i; chut is not a

directional verb although it occurs in final position in

kalea chut 'to go back', but chut a 'to go back (wards)'.

 373.

Similarly, htom phyih expanded to pak and paikN (

'to blow, fan'; paik 'to cut down, fell'). If a 2-term

complex does not include a directional verb, it can

only be attached as a final term in that sequence,

klea cao klea cao kl.

2-term complex.

Identifying 2-term verbal complex in SM might prove

as hazardous as isolating affixes; the first reason for

this is a certain degree of variation which cannot be

laid down by a restricted set of rules. Variations of

2-term complexes include instances like 'to be separated'

hadah saisai hdah, 'to hinder' hana kr3t. " kr3t hana,

'to go for a stroll' kwaik kwaik,'to watch for'

kame rb4l.rb k3m3e. Variations of this type entail a

change of stress-placement, and thus a change in emphasis,

as in ?a kwaikA. kwaik Pa, 2 - 1, 1 - 2 kwaik bears in both

cases primary stress; in the first case ?a kwaik 'I went

by foot', in the second 'off I went'.

The second difficulty in isolating 2-term complexes

is how to delimit a unit in a verb-phrase consisting of

several constituents (verb-concatenation), especially, as

will be shown below, as most units classifiable as verbs

may function as autonomous verbs, in compounds or complexes,

or as pre- or post-verbal particles. A first test to es-

tablish whether a 2-term complex is a compound or a con-

catenated verb, is negation; if the complex may be split

by the negative verbal particle h', it is a compound, like

tbik hloi tik h'ti? h1oi 'to lie down and sleep'
- 'cannot sleep'
 3714.

ro') r? h i? jht 'to look at'/'to perceive'

'cannot see'

kl'i ch3 kfi hii ch3 'look for'/'find'

'cannot find'

pak htap pak h u

' htap 'follow'/'catch up'

'cannot catch up'

This splitting of a complex follows Khmer usage:

r:k khi:,, r':k mn khY: y) 'look for'/'see'

'cannot find'

sdap fu.L: scfap nn li&: 'listen'/' hear'

'cannot hear'

rian ceh rin mu4n ceh 'learn' / 'know'

'did not learn'

The negated sequence conveys an idea, in Mon, of being

hindered, inability of some sort, or an aspectual (re-

sultative) sense, 'I did not see...

But not all compounds follow this rule; if, for in-

stance, a simple, autonomous, verb is either stative or

operative - as a result of syncretism of earlier distinc-

tive forms, causative and attributive, like OM -9-.-m-),

base CC-, derr. CC-'CmC- SM CC- - h,tah 'to reverse;

to be reserved', hton 'to learn; to teach', or kle 'to

borrow; to lend', or more complex cases of two operative

verbs in English, causative non-causative, a second term

is added to mark the distinction between operative stative,

causative non-causative: hatahhk3p htah 'to turn up-

side down', pl'bn htah 'to be overturned'; htonkt hton

'to learn; kle kle? ket 'to borrow', kie? k 'to lend'

(ket 'to take', kD 'to give'). In all these instances, the

 375.

negative particle h cannot split the complex, but has

to precede it, h hak3p htah, h'hkt haton. Thus am-

biguities in segmentation cannot be removed at this stage

of analysis. Sequences like hatao p and k1 53 &aik
Ca, k? t&m, or more elaborate ones, kr1p t.a l.ip krp
Pa, pa? ka hct Pa, ?a r'b ch 3 t' .h offer different

segmentations; if checked against a variety of (oral)

texts and conversations, paradigmatic contrasts result

in the following analysis: The first two verbal sequences
htao p and kl3 P) dik ca are concatenations of two
autonomous verbs, 'he stood there and watched', 'come arid have a
cup of tea'; the second sequence - theoretically, this
is also possible in the first, only in this context non-
sensical - may be split by the,
kl the lip h3e 2 'having come, he entered the house ' ( nar.)

Obviously, t3e may also follow the whole complex:

Thp hze 2 t3e

raP

kl3, cannot function as a directional verb in this context

since it is found in first position. htao and are not

used in directional expressions, in second position, nor

appear in a verbal sequence of modified-modifier (p wi

'to go and watch [a filmJ') where ambiguity is to be re-

moved (hkut 'to sever; to be severed').

In krIp ta 1ip krp a 'fled into the forest', we

 376.

deal with three segments: krp ta 'to run away', a com-

pound (krIp piak 'to run after'), flip kr3p 'to enter a

forest' (flip he? 'to enter a house') and an aspectual

?a with an uncertain status; it may be directional verb

split by the insertion of a verb phrase l 'p krp, krIp

ta ?a (phik ta a, tkbt ta a 'to be frightened and

run away') or used in its aspectual sense (ingressive)

'S " '. -S
referring to the entire preceding sequence krip t&a lup 'a.

In pa? ka hcDt a 'he died', synonymous with khybt

a, 9a is aspectual ingressive, and the sequence consists

of two segments, pa ka (ka from P. kra ?? ) and hacot a;

the final constituent does not refer to the whole complex.

S..
?a ro ch t.h, roughly to go, look and encounter

or '.. .to happen to encounter', presents ambiguities in

the analysis: th may follow a main verb, meaning 'it

happened that; inadvertantly; to be able to', and refer to

chj. 'to happen to meet' or the whole complex Pa r ch3;
but it may also be the second term of a compound-verb ch3

t^.h 'to encounter' (?), formed in analogy to hap'? th

'to encounter', cm tah 'to crash into'. Pa in the head-

position cannot be a directional or aspectual verb.

In other cases, paradigmatic commutations are easily

established: ?a hdoa ?a pah 'to go inside' 'to go

outside' (a sequence V N), when final ingressive or motion,

kwaik ?a 'to walk', kitem a 'to crawl', t'oh Pa 'to be-

come', th kl3 'to come to be', Pa kl3 'to core and go'

(concatenation); or ybn flip 'to creep in', ym flip 'to

breathe in'. Several verbs of motion may be used in case

 377.

of a single verb-head, as yj 'to breathe', 'to breathe

out' ym ton (tt 'to come out &c.', tbn 'to

rise'), yIm cih 'to breathe in' ym lip (cih 'to go
down &c' 'to enter') so that in some contexts, at
least, the pairs cih/ton 1/t..t are semantically neut-
tralized.

These preliminary observations lead us to establish

the following types of 2-term verbal complexes: simple,

autonomous, verbs with ambiguity due to morphological

syncretism to mark causative non-causative, operative

stative relationships; others follow the pattern of mod-

ified head-verb and modifying verb in second position

(type: sht 'to see', .n' t ket 'to catch sight of', tc.m

..ilht 'to be acquainted with'); the last type consists of

a verb of motion and a directional verb in second posi-

tion, hrh phyih 'to throw down', k'ih tn 'to swell

up'.

1. Directional verbs.

All directional verbs may also occur in initial

position and as autonomous verbs. The distinction be-

tween verbs of motion (kwaik, and directional verbs

(tbn, tt) is helpful for explanatory reasons, but not

indispensable in Mon grammar - they are not overtly marked,

may occur in either position (in a 2-term sequence), and

except in only one instance,na 'take away', do not show

phonologically aberrant shapes. Junctural features, such

as Sprigg describes for Tibetan verbal phrases, do not

exist in SM. The only exception is OM /a/ ta with

junctural t-, following final -t of the preceding word,

 378.

MM na, with preceding -n finals.

Three directional verbs yield derivatives which

are members of this set as well, ptbn 'to raise'

(At b n 'to rise'), pt g.t 'to take out' (t'tt 'to

emerge'), phyih 'to lower' (iv cih 'to descend').

Apart from these, we recognize a total of eight

directional verbs:

V autonomous second position

cih go down, descend downward

ton rise, go up upward
enter, go in inward
tt go, come out outward
na take away away from speaker
n'a, bring towards speaker
go away from speaker
k13 come towards speaker
ptt take out

pbton raise

phyih lower, let down

When used as autonomous verbs, no verb or noun particle

(in a sequence V N) enters the relation between subject

(noun) and verb and object (noun) and verb, but in a two-

term verbal complex (h.laik cih ni 'to jump down from',

halaik tbn atao 'to jump up onto', ttt pl ' h ni 'to be

freed from') particles are used.

Thus a phya 'to go to the market', ?a p3tsao 'to

 379.

have a pee', ?a p^.h 'to go outside'; kl may take the

particle n'ti 'from', but is not obligatory, k13!, phya

klan iti phya 'to come from the market', kl ni hoe? n'i
he? n'i np 'to come from Nai Nop's house'.

It is clear from paraphrastic contrasts that what is ex-

pressed in English, French, German by particles of direc-

tion, 'to go to the market', 'aller au march', 'auf den

Markt gehen' ('zum Kloster gehen'), is "incorporated"

into the verb itself in Mon: a lo rao 'where are you

going?' ("hello"), a phya 'to the market' is the ob-
ligatory answer, phya alone is now acceptable without a
preceding verb of direction conventional toponyms, however,
may suffice as a reply, Pa pha kmn 'to Potter's Mon-
astery'. Similarly, kl3b, in this context, may or may not
take n' i: kl3 nh lb rao and kl3 al rao 'where do you

come from?' - if n ' i is inserted the clitic lb follows the

particle, if n is deleted (provided one assumes an under-

lying structure containing X-n1-Y), the clitic l takes

the affix <a-, lb. Again, the verb is obligatory in the

reply, kl3b d'3t fi.Pphunkl3, nh d3 1phun 'I'm coming

from Lamphun', the simple noun, except in toponyms, is not

acceptable, unlike English, 'I am going to the market''

'to the market' ' 'the market', '...coming from L.' 'from
L. ' 'Lamphun'.

Equally, the other directional verbs incorporate

the translation-equivalent of (English, French) particles,

lip hoe ? 'to go in(to) the house', t.t krp 'to come out

of the forest', ket na hia ? p3t 'to take (away) the MS',

cih te 'to get out (of car, boat)', tn h3e 'to go up

into the house'.

 380.

The following head-verbs occur with an opposite pair

of directional verbs:

V -na

'to give' 'to send' 'to send'

ket 'to take' 'to take away' 'to bring'

kok 'to call' 'to take s.o. with one' 'to collect s.o.'
-Pa -kl

?oh 'to be' 'to become' 'to come to be'

chui 'to move aside' '(id.)' 'to come over'

hlaik 'to jump' 'to jump down' 'to jump up'

'to breathe' 'to breathe in' 'to breathe out'

-phyih -patn

jjj 'to throw' 'to throw down' 'to throw up'

Two instances with a derivational pair occur:

harui cih 'to hail in drops' hrui phyih 'to scatter in drop

htom cih 'to fall (down)' htom phyih 'to knock down'

(See following page)



381.

a,
0.
0

a,

0
a)
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382.

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383.

(2) Modifying verbs

In a 2-term complex 44V1 V2 4j , the first and second verb

may not be a directional verb (ket na 'to take away', na

hcbp 'to conduct to'), but any other operative or stative

verb. In any order, usually not more than one derivative

is found; the only two 2-term complexes containing two

derivatives I know of is htp htah 'to straighten'

(hat3p 'to straighten' to be straight', htah

'to level' tah 'to level, to rake level') and

hara ptLm 'to inform' (hr.a 'to inform' -v krIa 'to

understand', <--); tz.m 'to know' > htm 'to remember',

h-> ). Patterns morphologically identical with the

cited krIp har 'Ip, V N, are not as frequent in a

verbal complex, th kmbh 'to overflow' ( Pth 'to be full

to the brim', kmbh 'to overflow', (kN_, ). Both verbs

may equally be simple forms, th ? kie ? 'to forsake, leave'

('to throw', 'to leave').

I. Simple verbs (wv1 v2*)

op.v. at.v. verbal piece V1 V2
t.m jt 1-2 'to be acquainted' 'to know' 'to see'
kwaik wai 1-2 'go for stroll' 'to walk' 'to visit'
tah k] 2 1 'to come to be' 'to b.' 'to come'
c.P phoa 1 2 'have enough to eat''to eat' 'to be full'
Pbt kl,, 1-2 'to be very much' 'b. finished' 'be numerous'
II. Simpls and derived verbs (.v1 V2.)
op.v. st.v. verbal piece base affix
h.?P kle? 1 2 'to vomit'
kok pbkom 2 1 'to call together' kom (p-)
t kl 2 1 'to welcome' kl',
ktb tah 1 2 'conic into being' tah (Ic-)

(op.v,: operativ, verb; st.v,,: atative verb)

 381.i.

Even though an exhaustive account will not be put

forward here, it is obvious that some head-verbs take

more modifying verbs V 2 than others, and vice versa. It

is difficult, as yet, to determine exactly the number

and categories of V 2 . Among the 2-term complexes with a

modifying verb not occuring in any other context are:

kanon hah 'to point out' ('to point to', 'to show'),

kanm patDh ' to build, institute' ('.id.)','to arrange,

organize', t'bh 'to be', c p ->). In both cases, the
modifying verb V 2 belongs to the class of intensifiers;

a totally different class has to be set up for hapbt,

for instance, 'to cut, break, off',

as shown on the follow!ng page (p.385)

For reasons of economy of description, one could well

abolish subclasses of modified V 1 , modifying V 2 , because

both sets given above, V 1 variable (j!/_V) and V2

variable (fl/V_) conform to this pattern . But it seems

more convenient - even if hard to justify in the absence

of any formal criteria - to retain a two-type distinction,

as in

Type 1 hDm kh 'to say'

Type 2 1mm h6bh 'to explain', 'to speak'/'to show'.


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 386.

1-term verbal complex

A one-term verbal complex may comprise any verb, simple

or derived, operative or stative.

II. Verb particles

The number of verb particles is very small; they

cannot be distinguished on the basis of formal criteria

alone, such as position or phonological properties

(registral anomalies, stress). They may contain certain

affixes (in fact, only one does, h.f)or be the result

of contraction (nt.m mint.m, mb). Their position,
always postverbal, may conceal their status and mislead

to identification as sentence-particles, ?a ra? 'he has

gone', khbh kweh 'it's really good', but kheh kweh raP.

For lexicographical purposes, Shorto used (DSM) the

term verb-particles in a more extensive sense to Include

negative particles as well (Ict, rao). Since they

are used here as elements of catalysis to define verbhood

formally, they are excluded from this group of verb-

particles. Their status as particles Is,

however, retained.

The difference between verb-particles and verbal

 387.

auxiliaries is that the former - unlike directional

verbs - cannot occur as autonomous verbs (since they

cannot be negated, hi a n.m 'he has not gone yet',

and nothi ? n&.m, or any change in word order; but

hum no d'aik 'I am having a bath' and hii? m an

'I am not living here', in the first instance used
as an auxiliary marking durative aspect (hum craik 'I

have a bath', I am going to, anyway...), in the latter

as autonomous verb, 'to live, reside, dwell').

The remaining elements to be defined as verb-

particles are > n&m > manm, sb / kweh, and
kh which is rather ambiguous. Alternative analyses might

be feasible and could lead to the abolishment of this

class altogether, although its retention might prove

convenient for historical reasons. The term clitics for

this class seems inapporpriate since they cannot be

combined with one another, unlike the noun-clitics.

c1 may occur both in assertive and negative state-

ments, V or h' ? V &, and is used as an
unqualified intensifier, pra y de 'it's really true',

khbh d 'it's quite good', DSM: ck n h'ii kt cki,

'this machine is not working very well'. The affixed

form, found only in correlative constructions, occurs

more frequently, V1 V2 hadj ('the more V1,

the more V 2 '), pr3h hd khbh hacfej 'the sooner the
better', klon hd cfo 'the more you work the more
tired you get'.
 388.

ntm, 'yet, further, still', may also occur in

assertive and negative statements, like d: hum d'aik

n.m ha 'did you have your bath yet?' ("have you washed

your hands, before eating?"), niim m'?a nm 'there's

another one', h? kl cp nem 'he has not arrived yet',

re h'emia k'bh hm h k? n.m p'h akh I3?' I cannot

speak Burmese but I can read the letters'. mn&m

is a contraction of (in its auxiliary function) and

n& m ; popular etymology reconstructs it as m'ba 'to be

one [num. 3' and n&m. I obtained only two orthographies,

the regular m nifi /m' b1 4 n&m/ and a phonetic spelling

mair/mnm/. deh n' im mnE.m ha 'is he still there?',

DSM: ha ? ai n ph, .fl' .h-kbh n\im mnm rao 'besides you,

who else is there?'.

sr and kweh can be treated as synonyms, again

occurring in assertive and negative statements, h 'ii kh'bh

SiD ? ' not really (very) good', oa cto kweh 'I am really
tired', or as a change in emphasis, hbm 3r' khbh khDh

kweh 4' hm ar khvh kweh kweh 'he speaks very well',

'he speaks really well'; hamit kit kweh kweh 'the

mosquitoes are at it again!', kweh ha 'is it true (what

he says)? / really?' (similar to sea ha). Its position

is always postverbal, and the statement may be closed by

ra?, cfo kweh ra2 'he is really tired'. s deviates from

this pattern according to DSM (I could not get similar

examples): cteh hu? khoh ra Sb? 'that is a bad omen for

sure', where Sb ? follows the sentence-particle ra 2 . The
very fact that I did not obtain regular patterns of this

type suggests it being treated as an exception or

 389.

idiomatic usage.

k1i (Pall kho) is a versatile particle, collocating

with both nouns and verbs; kIi hnam te ? kh sa ph'.a

kem3eP 'that year they build the new school', kh khyu

chai Thik nPPoa ?a ket p bn 'while you are copying this,

I go and get more Ebooks)'. Shorto (DSM) lists kh as

sentence-particle as well ("pvs."), presumably on the

grounds of co-occurrence of a main sentence kh VP1S*.

III. Auxiliary verbs (Class I - Auxiliaries)

Like the previous class, auxiliary verbs cannot be

distinguished formally (phonologically, morphologically,

syntactically) from other verbs; they may occur in any

position in relation to the verbal complex, preceding or

following it; some auxiliaries do both, like kV or tih.

Few auxiliaries may be combined, a th3ik k.3?_type

(reminiscent of 2-term complexes) and a m'bb t3e- type,

two aspect/tense markers combined.

If the verbal complex incorporates a noun, the

position of post-posited verbal auxiliaries relative to

the verb or noun may vary, and three types may be

distinguished:

Typel: V N c9 p c& m? p V AUX N
hum cfaik hum m d'aik

s d'aik S3P3 mob daik

Type 2: V N pa? htao pa? htao mb V N AUX

 390.

Type 3: ambiguous

hbm hm tzn r* V AUX N (narrative)

hbm m VN ATJX

But compare the behaviour of' sentence-particles:

cO p (I) L
t2.. 'to eat'
pa htao ta (I)
'to reside'
p' 3wi'3poa no / raP 'to attend a festival'

If no satisfactory solution to the problem of classifying

auxiliary verbs by word-order (relative to the main verb)
can be found, the only other way is to proceed by function.
But such an arrangement is fraught with difficulties, too:
How many categories are to be set up? How are auxiliaries
like to be classified, occurring in contexts such as

tb pinnapat 'to go on almsround', cteh klj t oa 'he

came and met me' (v1 v2 ), cteh t k3l3 Poa 'he received

me', cceh t' k ?oa 'it was given to me'.

Is tih 'to be' an auxiliary (poi cao th raP th 'so now

we can go home' (DsM))?

If 2bt is a quantifying auxiliary (kn3p sm 'all
volumes (MSS)') - Pi 2 n cl'at ?bt 'this one is the sweetest
of them all' - ought, for instance, plan be interpreted

on the same level, ma oa plan 'a day later; one more day',
plan ha 'do you want (to eat) more?', ket pl3n 'I get

some more', nimn 6a tt pl3n 'there are still two weeks

left' ?138

Or does a differentiation between auxiliary verbs and ad-

verbials impose itself?

Aspect/tense

Setting out from an analysis of oral texts, all

narratives with overtly marked sequential events,

 391.

the least ambiguous or controversial category of this

verbclass is to be characterized by aspect or by tense. A
distinction between the two seems convenient, but not
exclusive: t3e is a tense-marking verb - apart from

its use as an autonomous verb 'to be finished' (yu 1cik

mn - t3e ra 'he is copying' - 'No, I've finished'), but

does it contrast with aspect-marking verbs?

1 VN pk k1i 'put on a waistcloth'

11 V l N t.ak lc c3k 'fastened the rope'
111 Vm N ph m lik 'I'm reading'
iv VN ? at kho noi 'shall, should, ask for per-
V V N t3e p3k kre te '(having) opened the door ,Ini sic

As far as the order of constituents of each sentence

is concerned, three types can be distinguished, zero-marked,
split-marked and final-marked, applying to patterns like

EEV NV3S.
The zero-marked sequence may be interpreted

according to context; outside any context, any tense could

be used in the English gloss. In discourse-context, if -

other sequences are overtly marked by tense or modal

particles ra?), it is usually present or past.

No word-order distinction existsbetween aspect and tense

marking verbs except that whenever an aspectual verb may

split a verbal piece (v), as in ii, consisting of a verb

and a noun, toe, as a tense-marking verb, always follows

that piece. If simple autonomous verbs are followed

by either auxiliary (tense or aspect), positioning

differences are neutralized:

 392.

cfeh hyh m 'he is singing' ... v. aux.

cfeh cbp ra? 'he has arrived' .. v. ps.
cfeh k'leaI) toe 'he returned (home)' .. v. PS.

Positioning rules are also neutralized in more complex

constructs, such as

khep sok 'shall/should have my hair cut' v. n. ps.

the 'had my hair cut' v. n. ps.

where the modal particle occupies the same position as

the tense-marking auxiliary (or sentence-particle) te,

c? Qpot te ra 2 'put your things over there'

t3e 'having put the belongings there, ..'

or, again, where modality and tense occpy the same position
in a different environment consisting of a postpositioned

adjunct (ste P '(over) there').

As has been shown earlier, in neologisms like pa 2 htao (v.n.)

'to reside' the word-order difference between aspect,

tense and modality is also neutralized

pa 2 htao m 'residing'
pa 2 htao the 'resided'

It is only when both occur in the same construct that

differences in position become apparent, and these are

subject to rigid ordering:

pok la hatts the 'having opened the window-panel'

hyh m the 'was singing'
c? l te 'having put it down'
c- 1 3pot t3e 'having put down the tools'

v. asp. n. tns.
v. asp. tns.
v. asp. tns.
v. asp. n. tns.
 393.

? i? ra is exceptional in its distribution (as

an aspect-marking piece) and will be discussed below;

since it is bound to ra?, as a clitic, it cannot be moved

to other positions in the clause or sentence.

One tense and four aspects can be distinguished;

will be treated as a modal sentence particle, like

ra ? which is in accordance with the historical evolution.

tense aspect autonomous verb

t3e past 'to be finished'

Pa, ton ingressive 'to go', 'to rise'
1, the ? perfective 'to place, put', 'to throb, place'
progressive 'to be (situated) at, reside'
0 context dependent

Aspect and tense markers (verbs) may be combined, but

in colloquial contexts I have never noticed the combination

of two aspectual verbs. Instances like m m or

thbP th ? are not reduplications, but autonomous verbs

followed by the auxiliary in its aspectual sense, 'to be

staying at ...', 'to have thrown away'.

Similarly, thoP l is not a combination of two

aspectual verbs following a main verb, but thP, in its

autonomous sense, followed by l in its aspectual use,

'threw away' or, in an adhortatory sense, 'throw it away!'.

The ordering of tense and aspectual verbs, when-

ever combined, is rigid: te always follows aspectual

verbs. If, however, a noun intervenes, the distributional

pattern becomes more complex, as already shown.

 39L.

p3k l kr topened the door'

p3k l kar t3e 'having opened the door'

ph m lik 'reading (a book)'

ph m lt3ik t3e 'was reading'

A sequence of V asp. t3e may introduce a new

sentence whereas V asp. may not. If V t3e closes a
sentence that verb will not be linked up to the following
sentence.
If the verbal piece consists of a verb and a noun,
of the type 1mm 'to talk, speak', s d'1aik 'to drink',
the aspectual verb is inserted between the two constituents.
If past tense the (or the modal ra P , for that
matter) is used, it follows the entire piece, as in the
following paradigm (caiqued upon its use in narratives):

horn 'to speak'

horn h3k3h 'to speak thus'
1mm the 'spoke'
1mm h3k3h t3e 'spoke thus'
1mm tn 'began speaking'
1mm tn hkh 'begin speaking thus'
horn ttn h.kh t3e 'began ...

Given different contexts, ton, an aspect confined to narratives,

may commute with any term of the aspectual system (9a,
th-0P).
Aspectual verbs always follow the main verb. A
verbal piece closed by t3e may be combined with ra (but
never with a2.a).
occurs in pre-ra? contexts and may not co-occur
with t3e: V toe ra ? - V i?ra?. It never occurs by itself,
only in
 395.

combination with ra e . DSM classifies it as a verbal

particle, but in order to qualify for such a class, it

ought to be more versatile, either in distribution

(identical with t3e) or in scope. However, it is not

a tense, but an aspect marking clitic, a 9 i9 ra 9 'he

has gone'. ?a occurs also, apart from its use as a verb

of motion or autonomous, as an spect-marking auxiliary,
in t'bh 'to be', tbh ?a 'to become', khybt 'to be dead',

khyt ?a 'to die', but not ?a kl or in kl3?a kla?a

'to come and go (constantly), 'coming and going'.

In actual discourse complex verbal concatenations,

they show identical orderings, cfeh ki? na ktao ktan tbn

t3e t.,h 'to become Eincreasingly depressed by worries',

the entire VP deh k' 3? na ktao ktan followed by ton t3e

sequence, ingressive aspect and past tense, but then closed

by th, another auxiliary indicating an act committed
involuntarily.

Ingressive: ?a, thn.

In narratives ton occurs more frequently than ca.

tbn marks
the beginning of an action: th tbn cbt 'to get fond of
s.o.', tm z'at ton 'to get acquainted with', pyT ton 'to

get hungry', kr ton 'to start crying'. If combined

with a word of motion, like fup ton, its ambiguity/

resulting can be removed by changing the position with

respect to the noun, if a noun is involved in the verbal

phrase, as in l' .ip ton h3e'to enter the house' (lip ton

'to enter','upwards') and lip hetbn 'when he went up

 396.

into the house...'. In some instances, both positions

seem possible, as in a thn krao ?a krao t'n 'to

get on the way'. In the former example, if the sequence

is taken as a sentence, the verb phrase consists of two

verbs of motion whereas in the second it consists of a

noun and a verb and the aspectual verb tn referring to

that VP, [ltip tbn]V he2 and [1.ip h3e?IVP

Perfective: thb ? , l.
This aspect marks the conclusion of an act, and does not

occur with stative verbs. As yet, no distributional/

precise account can be offered as to whether certain

classes of autonomous verbs occur only with one particular

aspectual verb. 'He threw away' yields both thb ? thb7

and thb? ]., although the latter may also have adhortative

connotations; d'eh tak i? kt hc'bm 'he tied an amulet',

pa kb ]? ]ia ]'o oa 'my grandparents brought me up

now, that I am an adult', p-atLt na l'b ph te? 'having

put it outside', h hacbt tht,? deh 'having killed him',

na c thb hw? 'having taken him away for cremation',

c3v) th? hw.? t3e 'having cremated him', thb? daik th,2

'splashed water'.

Etymologically, the occurrence of two terms in each

of the two aspect functions stems from a shift in the

grammatical system of Mon

OM ar (SM ?a)

OM tWn (SM ttDn)

MM tho? (SM th&)

OM lar MM 13w (SM fb)

had three main functions, autonomous verb 'to go', verb
 397.

of motion in two-term complexes (OM tit ar 'to go, come,

out'), and as aspectual verb whereas tn occurred only - in

the attested cases - as autonomous verb, and not in its

modern aspectual sense. The case of the second pair is

identical: MM thoI - no instance is attested for OM;

most OM /th-/ are Burmese contact words and IA loans -

occurred only as an autonomous verb whereas OM lar, MM

law, SM j.Tb functioned, from the earliest attested instances

onwards, as an aspectual verb as well.

Progressive: m'
may occur with stative verbs as well as operative

verbs: m'ip m? 'to be well'. It is the translation

equivalent of English progressive tense /-i1/ and indicates

an ongoing action or a process which is not complete(d) yet.

cY m? hwa 'eating a curry', toik hloi m'b 'be asleep,

sleeping', kwaik m' bvj ?a 'be walking', kw3h mth

'preaching' (but kawh th'b 'the preaching [noun)').

Egressive: cut
Shorto noted in DSM cut as an aspectual verb (classified

simply as verb there) in its egressive sense which I would

have taken ? oik cut 'to defecate', haya cut 'to urinate'.
It may also have a perfective aspect, as DSM pn cut 'to

hit' (pan 'to shoot') which I did not note, although MSS

(LM.) showed a number of instances.

This last case poses again the problem of how to

define and delimit 'aspect' in Mon. kle, for instance,

previously regarded as belonging to the same class as

other verbs of motion or direction, may well be an aspect-

 398.

ual verb, corresponding to, say, German 'weg', pk kie?

'to uncover', pal kie ? 'to reject' (Rj 'to open',

'to avoid, remove'). Similarly, then cases like

kl3 would have to be treated as aspectual verbs, too;

hm ?a 1mm kl3 'to talk constantly', or to be rendered

as a passive in English, in kon uik kh kl la l
'when the boy was brought up' and not, according to the
interpretation of a rigidly ordered sequence N V (N)

(like cteh pn hacem 'he shot (aimed at) the bird',

d'eh chan J,'hhbk3i 'they love each other'), 'the boy has

brought up rs.o. else]'.

Ordering of constituents

Aspectual verbs may occur in the following positions

within a verbal phrase (th- being used as paradigma):

(I) pa? hatao thb? V N asp.
(ii) s thb? cfaik V asp. N
(iii) thb ? thb

(iv) na thb? thbdaik V [V asp.J N

(v) thb? cfaik thbP [V N] asp.
(vi) m thb? soa soa [V asp.] [v.v.]

The first two types have already been discussed; normally,

a verb phrase consisting of a verb and a noun, c 9 hwa? k'bh

'to eat the curry', is split by an aspectual verb,

ce.? m hwa? kh 'eating the curry', or, as yet unexplained,

perhaps following more complex sentence stress rules and

thus changing emphasis, the pa htao-type where the

aspectual auxiliary follows the N V sequence. thb as

autonomous verb, as in (iii), may be followed by itself as

 399.

aspectual auxiliary. However, I never noted Pa a, and

knowing Mon discourse style, this is not a possible

sequence. A sequence for an autonomous verb followed by

its aspectual function (thi,? thb) may be embedded into

a complex consisting of a noun and a head-verb, like

na the ? thb? cfaik or follow the pa? htao-order as in

th cfaik thb ? 'sprinkle (the) water'. Equally, it may

be followed by an adverbial complex v 1 v 1 , as in (vi),

no th? soa soa.

The maximal verbal phrase, involving aspectual verbs

(auxiliaries) can thus be stated as follows:

N IAapect N T.ns. Modal Qu.stion

t3e raP ha

NEG Iv IN I Aip.ct Id.

The maximal extension shows, however, restrictions, as

may not co-occur with the modals ra and no', and the
absolute question-marker ha may not co-occur with the
modal P1? may never be separated from ra (unless it

Is deleted altogether). The order Is absolutely rigid.

Two auxiliary verbs, k? and th, may be pre- and

postpositioned to the main verb or verbal complex, apart

from occurring independently as autonomous verbs. Since

 1400.

they are both semantically connected with obligation

and ability, parallel to their positioning rule, they

will be discussed below in connection with rin, J2 and

thik, auxiliaries which may occur in only one position

relative to the main verb. The functions as autonomous

verbs and auxiliaries are given in the chart below. As

autonomous verbs, k? and t.h follow the rules of
positioning as for any other verb: k ' kho 'to get

V autonomous v. auxiliary v. auxiliary v.

rightward leftward
tih to hit, reach goal, to have to, to be able, do
be correct, fit must inadvertently

to get, obtain, to have to, be to be enabled,

receive able, have chance be allowed
to

permission', ba ki ? sn kla 'I get the money first'

(but ?oa ket cia') kla 'I get the umbrella firstrgoing
back, upon leaving7'), cteh ti.h klb 'he hit the dog',
pn h%cem h th 'he aimed at the bird, but missed' (2-
term verbal complex 3I) th).

If both are examined with reference to other auxil-

iary verbs of ability and obligation - which, in turn,

may also function as autonomous verbs meaning, for

instance, 'to be proper, suitable', ki (in kbp k '?), Khm.

kii:% r , but which are only unidirectional, that is,

bound to one direction of the main verb - one realizes

 401.

that the dichotomy of ability and obligation is retained

In the wordorder relative to the main verb: Auxiliaries

denoting obligation precede the main verb while those

denoting ability follow it, as shown in the chart above.

th and k are more versatile and are positioned
according to their function.

th and may also be combined with the cited

auxiliaries, but they do not violate the wordorder rules
just set up.

au1iary v 1 aU1jary V 2 position

k?pk th V'I
______________ I v___
- thik _____________I _V'
'an
fv_aI

Ability

Four kinds of ability may be distinguished; this is, to

some extent, similar to Thai and Khmer, although the

syntactic behaviour of the constituents involved is rather

 1402.

different.

1. nhn physical ability: c? hwa? hi? mmn 'he cannot

eat the curry', kwaik hi m'in 'unable to walk'.

2. A acquired ability: ar ham^..a kh hm h'tI? l'p

'but I cannot speak Burmese', oi cfaik lp 'I can

swim'.

3. th inadvertent ability: .it th 'to chance to

see' (DSM), m'bi th 'to get to hear of' (DSM).

4. k permissive ability, neuter: an? kpak krat

krao k? 'you may wash your clothes here', fp a

prasat h k? 'I cannot enter the hall' c? hwa

1cu ? k'i? (see above) 'I cannot eat the curry' (....

na k 'because I have got stomach upset'), Pa

oii cI l'bnctonkY'I had the chance to visit London'.

Semantic restriction is greatest with the first two verbs,

mm and while ks?, following the main verb, may be

used virtually in any context, it also conveys the idea an

unqualified ability. Judging from the historical evolu-

tion of Mon, this latter fact might be interpreted as a -

result of influence from either Thai or Khmer. Indeed,

some speakers today use k? in exactly the same way as

Thai following the main verb as unqualified ability,

or preceding the main verb together with the negative

particle to indicate past tense, my dy pay lainphu:n

SM h k1 ? ?a lVphun 'I did not go to Lamphun', but

lamphu:n my dy 'I cannot/could not go to Lamphun' SM

a 11 ? phun hi? kV (Lopburi). This is evidently a

syntactic caique; however, as far as the positioning of
the main constituents with respect to the main verb in the
 1403.

clause or sentence goes, negation particle and auxiliary

verb behave in the same way in all three languages:

NEG auxiliary v. V I NEG I auxiliary v.
3M
amer aan
Thai
SM
Khmer aan
Thai

SM k3'
Khmer aan
Thai

SM hi'

Khmer Saaxi
Thai

Whenever preceding the main verb, hi k? may either

indicate that the speaker or person talked to did not

have the chance (hb k) t.m 'I did not know (because
nobody told me)'), - and in this sense it indicates
an action which was not accomplished, but past (like Thai!),

as a quasi-negative-perfective aspect - or that an action

to be performed is prohibited, as in the previous example

( p . 402) hti ? k? itip a 'you may not enter' and lip ?a hi?
k? 'I cannot enter (for whatever reason)'. If personal

pronouns are omitted in these contexts (p^j and ?oa) the

order of the negated auxiliary k? entails a pronominal

reference to the second person in the first and the first

person in the second case.
 14oL

Obligation

Two auxiliary verbs designate obligation, together with

t.h and k, kp k? and thoik. Historically, thik

occurred in OM. 'to be correct', was subsequently

borrowed into as Burmese (thuik) and reborrowed into MM.

as /thk/ while the difference of original OM. and

secondary MM. was retained in SM, th3ik corresponding to

OM /thc/ and thak /thak/ to MM /thbk/. kb in k?p k

is unanalyzable; popular etymology sometimes connects

it with k' k^p 'to be handsome'. In OM/MM it occurs both

as autonomous verb and as auxiliary. If used as auxiliary,

however, it is always followed by the hypothetical (/gp

gor s-C-I). Although both auxiliaries precede the main

verb, their behaviour (or position) under negation is

different. One of the reasons for this may be that

kb is a compound which cannot be split, and compounds

must either be able to split under negation (like 2-term

verbal complexes) or they cannot move their position in

most environments. ph thik hbm k j-Ih

'you ought to tell them', th3ik 'you ought to pay

respect (w:y)'; oa kbp k' khyu lik parep kb mi?m?

'I ought to write a letter to my parents', k'op k paocaa

'we ought to make offerings'. p .h k?p k'? hbm k.h t kin

'one says: Thank You!' As for the negation of these

statements, th3ik behaves as versatile as k? in its

position whereas kbp k? retains its preverbal position

as in s ar'ak ht? thoik 'you must not drink

alcohol' (but kam'tih n3? thik s hui 'now you must

take your medicine').139

 O5.

Or k'bp kb c? hwa? 'you ought to eat the curry', ht kp

Icb c? hwa 'you must not...', but th3ik ci..? hwa? and

c&? hwa? h th3ik.

When asserted, the surface worder-order is identical with

the one used for th and k,? if denoting "obligation",

that is always preceding the main verb: h klea cao

'I have to go home' th klea cao no 'I would have to go

home', ti..h k3lea cao tDe 'I had to go home', k? hm kt

aca 'I have to talk to the abbot' (when speaking to a
child). As for the insertion of aspect and tense markers

(auxiliaries), they follow the main verb complex. In the

colloquial language no distinction is made between various

types of obligation (moral, consequential, neuter &c.),

and the translation equivalent in English is 'ought, must;

ought not, may not, must

No syntactic rules are violated if clauses containing

auxiliaries are expanded like 141

NEG At' Any/P P P
Np V

h.rn4!
khh khh

Ih 1h

nan and follow the rules of split negation, like th3ik,

 4o6.

as in 3h-k?h pa? hui? mn 'nobody is able to do it'.

Shorto (DSM) gives as further examples: p'm n3? ph pa?

hi th3ik 'you should not do it that way', as pIm n3?

p'eh h'u? k?p k' pap.

If two auxiliaries of ability or obligation are

combined, they may split under negation: V lp h mm,

'
V-man hu kr
. , kop ko V hui' th, but this does not

appear to be an obligatory rule since they follow the

pattern of 2-term verbal complexes under negation, like

toik hloib hIi? toik hloi toik hti? hloiv'to sleep',

'not to sleep (failed attempt)', 'unable to sleep'.

The preferential order is, however, splitting the

complex by the negative particle whenever two auxiliaries

are used.

The remaining verbs pose considerable difficulties

of classification: khra occurs in the idiom khra h 1? l?

'soon, for not very long', and suggests an analysis along

the lines of auxiliaries as described above, notably

under negation; but they are not as versatile in their

co-occurrence with other verbs. Verbs like khra and soi,

'to be separated', to be (wide) apart' (soi sa 'to be

lonely') may be described as verbs of position in the

lexicon, but their distribution is identical with other

autonomous verbs. Verbs of this category are only

mentioned in the grammatical glossary here, and not

extensively treated. chak (also a Burmese loan, like

khra) belongs to the same category ("location, position"),

but is more versatile tIn the former group, co-occurring

with autonomous verbs.

 Ze07.

The remaining auxiliaries may be divided, on distribu-

tional grounds, Into three different classes: (i) those

preceding the main verb to form a verbal phrase, (ii)

auxiliaries occurring only under negation and (Iii) those

following the main verb (and possibly an attached noun
V N AtIX). These are tabulated below

Postv.rbal Pr.v.rbal N-comp1.nent V-compl.ment

f
2-plac. vsrb
Asartion ?degation I
chak-V
V-ktm hi? kea-V
v- m%k -V hi) mik-V
tkI -V

hi1 sean 1--N2 V-NEG-AIJX

hI3 m3a N1-ni)m-N2

The constituting elements, main verb, auxiliary

and negative particle may not change the position within

the verb-phrase or part of it (the 'piece'), but movement

rules may apply in certain environments, like n 'ih n?

h 1 ? kea jt and his? kea .t nIh n3? 'I have never seen

this man'. Functionally, all three classes are rather

diverse, chak and t? (DSM) having a quasi-aspectual

sense, ?bt and kbm can be vaguely described as verbal

quantifiers, tk? serves as a verbal intensifier (but

is distinct from reduplicated stative verbs, found

adverbially); kea and rn%k3, i have nothing in common

apart from their position in a VP. sea and rna will be

discussed in the section on nim/t'h and their negation.
 408.

mbik and mak ? have a somewhat ambiguous status:

Although related to the latter set in that one (mk?)

cannot occur under negation and the other (m'Mk) only in

negated contexts, they belong to the category of auxiliary

proper since sean and nba (even if, as has been claimed,

it is, etymologically a verbal base) collate with nouns

and mak? and m'bik with verbs.

Preverbal auxiliaries (rightbound, AUX V).

chak has a quasi-ingressive meaning, 'to be about to, to

start an action', as in chak lp tn he kh 'as he was

about to enter the house', chak cih 'I was about to

leave, go out' chak ?t ra ? (DSM) 'it was just about

finished'. It may also occur as an autonomous verb,

meaning 'to be near tlocation, approximation], almost'.

kea cannot function as autonomous verb, and it is

not appropriately classified in DSM which defines it -

apart from its homophonous noun 'manner', kea'3 n?/kn

'in this way' - as a verb 'to have had occasion to, to

happen to' (DSM: oa kea cDp m'?a l?n 'I have been there

once', .hmao pm n oa kea hp ? kl t3e ra? 'I have

met with a similar case'), and as derivative jmkea 'to

accustom'; since nib, as auxiliary and autonomous verb,

may also take an affix (<h-' , in hm? 'to accommodate;

dwelling place') affixation may not serve as a criterion

to discard verbs as auxiliaries. In my treatment here,

keai is analyzed as an auxiliary (with no occurrence as

an autonomous verb!) functioning with a bound variable

(that is, always collocated with a main verb); it may

be negated in all contexts, and corresponds to the English

 409.

gloss 'ever, never': p'eh keav CL? s3t kr3k ha 'have

you ever eaten mangos before?' and ?oa h?kea c& ? st

kr3k 'I have never eaten mangos before'; p ' h kea ?a

d'3 ham' .a 'have you ever been to Burma?', dj ham.a kh

oa ht? kea a 'no, I have never been there', or, as an

affirmative answer/reply, d' hma kbh ?oa ? a km (or

hnam ?a te kh oa ?a (kom) cf3t hma 'last year, I

went to Burma (as well)', d'.3' hama kbh l oa ? kam).

The negation of kea is not mentioned in DSM; kea/hui?

keab may change position in a sentence with a direct

object (except for cases like c. ? p, s d'aik,
bound to a noun), like h keaj ch3 hla kbh, hla kh
h 1 ? kea ch,,, with a change in emphasis, 'I have never

seen the foreigner'. I failed, however, to check whether

it is possible to insert auxiliaries indicating ability,

as suggested by the English equivalent of 'I have never

been able to...', although the versatile k.i? may be found

in pre-verbal position, as in hu? k? kea hp^.? th

hala k?h (direct object movement-rule may apply here as

well, DO being prepositioned, except in more complex

environments to be discussed later), 'I have never had

the chance of seeing (meeting) the foreigner'. The
auxiliary k is thus inserted between the negation
particle and kea-V. Equally, it is feasible that k?

(or t.h, for that matter) follows the main verb ('I have

never been allowed...'), but the importance here is that

kea and the main verb may never be split.

'To want to, to wish to' shows the same type of

 ZilO.

distributional restriction under negation as th and

nim; but in contradistinction to these latter, the

restriction applies to the interaction of the negative

particle and a sequence of two auxiliaries: The

phonologically assumed (and phonetically realized)

weakening of m^iik and k to /mk/ is irrelevant in

this context - a phonological sequence like **/hui ? mkI?/

or **/h'? mik k?/, **/mbik hu? k?/ , in a sentence

pattern, is possible and does not violate any rule other

than syntactic. A syntactic rule whereby a sequence of

two auxiliaries cannot be negated, however, cannot be set

up since a VP like h k3? keai-V is acceptable. There is

no historical explanation to be offered, nor any parallel

elsewhere (Khmer 'to want to do s.th.' mu.n c, both

followed by the main verb). The distinction is as

follows:

NEG AUX1 AUX2 V

m'bik k? -V

hur moik -V

mk'? ? ?a cf3'3 cfeh kh 'he said he wanted to go to Bangkok',

m;k ? m cfoa ph.a 'I would prefer to stay at the monastery',

mki? dak kwi ha 'Or you want to go by car,' mik? ? ?a lv rao

'where would you like to go 9t , hii mMk toik 'I don't want

to lie down', hi? m?ik pt.t na pah 'I don't want to take

it outside'.
 411.

Again, one area of uncertainty - which I failed to

test then - is the question whether the sequence containing

the negation and the auxiliary, h i? mik may change the

position relative to the VP (containing the main verb), so

as to transform a sentence into ??nai c3k (k'?h)
?a krom poi h11? m'ik, or whether this movement rule may

apply only to DOs and not to subjects, as in Shorto's

example (DSM) rnk d'eh ?oa h? m'bik r and a possible

derivation to mk d'eh ?oa r'b hi mik, both from ?oa hu?

noik rb mik d'eh 'I do not want to set eyes on him'.

The status of take? as auxiliary may well be

contested; DSM defines it as such, and it fits the

distributional pattern of the auxiliaries discussed so

far. But it may also be analyzed as a verbal particle,

and more insight into LM is needed. Halliday does not

mention lga laga (MED). tak? reinforces or intensifies

the following verb, to be translated as 'very' (similar to

Khmer nah, ns). But it functions in different situational

contexts than the reduplication of stative verbs, when

used as a reply: hDm ar'e sem kbm ha - re sem l hm kom -

kh'oh khvh 'do you speak Thai as well', 'Yes', 'Oh, good',

and not tk khbh. A second difference to reduplicated

forms is that tki ? may precede any verb, stative and

operative. tekZ? dbt 'very small', t?k dob 'very tired',

tk ? phik at? 'to be very much afraid of Ado' (DSM).

The second group of auxiliaries comprises the verbs

?bt, kom and t? (DSM). All three always follow the main

verb, and only ?-bt and kbrn may be negated whenever occurr-
 412.

ing as autonomous verbs, but not as auxiliaries; both

fulfill two rather different functions, kom may also

occur in a construction to co-ordinate nouns and noun-

phrases, as discussed earlier (N-kbm N-kvm VP), apart

from being an autonomous verb, 'to accompany', and from

its use as an auxiliary 'also, in addition, as well',

and t functions both as a device to mark the translation-

equivalent of an English superlative, '(that which is)

most' and as a quasi-aspect marking auxiliary, denoting

the completion of an action (DSM notes here out of any

context c&? h ?bt k'bh 'if you do not eat it all').

As a device of marking the superlative, ?jt follows

the noun phrase and the qualifying verb, as in ph.a fl3?

'this is a large monastery; this monastery is large/

important', ph..a n? pha hn'?k 'this monastery is a large

monastery/one' and pha n?ph^.a hn?k ?.ot (ra?) 'this

monastery is the largest' which may be followed by a

sentential complement or an adjunct,
like ph'i.a n3? ph^.a hn?k ?t sem 'this monastery is the
largest in Thailand'. The qualifying VP, consisting here
of a stative verb and the auxiliary ot, may be even

extended by a further stative verb, like pha n pba

m'?n hn'bk ?t d sem 'this monastery is the largest/most
important Mon monastery in Thailand', phia n3? ph.a m?in
hnk it dt, sem ?oa thea 'this is the largest Mon

monastery in Thailand, I think', or deleting d3 sem in

ph.a n pha mn hnk tt ? oa thea. Similarly, Fun n?

keak t 'this is the sharpest knife', or ?i?n3? Lun

 Z13.

keak ?bt; khyu thik kye ?bt, pa ka kh ih c1 ?,t,

'his writing (copying) is the nicest', 'the pen was the

most expensive'. Comparative and superlative are not

related in any way in Mon grammar, the former being

expressed by nui (ph' a t'b hnbk ni pha ttin 'Central

Monastery is bigger than Bamboo Monastery'), unlike

modern Khmer with its use of c\:b (N1-V-cI:a-N2 'N1

is more than N 2 ', N 1 -V-c'i:ab3-k' : 'N 1 is most').

In the Thai dialects, chi.a is normally used instead

of t' (DSM), but only as an autonomous verb in an

adjunctive position, unlike the auxiliary use of t (I

arrived there, but I was late' instead of 'I arrived

there late'. tV is mentioned in Halliday (MED) only as

an autonomous verb 'to stop, cease &c.', and in the idiom

(which is still used in Thailand) ti ? kla 'hang on! wait

a moment!'. DSM has as example of t in its auxiliary

sense 'to be late (in doing)' kwi kamot cbp c'bca f ra?

'the train was late getting to Ayudhya', following the

V-AUX split rule whenever the verbal phrase incorporates

a noun, cp cc.a cp t? 'to arrive late'. In OM, no

occurrence is attested, and in EMM dui' /d P/ functions

only as autonomous verb.

kbm is another auxiliary of great versatility, but

in whatever function it occurs, its position is fixed.

Unlike k and th, it may co-ordinate two verbs or nouns,

N 1 -kbm N 2 -kbm VP and V 1 -kom V 2 -kbm VP.

As an auxiliary verb, in a simple verb-phrase

 Li1l.

t[V_auxJ p ), it follows the main verb and means 'also,

too, as well, in addition', but has to be distinguished

from plQn which may be attached, as autonomous verb,

directly to a noun, as in ma saik pl3n 'and yet another

thing', or in c? pin ha 'do you want (to eat some)

more,' where krrn cannot be used. There is some inter-

action between l', following a noun, and kom, following

the main verb, which I am still unable to interpret

satisfactorily:

?a kbm 'come, too' a k-m ha 'do you want to come,

too?'
oa l ? kbm

?oa kh l a kDm

kbm may be split by an intervening noun, as in a ate ? kbm

'I go there, too', or expanded to Pa ate kom no'3 'I shall

go there, too'. In an emphatic context, the noun may be

moved forward, from deh horn are sem km 'to a preferential

sem cfeh horn kom 'he speaks Thai as well', in analogy

to final position k?, hbm re sem k? and ar sern horn k?

'he can speak Thai'. In both cases, the order kom (or k3?.)

relative to the main verb remains the same. If two post-

posited auxiliaries occur, kom Is always 'closing' the

verb-phrase, ph lik mn k kbm 'he can read Mon as well',

or thik m'bn k?h p?th k3 ? kom. Past tense marker te and

modals ra and no follow any VP closed by p'?h l?ik

m'?n kbm ra? , .p h t3 P kh klea cao k'om t3e 'they too

returned home (then)'. The use of l does not ential kvrn,

or vice versa, but any English gloss will 'neutralize' the

difference between .nh t? kh l..., 1rh t?k?h...cao kbm,

.nIh t3? kh l...cao kbm. As yet, this is an unresolved

 It 15.

problem (?oa ht&m 'I don't know', oa fe hti ? t&m 'nor

do I'). Additional constraints might be assumed in the

distribution of N-1 (and V-kbm) as subject and direct

object, emphasis and topic.

Quasi-auxiliaries.

Jacob (1968) distinguishes in her treatment of modern

Khmer major and minor verbs, a procedure difficult to

apply to Mon because of a more versatile distribution of

verbs relative to the main verb. There is one class in

SM that cannot be classified as auxiliary because of its

restrictive usage and distribution, but which do not fit

the categories of 'verbs of motion' or aspect/tense either.

To this class belong verbs like krk, pl3n, kleai,; verbs

which may take either a noun or a verb, but may not occur

by themselves, like eat; and a class that might be called

performatives, like k'I.h, hman, theaij . This treatment may

be highly artificial, but I cannot think of other analyses

until further material is added.

1. Intensifier.

krIk occurs with operative verbs, in postposition, to

designate an excessive action, like c.? krk 'to stuff

oneself', S3) kr'ak 'to apply oneself with liquor', kwaik

kr' ,k 'to walk too much'. Its use with cE.? and s is
worth noticing since, in all other contexts, these two,

like hum, may only co-occur with a noun. I have found no

occurrence of it as autonomous verb, and indeed its

classification as verb or quasi-auxiliary is doubtful, but

rather convenient. It does not occur with stative verbs.

 1416.

2.. Reciprocal

Two verbs exist to designate a reciprocated action,

kalea and pl3n, the first preceding, the second following,

the main verb. The difference between the two is, however,

that plan may also follow a noun - kleai, may also precede

a noun, but only in the idiom kleao he 'to return home?

- and imply an addition, similar to kDm. Both may concern

the repetition of an action. klea occurs in a number

of fixed idioms, like klea hbm 'to reply', kalea (cao)

kl 'to return (back)', klea khyp 'to think it over

again', ki1eaj khyu 'to copy again'. pin occurs,

following a noun, in the already mentioned idiomatic

phrase n^a saik pl3n 'and yet s.th. else (the speaker

wants to talk about)'; in the second meaning, it is used

as in nim 6a tt pl3n 'there are two weeks left'. In the

first sense, DSM has as example &eh hbm ?oa pin 'he asked
me to reply', from 1mm pl3n.

3. Verbs with noun/verb complements.

So far, I have found only one case or a verb which may not

occur by itself as an autonomous verb, ?at 'to ask for';

it may occur with a noun, as ?at kho 'to ask for

permission' (cfeh ? at khob d'oa h%kao ? 'he asks for your

permission'), or with verbs, which otherwise command only

noun-complements, like ct? 'to eat' or 'to drink',
as in at Ct? 'to ask for s.th. to eat' and ?at S32 'to

ask for s.th. to drink (or smoke)'. ?at precedes any

complement.
 1117.

4. Performatives.

The case of the class we call 'performatives' is more

clear-cut and justified. All of them - the most frequent

are k..h, thea., hman, horn, n'oi, mak.h, meaP j - have a

variable position with respect to the main clause,

P.rforme tive
Performa tiv.
pr.poiit ion postpositiofl

hm kb oe deh h k1
kb oa
deh tI 1? Ic1i 1mm

oa hman eh )v\k m? ci reo

syk m ci? rao oa hxnan eh

deh kh ?oa h ttm ymi? rnI

deh Idh vn1 ,m,1 ?oa hi3.? tm
y mi Im oe htY tm deh kh
oa h1 P tm y%rnt mi deh kh
kh k1i re?

So-called complementizers do not exist in SM, unlike Khmer

or Thai where the lexical equivalent of Mon k.h, tha: and

iL, respectively, take also the function of linking a

subordinate clause, as in Khmer kpom sma:n tha:S 'I

think that...', kj'om tha:-S 'I said...', k: kh:j tha:S

'one realizes that...'.

Additional verb categories might be set up, but these

seem unjustified insofar as the verbs concerned behave as

other autonomous verbs with no difference in position or

scope; for instance, one category might be called

quantifying verbs, including Pon 'to be few', 'to be

empty, deficient', kl 'to be numerous, much', cfot 'to be

 418.

small', hnk 'to be large, big', p 'to be plentiful'.

They may take aspectual and tense auxiliaries and may

occur with n' im, as nim ?o mo 'there are a few (left)',

p P0 moi 'there is plenty of rice', kala? kon ik

clot clot t3e... 'when the children were (still) very

small... '.

Non-autonomous verbs.

Non-autonomous verbs are verbs which cannot occur by

themselves in any specified context and are similar to

the ?at-class, only that verbs of this type must always

be followed by a noun tcomplemente. ce.? and s have

been mentioned on earlier occasions and are followed by

nouns such as hwa?, st (+ specifiers), daik

(+ specifiers), 13k 'to smoke' (or tirI). k 't shows a

deviant pattern in pra ki 'it rains', but ku krbp 'to

rain in torrents'.

Adverbials

SM has no separate class of adverbs definable by formal

criteria (distribution); but verbs, most of them stative,

may function as adverbials to the main verb, or complex,

including auxiliaries, as in hbm mn 'he speaks Mon'

and hbm m?n khh kh-oh "he speaks Mon (very) well',

or kon3p te k?h hnbk kweh 'that colume there is really a

large one'. The two examples chosen for illustration here

indicate that firstly an adverbial function may be assumed

by any stative verb, secondly that that stative verb may

be reduplicated - but that this Is not an exclusive rule

(kweh), and thirdly that the adverbial function of a verb

 19.

occurs in final position of a sentence or clause, except

when co-occurring with the modals ra? or no's, or in

questions ha or rao, but always following the verb-

complex and never preceding it. Verbs in adverbial

function may not be negated.

Apart from any stative verb functioning as adverbail

a small class exists in the SM lexicon that cannot occur

as an autonomous verb in a simple VP, as kamn, to be

translated as 'always', or plan, but may co-occur only

with at least another verb assuming the function of a main

verb.

The reduplication of a stative verb in final position

(V-ADV-(t3e)-(ra?)) is, however, not an indication of

adverbiality, as in kala? kon d'ot d'ot te 'when I was a

little boy', but as a means of intensifying the stative

verb ('adjective' in the English gloss). Some stative

verbs in adverbial function may only occur in a negative

statement, and only reduplicated, others only in assertive;

some are homophonous and employed ambiguously in this

function. Such cases are: l.h l.h, described in DSM as

negative intensifier (not at all), as a noun; as for

position and phonological shape, lh l^.h shares the same

features associated with verbs in adverbial function, that

is reduplication and VP-final position, as in h hbm

l.h lh 'he did/does not speak at all', hi t.m l.h lh

'he does not know at all', nh lip he lh l.h 'they

did not enter the house at all (but stayed outside all the
 420.

time)'. This usage is similar to klah klah, for which

a k- prefix might be reconstructed (from l^..h l^.h)-,

but seems somehow unlikely. klah klah may not occur in

assertive statements, and cannot be reduced to any

stative verb klah. It is, however, homophonous with

klah 'to be clear', distinct', but ambiguity cannot arise

since the negation of one violates the rule of the

negation of another:
htm klah klah
hbm h? klah
hbm klah h'h? seas,
hut hbm klah klah
'to speak clearly'
'to speak indistinctly'
Id.'
'not to speak at all'

A second class of verbs in adverbial function consists of

compounds (2-term VCs) and/or non-reduplicable phonological

words: t tah, plan. Those compounds which may be

reduplicated follow the pattern of XY > XXYY. Examples

.' S. .

of the latter are rum kop rum rum kop kop 'to suffice,

be sufficient; sufficiently', or mip sIp 'to be very

happy' > mip mIp sp sip 'very happily' (ce? mip mip sip
'to enjoy the food'), niim rim rIm kp k?p ra ha

'have you got enough of it?'. Regular adverbial usages

include kl prh prh 'to come quickly', ?a pha ? a sa sa

'when/if you are in a monastery, you ought to move gently',

hvm ar mn khbh khbh 'he speaks Mon very well'; the

last instance, however, reveals a problem in dealing with

adverbials: As far as grammatical acceptability goes,

hbm ar mn khbh is equally 'grammatical', but this

 L21.

sequence might also be analyzed as a noun followed by

a stative verb (hm as a head-verb, [V [N_V5TJvp.

Similarly, ?oa cfo, kweh 'I am really tired' is

equivalent to ?oa d'ob kweh kweh (possibly in analogy with

Thai ci ?), but in contra-distinction to hvm ar kweh
'to speak truly/honestly/frankly'. A parallel is found in
the usage of , as in khyu ibik rn?n kye 'he is writing
Mon nicely', and not"khyu lik m?n kye kye. Whereas in the

former case, it could be argued that kweh functions as a

(quasi-?) verbal-particle (as, indeed, DSM does!), somehow

linked to performatives ("really", cf. the use of sea/

h? seat in questions, "isn't it?"), but in the latter

kye is clearly verbal, as shown under negation, lik m?n

kh d'eh khye hi? kye - kye hi? sean (disapproval would

rather be rendered as khah hii sea, but this is irrelevant

for our argument here).

Another complication in adverbial usage arises in

that in some cases reduplication of a verb is a means of

intensifying, like ka? ?ui 'ui 'stinking rotten fish',

kon ik clot clot '(very) small children', in both cases

used generically. But here no main verb interferes, and

hence no adverbial function.

To return to the first type of non-reduplicable verbs

as adverbials: k%mn 'always', pa? h?k?h kmn 'I always

do it that way!', mat kamn 'the door is always kept
closed', kala? skran k'?th jh I?w'?i cfaik kanin 'at the

New Year's festival, they always throw water at you'.

Function and position are identical with pin, 'to do

again, in return' (hbm pin 'to say in reply'), 'in
 422.

addition, as well', ket p3' pl3n ha 'are you having some

more rice?', y.h hnam kbh ?oa klea n? pl3n no 'next

year, I shall come back here', DSM: ..cfeh hman ?oa pl3n

'...he asked me in reply'. ? bt tah is the only compound

verb - so far - that may occur adverbially, meaning

'completely, thoroughly' - ?it, as a quantifying verb,

'to be exhausted, finished', ?ah - tah (/t-/ in the above

context may be junctural, although occurring in the

spelling tah), 'to be clean, clear'. tp ]m ?at tah 'the

tape is completely spoilt!', cakru pra?cum lp pal3e?

?zt tab 'Acharn Prachum has a thorough knowledge of Pali',

s'?p sala te? kh hut ?a rt tah 'that hail is decaying

completely 142

Problematic are the remaining cases like c? ps Pon

'you have eaten only a little', c? phoa 'I have eaten

enough' and hbm r f^.a pI?J? 'he speaks Lao a little'.

c2 phoa could be interpreted as a simple verb concatenation,

'to eat' c. 7 , and consequently phoa 'to be full, satisfied'

(along the lines of kl3 cop 'to come and arrive'). In

c p3' ?on, ?on 'to be few, little (In quantity)' is, as

a stative verb, attached to the noun, equivalent to an

English adjectival function whereas In the latter, j,'I?

'a little; somewhat', follows the established pattern of

adverbials, only that the base-verb is not reduplicated,

but chiming/rhyming. 143

As a conclusion, it can be stated that adverblals are

not a separate word-class in SM, but merely a syntactic

function - even if most of the cases involve the reduplica-

tion of a stative verb - assigned by (i) the presence of

 423.
a main verb and (11) the position of a stative verb

relative to the main verb. This may be summarized as:

Nominal pi.ce V.rbal pi.c. T.n.. Modal Qu.stion
.N V 1 -AtJX V2
v2v2
I!
N...
v2v3

Reduplication of a verb or clause (pra k1i pra ki) does

not necessarily entail adverbial function in Mon, in the

majority of cases, provided positional rules are not

violated.
Class-Il Auxiliaries.

The setting up of a separate class of auxiliaries is

justified by the fact that both terms belonging to this

class, nim and tth, may occur with auxiliaries of class-I.

They may not co-occur with themselves, as autonomous verbs

in head-position, like mo m or thb? th?.

nuim and th can be interpreted as respectively

'to be in existence' and 'to be in a state (of affairs)',

or as some sort of quantifying verb, existential and

equational "there is some rice" and "he Is a farmer".

The syntactic properties of either are rather

different and, although they may occur In identical

position which includes, exceptionally for main verbs or

auxiliaries, clause and sentence-final (except for rap,

ha, rao), their function diverges: th may be negated,

In certain contexts, whereas num never can; toh, in

an equational context, may be deleted, especially when

linking a zero-NP to a qualified NP while nim can never

be deleted.
 421i.

i) .

The scope of nm extends, in English, over

'to be in existence; to have, possess.1
The latter meaning is expressed by neologisms such as
nm mc cfoa ?oa 'I have got...', but sometimes the archaic
use of nim still predominates, especially in short
colloquial questions/answers, tun nim ha 'have you got a
knife?' ("is there a knife?"), ni p&t nm kon p3eP 'Nai
Phet has three children'. nIm may be postpostioned,
to ni p&t kon pe nxn, the verb no linking the subject
and the direct object, but being extracted and post-
poationed.
nm cannot be negated.1h15 This is an absolute
rule in Mon grammar. In order to express the non-
possession or non-existence, or the lack of any dis-
tinction of possession/non-possession, existence/non-
existence, one has to resort, since MM, to the numeral
'one's ma, and tae negative particle 1-iI.P, as in
ni pt konh ? ma
'Nai Phet has no children'. Rejecting the entire pro-
position, sea, preceded by the negative particle, ought
to be used, hseai d'eh n1n kon a 'no, he has two
children', or ha ? seat cteh nam cha? kon ____
'no, he's got only two'. nlrntnc p. mn.m ha - nim
/ ni1rnrn kl 'is there any rice left?' - 'Yes.' / 'Yes,
there's lots'; t_cai h)Pma 'we haven't got aay eggs
left', hX
 1t25.

m'ba nm 'there is none yet', ?oa hi? mba kszn 'I am

without any money', cfoa ?oa sn hi? m'?a 'I haven't got
any money', sn nim mb ? ci? rao 'how much money have
you got (left)?', n'iim pn cuh hake nm 'I have still 40
Baht left', s num mo' ci' nm rao 'how many baskets
of paddy are there?'.

nim is used occasionally in a locational sense, like

Thai and Khmer niu '(to be situated) at', and over-
laps with The difference between the two is difficult
to interpret: My own usage of riiim in ** fl'm rao 'where
do you live, reside?' was always rejected and m? ib rao
given as the only acceptable alternative; but n'iim mb d'oa
phya 'he is in the market tat the moment]' does occur, and,
in addition, DSM has two examples kla ? oa n'um d'oa khan
k'bh 'my box is in the room' and lMk nim ciba kla 'the
books are in the box'. A possible analysis would suggest
that nuim is used as an existential verb followed by the
noun particle indicating the location, ciba 'in, at, by &c.',
and that consequently niim has no locational use at all, a
function which fulfills, nibi h3e n'i tip 'I am at
Nai Tip's house', n'o, ciba kwan k 3 ? kret 'I live in Ko Kret
village'. The existential use of nim is also apparent in
the compound r'um m'tta 'to be friend' ?oa n'iim riietta k d'eh
'we are friends'.

The scope of the lexical meaning of nim may be, on

the other hand, compared to Thai .i, Khmer kw:*. k.:, as op-
posed to p and cI:a, corresponding to SM bh; but the
terms are merely homologous, compatible as part
of a system: If th4i.c' I: function
 1126.

as equational quantifiers ("he is a teacher"), the series

n'limA,ku: A.. k .., whatever the difference among themselves
in their respective grammatical system, is to be set up
as opposition, not fulfilling that function (equation).

Like SM nim, Khmer / Thai kit .* kut may not be ne-

gated, but the similarities end there if, for instance,
the formation of questions is taken into account: Thus
Khmer k. is ordinarily used in inquiries like nih ki:
'viy (nih viy) 'what is this?', nih kMCN 'this is a N';
SM simply juxtaposes m'b (viy) and the relative question
particle rao, i?n m' rao 'what is this?', and Khmer
k&'. is again expressed as ellipsis in SM - a possibility
co-existent in Khmer: -, ?i?n3? N.

In some contexts in Thai, and ks: are inter-

changeable, without any significant shift in meaning 1 :
the: kut: phanraya: kh prasitth: pen
panraya: kh:b prasit 'she is Prasit's wife', and the same
applies to modern Khmer as well, Similarly, a sequence
in Thai/Khmer N 1 -kit-N 1 -mod., b:n ni: b:n kh phm
pth nIh pt' ah (rath) kjiom 'this is my house' where k&i:
can be ommitted, b:n n(: kid.: b:n... pth nIh kc: ptIh
The former pattern (zero-link) is identical with SM,
whereas the latter cannot insert niim.

2) t'bh

t' h in Mon functions essentially in the same way as in Khmer

and Thai, and may be negated under certain conditions. If
linking two nouns (o1 which the latter is following a
modifying element of some sort, like a stative verb), it
 Z427.

may be ommitted, as in the Thai/Khmer pattern N 1 -kw.

-N 1 -mod., SM h 3 e? n h3e? hn' k 'this is a large house'.

If a personal pronoun (or ph) is used, th linking it

to the following noun may not be deleted, d'eh t 'bh nih

khbh 'he is a trustworthy man'

Apart from the constraints on negation, t ' h, like

nim, behaves like other operative verbs in SM, including

aspect auxiliary mj (th m'b, as n.im mtj) and derivations,

as OM. /ths/ with inflectional affixes /sds/ (hypothetical),

/dms/ (attributive), /drd3s/ '(coming into) existence' >

SM /htbh/, /pds/^SM /ptbh/ 'to cause, to bring into being'.

OM and SM compounds with toh/ds are identical, except for

/p?ar ds/ 'to put into practice', /?ar d3s/ SM ?a t'bh 'to
become', /ktr ds/ SM kt tbh 'to come into being', /tlu

d3s/ SM kl'b th 'to come to pass, to come into being'.

Thus in a pattern like N-V-N,

cteh t'bh ca pha 'he is a teacher'

deh ,tIt ca pha 'he has seen the teacher'

cfeh hm k 'ca pha 'he speaks to (with) the teacher'

cIeh tk ca pha 'he has hit the teacher'

Syntactically, t'bh, may be replaced by any other operative

verb to yield a grammatically acceptable sequence / statement.

This, however, is the only feature, apart from derivation,

t'bh shares with other verbs. To analyse the main difference,

let us consider the following paradigm:

-I
(i) h3er hnok NP / statement
(ii) he hnk t NP / statement (to be speci-
fied)
(iii) h3e? hn?k ra statement
 1t28.

(iv) he? hnk kh NP

(v) h3e? n? h 3 e? hn'bk statement
(vi) h.3e? n? k'bh h3e? hnbk statement
(vii) hei koh hnok statement
(viii) he? hoe? nhi cDk statement

All instances ('the house is large', 'a/the large house',

&c.), except (v), (vi), (vii) with a co-ordinated nominal

construction (N -- N_j) share one syntactic rule: That

th may not be inserted between the noun and a stative

verb, whatever its syntactic function. (i) and (ii) are

syntactically ambiguous in that the sequence may be either

a noun-phrase ('a large house') or a statement ('the house
is large'), the second sequence has to be specified by a

sentential complement. In (iii) the ambiguity is removed

by closing the sequence noun-stative verb by a sentence

particle (ra?); in (iv) and (vii) kh fulfills the role

((iv) 'the large house', (vii) 'the house is large'). The

remaining cases, consisting of a determined noun-phrase

(h3e n? h 3 e? k'h%.he? n? kbh) and a repeated head-noun

followed by a modifying/qualifying complement, like proper

name ((viii) 'this is Nai Chok's house') or a stative verb

((v), (vi) 'this is a large house'. What is expressed in

English or French by the "copula" 'to be' may thus be ren-

dered in Mon only by juxtaposition of a noun, as subject,

and a verb assigning a quality or quantity to it; again,

syntactically there is no difference in the shallow (or

surface) pattern, ca m'bij 'the teacher listens' and aca
py'it ? ' the teacher is aged, old'. But in ca np ca pyj?

'Acharn Nop is an old teacher', or, referring back to (v)

 1429,

h3e P 3? heP hnk 'this (house) is a large house', the

qualifying element may only be a stative verb, personal
pronoun or proper name (viii). A sequence like

Noun Clitics Noun Modifiers

N. kc,h N st
Nk

may not be split by th. This is in contradistinction to

Thai and Khmer I kit: and ci: / k ., although both
languages exhibit the same characteristics in qualifying
a head-noun simply by repeating it 'with a modifying e1ernent,
as in

SM .oa naP oa aa
Khmer tvay nIh t'ay
kI: 'today is Tuesday'
Thai 'wan nf: wan ?akha:n

th is used, however, 'when a personal pronoun or proper

name is qualified by another noun, d'eh tch ca s. 'he is a
doctor', ni tip th hank kwan 'Nai Tip is the village
headman'. But unlike Khmer, vI: cI:, m:ma:y vI:
k: m:ma:y vi: m:ma:y 'she is a widow', SM th
cannot be deleted. t3h may be followed by a noun or noun-
phrase, relegating it to a function as grammatical object,
as in

N V N-complement
Poa kina? cfat kh 'I am eating sweets'
?oa t.k thp 'I beat the drum'
dbh th nih khh 'he is a good man'
kao oa th 'ca s 'my elder brother is a
physician'
If th is catalyzed by means of negation (hi), it may be
classified as a stative verb,
N V-conplement
hwa? kc3h d' hX s 'the curry is not salty'
Bun sok hl? keak 'the razor is not sharp'
kon sem h1' seat 'he is not a Thai'
cfeh th man 'he is Non',
 In some instances, mainly in oral narratives and
certainly in LM t'?h may be negated; this is not in con-

tradiction with what has been claimed previously. t?h

simply serves a different function: nI.? yn t k'bh k
hcvp hw. npp'kn m'ak.h kh hi? t?h hcbp k h'ii m'an
(Nagarappa, g, v. 1-2), hafkn t3? wti ? k'?h mt7 th ni
kla kyaik hl' tate? hi? th m?a lh ntm kh nou
(MuMu, lO).hhI7

Khmer c'I: may also not be negated, and the cor-

responding expression equivalent to English 'not to be'

.'
('heisnot a Khmer') is mwn .-m:n (vi:a mw.n m:n nk
kmae, tay nih irn mI.n tay ki:a 'today is not
Tuesday'), or mn so:v 'hardly'.

A similar feature-sharing in Khmer/Mon exists for the

expression of 'perhaps, probably', consisting of cI:/t?h

and a modifying verb, prhael/t3n; the latter occur in

other collocations like prahael knI: 'similar to', kl

t3n 'to increase', prahael cI: '. tn t'bh, both occurring in
initial adjunct positions. t 'bh may overlap, in some few
.
instances, with num in other contexts, although I never

noted any case; U Wayama, however, has examples one of which

is cited here (1957.415) t '?h nan mkh, cf kwan flm lik
no (my translation) 'whenever there is war, towns and vil-

lages will be destroyed'. U Wayama also notes the compound

th m in contexts associated with diseases kwan hlI k'h

th m yba na 'there is an outbreak of cholera in the vil-

lages'.

A difficulty in tracing the historical development of

the scope and distribution of th is that in CM /ds/
occurs mostly with the verb subordinating particle ma?.

Other instances of th overlapping, in semantic scope

with n' im, both occurring with the aspectual auxiliary

are t'bh m ri^h anim m' .ih ba 'there are two [peoplej

of them'

Sentence-initial use of th is also exemplified by

U Wyama's t'bh y'ba nIa kit ha - yba na kit hh? sea y'ba pao?

c3t (1957.399).

Agreeing with Martini's analysis (1956.299) of Thai

"tre", t?th may be followed by a noun yielding the trans-

lation equivalent of a verb, th se.ka 'to be in doubt,1S

- S..
toh htak 'to be in trouble', ska 'doubt', Skt. ganka,

P. saiika, ht'ak 'misery, poverty, trouble' (t'kk 'to be

poor, to lack', P. dukkha 'suffering'). Thai pen pra?o:t

'to be useful' (pray:t P. prayojana 'usefulness'), p

th:t 'to be guilty' (th:t P. dosa, Skt. dosa 'malice,

wickedness') which he paraphrases in French as "Se trouver

en faute, en tat de cu1pabilit" and permutates the former

example with mi: prao:t "avoir de l'ut111t" and 4

praj?:t "tirer profit".

th may also be negated if it is part of a compound

and thus does not appear in a context of equation: I noted

h.i? t?h ?a 'did not become', and DSM gives as example

?oa h th s&ka 'tao eh 'I do not suspect you'.

Finally, t'?h occurs in the idiom tbh hkh 'that being

so', tbh h?kh ha 'is that so?' and, in more formal con-

texts or narratives, hbt k'bh th hkh raP.

 432.

Other aspectual auxiliaries that may co-occur with

t?h are kl and ?a, t?h a 'to become' (Khmer shows in-
verse order tu c'i:), hnam ?a te? k' bh d'eh tbh a h.nk

kwan 'last year he became village head-man', t 'bh kl 'to

become gradually, to come about'.

Verb-concatenation.

Extensive concatenations of verbs occur mostly in

narratives; constraints are minimal, and of the order of

sequential patterning, like 'source-goal' or 'modified-

modifier', as in pn th 'to aim at' / 'to hit'. Com-

pound rules and the behaviour of auxiliaries are not af-

fected by concatenation, and the sequence mentioned follows

the temporal or causal order. In certain cases, two ver-
bal phrase or complex may be linked by te.

Minimal concatenations are, obviously, two-term sequences,

but here it is difficult to distinguish between a simple con-

catenation and a compound (complex lexical entry as opposed

to simple forms). Is, for instance, kl3 c.p 'he came and

arrived' to be treated as compound (2-term verbal complex)

or a simple concatenation, the former to be translated as

'he arrived'. Auxiliaries can sometimes determine wnether

a 2-term sequence V V is a compound (in a lexical sense)

or a concatenation, but only if they are postposited (in

fact, there are only two, t.h and kb?, since always
follows immediately the verb it refers to and not to the
entire sequence). The modals ra? and flOb cannot serve the

purpose of catalysis of either because their are exclusively

clause or sentence-final; neither can the negative particle

h'ii ? , as in toik hloi 'to lie down and sleep', h' i? toik
 433.

hloi 'not to lie down (and consequently unable to sleep)'

and toik hI hloib 'to lie down (but in spite of it, un-

able to sleep)'. Now, given a 4-term concatenation like

Pa r'b ch th 'he went out, looked for it, and then found

..' may be negated in different ways be inserting the

negative particle hi in different positions but that alone

does not determine a certain partial sequence as compound

or string of verbs, like h i ? ?a r ch t.h 'did not go

out (and consequently did not succeed in the following act-
ion)' or ?a hi r ch t.h 'went out, but did not see...',
or even a i'o hui? ch3 t..h 'went out, looked around, but

did not meet...' and, finally, ?a i'o ch3 h? t.h '. ..at-

tempting to meet, but did not succeed in doing so' . Do we

deal here with a 3-term compound r'b / ch3 / t.h? Delimi-

nations are easier to set up in cases of verb compounds with

a nominal complement, like c hw.P 'to cremate (a corpse)',

and thus sequences such as c hwI? kr ? cIt is a 2-term

concatenation consisting of two 2-term verbal complexes (or

compounds), c hw.? and kra ? cit, 'to cremate' and 'to col-

lect the bones (to enshrine, as relic?)'. Sequences like

these may be further integrated into larger concatenations

Pin kbm k'bh cih kl c hw? kr' cut 'he (Indra) descended,

cremated the body and collected the bones' or Poa khy.3p ph

hna m'bj cbp deh 'i remember him with affection'
which can be analysed as follows: The word-class of hna can-

not be determined, but both the position of m (as auxiliary,

as in pa hitao m'bb 'is/are residing', where hatao is a

noun) and the initial complex /han-/ do not discara the

classification as a noun, oh hna 'to remember (with af-

fection)'; may also occur by itself, oa l p?h m? d'eh
 1434.

'I remember him, too'. refers to the compound jfl

h3na. khyap 'to think, reflect, meditate' functions
like any other performative verb, ? oa khy3p mo ?a d'
'I was thinking of going to town' (Vperf V (N...)), no
particle, verb or noun is to be inserted between it and

the main verb. cp deh, corresponding to the English

'of him' ('to reach, attain, arrive at'), relates the
object to the main verb. may be ommitted, as in

m'b, cfeh. Thus what appears to be the concatenation of

three verbs is, in fact, only one, being subordinated

to the performative:

V I V2 V3

?oa khvp p3h hina m cp deh

c h', kr cit

ch th

Similarly, th kalea cao khy3p hak?h 'I must return home,

hethought (thus)', only that here the link between the

two pieces .... t.h kleacaO : khyp hkh, although

grammatically not overtly marked - it cannot be, if the

sequence does not imply a causal or temporal order of

events where t3e may be inserted -, is given by intonation

and pause.

In cases of concatenations of complexes of the type

Ev n]V ambiguities do not arise: Pa pnya rn n'.a'3

'I go to the market and buy some tobacco', hkeak Eun

m m 'sharpen the knife, it's blunt!'. 149

Ambiguity, however, does arise if, in isolation, one

 435.

or two terms of the entire verbal piece are auxiliaries

which may function as autonomous verbs as well, as ket

k 'to be able to get' or 'to get and succeded in ob-

taining' (otherwise expressed in English as 'got (finally)',

but these cases are rare, and it is word-order which de-

termines the sense: In lip kl3 h3e kh '(it came about

that) he entered the house', klis used as an aspectual

auxiliary (?a/kl3i), while k1 liip h3e P k?h is a verb-
concatenation (klj, ja) 'he came and entered the house'.

Sentence-particles.

Two basic types of sentence particles can be distinguished:

Those applying to simple sentences (and complex ones) and

those controling the kind and degree of subordination be-

tween two clauses or simple sentences and the whole com-

plex sentence. Within each group as with other particles,

further divisions can be set up by position relative to

the clause or sentence, or semantic property or scope.

Group-I sentence particles.

Although ha and rao belong to this group as well, they

are treated separately as question particles; to some de-

gree this is justified by the distribution of ha which may

co-occur with other sentence-particles and is always re-

legated to the last position in a sentence or clause.

This group comprises modal and tense particles, ra

non, and t3e. no and t3e might be interpreted both as

tense particles, future and past respectively, but ra?

may co-occur only with te and not with no' (with which

it commutes in its position). Although conveys the

 L36.

idea of future events or actions (and this is one of the

reasons why it does not collocate with te), its scope

is similar to Khmer nj (not a cognate ) in that it

includes eventuality or hypothetical events as well

("would, might"). This conforms well with the historical

evidence from OM and EMM where its corresponding role was

taken by the inflectional prefix <s-> marking the hypothe-

tical (OM /?ar/ 'to go', /s?ar/ 'shall go', /ket/ 'to take',

/sket/ 'shall take'). SM non, LMM/LM /ro/ (LM rovno!1)

emerged later, taking up that function, even if LM shows

still the starred prefix s-> (co-occurrence of this pre-

fix and no in classical texts is still to be examined).

A further reason for linking ra and no to the same set

is that both cannot co-occur with the negative particle

h, and are complementary in statements like Pa ra ha

'are you going?' - a no 'yes, I will'. no may not

occur in relative or absolute questions. There is

an overlap both in function and distribution in the three

term system te/no/ra:

tense te no

assertive no a... ra

assertive /Q ra V ra? ha
aspectual ra V 2 i' ra
tense-aspectual

t e I., V t3e ra?

t3e and no share the tense-designating function of past

and future/hypothetical, respectively, noj and ra P the

assertive function limited/unqualified, and te and

combined with ra? an aspectual colouring 'perfective'.

 143 7

The interpretation of no and ra' as modals thus

rests upon a distributional criterion. Phonologically,

both show a deviant pattern (unnatural register) be-

cause liquids and nasals, in initial position, usually
govern the second register. Their phonological develop-

ment is equally deviant: ra? is the modern reflex of OM/

EMM da (since 1455 MM/LM ra) /da P /, and SM no of EMM

/ro/; these do not conform to regular sound-shifts OM

/d-/ ' SM /t^/, OM /r-/ > SM /r^/.

ra? assigns an assertive, unqualified value to a

statement, and it is very difficult to render in(to)

English; in some contexts it might be similar to French

y/en ('il y en a'nim ra as opposed to 'ii y a' nirn) -

but this is merely an illustration It may also have an
aspectual colouring, n'i np a d ra 'Nai Nop has gone
to town', n'ai rl3p a d'3! 'Nai Nop is going/is about to go

to town'. This seems confirmed by the fact that ra may

collocate with d i", as a quasi-suffixal form (or as a

base, taking the prefix ? i_,), a ? i?ra? 'he has gone',

tho? P1? ra 'I've thrown them away', klon kalon Pvt

?i P ra ? 'I've finished working'. There is, however, a

semantic restriction of the use of ?i?ra P ; statements like

sal) pt3n ph..a may not be closed by ?ira since sa ptn

('to build, erect') denotes a long-term activity or pro-

cess. The result or end of it is not an instantaneous event.

But that ra and no are exclusively marking aspects can

be seen by the behaviour of verbal complexes:

k1 Cb nui l^.phun 'he has arrived from Lamphun'

Pa 1phun kl te 'Id.' (Thaism)
 438.

kl3 cop n'ii l?phun ra? 'he has just arrived...'

klj cp n'ii l3phun ? i? raP ???
klb cp ni l?phun toe 'he arrived from Lamphun'

The perfective meaning of the arrival is marked in all

cases rather by the second position-verb than by
the particle ra?; only where toe occurs, ra? marks it
as an aspectual sequence. te and ?jP together in a

sequence with ra? may not co-occur (either V-toe-ra p or

V-?iP_raP) . 150

The distribution of ra and no as sentence/particle

(and not particles attached to the verbal or nominal phrase

or complex) is easily shown: c toe ra? 'they
have held the cremation here', ket na pot ?oa poa y'cn no

'I shall take my stuff with me tomorrow', oa pit-hiwa

koh ?a fj lpurI no 'on Wednesday I shall depart for

Lopburi', cfeh kl3t kb kl no 'they will come by boat'.
In all cases ra and no occupy the very last position

(except for ra? and the question-particle ha, ra? ha) in

a sentence. ra cannot fulfill a hortatory function which,
in Burma, is j,I1 (and also sentence-final in position),

ket n'ia jI 'please bring it!'; they may not co-occur.

Exceptionally, in idiomatic phrases (and in the penultimate

clause - or final - of a narrative), ra P may close a clause

which, in turn, is followed by another. In no instance

ever does raP lose its final glottal stop, an important

prosodic feature for the delimitation of clauses and sen-

tences (Grenzsignal); the ra?, however, may bear exceptional
vowel length in certain contexts, especially when mark-
ing a final paragraph. 151

Group-Il sentence particles (clause-bound).

Again, this class may be arranged either in accordance

with function ("conditionals", "purpose", &c.) or by

distribution (position in the sentence) and co-occurrence

with other verbs, nouns or particles to constitute a

group-Il particle. Before proceeding by the former, 2-

term particles and rules of positioning will be discussed:

The maximal sequence of group-Il particles consists of

two separate particles or auxiliary verbs (exceptionally,

tn may be extended to Bbn.. .kbm lb); shapes like CCV

(C)-C(C)V(C) and C(C)V(C)-CaCV(C) are only once (each)

attested, and in the former case the minor syllable is

occasionally lost. Stress-patterns in this group differ

to some extent (tao ra and y ra p , no pause between tao

r.a and the sentential/clausal complement, and a rising

pitch, followed by a pause for 3 ra1 and complement,

which may be induced by the presence or absence of final

glottal closure of the piece). Either place in the se-

quence may be variable:

ra tao ra h,vnn n ma'ri ml

ii k r^a ______

hmah y'd, kV
ut k?

Only in three instances, tao ra and hmn ifti or y rap,

one of the constituents may not occur by itself, "tao '

4 hmn. In all the remaining cases one or the other -

 Z4140.

that is either the first or the second of the constituents

- serves a different function by itself. Arranging group-

II particles now by exponents we obtain the following list:

Exponents Function of xponvnts H.sd-particl.s

in different contexts

modal, aent.nc.-fin.l p.
N-particle !2 VP
ml N-particle h1ai, , man, hbt

suziliary, autonomous v. 2.'

Apart from two exceptions, all group-Il particles precede

the clause/sentence, mkh always follows tne clause it

refers to and links it to the sentential complement while

l/fin. . .kam l incorporate the verbal piece, l
closing the clause, followed by a sentential complement.

Apart from mkh (which also may be followed by k '?h), the

word-order is in accordance with the distribution of the

exponents given above, for instance ni as a noun-particle

preQeding the noun, le following a noun irrespective of

their immediate environment, kl3b nti phya 'I come from the
market', hbt nti cl'eh ?oa kl3 hii m' n 'because of him, I

could not come'.

Obviously, clauses may follow nI, apart from nouns, but

the relevant point is that ni precedes clauses or nouns,

and never reverse the position. If one were to retain a

certain type of interpretation ("ni is a noun-particle")

a clause could simply be defined as a noun(subject) and

the following sentential complement as a verb (predicate);

this is supported by instances like ?a dj mk'h k'?h
k a Fkd'i ktm 'if you go to Bangkok (at all), try and
 1tZ1.

call at Bangkradi as well' where the subordinate clause

(?a ct mkh) is closed by kh - which may be emphatic

or giving the statement a slightly literary flavour.

1. Condition

Two particles can be used to express condition in SM,

'if', mkh in postposition to the clause it subordinates

(occasionally followed by k'h) and yra. Semantically,

the English gloss 'if' is somewhat inaccurate since tern-

poral and conditional usage overlap in Mon, very much

like German 'wenn', assimilating thus the English dis-

tinction of 'when/if' (or French 'si/quand'). Moreover,

the Mon particle (either of them) may not occur at all

and still yield an English gloss of the type (conditional)

'if' or (temporal) 'when, whenever', as the already cited

example a pha ?a sa sa 'if/when/whenever you are in a
monastery, go gently' and the temporality/conditionality

is rendered in Mon by the repetition (verbal correlative

construction) or ?a 'to go' - ?a pha sa sa means 'to go

the monastery gently', a not very likely nonc in any

context.

The extreme economy of spoken Mon often

prefers correlative constructions to the explicitly/overtly

marked statements, in this particular case. I have never

encountered a postpositional movement of the subordinate

clause (of the type**S VP-mbkih, **k? ?a k%d'i a cf
 42.

mk' h (kh), to rephrase the former sentence). The re-

ason for this blocking of the movement (which in other

cases is quite free) may be that m3kh is a postpostional

particle. This would apply to the Burmish (calique) fe

as well. Prepositional particles then could not be block-

ed in the movement of the clauses they control.

mkh is a contraction of obscure origin; the major

syllable corresponds to kt.h 'to say', while the minor/

syllable may be a weakened m (general, literary, clause/
sentence subordinating particle, often equivalent to 'which,

that') or m'bik 'to want to, desire, wish to'. I cannot be

traced to EMM or OM and occurs frequently (compared to

y ra or ym (ra?)) in the spoken (emphatic, formal) lan-

guage while the latter two are mainly confined to narratives.

Among them, I have noticed the form y'm ra relatively more

often in Thailand than y ra which may explain the absence
of j in its meaning 'if' in DSM and its presence in

Halliday's MED (or perhaps confined there to LM usage?).

Both forms are attested in OM and MM and do not show any

syntactic change as regards their position (always clause-

initial) and semantic scope ('if/when'), SM OM /y31/,

MM /y3w/, SM MM /yam/ (also a MM/Nissaya by-form /yoraw/

yarau which DM1 attributes to a contraction of /ya rw/

or /y3l rw/). I cannot explain the closure (or second

term) of the particle by ra 2 ; it is the only case where ra?,

although final in the sequence (and thus not violating its

positional rule), does not occur in sentence final position.

If the first clause (subordinate) is preceded by y ra or

y'm rap , the following sentential complement is not closed
 443.

by ra, too. If mk^.h closes the sentential complement;

this is the only instance that both modals ra and no

may co-occur, Furthermore, y3 ra? and mak^h may be com-

bined, without any change in word-order, following a

pattern similar to n. . .kbm l 'even if' where the clause/

subordinate is incorporated into the sequence of preposit-

ional and postpositional particles oa yh y ra? ?a c1

pur'I mk^h I ?a no 'if you go to Lopburi tomorrow,

kbm

.' '
I shall come, too'. yo ra? proa ku ioa kl3b woi aoa
S
mu -
hu kz 'if . .
it .
rains, I shan , t come and visit you',
3 ra?ctth hiI? klea lik k ?oa mba knah oa thea

kweh 'if he doesn't reply, I shall be really upset'.

In only one possible context may mBk.h occur in a

sentence-final position, following usually ra?: In sermons,

1 ike
cn cfak kia raP mkih,,
'shall thus be fulfilled,'
DSM describes this use

asa"mark of quotation", supplying as example m? ? Imt rao

mkh k' h oa h i? tm "what the reason was I do not know".

The function and scope of m'kh in sentence final position
(including following ra t') is certainly more complex, and

we are dealing here with a literary influence. It is not

quite clear, however, if mk^h in the above context does

not mark the end of a paragraph, if not of the whole of the

sermon; it is a conventional ending, only to be followed by

a blessing. 152
 14Z44

2. Purpose

Four particles, three of them compounds, express purpose

or goal for an action to be performed; one, kws..k, may

extend its scope to include a benefactive meaning for

someone and thus overlaps in this function with kt,

kbna lbik kb hakao? or khyu P i ? n3? kwk ?ca, but kb

may extend its benefactive function to include instrum-

entality, as in rbik k 6un 'cut with a knife' c? kb c'bn

'to eat with a spoon', whereas kw&k never has the function

'instrumental', as in the previous example 'I write this

for the teacher'). The three compounds consists of two

terms the second of which is invariably ks, ? , the auxiliary

verb 'to get, &c.. DSM includes the Burmese loan ph

(k ? ) which is recognized, but certainly not universally
used, unlike mt (ku) (or its negative counterpart ma?
((hti ? ) k?)) as well as .Pob ks?. Within the latter group

of native particles no significant differences of meaning

or in the usage can be detected. occur by itself

in a less restricted sense, whereas nIt, ma and have
a different meaning when occurring without k? ? . As with

the preceding category of particles, mkh and y ra? (con-

ditionals), zero (or deletion in an underlying pattern, if

admitted) may also correspond to an English gloss involving

purpose or goal: a phya rn h?ui 'I go to the market to buy

some tobacco' - the insertion of any of the

four particles, although grammatically acceptable in a

statement such as this (preceding the final verbal piece or

clause), is never actually used in such a context, and

functions like 'goal, benefactive, purpose' are assumed by
 445.

simple verb-concatenation (or of two verbal pieces,

consisting of noun and verb, ?a phya - ian smut 'to

go to the market' - 'to buy exercise books').

The series of particles can be summarized as follows:

Exponsot NEG AUX Exponsnt as autonomous particle

mt 'although, in Spits of'

'liks, as, according as'
- for ths purposs of
InS ? liii? 'not as to; so as not to'

.kwck 'on behalf, for us. of, so that'

kwk and are not negated, a role fulfilled

by ma followed by the negative particle h' and the auxil-

iary ks ? , ma? h k. ma? is also the only term in this

series which shows a deviant phonological shape (unnatural

register); I cannot supply any historical explanation (per-

haps a former weak form?) - spellings vary, ma N mha. The

rule of preferential word-order applies in this context as

well in all instances, always in sentential head-position.

Only one term, nt, is found in an idiomatic expression,

n?at th hakh 'nevertheless' (t ' h hakh 'that being so').

J.?j k? tk m ?oa th ket na h'wjm 'in order to
take a photograph, I would have to get a film', J k?
a te J th ?a lcb kf 'in order to get there, we have
to go by boat', DSM: ph? k? kwoa krt kloik 'it is for
 L1t46.

driving screws', ma hI k?? khyu pl' t klea ro

'look at it again (read it over) so as not to miscopy

it'; kw&k, also a Burmese loan ('atwak), may have a

temporal use, as in kwk pn hnam 'for the duration of

four years' or benefactive akwk .r^h-kbh rao hakao? tk

pim hla? p3t tan3? 'for whom do you photograph all these

manuscripts?', kon nan hal ' b htak kwk d d'eh ta? ra?

"the soldiers fought for their country" (DSM). Nouns,

however, occur in head-position whether the 'goal'-clause

(subordinated) is negated or not: d'eh ma? h ki? cp t

J ?a ket naa, 'go and collect him so that he won't be

late' where the noun may not be moved to the post-auxiliary/
pre-verbal position ma? hu k? E I cp tz? or to the

head-position of the main sentencefl?a ket n^a. If no

noun occurs in clause-initial (head) position, ma? h't? k

cp t? would be taken as 'so as not to be late' and the

following sentence entail co-reference of the grammatical

subject, in this case grammatically unacceptable, unless

permutated into ma ? hti ? k? cp t a ket n^a d'eh 'go

and fetch him, so as not to be late', as given in the pre-

vious example; or, with two different objects, ?a d'oa oa

1 'oh dop ma? hi k? kI ? ket cfa 'if you go out in the sun,

take you umbrella so that you won't get a headache'. Where-

as the sequence ma? h'i1 ? ki occurs in a rigid order and

cannot be split, the noun follows and does not precede

it, &eh k hbm l^a n'lt"n 'so that he could tell a

story'; the object may, however, be extracted to the head-

position in a case like DSM: ?e ? i P kh p'bk?? klah ?oa
h .i? tm "as to that I do not rightly know". Thus the fol-

lowing positional rule can be stated: If a noun occurs in

head-position (i.b, ii.c.), it is an object, if it is

postposited in a pre-auxiliary position - provided the

sequence can be split, unlike ma? h? as in (ii.b.),

it is a subject, if no noun occurs in clause-initial

position (l.a., ii.a.), the subject is co-referential:

Noun Partici. NEG Noun AUC

i.a._
i.b. N
ii... V.rb S.nt.ntia 1
ii.b.
ii.c. N N N
comp L.ment

A sequence **ma? k is not attested in the texts and

occurs only with the negative particle hui ? in pre-

auxiliary position. An additional term has to be post-

ulated for LM, swak gwa' /hwk kP/ which does not occur

in the colloquial language.

3. Consequential.

There are two terms in SM designating 'because, that is

why', hbt - somewhat literary, but also used in narratives

- and h3mIn (n 'because (of)' with its variant in Thai-

land m'n (ni). hbt, a Pall loan, hetu, may also occur in

the idiom Irot kh ra? in prehead or sentence or clause-

initial position, meaning 'therefore': hbt k '?h ra oa

th kaleaD cao 'therefore I had to return', or hman flu

piba k'i ?oa t.h kalea cao 'because it was raining, I

had to return'. If hbt k?h ra? occurs in the protracted

adjunct position, may not close the following sentence.



ZL8.

n'an nti ?oa c"oh kl3 h i? k? or mn ni oa h? mSIp

'because I wasn't well/had fever, I could not come'.
Again, simple verb-concatenation may suffice, but then
the two sentences may change position: oa hW mIp
% - k3r
... .
kl3 hur k3r or klj hur I
roa hu mip while, if
(ha) n'an n'i precedes the clause, the preferential word-
order rule applies: nan nh V -hm'an nh V must precede
the ensuing clause or sentence, h'm'n riu kwaik krkk
oa cfo kweh 'because I was walking too much, I am really
tired now'.

Another idiom in which hot may occur is hbt ni.i kbh

'because of that/it' and is used periphrastically, Poa
m'? mip h i ? seab hbt z'u k'bh ?oa kl3 Ifu? k's? 'I was
not very well; because of that, I could not come' where
k?th assumes a deictic or anaphoric function. The analysis
of these two sentences is complicated by the fact that hot
does not occur with ni, unlike h3m'n nin, preceding the
clause, m'n ni pra ktl *.hbt prba kti 'because it was rain-
ing'; otherwise kh could simply be replaced by the first
sentence. I have not noted a form (ha) nian n 1oh. The
given example is somewhat artificial since, as has been
said, nin is used colloquially and hot only in narratives,
sermons and formal utterances (public speeches, radio).
The following distributional pattern can thus be establish-
ed:

Si I 2 J
S
___ Ikc3hI I I
S
lI-I I
 L349.

4. fii,n l &c.

'Although, though, even (if)' may be expressed by two

particles, one simple and one compound, m.t and txn 1
-6n kbm l' . The latter particle (and its variant) is
complex, like 3 ra?... mkh 'if', where the clause is
embedded between two or three constituents, Sbfl karao
toa hfa kom l ( ?oa cfob hii sea 'although the jour-
ney was long, I am not tired', %n deh h-bm hakh kern l
saik h'ti'? m' a 'althoughhe said so, there wasn't any-
thing (left) at all'. The order of the constituents of
fn. . .knm fe is noteworthy because in other contexts icom
l, following nominal pieces, is reversed in l km, 'also,
too; in addition, as well', N- kh-l-kbm, also in enumer-
ative phrases. The order of the constituents in both con-
texts, kbm-ll-kbm is rigid, and no variation is per-
mitted. nt may be a complex particle and retain its pos-
ition (clause-initial), but then occurs in a different con-
text and changes its meaning, mt k? 'in order to', nit
d'eh t' h sethi ct mip h' seat 'although he is a rich
man, he is not happy at all', mt hwa n 3 ? tak d3 c..?
khh 'although the curry is very salty, it tastes nice'.
 14 50

As with the preceding set, nht is more often used in con-

versation and bbn. . .(kbm) l' is the more formal usage.

As pointed out (p. 44 5), mat may also occur in an idiomatic

context, m't th hak?th 'nevertheless', in pre-clause posi-

tion.

5. Similative.

and its compound-particles ,ji-hamah and ,r-ra intro-

duce a metaphorical or similative expression, 'like, as,

in a manner'. ,ff does not undergo a fundamental change

of meaning, like ni't and mht kb, ? , when occurring with the

second terms hamah and r.a. h.mah may occur by itself as

an autononous verb 'to resemble', and j,-hamah may thus

be defined rather as a 2-term verbal complex h3mah modif y

-ingthe alrm;thesonicludethrn
list of particles is solely made on the basis that can
co-occur with variable classes/word as its second term,
autonomous (hamah), auxiliary (ks?), clitic (ra) and zero

(j), and that the entire compound sequence - although

with the exception of h'mah - is prepositioned and/or clause

initial, subordinating one sentence/clause to another. I

did not collect any example with h.mah and rely on DSii:
kl3 krIp jbhamah ka hk tn tt daik "the canoe sped
like a garfish breasting the water", a sifting of modern
literary texts from Burma will no doubt yield more examples.
In this citation jhmah nevertheless introduces or sub-
 1451.

ordinates a clause, like all other particles of this

class. The only difference is that preferential worder

rules do not apply in this context, and the ensuing sen-

tence (autonomous, kl3b krIp) is prepositioned a highly

unusual pattern in SM, but this may be caused by h'amah

being an autonomous verb. by itself is versatile in
its class-distribution; it may occur both with verbs and

nouns (including nominalized verbs with kbh), but always

preceding the expression of 'manner' (or similative): h3e?

hn'bk n sala 'a house as big as a hall', .h5j tm kh 'as
you know', ,n? hbm k'?h 'as I said; as you said', DSM:
ria kyaik chan s3t t kh ph l th chan hkao ph

!2 "just as the Buddha loved all creatures, so you, too,

should love their neighbours"; je deh khyu peh l khyu
kbm 'write as he does'. Again, the simple particle,
us used colloquially while the compound form ?ra is
used formally.

6. General subordinating particle, m^Y.

Mon has one general clause or sentence subordinating par-

ticle, to be translated as attributive forms (relative

clauses), It is mostly used in literary contexts but

occurs also in sermons and on formal occasions; it may be compar-

ed to Khmer d'ael which fulfills the same function, although

it is distributionally rather different (m&n-cfael 'never',

or when used for emphasis). Its importance for the spoken

language, however, lies in the fact that mi ? occurs in idio-
matic expressions containing p which are used quite fre-
queritly, as poa m ion 'exceedingly', poa m kla 'much,
in quantity' (c p poa mt kla 'he eats a lot'). In
 Zi52.
sermons (Sripuit.3): mhathe sari ? pbt m^..? cn th tao
hakbp nan th hcar3na ket hthh kwah stum hwY kyaik
'. 153 . - -.
kroa koiiii Statistically, the syntagmata m ? tbh and

m^ ? num (apart from p'ba-m? -subordinations) yield the

highest number in texts. Another idiomatic expression,

also used in formal contexts (public speeches), is mi."

ptm (ku) 'beginning with', introducing an enumeration.

7. Temporal particles.

Upon superficial examination, a similarity exists between

kala? i-la ? and such particles as kh and i' ? 'when', 'when,

unitl', respectively. But the former, kala?la?, was

classified previously as a noun whereas the latter pair

is analyzed here as a particle. Again, distributionally,

in most contexts anyway, la and l are interchangeable,
la? ?oa d'ot d'ot.l oa d'ot d'ot icala ttn tao '? kyaik
i? ttrn t kyaik.kh tn tvb kyaik 'when they wor-

ship at the pagoda' (followed by a sentential complement,

say, ... kom hrm d'oa sala '... they assemble at the hail')
The difference, however, is that kala9.la ? are to be regard-

ed as full or autonomous nouns because they may be quanti-

fied, kala? niba oa k'bh 'one day,...', kala2 ma oa pl3n

'a day later,...', in a prepositioned adjunct position (1cala

mba oa k' h t.t kwan 'one day he left the village'). i?i?

and kh cannot be quantified or be followed, and hence nom-

inalized, by k'?h.

Although kh - of which the nominalized form is akh

(kti3 te? kh 'by the/that time...') - is classified in

DSM as nominal (pn.) or verb-subordinating particle (pvs.),

nothing prevents us from grouping it together with lwhich

 1t53.

subordinates clauses; the example Shorto gives, kh kam3e

deh s cfaik lphk 3cI1 "while we are waiting for him,

shall we have some tea?", may equally be analyzed as con-

taining a subordinate clause, kam3e d'eh 'we wait for him',

preceded by the subordinating particle kh. This analysis,

then, is identical with the treatment of l in i? m?i
?j,? 'upon hearing this' followed by a sentential com-

plement, like thea a '...he got angry'. As with the pre-

vious particles, i? and kh especially may be omitted

since they are temporal particles and do not change the

temporal/causal word-order of SM; in fact, sentences like

d'en kmot te ph k3t l'bik ?a 'he lit the lamp, and then

began to study' are more likely to occur in collouqial Mon.

DSM also lists a second gloss for lP, 'till, until', a

meaning I failed to notice (cf. 1kD, in both temporal

and spatial sense, 'as far as; until'.

As kh> kb, so ]' yields derivatives, chl3?i, siP

'when (question particle, q.v.)' and lacho 'sometimes';

DSM suggests the latter to be a contraction of la? (kala?)

and /ch'-/ - whatever its origin -, but it may equally

be a reversed calque of chal3?, and hence ultimately de-

rived from 1?, ? . The registral change is induced by a class

of consonant /ch-/ which control the other (first) register.

Negation.

There is only one particle in SM negating verbal se-

quences, h', in narratives occasionally reduced to a

weak form (or junctural form) /h-/ (h'uim?a 'not to have'

> /hma/). Its phonological development is rather pe-

culiar, corresponding to OM /sak/; only in certain environ-

 454.

ments, SC- > hC-, but always simple initial OM /s-/ =

SM /s-/; vocalism and the change of final /-k/ to SM
/_2/ cannot be explained, either. A 2-term system,

like Malay, does not exist. Nominal pieces may not be

negated, but the negative particle must precede the
"pseudo-copula" sea (even in OM/MM), preferably in
postposition: hakao krk hiI ? seat 'he is not Chinese'.
sean may never occur in an affirmative context, except
in the rhetorical question 'isn't it?', cfeh hkao kr3k
seat ha 'he is Chinese, isn't he?' (similar to Khmer
rit: t'e: t: i). But the occurrence of hti ? sea ha
in exactly the same environment suggests that the form
sea ha is simply an ellipsis - both statements are inter-
changeable, cleh hkao kr3k (hit?) sea ha 'he is Chinese,
isn't he?', even if there is a change in emphasis or im-
plication, or any other pragmatic parameter. Operative
verbs may only be negated by tii which precedes it, d'eh
hh? kl3 'he doesn't come', d'eh hh ? k3lea cao 'he does
not come back'; it the operative verb is part of a verbal
piece containing a modifying verb, auxiliary verb or noun,
positions of it and the preceding negative particle hu
may change and entail a difference in meaning or emphasis.
Thus deh hii? cIak kwi 'he does not go by car/cart', d'eh h't?
s5 63k 'he does not smoke', and d'eh kwi h'ti? dak, d'eh 3k
hi s, or 2-term verbal complexes, as discussed earlier,
hi toik hloib 'not to sleep' and h' ? kli ch 'not to
find it'. If a verbal piece of the type V N is negated
in post-positioning the verb, it is often a contrasting
statement, like cfh hwa? d' hii c 'he (usually) does not
 2455

eat salty dishes (but likes other sorts of sweets)'.

This pattern may also be extended by auxiliaries, deh

ce ? hwa d'z h nan or d'eh hwa? d c h?m'n 'he can-
not eat salty dishes'; the nuance is meaning between the
two positions is difficult to interpret outside any act-
ual discourse. The second pair conforms to patterns

found in other languages, whether cognate (Khmer) or not

(Lahu); if the negative particle extends its scope over

both terms of the verbal piece, hi ' V1 V2 (hit? kill Ch3),

the entire act or action has not been attempted ('I did

not (even) look for it') whereas if only the second term
is negated (kill h ch3), an attempt has been made, but
failed and entails the meaning of inability ('I did look

for it, but could not find it'). The negative particle
itself, Fct1 ? , may, however, never change its position re-

lative to the main verb, it always precedes It whatever

the position of h't ? V in the sentence, unless, of course,

auxiliaries occur and hence the auxiliary, whatever its

position relative to the main verb, is negated. Stative

verb may occasionally be negated as well by hti ? in pre-

position to the verb; in some cases, it is idiomatic us-

age: h'ti? khh 'it's not/no good' occurs, quite on the
contrary, frequently in conversation. hkt hi
sn 'his behaviour Is bad' (san 'to be good, proper
(ethical sense)'), r h'ii? khbh 'your speech is incorrect'.

hIP, in both cases, may never precede the nominal piece

N V (hkt soni-'ar khbh).

Although the second type of negation, h? seaj 'not

to be (the case that)' is most frequently used for negat-

 L56.

ing stative verbs (khth hi? seat 'it isn't good') or

t'bh 'to be', it seems to apply rather to the sentence
level (statement or enonce) than to the verbal piece.
Evidence is to be adduced from extensive contexts, like
dialogues: a d' ha 'are we going to town then?' - hi?
seab mia nhi c3k 'no, we'll wait for Nai Chok' (or,
alternatively, hti? seai ; h? Pa manE.m). h sea here
negates the preceding statement which incorporates an op-
erative verb, ?a 'to go'; negation not referring to the
sentence, but to the operative verb itself, would simply
read h ?a d. In this environment, h'iI sea cannot
directly combine with any operative verb, **?a h.? sean
seab ?a. If a stative verb is negated by hi sea
it must precede the negative piece or complex, ye ht?
sea 'it is not pretty', d'at hi? sea 'it's not sweet',
k.rem hI ? se 'it's not old'.

In contradistinction to this distributional rule (post-

position of negation with stative verbs), hti ? seat may be
found, occasionally, in medial position, between two nom-
inal terms, or, alternatively, in final position, if neg-
ating t'ih 'to be in a state of': cfeh k?h th sem 'he's
Thai', deh kh h11? seat sem - deh kh sem h1 ? sea 'he is
not (a) Thai)'. Nevertheless, the interpretation of neg-
ation here remains ambivalent:
(i) d'eh kh sem h'ii ? seab
(ii) d'eh kh sem h'ti? seat

Does ht ? seab refer to an equational statement (A=B) as in

(ii) d'eh koh sem 'he is Thai', equivalent to cteh kh tbh
sem (assuming an underlying pattern like kon sem ('person',
 1i57

'Thai'), and kon, as a head-noun, thus nominalizing sem

'to be Thai', a stative verb)

cfeh k'bh kon sem1t-d'eh kh th kon sem

deh kh kon sem hti sea

or simply to the noun, parallel to the negation of nm,

kwai hti? mba 'there are no cakes (left)'. A solution

might be to assume various functions of h sean: As a

complex negative to the affirmative verb t?th, as hi m?a
is to ntirn (with the exception that in no conceivably con-

text may nim ever be directly negated), secondly, as a

discourse marker, rejecting or contradicting a proposition

or assertion (browsing through manuscripts, ?i?n,? kbh
s3t c'kt ha 'is this a Jtaka?' - h sea nIt.n mn 'no,
it's a Mon story'), and thirdly, used adverbially, negat-

ing a verbal piece including, predominantly, stative verbs

hnbk h' ? seat 'it is not large', k'tao hi? sea' 'it is not

hot', kl Cb hi? sea 'he did not arrive' (or hil ? cp

kla (nm) 'he did not arrive (yet)'). The latter pattern

may be extended, the position (as in the adverbial function)

retained - sentence-final -, to include nouns, sp sala

te?kh j hnk h' i? sea 'that hail is not (very) large',

d'aik ktao h ? sean 'the water is not hot'. That h't ? sea

may not simply refer to any nominal piece, is proven by

kh, if moved into a different position, postverbal, like

sbp sala k' h hnbk hi? seai and, grammatically unacceptable,
** jp sala hnok koh hur seai.

If an auxiliary verb occurs together with a (main)

verb, it is always the auxiliary which is directly negated

by h; since auxiliaries may change their position relative

 Z58.

to the main verb, it is clear that the negation bears

on the auxiliary and not the main verb, h? AUX V and

V h'ti AUX, as in lIp kl3 hti? k? 'could not come in',

h i? ki ? lip kl3,, l'bik mn h l' p 'he is illiterate in

Mon', hI? k3. hman d'eh 'I did not ask him'.

In addition to the possibility of negating stative

verbs by prepositioning h (instead of postpositioning
h'ii? seai), there is a peculiar idiomatic use of justa-

posing an affirmative and a negative verbal piece - pre-

sumably a caique on Thai -' like d'ob h1 ? do 'are you
tired, or not?', c? khoh hti? khbh 'does it taste nice

(or not)?'. This pattern is similar to the one reported

by Shorto for Burma, only that here the negative particle

hi? is replaced by l - in all other contexts reserved

for nouns or clauses - corresponding to a negative in Eng-

list: ket le ket 'whether you take it or not (take it or

leave it)', a pattern directly caiqued upon Burmese. The

remarkable difference between the two types of caique is

that in Thailand negation is overtly marked by ht? whereas

in Burma it is merely logically entailed - if one inter-

prets l as being similar to 'if' -usage, kl3b l k13

'i you come, then come (if not, don't)'.

The use of the negative particle does restrict the

co-occurrence of other particles, and some auxiliaries

take a complementary set of terms whenever negated. Thus

raP and not, the modal particles (categorically assertive

and hypothetically assertive, respectively) may not be

combined with h 'ti? (the prohibitive ! follows a different

rule), and nL.m 'still, yet' and l.h lIh klah klah 'nega-
tive intensifiers' may only occur in a negated sentence

(man.m, again, combines only in an affirmative statement,

but not with hti? ), hii? tm n.m 'I do not know yet', h1j?

kion c,,? l.h lh 'he does not work at all'. Another

means of intensifying the negation is by prepositioning

rao to the negative particle h followed by a verbal
piece (operative verbs), ?oa rao h i? tm 'I do not know

at all', or as part of a correlative pattern, exception-

ally preceding (or following) a verb, DSM: pbh rao p '?th h'
ip khyu rao khyu hti ? lp "he can neither read nor
write", 1mm rao hi? k he cann't speak it (Mon &c.)'.
The origin of this use of rao, homophonous with the rela-
tive question particle rao, is obscure, but exhibits the

perturbations that have taken place in the Mon negation-

system; O /yo/ MM /ro/ SM /rao/ - OM to MM rhotacism un-

explained, but possible a phonological back-formation as-

suming the OM form to be a yotacism, like Burmese /r- />

/y-/, OM /r-/ MM /r-/, hence the phonological OM /y-/

taken as orthography corresponding to a phonological /r-/

in Mon; OM /y-/MM /r-/ is not a regular sound-shift

Hence the SM unnatural register - had two distinct functions

in OM, one, like SM, of marking relative questions, the

other of marking emphatic (affirmative) statements; in

OM not negative occurrences are attested. This process

from affirmative to negative is similar, though in reverse,

to the OM negative particle /kah/, with its weak form /k/,

which in SM, after reborrowing from Burmese, does not occur

in any affirmative contexts, and operates as a quasi-auxil-

iary, very much like hu seat, ji hul seas 'not a little

(bit)', rbm h ka? (DSM, not noted in Thailand) 'there is

 160.

enough'. OM had a 2-term system of negation /kah/../k/

and /sak/. Both may negate verbs, and may combine to
/kah sak/ 'to lack, be without', preceded by a nominal
piece, although /sak/ by itself is attested as preced-
ing a noun, /sak ht/ 'without cause'; by MM (EB XII.C),
however, the system shifted and /kah sak/ was already
being replaced by /hemoy/ (/ha/ as a MM weak form of the
MM reflex of OM /sak/), /cfaik h moy/ 'there was no water'.
By that stage (EB XII.G), a further shift had taken place,
to /ha se j (k)/ 'not to be' which in OM was simply /sak/,
followed by a verb, /sak ds/ 'not to be'. The shift from
OM /kah sak/ to SM /h'ti? mba/ 'not to have, to lack' (cor-
responding to the affirmative niim (OM /nom/)) cannot be
explained, except as a replacement of one form to prevent
the reborrowing of another having a grammatical function.

Ambivalent as the status of hti? sea as regards its

syntactic scope (negating statements and/or nouns) may be,
the corresponding negative term of nbin occurs exclusively
with nouns or extended nominal pieces. hti ? m'?a also ex-
poses a trace of numerals to be analyzed rather as verbs
- apart from OM numerals functioning as bases for nominal
derivations - than nouns. In discourse-contexts, hi? mba,
like hi? seab, serves mostly as a brief reply to questions
of existence/possession, p nim nb'j ha - hti? ma 'is there
any rice left?' - 'no (there isn't)'. As with hi ? sea,
hu moa is usually relegated to a sentence-final position
p hI? ma 'there is no rice', sn h'ti? m'?a 'I have no
money', cfaik s h? ma 'there is no drinking water', ma
salk h ma 'there is not anything'. h'i? ma may also
be preceded by a sequence of double subject, such as n'i
 1t61.

chc.l&p kon h i ? m' a 'Nai Chaelep has no children'. A

sequence of a split S-S is highly unnatural, and I have

never heard it in conversation.

SM has only one prohibitive particle, 'do nOt!',

followed by any operative verb, Phonologically it is a
merger of LM lapa"lpa and LM pa /pa?/, the device for

verbalizing nouns where no derivations exists (htao 're-

sidence &c pa? h'tao 'to reside') 'to do' as a full

verb, and the prohibitive particle. No confusion in the

use of either has ever been noted, and indeed quite often
both co-occur, as in pa? pa? hkh ra ? 'don't do it that

way!' (pa? hakh 'do it like this'). Such a particle is

attested since MM as a contraction of an earlier simple

prohibitory particle OM /lah/ and the verb /pa9/ 'to do,

perform (an act of)'. The given example is significant

in that it documents the combination of a negative particle,

p, and the final particle ra?; this
leads us to assume that ra? may be rather defined as an as-

sertive particle than an affirmative. Co-occurrence of any

negative particle, h or with the hypothetical moda.l
has never been recorded. Although some restrictions

exist in OM as regards the use of the hypothetical prefix

<s- in negated contexts, it does occur in the texts (like

/sak sds/ 'shall not be',-'- /ds/ 'to be', /sak/ 'negative
particle').

If m'ba is used as a numeral, of course, it occurs in an

affirmative context niim m? ciP rao nim ma 'how many

are there (left)? - one', and seat may occur without its

preceding negative particle h, h9wa n n'lim pha mn

psn sea ha 'in this district, there are five Mon mon-
 L462.

asteries, aren't there?', hoe mi kr3p kb silo hi ? sean

ha 'your house is near the cement silo, isn't it?'. A
rule could be specified whereby a non-negated sean must

be followed by the absolute question particle ha. In

such contexts, hh may precede sea's, but is not obligatory.

The use and distribution of negation is tabulated on the

following page (p.&63).15
 463.
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 Z6Zs.

Questions.

The two main types of question-

particles to be distinguished are 'absotute' and

relative' questions .
The absolute question-particle, ha,
in sentence-final position, sollicites a 'yes/no'-

answer in terms of an English equivalent, even though

no formal acknowledgment is made in Mon when answering

questions of this type, except perhaps utterances at a

subphonological level, like /?3/ for agreement or

consent (in Burma /y/, influenced, no doubt, by

English usage), and hX sea as a rejection or contra-

diction of a proposition.
Particles of reply, as in Thai or Khmer,

do not exist in Mon.

rao belongs to the second type,

the relative question, and is also sentence-final, but

combining with a certain set of question-words. Neither

particle may combine with the other in any context;

ha may never be omitted from a question - otherwise

it would result merely in a statement or assertion, and

in this sense final ha forms questions -, but rao may

in many colloquial situations (although the usage of

dropping rao is discouraged for those who learn to

speak Mon). Thus the question "how are you?" is

Pa lb or even Pa lb (Iwhere are you going?', similar

to Thai, Khmer or Burmese), instead of the standard

form ?a ilb rao, or kL n1 lb (where, however, the

syntactic constraint is more apparent by the use of

and Bib, na ib, 'where are you coming from?').

 1465.

In the following relative questions

rao may be omitted

kb hQke m 2 ci 2 rao 'how much did you pay?'

kwan n he nm m ci2 rao 'how many houses are there in

this village?'
but not in
ph.a n kyaik nim m ci hakao rao 'how many monks are
there in this monastery?'

- not because of the classifier in final position, but

simply because the omission of rao would be impolite.

Both question-particles, ha and rao,

are the only absolutely final particles in any sentence

structure; raP, no and te may be interpreted in a

different way than we did here, but the distributional

rules of ha - rao are never violated in this respect in

the dialects I am acquainted with. As for ha, this is

at variance with Shorto's findings in contexts like

mi ha 1 'is it your mother that gets it?', kok nih teP

ha kok nih fl 3? ha 'will you take that man or this one?'

where ha plays a role somewhat similar to k?,h in topicalizing

a nominal piece on the one hand, and supplements a

function of an alternative question like Khmer r.t: 'or'

on the other. Examples calqued on Shorto's data were

outright rejected in all villages, and ha was only

accepted when sentence-final in position.

Question-intonation.
Five variables may be set up for

intonation systems:
 466.

- pitch height
- pitch range
- intensity/stress
- tempo
- rhythm
Not all parameters can be taken into account here, tempo

and rhythm 'would be dealt 'with in an ulterior study.

Mrs Jacob distinguishes for Khmer two pitch contours

with various ranges (1968.58, 61),

- rising from mid to high level (")

for questions (rct: t:, ta:, rat:)
- rising from low to mid level (,)
for statements

- steep fall to low level (\)

for statements.

Spoken Mon question intonation

systems are complicated by several factors:

- difference of some exponents of register
- optional marking of relative questions (rao-type)
- lack of phonologically distinctive vowel quantity
- phonologically distinctive stress-shift in the Western
dialects, jih-kch-type ('they; any' / 'who?').

Correlations and interactions of these

factors cannot be discussed here, but the following main

features relevant for marking questions should be set up:

The distributional distinction between absolute and relative

questions, ha rao, correlates with a difference in

156
the intonation pattern, as shown on the following page

(p. 467). If' rao is omitted from relative questions,

the pitch may behave in different 'ways; in kb m ci'

hake 'how much did you pay (for it)?' the pitch is
falling, as with statements in general which are not
 1167.

Expon.nt Absolut. Qusation R.lstiv. Qu.stion

pitch: contour rising fs 1 ling

h.igbt id-high (I) high-low (\)

vow.1 quantity short.niDg 1.ngth.ning

S ti...

s.condary pri..ry

closed by ra p . If, however, the final element in a

sentence is a relative question-word, like h3lb lb a- ib,

the pitch is rising, from low to mid, or even to high

level. Thus we obtain

?a lb rao (\)
Pa (F) ,- (/).
This pattern is restricted to -1-

questions. Colloquial questions like yk m? ci?

'how old are you?' follow the intonation for statements,

with a falling pitch.
Stress and intonation have led,

in the Eastern dialects, to a further phonological dis-

tinction of kh in questions: In Burma Mon, .1h-kh,

with primary stress on the first word sh, refers to

a determined noun ('the people, person; he, they; any

(one who...)'), with primary stress on the second word,

the clitic kh, to the relative question-marker 'who?'.

In Thailand, this postpositioning of stress and the re-

tention of pitch-height and -range assigned to rao

(which, in these contexts, was omitted) resulted in

a phonological distinction between ks3h / k.,e ( koh

('clitic, determiner' / 'question-word'),

 Z68.

,^h-kch (') jh-ke (\)

m-kh (') m-ke (\)

It is interesting to note that Shorto does not mention

in DSM ke-forms, nor refers to any question-word

/m P kh/; Halliday (MED 1922.359) lists the phrase

/m kh rao/ LM mu gai ro (being synonymous with

LM mu ro /m 2 rao/, the latter listed in DSM), and this

suggests either that a vestigial form from literary

Mon has been retained in the Thailand dialects (since

much of Halliday's material is based on classical texts)

or that a spoken Mon form has not been retained in the

Burma dialects (again, Halliday did extensive work in

Thailand, and the preface to the dietionary is signed

at Nakhorn Pathom). I have not heard k3e in questions

combined with rao in final position, as DSM ,n^.h-kh

rao 'who is that?', MED mt P-kh rao 'what is that?', but

only the forms given above.
Pitch in Mon can have a more extensiye

range and types of contours since pitch is not lexically

contrastive. On the other hand, the fixed intonation

system for both types of question, ha () and rao (\),

or rather the absence of a dynamic type, as for instance

in English, might be ascribed to the fact that SM

is surrounded by tonal languages with a fixed system.157

Illustrations to intonation in

questions are shown on the following page (p. Z 69); four

types are set up, absolute and relative questions (i. and

ii.), a zero-type (iii. where rao is omitted), and

the patterns in short questions and reply.

 C-
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'4 .0 .01 A A. l .41 .41 P1
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 470.

Absolute questions.

Syntactically, no changes in the sentence pattern have to

be made to transform a declarative sentence into an absolute

question, apart from adding the particle ha in final position.

 471.

?a d, 'to go to town', 9a cI 3 ha 'are you going to town?,

Pa d' km ha 'are you going to town, too?', chim t.t 'it's

bleeding', chim tt ha 'is it bleeding?'. Final particles

in declarative sentences are unaffected and precede ha in

an absolute question ?a ra? 'I'm going', ?a ra ha 'are

you going/is he gone?', hum ctaik t3e ra? ha 'have you had

your bath?' - hum d'aik toe ra 'I had a bath (already)'.

No negative occurrence of ha (combined in a negated declar-

ative sentence) has been recorded. No Combination with no

either.

The corresponding OM form of ha is OM /a/, a clitic,

immediately following the last term of a declarative sen-

tence; orthographically, the last consonant of that word

is reduplicated followed by the long vowel graph a, indi-

cating a juncture. No shift in word order is attested in

the two instances recorded in the epigraphs.

Relative questions.

As mentioned, the relative question particle rao, always

in final position, may, in very colloquial, or idiomatic,

forms be ommitted; the question is then 'expressed' by

intonation (since rao has no falling-rising intonation,

like German or English question formation) and the reten-

tion of the question-word. The question-word itself may

never be omitted; in idioms it may directly combine with

the relative question particle, like m^ rao 'what is it)',

rao 'who is it?', ? i? lb (kh) rao 'which (one) is

it?'.
 472.

Question words can be divided into bases, simple

forms and clitics and affixes. As clitics occur:

-kbh

-lb
- C

and as affixes -,, i-> and ch-> . nib? and .r.h can
only be described as simple forms (not to be confused with
bases properly speaking). m?, however, may occur by it-

self, or combined with ci ? while ..r.h commands the clitic

koh. lb may be attached to any noun, or function as a

base to occur with the affixial series indicated above and

with m (m? ib). Four main different functions can be

distinguished, corresponding to English 'who?', 'when?',

'where?', 'what/which/why/how much?'.

1. 'who?'.

The question-word corresponding to English 'who?' is SM

tcIh-k?h. In some contexts (mainly negative, preceding a

negated verbal piece) it means 'anyone t , in still other
'he, they; the persons who...' where k'bh merely serves as

a noun determiner (h3e? k ' h 'the house', he m?a 'a house;

one house', Jh koh 'the person (who)', Jch moa 'someone;

one person (who)'). In Burma the difference between those

two (or three, if negation is taken into account) uses is

marked by a shift in stress, the only one which is lexically

distinctive in SM. If the primary stress is placed on the

first syllable, /, ph'koh/, k^h determines the noun

if the primary stress shifts to the second syllable, and

the secondary stress to the first syllable, /'rh ,k' h/ it

is the question-word 'who?'. Ambiguities of this sort

arise, of course, only if the final particle rao is omit-

ted. In the Thailand dialects no lexically distinctive

stress pattern was observed, but such
a stress placement may have been the cause for a lexically
distinctive diphthongization which induced analogical

levelling in other cases: jh-koh shows the same stress

placement as in Burma Mon, /,jh 'kh/ when kh simply

determines y .h as a noun 'he, they, &c.'; it is diphthon -

gized to /Ji.h ke/ as a question-word 'who?'. Phonetic

spellings are in accordance with this fact (and absolutely

consistent in their distinction), ah go instead of ah

goh for LM. In analogy /Pi?k'bh/ 'that' corresponds in the

Thai dialects of Mon to / ? i? k3e/ even though no two forms

/lexically distinctive) of ?i?kbh occur in the lexicon.

Occasionally, h.h-kh 'he, they &c. is spelt phonetically

as ah ko'ah ka'. In questions, j h-kbh occurs in initial

position of the sequence, ,h-kbh rao 'who is it?', j'h-k?th

p kl 'who arrived?', subordinate clauses not containing

the question, word are protracted, oa yh Pa d3b

k'bh ?a kbm rao 'if you go to town tomorrow, who will accom-

pany you?', j,^h-kh mb nP rao 'who lives here?'.

2. 'when?'.

The question-word for 'when?' shows considerable variation

and dialect admixture in all communities; DSM transcribes

it as /chl2/ containing the simple form l?'P 'when (de-

clarative)' and a minor syllable of obscrue origin (cf.

/lcho/ 'sometimes'); in Thailand variation affects the

initial (spirantization, as a Burmese intrusion or a Thai

caique of another particle, via Khmer, possibly Chinese)

 Z474

and register. I noted the following forms: /chl? ? / (only

twice. during a stay of 10 months), /cha1 9 /, /salo?/

and /tI l?/ (which may be described as Thai standard

dialect forms, recognized everywhere, except Lamphun),

and its variants /tilo? ti? lz ?/. The spirantization of

the initial might be an influence from Burmese, /c-/ .

/s-/, /ch-/ > /hs-/, only that in SM /ch-/> / 5 -1 voiceless-

ness is retained, in analogy (Ko Kret) to /chappya/ (DSM)
'soap' ' dial. /sappya/, /chth?/ > dial. /sl?/. The

variants /tIl//t'I 1?/ (and registral variants, common

to loans), probably - this is by no means certain - incor-

porate the Thai particle ti: (which serves to introduce

relative clauses, somewhat similar to LM m, or nominalizes

spatio-temporal verbs, such as t:-yi: 'address'('place',

'to be situated (at)'). Jenrier/Pou claim this to be ultim-

ately a Chinese loan; it is a Khmer/Thai contact word.

Cb chl 'at what time will we arrive?', chl3 2 m
k1ea d'3 Pjkrit rao 'when will you return to England?'.

Word-order depends entirely on the syntactic type: If only

a single verb is used, ch13? may occur in either position,

cp ch?l3?chl3? cbp; preferential order protracts the

verbal piece, cbp lpurI chlD? 'when will we get to

Lopburi?'. If rao occurs, ch313 ? may be relegated either

to the sentence-initial position, as above, or precede dir-

ectly rao, h sa pt3n pha tun chl' rao 'when was it

they built Bamboo Monastery?', tk p ' m n3? chlz, rao 'when

was this photograph taken?'.

3. lb- questions.

Two types of lb-questions are recognized, those attached to

 1475

nouns (including the noun-particle nti) and those incor-

porating one of the When af-
fixed to th, the prefixes <s-> and <'i->retain their
value, locative and demonstrative, lb, 'where' ?i?lb
'which (one, out of a selection)?', corresponding to the

set, used in replies, an3?-'te? 'here, there', ? j?fl?,v

? ite? i. ? i ? k?h 'this, that'. Syntax and morphology inter-

act: lb is not used in a directional sense, except as in

a lb rao 'where are you going (to)?' (and even this

instance exhibits uncertainty in the use of the prefix<-.,

?a lb rao); thusib is directly attached to ni when refer-

ring to 'where (from)?', like nouns in general, heP lb

'which house?': klsi n'i lb rao 'where are you coming from?'.
In a question/answer pair, l is the variable and to be
replaced by a noun (and the deletion of the question particle
rao) klan ni an ph (now)'. It may also operate in indir-
ect questions, al &eh m j oa h tm 'where he lives, I
do not know', aib c? l cleh I 'u kh 'where he had put it
he did not say'. The use of i?lb is similar; i?lb kbh rao
'which one, is it?, h3e? mi ?i?lb (rao). Again, the word-

order is remarkably free: i?lb may precede the verb or

noun or follow it. th ct ?i?l rao 'which one do you

like (prefer)?', are mon kb are sem ri l wat rao (which

language is more difficult, Mon or Thai?' (but cf. the ab-

solute question ar mn w't n'ti ar sem ha 'is Mon more dif-

ficult than Thai?'). ami m? h3e? l rao 'which house do

you live in?', ph lip l? hakom lb rao 'which association

have you joined?' (U Wayama 1957.497). Sentence-final par-
ticles in relative questions can co-occur, preceding

thus distributionally similar to ha (in this respect), such

 476.

as ?a 3lb n&m rao 'where are you going? (if you went some-
where before, as I know)'. hlt is the most complex

question-word of this group and may mean, according to con-

text, 'how, what' and, if combined with mb? 'why'. Simple

usage includes ym hlb (rao) 'what is you name', kok

hlb (rao) 'what is it called?'.

DSM: cs? tba h1 rao "how do you eat

sessamum?"; if used in indirect questions, it behaves syn-

tactically exactly like alo and ?i?Th, as noted above, pre-

ceding the subordinate clause and the main clause, hlb

kh ymi? oa h11? tE.m ' what they call it I do not

know', again, the particle rao is omitted in the indirect

question. Combined with m, Imlb comes to mean 'why',
m? pa? h]o. There is some dialectal confusion in its use

in Thailand due to Thai tham aray / thammay 'what are you

doing?' and 'why?', its contracted form. Thus SM pa hal

may simple mean 'what are you doing (there, at present)?'

and, at the same time, 'why?'; in the latter case, however,

the sequence pa hli rao is preceded by a subordinate clause

a cf kk pa? hlb rao 'why are you going to Bangkok?',

more appropriately glossed as 'to go to Bangkok for what

purpose', being, of course, the verb 'to do, act, pre-

form'. Finally, frot lo and hl' j lb refer to questions of

degree and extent.

4. m'b?- questions.

As noted, m? may combine directly with the question particle

rao, m'? ? rao 'what is it?', i?k?h m^ ? rao 'what is this?',

or with a clitic, ci?, m? ci ? 'how much/many?'. It may

precede nouns or verbs, and the closure of the question by

 477.

rao is, as with other relative questions optional: m?

salk rao 'what sort of?', 2 mk? fan rao 'what do you
ni'o

want to buy?', m'? ? hwa 'what kind of curry?', m?? kwaiv

'what kind of cakes are they?' mYk hkao m kion c?

rao 'what is your father's profession?. (kion cc? 'to do

for a living'). Also in indirect questions (DSM: m cfeh

klon ?oa h tcm "I do not know what he is doing'; mb?
prao d'eh hm oa hti ? t..m 'what they were talking about

I do not know'), the protraction of m? is obligatory

corresponding to a change in word-order in replies d'eh hbm

parao krao d'3 hm^a 'they were talking about the journey
to Burma', m? hwa? - hwa? dat 'mild curry', m salk
rao 'which colour was it?' - salk tho '(it was) golden'.

The clitic ci'? cannot be traced to OM/MM. Shorto

does not connect ci? in m? ci ? and ci ? cum 'to be complete'

(DSM), although both occur in expressions of quantity.

The position of m? ci? is, again, variable (as distinct

from m? occurring by itself): mb? ci ? kl? '(for) how

long (duration)?', k? m?a htao? m? ci ? (rao) (or: m'ba

htao? k m? ci ? (hake) (raofl 'how much (salary) do you

get a month?', cap m? ci ? ncfi 'at what time (hour) will

we arrive?, yk m? ci' hnam 'how old are you?', c'bh k?

rnb ? ci? oa rao (U Wayama 1957.397) 'for how many days

have you had the fever?'. hba ttt hl m? ci? rao 'how

far is it?' ky nim m? ci? rao 'how much does it weigh?'

h'yh 61 k m ci rao 'how deep is the river?' Thailand:

ci. P m? k?h 'what are you eating?'.

 L478.

The usage of expressions for 'how' and 'why' in

Mon is overlapping, just like 'when, if', and the use of

the consequential (hat &c.) which is semantically ambig-

uous (an event is the cause for another to happen, or

that event is the result of a previous action). DSM

gives m'b? pa? h3lb (where I take to be the verb 'to

do, act, perform &c.') and m'b? t?th hlb, but as I have in-

dicated above, pa? hlo by itself seems, in the varieties

spoken in Thailand, the prevalent form, caiqued on Thai

thammay, mak ? ?a kwan k3? kret pa? halb 'why do you want
to go to Ko Kret?', m'?? pa? hlb cfeh hii? cap ne..m rao 'why

hasn't he turned up yet?'. The question-word appears in

adjunct position without affecting the structure of the

dependent sentence.

Word-order.

Due to being exposed, throughout its documented his-

tory, to two totally different types of languages as re-

gards their word-order, Burmese as verb-final and Thai/Khmer

as object-final, Mon, especially the pre-modern languages,

but also to some degree the modern literary language as

published in magazines in Burma today, shows traces of a

variable type, verb-final and object-final, and, super-

ficially at least, a less rigid ordering of adjuncts than

Thai/Khmer. At present, one cannot safely say whether Mon

syntax is actually more conservative with respect to a

putative Mon-Khmer-syntax or whether variation in ordering

of the constituents is entirely due to language-contact.

We may distinguish two sentence-types, simple and

complex; complex sentences involve subordination, para-

 479.

tactic or correlative constructions; some sentences have

an ambivalent status, like hb ? sea negation types which,

however, are classified here as simple sentences similar

to postpositioned/auxiliaries.

Simple sentences.

A simple sentence may consist of a single verbal piece,

that is one verb, stative or intransitive. If three verb-

classes are distinguish, stative and operative (transitive

and intransitive), only one occurs without any overt sub-

ject-reference as a sentence or clause. Thus khbh, for

instance, may be an exclamation or declarative sentence,

'it is good', Good!'; a noun may precede any stative verb,

d'eh (kh)khh, 'it is good', t hl 'a high hill', the

hill is high',, an ambiguity which was discussed earlier.

Stative verbs may also occur in final position relative to

a verbal piece, as kwaik pr3h pr3h 'he walks fast',

khoh 'he speaks (it) well'. No stative verb precedes

any other verb (except in a compound verb).

Any operative intransitive verb must follow a noun

functioning as a subject, dop k'i''-dp ?oa k' 'he/I have

got a head-ache' ('the head hurts'), klb ki 'the dog is

barking'; the order of categories is identical to the pre-

vious one, a noun followed by a verb, hwa d'.3, 'salty

curry', hcem p 'the bird is flying', only that operative

verbs cannot occur adverbially.

Transitive (operative) verbs command a rigid order

as in Khmer or Thai, the noun functioning as grammatical

subject preceding the verb and the direct object following it:
 Z80.

Subj. V Obj.

SM m k p I t

Khmer Popk vav ceo 'tether hite the thief'

SM pp1,t tck _______

Khmer ceo vav PopiXk 'the thief hit. fether'

No change in the order of the constitutents is permitted

except that in N-V-N the nouns may be interchanged (p13t,
mI,',k), but the grammatical function of the fixed posit-

ions retained: Subj. -V-Obj. Equational sentences follow

this pattern, deh 1 ' bh th ca s 'he is a doctor', but the

terms may not be reversed and yield a non-sensical identi-

fication. num shows some confusion, again by influence

through Thai. The grammatically acceptable pattern is iden-

tical with the ones given above, hwa d' and kib ki, so
3 P3 n'im 'there is (some) rice' or with a double subject con-
struction ?oa kon p3e? n'tim 'I have three children'. The

subject may never occur on final sentence position, unlike

in some contexts in OM, such as /ma sak tim trla 2 / 'which

their masters do not know' (DMI.354). Mrs Jacob disting-

uished for Khmer a separate sentence-form consisting of Subj.

-V followed by a destination; Mon and Khmer converge on this

point, too: The movement away from the speaker is not overtly
marked, but contained in the verb itself 'to gi to' ?a

tYu while the movement towards the speaker combines a direc-

tion all verb and a noun-particle, nhi4'pj

Subj. V Compi.

SM oa Pa yhva
)Oimer 'I go to the market'

SM Poe p
Khmer m:k 'I corn, from th. monastery'
 li81.

The order of the constituents of the sentence may not be

changed in any context. The adjunct may in other contexts
change its position and be relegated to the end, Jh phyih
k3rnmthan oa yI.h. In the case of an indirect object, l?tik
pr&, the controlling sentence, Poa kb 'I let', may not
change its position, but must precede the sentence containing
the indirect object, d'eh khyu l'bik pr.t . All other positional
rules are stated in their respective sections (on particles
&c.).

Complex sentences.

Complex sentences involve either subordination, paratactic con-

structions and correlations or one or more adjuncts in promin-
ence or non-prominence-position.

A simple Mon sentence consisting of subject, verb and object

or location or time may show two linear patterns; the sequence
just described, cfeh hni m'?n k? 'he can speak Mon',
d'j lpBurI boa cn 'we shall arrive in Lopburi on Mondayt,
deh hi kea a c133 hma 'he has never been to Burma'. Theo-
retically either subject or object (or location/time) may be
determined by k?h, but in some cases lexical restrictions apply
so that it is unlikely to produce a sentence like cfeh 1mm
mbn k?th (ks ? ). In all other listed cases k?th may determine
either the subject or the term postpositioned. In none of
these instances is special emphasis given, be it by inton-
ation-features or by positioning; this Is thus assumed to be
a non-prominence word-order. Syntactically various wasy ex-
ist to place special emphasis on the term which appears in
 82.

the postposition (usually a direct object); if emphasis is

given to the fact that he is able to speak Mon besides other

languages, the sentence could be rendered as deh horn ar

nbn km 'he speaks Mon as well', although this dose not en-

tail a special emphasis on the 'object' even If the placing

of kDm is accompanied by an intensity-stress and level-falling/

high-falling intonation. In mn k^h hbm km the object Is
moved forward and given prominence or emphasis, 'it is Mon he

speaks (in addition to other languages)'. It should be pointed

out that in this particular example hnm may not occur by it-
self, but only followed by some particle or auxiliary, like
kbm, l' p,kV. A sequence consisting only of a verb and object

may not be transformed into prepositioning the object even

with overt subject marking; thus deh pre lik nP 'he sent
this letter' is unlikely to be accepted, outside a specific
context, in its prepositioned form lik n 3 ? d'eh pre.. If
however, the sentence is extended by an adjunct, say a bene-

factive, cfeh pr& l?ik n? kb Poa 'he sent this letter to mel
he sent me this letter' may be - in most contexts actually is
- moved forward to lik n? cfeh pr kb oa. The direct
object, l'?ik n3?, may not occupy any other position nor may

the adjunct move. When no object occurs, but a verbal piece

incorporating any auxiliary, the adjunct may move freely,

postpositloned, if non-prominent, non-emphatic, and preposi-

tioned if prominent/emphatic: kl3 h'i? ki ? oa n? 'he can-

not come today' and oa n? ; kl3 ht i? kb ? . If performatives

are used, the function as further adjuncts either following

the sequence or immediately preceding it; four permutations

are acceptable:
 1183.

(i)
4
aeh kth
S.
oa n,? kl hi? ?
(ii) deh k.h kl3b h k? joa n?
(iii) oa n,? kl3 h.i? kV deh kh
(iv) kl3 hii k53? oa n? cfeh kIh
'he said, he couldn't come today'.

Within such an extended sequence the first adjunct, P)oa

nz?, may still move freely. Movement of the first adjunct

is not restricted if occurring in a subordinate clause; it

may, however, not be transferred to the main clause:

n3? ; ?a mak^.h oa yh cop no'i 'if you go today, you will
arrive (there) tomorrow' where oa n3? may be moved following

the verb, ?a oa n? mk' h '. In this environment, this

is acceptable since no direct object occurs, oa n 3 ? ?aA.'a

oa fl3? 'to go today'. In the following, the direct object may

be prepositioned if no adjunct co-occurs: 1eh hu_kea at

kon h1aa 'he has never seen a foreigner' and kon hil^.a deh

htt? kea ,t. Equally, an adjunct may move freely ?oa kea
5- 55 5. S.
cp d hm.a moa leh'. moa leh ?oa keai3 cp cf., hm&a

'I have been to Burma once/on one occasion'; if a direct ob-

ject and an adjunct co-occur, movement is restricted: The

direct ob.lect must occu p y the initial-sentence p osition while

the adjunct may move freely within the dependent clause, nih

n m'?a lh hi? keai .rht and n'lh h kea ,'t

ma lh 'I have never seen this man (before). It may be

argued that since nih the direct object, must occur in

such an environment, the prominence position, no difference

can be made between emphatic and non-emphatic statements;

but this role is fulfilled by the addition of m?a lh 'once'

('one', 'time, occasion' which might be glossed as '(not)

 L84.

even once').

On previous occasions, reference has been made to

'preferential word-order' as distinct from rigid word-

order: Rigid ordering applies, for instance, to quanti-

fiers for persons, the numeral always following ..n.h (p

jh Ba 'both of us', kon w'iit j,h heph 'seven virgins')

or the negation of a verbal piece containing an auxiliary

where always the auxiliary is directly negated. Preferen-

tial word-order applies to cases which permit two or more

possibilities of positioning; it is characteristic for Mon

to protract all adjuncts of time, location or deixis. Per-

formatives, on the contrary, follow the main sentence, as

afterthought, but may, in specific contexts, precede it.

A subordinate clause always precedes the main clause/sentence.

In yet other contexts, the protraction of the adjunct may
be accompanied by a physical gesture, as th cbt ha
'do you like this one?' as the neutral for and ?j?fl3? t^.h

cbt ha by pointing to the object one is referring to.

To summarize briefly: We may distinguish two fundamental

syntactic rules of moving certain constituents of complex

sentences, adjunct-movement and object-movement. If a sen-

tence consists of a verbal piece incorporating an auxiliary,

either affirmative or negative, the direct object may be

moved from a postposition to a preposition sentence-initial,

one of the type nih n hkeaihtmhi ? kea iat nih n. If
a sentence consists of a verbal piece functioning as a phrase
(type cfop kI, hum cfaik), the adjunct may prepositioned to a

prominence position, of the type ay^h hnam klea cao.klea

cao ayh hnam 'next year, I shall come back'. If two adjuncts
 185.

are used, the innermost-bound and the outermost-bound may

move freely among their respective positions; they may not

change positions among the two adjuncts. If a direct ob-

ject and an adjunct co-occur in the same sentence, the

direct object is always prepositioned to a sentence initial

position while the adjunct may move freely within its boun-
daries.

Quantified expressions are subject to variation, like

s3t c' pn 'a quadruped animal' and hoe? Imcam hoy

'a house with eight posts' where quantifiers may change

the position with the numeral; the head-noun (class-noun)

always precedes numeral and quantifier whatever the order

of the two latter.

Non-restricted negated auxiliaries, such as hi? k?p k^,

free the main verbs from their main position, like kam ma

h8cbt hii? kp k and kma? ma ? h1? kp k hct 'you must not

kill even insects'
 486.

NOTES
TEXT
DISCOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX
 487.

Notes to the main text (pp. lsgg.).

1. Generally, subscript Ii is used to convert registers,

from the second to the first, in recent loans.
Shorto gives in DSM four lexical entries: /$k/
'to be tangled' (Burrs. rhup), /j'/ 'to reduce'
(Burm. lhyoj, /r1 1fa/ 'Russia' (Engi.) and
/pu/ 'Malay' (Burrn. pasyh:). Halliday (MED)
transcribes LM rhy and rhoy as /sai/ and /soa/.
OM has an orthographic rh- cluster in rhp /rhap/'?
(DMI.327), but this is a hapax. However, variouE
MK languages show rh- (or hr-, if phonetically
different) clusters, like Sedang (Smith 1975.41),
Khasi which has both and /hr-/ initials
(Henderson 1976a.Dassim).

2. Pinnow (1959.51), Blagden ( 1 9 10 .480), but this

was already recognized by Haswell in 1874.

3. Pinnow (1959.47), Shorto (1966.400).

4. Jenner (1969.16): "Modern Khmer has an uncomplicated

consonant system but a remarkably rich vowel
system."
The fallacy of postulating an asymmetrical dis-
tribution or even historical relationship - as
promulgated by, among others, Matisoff' - bet-
ween, say, the number of initial and final con-
sonants and the number of tones (Matisoff) or
an implicitely acknowledged asynrn'try between
the complexity of vowel systems and consonant
systems in our case has been exposed by Hashimoto
(1976.62), and reproduced by Hagge-Haudricourt
(1978).

5. Shorto (1966). For the sake of simplicity the

symbol V includes here diphthong VV.
 488.

6. This includes also sequences like Cjslccv(c)R

for secondary patterns, since original -CC-
medioclusters were simplified.

7. Leaving apart, for the moment, other morphophono-

logical rules operating from LN onto SM, like
/pr-/ 'i i' /pr-/ where the former is a reflex
of LM pr- and the latter of LM mr-.

8. Again, excluding -CC- medioclusters in loans; in a

structure such as cv 1 ccv 2 (c)' where V 1 and V2 may
be any vowel except schwa -CC- marks in fact the
boundary of a phonological word in SM, CVC*CVC; this
is supported by the independent assignment of
registers to -V 1 - and -V2-.

9. Depending on the vowel before the final consonant.

Thus OM /oc/ > SM /ik '- ik/, ON /uc/ > SM /3t
ot

10. A change Khmer realized much later and is still re-

flected in the orthography & whereas all OM -s I-I
had, by the classical MM period, turned into ortho-
graphic -h /-h/; cf. OM das /ds/ LM da1 > SM
/th/, mod. Khin. Trxr /rh/ 'to choose'. In Khmer,
only in careful reading style a distinction between
-s and -h is retained; Jacob (1968.22) mentions
also h with an s off-glide.

11. In the preceding column, the figures ! and 2 refer

to the head and chest register, respectively. Contra
Ferlus ( 1 979. 1 5), voicing of second register con-
sonant is an exponent of register, and not the re-
tention of some features of the earlier MM /b, d, g,
series. /s-/ initials controlling second register
words in SM is also voiced, but there has never been
a proto/OM distinction between voiced/voiceless /s/.
12. Unnatural register in the glottal series affects
only /6-/, and extends over a restricted semantic
field. Irregular sound-shifts generally occur
in various grammatical subsystems, like deictic
expressions in Chrau where final /-k/ corresponds
to SM final /_/ except for deictic particles which
retain final /-'?/ (HLs).

13. These are not regular sound-shifts in Mon, and affect

only this particular grammatical subsystem.

iL'. These terms are offensive as noted in DSM; I have

never heard them being used.

15. Mbo' /t/ may also be used as an onomastic in the

book Mbo' nan. Note also the opposition of' OM
ma / mba / 'fem. onomastic'; /6 2/ may
also be male and is the only case not to fit this
semantic pattern.

16. Cf. DSM. I failed to get additional examples.

17. Another case is the title of a f'olkstory, the name

of the main protagonist, /r.mm/.

18. Burmese loan /CtaoJ rao/ (DSM) seems to be modelled

upon this pattern.

19. DSM: /limao/ - which is, in the Thai diall. Thai

/som/ ' /s3m/ - 'orange' and /lelan/ 'auction' are
ultimately borrowed from Portuguese via Burmese
(Port. limo, lei lao).

20. /tep/ > /hep/ in analogy to /kep/ > /hkep/

('to pinch' / 'tongs'; cf. DSM). /eak/ 'parakeet'
is a simplification of initial LM t11- in analogy
to SM /joa/ LM tiay, but taking /sa-/ by way of
contraction, /soeak/ 'green colour' ++/saii( eak/.
 490.

21. OM (niI) shows only three instances of /kji_/

clusters. In LM kuIa /kra?/ is a honorific pre-
verbal particle or auxiliary, corresponding to SM
/ji a 2/.

22. No /m-/ .- /km-/ pairs are found with unnatural

register words /m.m/ 'black bear', /m&t/ 'post of
veranda'. Both stem from plosive/nasal c 1 uster-
reductions, LM km- tm- SM /m-/.

23. An exceptional pattern is /np/ > /kanp/ 'to be

silent' / 'to hush', /na/ > /kna/ 'to take (away) &c.',
incorporating an SM causative prefix, and
/non/ > /kanon/ 'line on page, ruler' / 'line on ground',
corresponding to LM -V- in all three cases.

24. /nea/ 'to pinch skin' and /n3m/ 'urine' do not fit
this semantic pattern in an absolute sense.

25. These definitions are different from Huffman's

(197 2 . 66 ), for instance: "In monosyllables with
initial /CC-/, the term 'sequence' is preferred as
a technical term to 'cluster', which would imply close
transition and release of C 1 into C 2 in all cases.
Another reason one hesitates to call such sequences
'clusters' is the fact that of the 234 theoretica1ly
possible initial consonant sequences in Cambodian,
85, i.e. about 26 percent, actually occur. As
languages go, this would seem to be au unusually
high percentage of 'true' clusters." Huffman does not
distinguish between complex sequences, initial se-
quences and clusters within a system, although our
individual definition of 'cluster' would be identical
with his.

26. Orthographically, of course, aksaras b and d belong

to the 'retroflex' series in Devanagari, but re-
present, since the earliest OM inscriptions, Mon
glottalized consonants /6/ and id,!.
 .

27. The subscript for i is a variant of its main

character ,) ; those for and are also variants
of their main types. Subscript graphs developed
at different stages of the language and are not
directly 'linked' to the phonological evolution.

28. Vocalic infixes, incidentally, never occur with

plosive/plosive initials. So, this practice was in
fact not ambiguous at ail These alternative
spellings go back to OM until the present day and
have resulted in occasionally absurd spel l ings like
the particle LM dman being written daman though pro-
nounced SM /m/ and not /hm/ as one would expect
from the latter, incorrect, spelling. Even more
confusing are space-saving devices in MSS, such as
' which may represent graphic or
and phonologically /m1/ or /ham/. Metrical
consideratior should also be taken into account.

29. See also Jenner (1969.21), Henderson (1952.passim) and

Huff'man (1972.passim), for modern Khmer.

30. In fact, LM jy J is the aksara for SM second

register /ch/. One exception to note is /cy?/ in
the booktitle Jayadatta.

31. pw- 'bw- clusters are not attested for OM in the

corpus; LM pw- .- bw- sequences contain the affix
<-w-> and have as SM reflexes /kw-/ - /hw 2 /, re-
spectively, like bwuiii /h3w/ 'encirclement &c.'
( SM /pa'/ LM buifi 'to encircle') and pwuii
/kawa/ 'compass, extent' ('i' SM /pa/ LM pui 'to
demarcate').
tl- dl- clusters occur in OM through to LM having
as SM reflexes /kl-/ /lcal-/ and /k1 2 /, respectively.
ci- ..-. ji- are regular in OM, but LM ci- occurs only
twice in DSM, once in MED /klai krh/ 'pleura'
LM cln ' caln, /ya ki3n kle/ 'leprosy' LM
clan calhi. OM ty- occurs only twice tyi tyeii
 492.

'fowl' SM /cai/, tyoh 'thicket'; LM ty- yields

SM /ky-/, /kayao ?/ 'maggot' LM tyu, and /kyo/
'to join palms in reverence' LM tyow; OM dy-
occurs only in two personal names; in LM dyody
SM /cca/ 'Ayuthya; Thailand', LM dyn SM /cn/
'to stretch out'.

32. Registral contrast for the second system cannot be

functional because all h-clusters (aspirated series)
occur on the first register only, except for /hn-,
hm-, hw-/ with LM reflexes other than LM Sfl Sm,
sw.

33. Henderson ( 1 95 2 . 164 - 16 5): "(sc. they) are not classed

as simple initials since in certain pairs of
words the occlusion and aspiration of the initial
appear to be separable morphological elements;
e.g. Jkh] "to become angry" 1t' [kmh)
"anger" .

34. Experimental phonetic tests have not yet been

undertaken in order to examine whether the nasal
series is pre-aspirated and the plosive series post-
aspirated. My own experience suggests that both
aspirated series, plosives and nasals, are phonetically
distinct. Historical evidence complicates this
problem still further: OM has lh- and rh- (hapax)
clusters, and mh- in IA loans for which Shorto re-
constructs phonological /lh-, rh-, &c./ sequences.
LM phonetic spellings for (voiceless) pre-aspirated
nasal follows Burmese usage, LM nh-, mh-, lh-, wh-
(this spelling occurs in recent loans from Thai
only). Interestingly enough, Halliday, in his MED,
uses for these cases an hC- notation. By contrast,
Henderson remarks for Khmer: "It will be observed
that an aspirate may not occur in the first place
of the sequence (...]" ( 1 95 2 . 16 5), whIch iff1plies that
 L,j.

a pre-aspiration of a C-sequence might be conceivable

(although non-existant in modern Khmer).

35. The fact that /s^.han/ &c. are, otherwise, historical

Einzelentwicklungen is irrelevant here. However,
the case of the infix (-r-> taken by plosive Ch-
pieces is more difficult since aspiration is not
a segmentable unit in these cases. On the other hand,
SM /peh-, kQh-/ are to be opposed, prosodically,
to SM /ph-, kh-/ even if there is no derivational
relationship between those two pairs. In the case
of' /ph- - ph-/ this is merely a theoretical as-
sumption since non-derivational pairs do not occur;
in fact, /pahoa/ 'to push away' is a hapax ( /ha/
'to be distant, far'); but /khDh/ 'to be good, well'
/k'hom/ 'to regret', for /kh-.i . keh-/ in non-derivational
relation, and /heak/ 'to be scorched' /kaheak/ 'to be
thirsty' (LM sii- saii-, SM k-> . LM c-a->), as a
derivational pair.

36. DSM lists the same entries as MED; my own inquiries

did not add anything either.

37. Parallel to /jil/ > /J13e/ where derivation is

prosodic (by means of registral change, as opposed
to a segmental derivation of the type CVC ccvc), one
could conceive of a derivational device by 'apiration'
/t/ > /th/. But historically, of course, this is
not supported by any evidence. Jenner notes an <-h-
infix for modern Khmer (1969.159-161) which I would
interpret as a prosodic morpheme.

38. ON /pcun/ > SM /phyun/ 'meat'

OM /psu/ > SM /phy3/ 'to give to, make, drink'
OM /kct/ > SM /khybt/ 'to die', Western diall. /chbt/
OM /kseh/ > SM /khyeh/ 'horse' , Western diall. /cheh/
ON /ky-/ and /py- . by-/ clusters have been retained
in SM (OM /gy-/ is not attested in DM1, /by-/ SM
/py 2 /; Western diall. SM /ky-/ /c-/).
 494.

39. See Shorto (1966.405). My notation thus differs again

from DSM where /khy-/ clusters are not recognized.

40. As opposed to /ch-/ initials proper, SM /chon/

/kachrn/ ('to knead' / 'to massage'), /chui/
/phyui/ ('to move aside' / 'to shift, push, ide').

41. Not in Lamphun-Chianmai.

112. There is no functional opposition in Mon between

oral and nasal vowels.

43. Aberrant spellings occur in three instances, like

/hn/ 'banner, prayer flag &c.' (LM jn-
/hnik/ 'casting net' (LM jn- sn-) and /hwt/
'to stroke' (LM jw- Sw-).

44. LM sy- > SM /h-ey-/ is a hapax; LM Sn- not attested,

LM sr- simplified in SM to /s-/, LM s- > SM /h-/.
Earlier As > SM /h 2 / is exceptional (due to con-
fusion with j- ?), as is its other reflex /kh-/
which retains a regular registral correspondence.

45. SM /hn2/ can also be the simplification of an

earlier dn- initial, as in /hnI/ 'pillow', LM dnl.

46. Cf. Henderson, for modern Khmer, where schwa-

junctions occur in the same environment (plosive/
plosive initial complexes), 1952.

47. For plosive/plosive initials the following cases

vides in LM should be mentioned:
Register 1
hiC 2-
C 3C
vi v2
Register 2
LM kc- > SM /khy-/
LMkt- =SM
LM kp- (rare) > SM /kp-/ /hp-/ (hapax)
LM tk- SM /tk- hk- k-/
LM tc- and tp- initials are not attested, but OM has
/tj-/ SM /c/, OM /tb-/ > SM /p/.
 1195.

LM pk- ' pt- yield regular correspondences in SM

while LM PC- SM /phy-/.
The notation C,C- indicates alternative syllabic
spellings in LM CC- CaC-.

118. I recorded a long passage from the Vessantara III

in Lopburi in 1979, and there seems to be a
relationship between lexicon and LM phonologizations,
that is common colloquial terms are pronounced
according to SM rules established here whereas names,
grammatica! particles and learned forms behave
according to LM phonology, like /cmp/ (where /c-/
is voiced) 'every', M jmp (SM /kamp/), or
/smoi/ LM smiii (SM /hmoij/).

119. In colloquial usage, modern Khmer favours similar

types of contraction to a CC- form: (i) /knd'a:1/ >
/kcfa:l/ 'middle' or -NC- reduction to -C-, (ii)
/s3nsaam/ /ansaam/ [nsam] 'dew' or Cv- reduction
(cf. Jacob 1968.211-25).

50. By contrast, SM /n.h/ is a direct borrowing from

Skt./P., and assimilated to the Mon lexicon as a
totally naturalized form CVC. The vocalism reflects
earlier /$/, OM manus mania (hapax), MM mnih manih
manuih (OM /mans/, MM /mnih/, according to tiii).
In contemporary Mon usage, /mntsa/ is a learned
form used in Jtaka recitals, /mrnIt/ a marked loan
(semantically opposed to animals), and /nIh/ as a
generic or indefinite term 'people, man' (/nih-te/
'that man', but /1p'ah-t/ ' /nih_t3?/ 'people').

51. Thiring the early MN period the reduction of earlier

3
-mC- -nC- gave rise to glottalized simple medials
3
-m- -n-. At later stages, glottality was lost, but
both nasals controlling the first register while
nori-glottalized nasals in MM controlled the second
register in SM.
 1496.

52. Except for labial medioclusters -mC- which are retained

in LM, but simplified in modern SM to -C- or to
/pC-/ initials (LM /gami/ SM /hlh/, LM /kaml3t/>
SM /p13t/).

53. Cf. Shorto (1956.344) for this practice which extended

in OM even to native words.

511. Except for instances like /pikha/ 'fish spear',

/lph/ 'greed, selfishness' (Skt./P. lobha).

55. Slitdrums are not used anymore in Thailand; but

I have seen one at Bh Muh Gadu, Ko Kret, which is
hung from a small tower.

56. Cf. Stewart MS, /pm ata plm/ (pp. 38sqq.), for
instance.

57. Cf. Shorto (1966.402-3). This may be noticed with

speakers in Thailand, /ctaik/ ? /dac/; Thai speaking
children of Mon parents realize the variant /d'ac/
as /at/ or /a't/ 'water, liquid' (where /i-/ is
not glottalized).

58. The description relies, on the whole, on the

Rajburi dialect cluster around Photharam, on both
sides of the Mae Khlong.

59. // in /c& P/ is a special case in that /-a 2/ cannot

follow (except in loans) /c-/ initials.

60. Cf. Haudricourt's review of Sakamoto's dictionary

(BSL 72 ( 1 977 r1978]), pp. 390-1) where he draws
attention to a putative distinction of SM finals
/-c -t/ which, in fact, are phonetic variants of /-t/.
Further evidence can be adduced simply by reference
to the writing system.
 '9 7.

61. Except ++ /nb/ and ++ /neh/.

62. DSM /P3/ is the only exception.

63. Cf. Shorto (1960.51.5, 555) stating structures like

CCCCVC or CCaC for Palaung, /rkrta P / 'loom',
/rarap/ 'net'. No stress assignment rules are
given except for clitics in certain environments.

61i.. In other contexts, anusvara represents final /-h/

and final /-m/.

65. Jenner (19711.50) prefers not to use the notion of

register when referring to the writing system (of
Khmer): "CThe writing system,] after all, reflects
a stage of the language before the development of
the two vowel subsets I:...2. The circumstance
that it does show registral relationships should
not be ignored, but it seems more useful to my
way of thinking to show how registers are manifested
on the phonemic level."

66. The digraph ui is equally problematic for birinanisants;

epigraphic Burm. shows -uiw, WB -ui. This is
commented upon by Bradley (1978.79) and Thurgood
( 1 97 6 . 1 95- 1 9 8 ). It also occurs in Shan representing
a central vowel, as in Mon, and probably in OBurm.
Apart from comparative evidence, both authors rely
on Blagdens early observation (191 1.): "This
(sc. ui) appears to have been an artificial make-
shift devised to represent one or more of the
neutral or indeterminate vowels C...]. It is
a curious fact that this ui is very rare in the
oldest Mon inscriptions. Yet there is reason to
believe that the sound which it afterwards used to
express already existed then in Mon, for in the
early inscriptions the words in which the symbol
subsequently occurs are written inconsistently in all
manner of ways, the vowel in one and the same word
being often expressed variously, e.g. by , u, e
 498.

(the inherent) a, and even such a conventional

combination as ei. f....) why does ul appear in
the Burmese inscription at the Myazedi pagoda
and not (except very rarely) in the Mon ones of the
same period, where it would seem to have been so
badly wanted?" (1914.138.) Cf. also Shorto 1965.95-97.

67. So far, La yer (1980) is the only phonetician - out-

side the Southeast Asian field - to discuss
registral exponents in a broader context; he also
points out that the original term, as used in
Henderson (1951), referred to laryngeal factors,
quoting Shorto (1966.399-400) to indicate the change
of concept to a phonological term including supra-
laryngeal factors (such as vowel quality); cf. Layer
(19 80 .93-9 4 ; also 51, 153).
Earlier, Abercrombie ( 1 9 6 7. 101 - 102 ) did not go into
any detail in defining registers and refers simply
to Catford's 1964 outline. In that paper (1964; also
1977, 93- 116 ), proposed to classify different types
of 'voice-qualities' in terms of phonation,
"C...3 any laryngeal activity which is not initiatory
in its phonic, or sound-producing, function -
whatever its phonological function may be" (1954.27).
Phonation-types are further divided into types of
stricture and location of stricture. Combination of
stricture-types (such as voice, breath, whisper &c.)
are also considered. But what concerns us here is
how the term register could be defined in phonatory
terms. Yet,Catford and Sprigg - in a proposed re-
vision ( 1 97 8 , 1 979) - mention register only in
passing. Breathy voice, for instance, usually
associated with register in Non and Khmer - re-
gistral systems in other Austroasiatic languages may
have other exponents -, is characterized by Catford
as a combination of breath and voice "glottis relatively
wide open: turbulent air flow ...] plus vibration
of vocal folds" (1964.32), and then, mentioning
 499.

explicitely 'register' in the section on vocal

fold modifications, states that "j....l 'Register'
differences t. are] probably largely variations
in vocal fold thickness" (ibid., p. 34). Abercrombie
uses a similar description:
'breathy phonation' is produced by part of the
glottis being in vibration while the cartilage
glottis is sufficiently open to allow air to
pass freely through it; and what is called
'tight phonation' has the cartilage glottis closed
firmly, the rest of the glottis in vibration,
and constriction of the upper parts of the
larynx (1967.100-101).
Sprigg, in his re-appraisal (1978), substitutes
Catford's terms 'stricture/location' by 'activity!
posture' and describes 'activity' by means of two
systems, voicing and trillization. But Mon-Khmer
registral systems are not discussed by either author.
If the foregoing remarks were confined
to register in phonatory terms, Gregerson (1976), on
the basis of observations on West African languages
by J.M.Stewart, tried to define it in terms of
posture of the tongue-root.
The fact that the 'tense' (first)
register consonants are voiceless or imploded and
the vowels open (for Khmer) and the 'lax' (second)
register consonants (originally) voiced and the
vowels close led Gregerson to interpret the ex-
ponents of' register, like voicing of consonants
and positioning of vowels, in articulatory terms of'
tongue-blade/tongue-root movements (up/down,
forward/back). The three exponents of register
- vowel aperture, voice quality, consonant voicing -
are characterized as follows:
- vowel aperture: tongue-root retraction lowers the
vowel and generates conditions
for voicelessness;
tongue-root advancement raises
the vowel and generates conditions
for voicing
 500.

- voice quality (resonance): retraction has the

constricting effects of the
first register
advancement produces deep
pharyngeal qualities of
the second
- consonant voicing: voiceless initials are
an effect of retraction
voiced initials of advance-
ment of the tongue-root
Implosives, notably in Khmer and Mon /cf, t/, are
problematic in so far as they are voiced, but control
first register 'words. In addition, Kuy consonant
classes 'which normally control the first register,
take vowel nuclei of the second; this applies to
implosives /cf, t/. Gregerson states:
The common denominator between other voiceless
sounds seems to be that the period of onset
of articulation in 'which the larynx is lo'wered
is a voiceless one. This is terminated by a
rapid glottal release as the subglottal pressure
is released and voicing of the consonant begins
(1976.350).
The differences in establish-
ing relevant exponents of register are reflected in
the current terminology; this 'was pointed out by
Henderson (1977) 'who introduced the term, 'with en-
couragement by Abercrombie, in her description of
modern Khmer:
A common misuse is to confuse 'register' 'with
pitch-range. The term is also sometimes used,
as far as I can see, as a synonym for 'voice
quality', 'which is not necessarily the same thing
at all. 'Breathy' or 'creaky' voice may be super-
imposed upon utterances 'without a change of
register, and it is in fact very common for breathy
or creaky voice to accompany particular tones in
East and South-East Asian languages 'without there
appearing to be any muscular adjustement of the
kind that might be associated 'with a change of
register (1977.260).
Haudricourt & Hagge, ho'wever,
distinguish between two types of register, 'voice-
register' (registre de voix, as in Mon, Khmer &c.) and
'tone height register' (registre de hauteur tonale,
as the two tonal series, high/lo'w, in Vietnamese).
 501.

Cf. Hagge & Haudricourt (197 8 . 1 0 6 ). The use

of the notion of 'register' in Trubetzkoy's
Grundztige, however, is not quite clear: In his
chapter on Prosodische Differerierungseigenschaften
he states that "C...]bei den Registergegenstzen
die mit dem Tonhhe'wechsel verbundenen Veranderungen
der Vokale und der Stimme das Wesentliche sind" -
synonymous with 'voice-register', as evident by his
references to the work done by Tucker on Nilotic and
by Firth (Trubetzkoy 1939.185) -, but elsewhere
alludes to Cantonese and distinguishes three 'registers'
(i. low-level/high-level, 2. low-falling/high-falling,
3. low-rising/high-rising), this time identical with
Hagge-Haudricourt's 'tone height register'.

68. As has been pointed out earlier, /caP/ does occur in

SM, but is an irregular pattern; in two cases, it
is simply confined to loans, from Thai /ca/ 'tense
particle' (?), from Burmese ca 'to begin, start to'.
DSM /ca/ 'to lose, be defeated' <. LM kya.

69. The hierarchy, as shown on p. 73, applies to underlying

LM forms which project the registral distribution
onto the SM reflex.

70. The term 'underlying form' has nothing in common

with notions like 'deep structure' and the like.
SM 'underlying forms' telescope earlier reflexes
from various stages, like SM /hn-/ C cn-*sn-, while
the consonantal shifts involved /cn-/ > /hn-/, and
/sn-/ > /hn-/ (as well as /jn-/ /hn./), belong
to different stages.

71. OM /ranPVC/ /rrVC/ reduction to SM /hVC/.

The OM morpheme (affix) is neutralized.

72. As a bundle (faisceau) of' exponents, like vowel

quality, partial voicing, breathiness, laxness &c.
 502.

73. The gater (/gte/) ru]e - although not designated

as such - appears in Shorto (1967.2 147) to describe
the voicing and subsequent registral distribution
of' MN-SM: "Given a sequence of' voiced and voice-
less plosive or the reverse, the register was de-
termined by the plosive immediately preceding the
vowel", quoting, as examples,

MM gater /gate/ SM /h'te/ 'to tament'

MM taget /tget/ SM /hkt/ 'practice, conduct'.

71 Except in words with unnatural register. Khmer

has /tryysap/ and /mA:sek)tn/ to convert
registers. Mon has no device to convert first
register to the second except to use artificial
spellings (second register /s/ would be represented
by a written LM jr- initial); second register initials
are converted to the first by the subscript h.
Other devices conveying phonological segments are the
use of short vowel graphs -a (inherent), -i, -u in
written 'open' syllables to denote SM final glottal
stop and long vowel graphs -a, -i, -u to denote SM
open syllables; then note the multiple role of
anusvara mentioned earlier, representing either
/-m -h -/ in written 'open' syllables (that is
if they are not followed by another consonant bearing
virma) or a modified 'inherent' vowel, before
velars only, SM/tk/ SM/tk/, corresponding to
LM tak - tk 'to strike, hit, beat' /
'to have sexual intercourse'.

75. Again, note Jenner's distinction between two

registers in spoken Khmer and two series of
aksaras. Sprigg goes even further in his analysis
of Khmer phonology/script in that he assigns to con-
sonant symbols a 'vocalic role' (1979).

76. For the dating of the emergence of Khmer registers,

which, it has to be borne in mind, is independent
from that of Mon on an absolute time-scale, nor
suggests any connection on the level of
 50:3.

subgrouping (Mon/Khmer); Saverous Pou (Lewitz 1967)

assumes in her thesis that register emerged some-
time between the 16th and 18th centuries AD
when it reached its completion. Evidence for dating
the registral phase in Khmer is even scantier
than in Mon. This analysis was confined to
Khmer toponyms as found in early Portuguese
accounts.

77. Another problem, still unresolved inspite of the

growing research (Matisoff (1973), Mazaudon (1976),
Ohala (1978), Hombert-Ohala-Ewan (1979), Henderson
( 1 9 81 )), is the interaction of external conditions
(conditioning of tone-languages and non-tonal
languages in contact) and internal (phonetic)
factors. In the case of tone-languages of New
Caledonia, external factors have to be excluded
(Rivierre (1972). For a general discussion see
Hagge-Haudricourt (1978.90-111).

78. Pinnow (1957.388) lists - as in Mon to which

he does not refer - nasals, liquids, semivowels
and spirants:
Die Konsonanten werden hinsichtlich ihres
Einflusses auf die Vokale in zwei Gruppen
(Register) eingeteilt c...). Das Zeichen
(Slp) dient nun dazu, bei Beibehaltung
des Lautwertes des Konsonanten an sich, das
Register zu ndern. m, Ji, , r, v, j, ge-
hren also zu Register 1, whrend a, h zu
Register 2 rechnen. Nur 5 macht eine Aus-
nahme. Es bleibt beiRegister 1 und zeigt
nur an, daB der Laut wie stimmioses p] zu
sprechen ist und nicht wie implosives 6J ('b).
Die EinfUhrung dieses Zeichens ist jung und
die meisten der hiermit versehenen Wrter
sind Fremdwrter oder soiche, die Ableitungen
aus Wrtern darstellen, die eine ltere
Konsonantenverbindung aufweisen. t ...1 Im
Mon 'wie im Khmer ist lautgesetzIich, daB die Im-
plosivlaute - gleich welcher Herkunft -
mit Ausnahrne von 'b im Mon stets das erste
Register nach sich haben. p. 39 1 Jr...] Der
Einwandt ...], daB ja die Ein fUhrung des
S lap eine junge Angelegenheit sei, trifft
nicht zu, da es hier ja nicht urn das Zeichen
ala solches, sondern urn das Register geht
 504.

t...3. Man hat das Register nur spter aus Ge-

nauigkeitsgrUnden und urn Mil3verstndnisse zu be-
seitigen bezeichnet.

79. Haudricourt as quoted by Mazaudon (1976.87).

80. See pp. 465sqq.

81. 'Quasimonosyllabic' (Haudricourt in Mazaudon

(1976.87)), 'sesquisyllabic' (Matisoff (1973. 8 5, 86)).

82. What are possible criteria for classification?

Maximal extension tolerated by the phonological
system? In that case, Mon-Khmer languages
cannot be called 'sesquisyllabic' or 'quasi-
monosyllabic' because of canonic& forms occurring
in Palaung (CCaCCVC /rk'rta ? / 'loom'), Riang-
Lang (CaCCaCChCVC /trtkkhran/ 'to be troubled')
(cf. Shorto 1960, 1 9 6 3, passim), or OM (c'ac'CVC
fsesageh/ 'shall, might, enrich'). Or syllabicity
of bases?

83. This form is analyzed by Robins (1957.93) as con-

taining the affixes /di-/, /pa-/, I-ar-I, /-an/
and /_kn/. To state, however, that Sundanese is
mono- or disyllabic and has disyllabic bases involved
in derivational processes is trivial as long as
the maximal load of affixes a base can tolerate,
and hence the maximum number of syllabic accretions,
is not taken into account.

84. J. Low (1837.43):

The Min seems to me neither so purely
monosyllabic, nor so nicely intonated as
the Thai. But its radical monosyllables
have a close resemblance to those of the
latter.
Bastian makes a rather cryptic remark on anaptyxis,
as I understand the following passage:
Die Talein so'wohl wie die Kambodier dis-
locieren die Sylben in der Aussprache, indem
sie die vollen Vokale zerbrechen,
 505.

which is followed by a quotation from Mason

"C...I Mason bemerkt: The Talaing is remarkable
for its numerous compound consonants ... "
(Bastian (1866. Li58)). Haswell is equally helpless
in dealing with this problem: "Compound con-
sonants are pronounced as one syllable, or as
nearly so as the case will admit" (187Z4.7).
Blagden's statement (191o.496_ L&97) shows the
difficulty as well:
L..J la langue admet des consonnes initiales
doubles. Quand la deuxime est de nature
tre prononc6e avec la premire sans
l'intervention d'une voyellet ...2, on peut
avoir un mot nettement monosyllabique avec
initiale compos6e de deux consonnes.
Thus words which are not nettement monosyllabic
seem to consist of a minor and a major syllable,
including split clusters:
Par contre, si les consonnes ne sont pas
capables de se combiner de cette faon
(par exemple kt, td, tn), on a forcement
mot dissyllabique (ibid.).
Un autre fait doit tre not6: c'est l'atrophie
C... des syllabes pr6fixes dans les mots
dissyllabiques. Tandis que la langue -
ancienne crit kuli, kulo, turow, dijham, kinta,
le talain moderne crit kali, kalo, tarau,
dac, gata, et prononce klai, klau, trao,
tcm, Ita tin spelling7reading pronunciation].
On le voit, c'est un dperissement progressif
de la premire syllabe par suite du fait que
i t accent tonique est sur la dernire. Dj
dans l'inscription de Shwezigon on trouve
kanta et d'autres formes en -an- ct
des formes en -in- de l'inscription de
Myazedi, ce qui prouve que la voyelLe de
cette syllabe 6tait devenu (ou tait en
train de devenir) un e (1910.503).
By contrast, Halliday states that
Talaing is largely monosyllabic. Inwards of
two syllables there is a tendency in the
Spoken language to make them monosyllabic
or as nearly so as possible t...2. Words
of more than one syllable were probably
formed from originally monosyllabic roots.
Prefixes, infixes and combinations have
brought about the change. Words are either
monosyllabic or disyllabic according to the
place they fill (1917.119-120).
 506.

Henderson's position seems confused; on the one

hand ( 1 95 1.l 53 s q q .) patterns like CaCVC are re-
cognized as genuine disyllables in Mon (regardless
of their systems they are made up), but similar
patterns in Khmer are termed 'extended monosyllables'
( 1 95 2 . 16 7, type iii): SM /rs3e/ (Skt. rsi), Khmer
/rad'%u/ (Skt. rtu).
Jenner ( 1 9 6 9.3 2sqq .), however, groups patterns like
CCVC and CaCVC as 'sudissyllables' (cc-. initials
are interpreted as monosyllables on the prosodic
level and disyllables on the phonetic; but this
applies only to cluster-types except 'nasal/nasal'
(Jenner ( 1 9 6 9.33)), s-X, stops (except /c-/),
liquids, and consequently several systems should
have been postulated).
Again, Blagden (1912.42):
Owing to the presence of infixes, which have
now almost dwindled away, the greater fulness of
its prefix syllables, the old Talaing has a
decidedly less monosyllabic appearance than the
modern. It is however believed that the
language is built up out of simple monosyllabic
roots, having not more than one consonant at
the beginning and the like at the end.

85. Shorto ( 1 9 66 . 40 0) states the following patterns:

cv(c)', cvv()', ccv(c)', ccvv(c)', ccv(c)R,
ccvv(c)R, cccv(c)', and cccvv(c)'. cccv
and caccvvc 11 are not attested for second register
words.

86. Haudricourt concedes that the difference between

monosyllabicism and disyllabicism is not absolute:
Lorsque, dans une langue polysyllabique
syllabes ferm6es, les voyelles atones tendent
disparaitre, on volue vers le type mono-
syllabique. La dif'f6rence entre lea deux
types, en otut 6tat de cause, est surtout
d'ordre statistique et n'est pas absolue. On
trouve un cas intermdiaire dans un certain
nombre de langues du groupe mon-khmer de la
fami!Lle austroasiatique; mais beaucoup d'autres
langues illustrent aussi le procd (ibid.).
 507.

87. In the classification which follows diphthongs

have not been accordea special symbo's, as in Shorto
(1966), VV; they are not relevant in this con-
text. Diphthongs occur only in open syllables,
before laryngeals and velars.

88. DSM does not transcribe medial glottal stop, as in

/haui/ 'medicine &c.,' which I transcribe as
/hui/. The presyllabie /c-/ is never 'closed'
by a glottal stop; vowels do not occur in initial
position unless preceded by a glottal stop (or by
any other member of the initial consonant system).

89. Cf. Dempwolff ( 1 93 4 .3 os qq.), in YLAWI. See also

note 123 in my text.
After having read Dempwolff, I caiqued the notion
of 'Silbenzuwachs' on his 'nasaler Zuwachs' (as
opposed to his 'nasaler Ersatz'). Later, browsing
through K. Brugmann's Kurze vergieichende Grammatik
der indogermanischen Sprachen (Stral3burg, TrUbner,
190 14), I realized that he uses the term 'Silben-
zuwachs' ( pp . 219-221, 3 12 -3 1 3). I assume that
this term might have come to Dempwolff - who
modified it - by way of Meinhof.

90. Cf. Casparis' study on disyllabicism in Javanese

(pp. 63-76, in F.D.K. Bosch et al., eds.,, India
Antiqua (J.P.Vogel Festschrift), Leiden, Brili, 19147))
and E.M. Uhienbeck's thesis (1949).

91. The following clusters occur in Thai: /kr-, ki-,

kw-, khw-, khr-, khl-/, /tr- 'i' s-I,
/pr-, p1-
phr-, phi-I. For Vietnamese see Henderson's
interpretation (1966.182).
The restrictive initial systems and syllable structure
do not incorporate any affixes. Thai CaNCV(C) patterns
are loans from Khmer (cf. Karrchana (1962) and
Gehr (1951)).
 508.

92. Pinnow sets up the following Proto-Munda (PM) and

Mon correspondences (1966 [19601181&_186):
PM -b-.i.<ab> Mon p -
PM c-n-> Mon <-n->
PM c-le> SM cia, (particle)
Shorto ( 1 9 6 9.1O 1&) points to one of Pinnow's
omissions,
PM <-p-> Mon <-w->.

93. Cf. Shorto ( 1 97 6 ) PMK /kInIdi/ > SM /hnoi/

'bell' (p. 1011.9); PMK /j(na:1/ > SM /hni/
'scoop-net' SM / caib/ < PMK /ja:/ ( p. 10147).

911.. According to Hoan (1973) Sre has variants of

initial sequences of the shape /kaNC-/ -'- INC-I
from C-bases, incorporating what we transcribe as
N
<k -> and <N->.

95. Le'witz (1967.82):

L'exemple de dim "atteler" est un des plus
classiques [.. examples of "signifiants
dfectueux"]. Cette racine Mon-Khmer a donn
un d6riv6 a priori insolite, savoir nim
"la paire des bites att6l&es". Pourtant,
dans les textes en vieux khmer, on avait bien
dnim, de mme signification, c'est--dire
un substantif d'objet infix -n-. Donc nim
mod. r6sulte d'une prononciation dfectueuse
qui n4gligeait l'6lment d-, puis l'oubliait
tota1ement, Autres driv de dim qui subsistent
inchangs: phdim "placer cte Tte, comparer";
datpnim "la coutume"; dandim "c8te cte"
redoublement.

96. Vocalic affixes are not confined to Mon; as will be

shown later - prefix a->,
pp. 246sqq. - one has
an areal diffusion, the other seems to be confined to
Mon-Khmer languages, but were hitherto masked
in previous descriptions and ignored because of the
lack of any adequate description of Mon. Pakoh
is a significant example: Mrs Watson states
(1966.25) that ci- base-initials - a Quoc Ngi.r
derivate is used by SIL for the romanization of
F4K languages spoken in Vietnam, so that Pakoh
 509.

(spelt Pach) ci- spellings correspond to our

IPA transcription /kl_/ - take the infix -al-,
and Cr- (/kr-/) and tr- (/tr-/) base-initials
take the infix -ar-. After an even superficial
examination of the examples given in her text, one
realizes instantly that -al- and -ar- are not
syllabic consonantal infixes - in analogy to OM
<-r-> -, but, in that particular en-
vironment, confined to initials of the shape
/kr-, ki-, tr-/, vocalic infixes:
clang /klaj/ callang /kla/ 'to pipe (water)' /
'bamboo pipe'
clot /klot/ callot /k'lot/ 'to line' / 'lining'
treang /trea/ tarreang /trea/ 'to bar door' /
'a door-bar'
crang /kra/ carrang /kraj/ 'to carry between
two' / 'carrying
pole'
(IPA transcriptions in slant lines are mine).
The reduplicated medial -CC- in the derivative
might be then interpreted as a phonetic feature.
Since I have had no access to any Pakoh tapes, I
cannot make any ultimate judgement on phonetics of
Pakoh speech.
If our interpretation is correct for Pakoh, the
closely related languages Katu and Jeh (Bahnaran)
follow the same pattern, like Old, Middle and Modern
literary and spoken Mon.
Katu (N. Costello (1966), here pp. 67, 83):
pruung /pru:/ paruung /pru:1/ 'to blow fire' /
'pipe for blowing
fire'
praaq /pra:P/ parraq /pra:P/ 'to speak' /
'words'
tr6m /trom/ tarm /trom/ 'purple fruit' /
'juice of p.f.'
Jeh (Gradin (1976), here pp. 27, 34):
kiap /klap/ kalap /kIap/ 'to cover (pan)'
/ 'lid'
kiem kalem /klem/ 'to patch' /
'patch'
troh taroh /troh/ 'to pull away
debris so water will flow swiftly' / '(of water)
to flow swiftly'
 510.

In none of the quoted previous analyses of Pakoh,

Katu and Jeh, has a vocalic infix been recognized.

97. Exponents to be recognized from the data available

so far are - aspiration
- voicing
- tone change
- registral change ('when it is not
induced)
Alternance of initial consonants 'will be discussed
subsequently since it does not belong strictly to
this category (initials are segmentable units).

'1) Aspiration
Burmese has a limited number of 'words, intransitive /
non-causative, 'which derive transitive verbs or
causatives by aspiration, as in /k'we: tel 'to break'
(intrans.) > /hk'we: te/ 'to break s.th.', /nou: tel
'to be a'wake' /hnou: te/ 'to awaken'. Henderson
( 1 97 6c . 2 ) sets up similar pairs for Chin, /,pu:k/
'to fall' > /,phu:k/ 'to fell'. Another language
sho'wing the same device of derivation is Lushai,
and Archaic Chinese is quoted to belong in the
category as 'well (Henderson (1976c.3)).

2) Voicing
Voicing as a morphological exponent in Praok as
in /klm/ 'to carry on shoulder' > /glm/ 'load'
(Shorto (1963.53)). Henderson suggests voicing
as being of limited use (1965.419).

3) Tone change
The number of languages 'which operate this device
is larger; it should be pointed out that tonal
change as a morphological exponent does not apply
to 'what we call 'induced tone/register' 'which is
merely a phonological process overlapping 'with the
morphological one (as in Riang-Lang /l./ 'to go out'
/plv/ 'to drive out', cp-> prefix (Shorto (1963.53)).
Languages showing this type of atternation are Vit
and Thai (also, according to Downer, Classical
Chinese).
 511.

.k '%
V1 ? t : cay // cay 'to transplant' / 'tree'
s'p / sp "se coucher ...' / 'lit de
camp, ..." (Ferlus (1977.5Le))
Thai: /k:n/ /ko:n/ 'to fell' / 'base of tree'
/ths:vj/ /th/ 'to pierce, stab' / 'bar;
long object'
/f/ /f3:1/ 'to float freely' / 'foam,
bubbles' (Prapin (1980.
passim)).
L) Registral change
Of all the register languages reported, only one,
Non, shows registral change as being used as a
prosodic morpheme, and, so far, it is only a hapax:
SM /j,I/ /J13e/ 'to be level' / 'to level'.
The latter form has as a variant /pajize/.

98. The phonological conditions are as follows:

Base-initials /p, w, t, c, s, k, ?/ show Ersatz-
type N- (that is /m, n, base-initials
/b, d, g, j/ show Zuwachs-type NC- (that is /mb, d,
Il, tlg/). (zuwachs-types are called by Shorto
'nasal augment'.) Cf. for this rule Sumukti (1971.
86-89).
To quote additional mod. Ja y . examples:
/dam/ - /dend3m/ 'needle' / 'to sew'
/cm/ - /c ,pcm/ 'to steep' / 'steep' (p. 89)
/gire/ - /gire , / 'to herd' / 'herd' (p. 76)
/beo/ - beo/ 'mynah bird' / 'to parrot'
Cf. also Robins (1953, 1957) on derivational (p. 66)
processes where base-initials/vowels of the initial
complex undergo nasalization as well.

99. Cf. BSOS, 1 933, VII, 87-89.

100. Henri Maspero assigned the non-nasalized series of

affixes to a proto-MK stage whereas nasalization
is assumed to be an innovation at some intermediate
(later) stage:
Les proc6ds i4guliers de d6rivation sont la
prfixation and l'infixation. Ils apparaIssent
 512.

sous deux formes appartenant chacune

une poque diff6rente. La plus ancienne,
qui remonte au mon-khmer commun, mais a
continu6 plus ou moms longtemps dans
chaque langue spar6e, consistait placer
le pr6fixe ou ins6rer l'infixe directement,
l'un avant, l'autre aprs 1initiale, sans
voyelle ou avec voyelle tres brave, le mot
restant ainsi monsyllabique. Le second
proc&d6, plus r6cent et particulier
certaines langues (it ne se rencontre ni
en mon c!], ni en bahnar), consiste
renforcer les prfixes par une nasalisation
ou par un infixe nasal (1952.612).

101. Quoted after S. Pou (Lewitz (1967.79) and (1968.

18)). F. Martini, 'Structure du cambodgien (K1-imaer)',
conf6rence faite l'Institut de Linguistique,
Paris.

102. B. DelbrUck, Synkretismus - Em Beitrag zur ger-

manischen Kasuslehre, Straf3burg, Trubner, 1907,
p. 22 7, quoting his earlier Altindische Syntax
(Halle/Saale, Buchhdlg.des Waisenhauses, 1888
(= Syntaktische Forschungen, 5), pp. i6 11_165, iili):
C...lman dan nicht vergessen, daB die
Begriffe Ziel, Objekt, u.s.. wie Inseln
im Meere als Krystallisationspunkte auf-
tauchen, und daB Wendungen Ubnig bleiben,
elche zu dem einen oder dem anderen Kreise
gerechnet oder tiberhaupt nicht sicher
untergebracht werden knnen. Ja bei schrferem
Nachdenken kommt man nattirlich immer wieder
zu der Erkenntnis, dal3 in den Sprache selbst
nichts gegeben ist, als der Verbalbegriff
und der Nominalbegriff, und dal3 eine Einteilung
des Stof'f'es zwar unvermeidlich, eine jede
aber nicht fnei von WilikUr ist.

103. As opposed to SM, OM plosive/ plosive base-initials

may take the vocalic infix; graphically, the
difference is zero (cc-), u . -i, CiC- - CuC-, as in
OM /ktr/ /katr/ (ktir kutir)
OM /bnton/ ,/bton/ (binton buton).
 513.

104. The absence of suffixial systems in mainland

AA languages can be explained, historically,
by the shift of stress driving out suffixes,
a tendency reinforced by contiguous languages.
Nancowry places the main stress always on the
root (Radhakrishnan (1981.15-16, 2 8-30)) and the
loss of its suffixial system would be predictable
if contiguous monosyllabic languages existed.
In other words, if Nancowry, together with other
Nicobarese dialects, were in contact with main-
land languages, suffixes would be lost.
A similar development can be traced with main-
land Austronesian languages.

105. Bastian reports the existence of a Khmer grammar

written in Latin in connection with information
he obtained from the French missionary Silvestre
in Cambodia at the time (1868.259-260); however,
the context does not make it quite clear whether
the grammar actually belonged to Silvestre or if
Bastian had consulted it prior to his arrival
there. He then, in a note, quotes from it at
some length, and the description of derivation is
noteworthy:
Haberit saepe vocabula paria, tanquam
nomen et verbum abinvicem derivata, e.g.:
khong (irasci) t/kh3/], corn hong (ira)
r/komh/, thorn (magnus et vastus) 1/thim/7,
tomhom (magnitudo et amplitudo) f/tmhin/],
pro (mittere personam et uti) f/praa/J,
pomro (servire) E/fimra/], pros (misereri,
libertare) [/praoh/], pomros (libertas)
f/mraoh/J. Rarius tria habent, ut:
kham (conan) [/kil3m/J, pongkham (cogere)
f/tjkh3m/, teangkham f/taa,Jkh3m/1.
It is ironic that Jenner (1969) in his study refers
to Bastian's Cambodia volume (pp. 186-187, note 8)
without mentioning the Latin notes quoted by
Bastian only three pages further! I did not find
any reference to this early Khmer grammar anywhere
else either,
 5'Z

The passage quoted from Bastian's MS is followed

by the remark
Est hoc idioma (camboicum) univocum, sine corn-
positis et synonimis, sine declinatione
et conjugatione ulla, nullam proinde
inflexionem habens C...]
which indicates well how sensitive, and remote
from a prescriptive approach (as so often as-
sumed in the later literature), early descriptive
grammarians were. Since formal inflections are
lacking in Khmer, the semantic categories (like
number, case, gender) cannot be postulated either.

106. Contra Mazaudon ( 1 976.3) who claims "Tibeto-

Burman languages, unlike other Southeast Asian
languages L!], show traces of a very complex
morphology in the proto-language.," The differences
between Mon-Khmer morphological systems and those
of TB languages are multiple; MK does not show
any 'fused' affixes as they are understood in TB,
and the variety of semantic categories as well as
the number of single derivational affixes (and
their different types, such as nasalized, rhotacized,
labialized) is greater in MK. Mazaudon's mis-
understanding is probably caused by the identi -
fication of a particular type of morphological system.

107. Pinnow ( 1 959. 1 3) is the only author who actually

compares Mon with Tibetan as for the difficulties
involved in the interpretation of initial con-
sonant sequences in the literary languages and their
spoken reflexes. See also Sprigg ( 1 97 2 , especially
p. 556) and Benedict ( 1 97 2 .9 8 , note 279).

108. SM /h.th/ is a derivative of /th/ 'to be', meaning

'state, condition, being' and SM /mc ?/ occurs
only in set phrases, like /pa m 13n/ 'very much,
too much, exceedingly' - in LM it is used to
subordinate clauses. For dadah-rna constructions
 515.

see Duroiselle ( 1 9 1 3. 12 5- 12 7) who equates LM dadal2

in compounds with Pali bhva, but also with Pall
simple forms like papafica 'illusion, hindrance;
expansion, diffusion' LM dadal,i ma-slar 'pro-
crastination'.
I should mention in passing that in LM, at least
in the Nissaya variety, a complex nominal piece
'derived' from a simple verb incorporates the
particle LM ma-. Furthermore, in the piece dadah
ma-v., ma- and the negative particle hwa', if
followed by mway (and a noun) - in Nissaya this is
often abbreviated as hmay - are commuting elements
of a 2-term system in this particular environment;
the complex dadah piece yields the following con-
structions:
-- dadah n. (which may be extended to
dadah . ma-v,v.)
-- dadah ma-v.
-- dada1 ma-h'wa'-v.
-- dadah h'wa'-mway n.

Note also that however much pressure Pa'i word

order exerced upon Mon syntax (in translation
literature) the order of elements in this particular
piece has not changed: Pali -bhva LM dada1.-j2.

109. The SM reflex is the vocalic infix; but this case

is puzzling without historical explanation: OM
d-lu /dlu/ has as attributive form the regular
damlu /dmlu 2/ 'to be dark; darkness'; MN dl-
clusters develop into /gl-/, but the old attributive
form was preserved since NM I-mi-I medioclusters
were retained (throughout early LM). 124 spellings
developed accordingly as did, separately, the SM
reflexes (. Th1I.205).

110. LM yuii > lamyuiri (SM /ym/ /py3m/) 'to breathe' /

'life'. For LM taii (SN /pao/ 'to be straight'
 516.

/tk1/, attr.), Dupont reconstructs a base

LM gi SM 'to be straight' instead of
taking into account the syllabic accretion in
certain cases of complex initials (LM dg-) and the
morphophonological consequences of this.

111. Dupont, however, is cautious! "Peut4tre faut-il

y trouver un infixe -ra- nasalis" (19514.19).
The form he quotes contains a vestigial <-r-)
infix (LM mramo'w); cf. QM mirmal, marmal
MM mramar ' SM /pir ? m./ 'fragrance' because
LM mr- clusters have split /pr-/ as SM reflexes.
1141 reconstructs OM mal 'to be fragrant' as base.
Modern spellings LM mu LM samu (SM /mc/ > /hmao/)
might be interpreted as caiques, the derivative
LM samii by analogical levelling?

112. Cf. LNI.xxv, defines "group nouns" formed from

verbal (numeral) bases by the infix <-r->, as in
OM circas /crc3s/ 'decade' >cas /cs/ 'ten',
OM mirmoy /mnnoy/ 'unit' /moy/ 'one', or
quantifiers by the infix -w-> cwas /cwos/ '-ty'
/c9s/ 'ten'. As will be explained later
(pp. 35lsqq.), we postulate only quantifiers.

113. Jenner ( 1 9 6 9.4 6 , 48):

The term secondary base should be understood
as both a convenient structural tag and a
methodological conception. It is intended
to suggest in the first place that all such
bases have a subdissyllabic form and in the
second place that one of the members of the
complex initial is a potential affix.
More recently ( 1 977. 1 71-17 2 ) he introduced
tertiary derivatives which, however, are
so infrequent as to be almost rare
These have the canonical form CvN- + CCV(F),
precisely like the secondary derivatives just
mentioned, but are the result of the in-
fixation of /-vN-/ into a C 1 CCV(F) syllable.
As example is given /ci1ncr/ 'stubble'
/c%cr./ 'to be all bristly' /cri/ 'to bristle'
/rt3/ 'to rise up, be stiff'.
 517.

114. Apart from affixed forms and the CS-) prefix

for the hypothetical 'shall, might, should &c.'.

115. The term 'induced first register' is obviously

calqued upon the birmanisant's "induced creaky
tone" (cf. Okell ( 1 9 6 9. 1 . 18 - 21 )). What we call
'jriduced register' is described by Jenner for
modern Khmer as "registral alternation" (1969.36-41).
Jacob (1968.178) states only that " C ...J a first
register prefixed consonant will change the
register of the vowel"if the base-initial is a
liquid or nasal.

116. Examples of induced first register are:

liXp / plop, p- 'to enter' / 'to introduce'
rh / hrbh, 'to demolish' / 'to decay'
pakp / p%j3p, -I-> 'to join' / 'joint'.

117. Variant bases in Khmer stem from dialect admixture,

loss of registral contrast and re-interpretation
(back-formations?) of orthographic forms. The
scope of' variance extends over lengthening and
raising/lowering of' vowels and shortening and
raising/lowering.

118. Cf. Jacob (1965.156).

119. Cf. Jacob (1968.83).

120. Jenner (1969.103-106,194-195 note 58) sets up

a prefix <m-> which covers our contraction-types
with numerals, both in Khmer and Mon.

121. A similar caique is /a ?i?sn/ /poe? ?iPszn/

and so on, 'twenty-five', 'thirty-five'. Al-
though /P?-/ occurs in other prefixial forms
it is a junctural feature, derived from an
underlying form /6a cuh s3n/, vocalizing the
palatal /c-/ to /ye-/ and / ? i2 -/ as a result
of levelling with an existing /?iC-/ pattern.
 518.

122. Except cA ,, with C-base /pC-/ derivative.

123. In VLAW I (1931), Dempwolff defines his terms

nasaler Zuwachs / nasaler Ersatz and vokalischer
Zuwachs ( 1 93 11 .3 0_ 3 1 , 21):
Zu den konsonantischen Lautvorgangen gehUren
auch Anderungen des Anlautes, die t ...J teils
in Verbindung mit Prfixen, teils ohne soiche
autreten. Der eine dieser Lautvorgnge besteht
darin, daB bestimmte - nicht alle - orate Kon-
sonanten durch einen Nasal der gleichen
Artikulationsstelle, also durch einen "homorganenTM
Nasal ersetzt werden; ausnahmsweise tritt auch
der Nasal einer anderen Artikulationsstelle
auf. Dieser Lautvorgang wird hier "nasaler Ersatz"
des Anlauts genannt.
This is followed by examples from, among others,
Tagalog /dikit/ 'angeklebt' > /nalnikit/ 'angeklebt
habend'. Typologically, this complex affixation is
similar to the Mon nasal series
Nasaler Zuwachs is defined as ( 22):
Em andererLautvorgang, der gleichfalls die An-
laute der Wortstmme betrif'ft, besteht darin,
daB bestimmte - nicht alle - orale Konsonanten
einen Nasal der gleichen Artikulationsstelle
vor sich nehmen, also eine homorgane Nasalver-
bindung bilden; ausnahins'weise tritt auch der
Nasal einer anderen Artikulationsstelle auf.
Dieser Lautvorgang wird hier "nasaler Zuwachs"
des Anlauts genannt.
Tagalog: /balot/ 'eingewickelt' /pambalot/ 'Mittel
zum Einwickeln, E4nballage'. Nasaler Zuwachs occurs
in Khmer, /rIen/ 'to learnt /6ar1an/ 'to teach'.
The term vokalischer Zuwachs is exemplified as in
UIN d'ahit corresponding to Tagalog /daitid/ where
/_jC/ has no grammatical function ( 1
93 11 .75, 48.d,
and p. 83, 49.d).

124. As exhibited in OM/MM spellings of /yC-/ initial

sequences: OM /yas/ ys 'dawn; shine' has as
attributive /yamas/ yims '-'ims. /yC-/ sequences
are spelt in MM, with increasing frequency, 'mc-,
but not consistently, as in /yra?/ 'perfect
particle &c.' MM yra > SM /ira/ LM 'ira.
 519.

LM yw- initials do not occur except in /y',2/

LM ywa'. All forms incorporating an <-w-> infix
are spelt syllabically whenever the initial is
/y2/.

125. Cf. Shorto (1969.111): "OM sul 'to write'

was replaced in MM by ksu; this is explained as
a back-formation, via a presumed *tu, from
das (< LM kasi) 'writing', the regular dis-
similatory development of OM sirsul."

126. Shorto assumes an early fricativization in pre-

syllables of this type (SM /tro-/); notice the
consistent kha--kh- orthographies in Haswell
(1874) corresponding to SM /h-/ forms.

127. This is suggested by Sprigg ( 1 97 2 .547-548, and

548 note 6) quoting Firth (1936.543):
Consonant groups, such as st, str, sk,
skr, in initial position in English, are
best regarded as group substituents, and
no attempt should be made to identify the
letter "t" (here part of a digraph or trigraph)
with that of a similar letter used in
another context.
Sprigg also refers, in the note, to Vogt's
Norwegian phonology 'in which the latter inter-
prets s-pieces as forming a "C...] a striking
parallel to the diphthongs which among the vowels
constitute a similar class of composite phonemes."
In OM s-pieces may occur, phonologically, in any
environment, with simple initials /?or/ 'to cause
to' ) /s 2 or/, /sul/ 'to write' > /ssul/, /kom/
'to associate' > /skom/; /trak/ 'to come to' >
/strak/, /trwil/ 'to attend on' /starwil/ (CB),
with complex initials.

128. In languages like Vietnamese or Thai, word-classes

cannot be distinguished morphologically. NguyLi ph(i
Phong (1976.8lsqq.) catalyzes stative and
operative verbs, for instance, by means of
'mots t6moins', like Vn. 'very' (which does
 520.

not colligate with operative verbs), but concedes

(ibid., p. 84) that other verb-modifying elements
(preverbs, postverbs, or auxiliaries) would also
have to be taken into account.

129. The terms 'verbes d'6tat' and 'verbes d'action'

are taken over for didactical purposes. Karnchana
( 1 97 1 ) and Jacob (1968) make similar distinctions,
but use different terms; so Karina sets up
'operative verbs' (1971.205-207) and 'adjectival
verbs' (1971.209-211), and Jacob 'operative verbs'
and 'attributive verbs'.
Classical Chinese grammarians also distinguish bet-
ween dongci and xingronci, but their usage has
fallen into some disfavour in the recent literature.
Similarly, a totally different classification of
verbs in Mon could be set up using different sets
of exponents.

130. Verbal clitics exist only in LM (and at earlier

stages of the language). Nominal clitics, such as
they are described in the following, may occur in
LM in different syntactic positions, like sentence-
initial, pronominalized (/?i_/) or not,
?iPwiP ;

131. This is a caique upon Thai /nas: d:n tha:j/.

132. /t37/ and /hal/ may be combined in any order,

/t?_hlb/ and /halj-t3?/. Since the stress-
pattern ma nominal piece comprising ct.itics is
fixed, the reversal of the order of these clitics
entails a change of emphasis.
The relative order of several qualifying/quantifying
constituents, like /karem/ 'old' (qualifying) and
/hnk/ 'large' (quantifying),merits closer analysis
than can be provided here. It appears that if both
occur in a nominal piece the qualifiying verb is
closer attached to the head-noun than the quantifying
verb.
 521.

133. /krp/ combines with kb, its derivative does not

command any particle, kr3p kb silo 'close, near,
the silo', krop k h3e P ni tip 'near Nai Tip's
house', but /kar.3p/ as in kr3p silo 'in the vicinity
of the silo', kar3p 6i 'near the k a'so
occurs with other particles of location, like t3 k
'until, up to', thc k 'opposite', n k 'from'.

1311. Historically, numerals do not belong to a separate

word-class of their own, but function as simple
verbs, contrary to Shorto's statement in DM1 (1971.
xxv) where he recognizes "numeral roots" - which,
in fact, are interpreted here as verbal bases - and
in DSM (1962.xii) where numerals are subsumed under
nouns. An important trace in SM favours my inter-
pretation of cardinal numbers as verbs: The negation
of 'to have, possess; be', /nm/, is the verb
/ma/ 'Eto be) one' preceded by the negative particle
/hiP/, in /hX ma/ 'not to have; there is no
The second argument is that in OM numerals form
derivatives by affixation, and it is assumed that
only verbals can function as bases. In SM, only
/6a/ 'two' yields a derivative, /kama/ (kN_, 'to
be geminate' (although Shorto suggests that the latter
is an IN loan). Independently, and without adducing
data from Mon, Zide (1976.9) speculates that
numerals in Car and Aslian may be verbs.

1 35. Jenner (1976.passim) rejects the view that Khmer

has a quinary numeral system ("le systeme khmer est
indniablement d6cimal" (1976. L17)), a conventional
view based on the fact that the numerals from six
to nine are composed of the numeral 'five' /pram/
followed by the numerals one to four,
/pram m:y/ 'six' 'five', 'one')
/pramp&l/ 'seven' exception, 'five', /pl:/ 'two')
/pram S i y / ' eight' 't'ive', 'three')
/pram 6u:n/ Ifljfl 'five', 'four').
 522.

He adduces data from other MK languages, in-

cluding Mon (1976.4 11, 2.2), to show how the
compound set of Khmer numerals six to nine cor-
responds to non-compound sets in cognate languages:
Outre le m8n, le pear et le samr6, toutes les
autres langues m8n-khmres dont nous avons
connaissance possdent.des nombres non-composs
de six neuf (1976,ibid.).
Jenner ignores, however, important phonological
considerations: Other MK languages show different
syllable structures and initial sequences in the
two sets of numerals, I. one to five, and II.
six to nine
I. II.
cv(c) ccv(c).
Moreover, OM forms suggest that the numerals seven
to eight incorporate nasal infixes
'seven' OM /d.mph/
'eight' OM /d.ncam/
'nine' OM /dncit/.
Subsequent mediocluster-reduction of the type
OM -NC- > SM -C- resulted in overall shapes
CCV(C) for the second set.

136. In his Talaings Halliday is more explicit about

classifiers/quantifiers:
The use of descriptive words when using numbers
with nouns is not so general in Talaing as in
other Indo-Chinese languages. There are cases
where it is quite a necessity, others where
it is not required and still others where
it is optional. Trees, fruits and flowers
require a descriptive word, as tnam pnah m'wai
tnai [nam p,neh ma nm1 'one jack tree'.
This is simply the word for 'tree' repeated.
kau dakah pi lofi Ckao hkh pae o] 'three
lotus flowers', lotus flowers three
blossoms; sat brau a ma [ st pr^a a m^.PJ
'two cocoanuts', lit. cocoanuts two seeds.
Things which go in pairs usually have a descriptive
word, as dnop mwai cho rh a np m3a chaol
'a pair of shoes', cho signifying 'companionship'
['pair'] ; glau mwai tiow 1kla m3a tJ
'a pair of oxen'. One of a pair is referred to
as mwai duih [ma thI 'a side' It is optional
when speaking of persons to use a descriptive
word or not; tale t'kla21, 'master', is used
of men, but it is very common to use the
numeral simply, as mnih tnh m3a] 'one man'.
 523.

It is usual to have a descriptive word

in speaking of monks, as lakyk pi jaku
Elikyaik p3e hkao), 'three monks'.
But even with kyak, which in Buddhism
means Buddha or i representations or
memorials, it is not always used. There
is the familiar phrase, kyk msun mwai kaw
Ekyaik psn ma k], 'five Buddhas one
Kalpa', which expresses the Buddhistic
notion that five Buddhas is the complement
of the present Kalpa (1917.127).
In contradistinction to his observation, all Mons
I have met in Thailand insist on using hkao ? with
members of the Sarigha.
In MED ( 1 9 22 . xvii - xviii ), Halliday set up a list of
classifiers, mostly borrowed from Burmese, sayirg
that "numeral auxiliaries are more sparingly used
than in other neighbouring languages."

1 37. Although quantifiers occur in OM also as simple

forms, a certain number - as in Khmer - contain the
affix -n->: OM tnar /tn3r/ (-- /tr/ 'stalk'),
OM siiiko' /s'anka 2 / /sk3/ 'company'), OM cnm
/cnam/ (.t W/cam/ 'year'); cf. tf41.xxv.
Similarly in PA-Khmer: tnem 'tree' (nq.), K. 557.11
tor!i tnem 40; K557. 12 sre sanre 2. K.904.B.12
gi neh vnok phon tel... "c'est toute cette troupe
que..." (Coeds), vnok as derived from vok, cor-
responding to modern Khm. /pX:k/ 'group'. K.21.3-4
tmo pi vnk which Coeds (Ic (1953).vI.6, note i)
takes as "C...d6riv6 de *vk[mod.Khin. /pk/]
C...] "porter, mettre". Il s'agit de pierres
prcieuses plac6es sur la diadme et les parrures."
The last example shows also that the two functions
assigned to the infix -n- in both languages
may overlap (instrumental I
quantifier).
Deriving quantifiers from nominal bases by means
of the infix <-n-> poses additional problems in
evaluating the intrusion, or secondary development,
of quantifying systems as they are known in Tai.
Generally, two kinds of
analysis are proposed, diffusionat and topological.
 524.

The former analysis (Jones ( 1 97 0 ), Hashimoto

(1976, 1 977)) suggests that certain syntactic and
semantic features in expressions of counting and
measuring in a particular group of languages (Tai)
spread throx*it the continent and were assimilated
by non-cognate languages. Jones distinguishes
two types of construction, num. Cl. N (for
Vietnamese and some EMK languages) and N nuin. Cl
(for TB (Burmese), Thai, Shan, Palaung, Khinu, Khmer,
Javanese), which are subsequently split into five
groups according to the position of a deictic ex-
pression and a stative verb (like Khmer ko:n sri
1P3: Cy nk nih 'these three pretty girls'). Jones
concedes, however, that a merely structural analysis
of quantifying expressions may not be sufficient
to disentagle the various overlapping systems (be they
cognate or not) and, in passing ( 1 97 0 .3, note 2),
voices doubts that Mon-Khmer languages had originally
such quantifying systems. Hashimoto interprets the
fact that Southern Chinese dialects like Chao-Zhou,
Fu-Zhou, or Cantonese have a highly developed and
varied classifier-system whereas the Northern dialects
(Shen-Xi, Kan-Su, Pekingese) show a restricted system
(the neutral. classifier in Pekingese) by assuming
two centres of diffusion, Altaic languages in the North
and Tai languages in the South (this argument is
also favorably viewed in Hagge-Haudricourt ( 1 97 8 . 1 2 8-
129)). Moreover, Hashimoto ( 1 97 6 .53-54) states:
One thing which has not yet drawn enough attention
among linguists is that the variety and the
occurrence of the classifiers are closely re-
lated to the morpheme structure (monosy'labic
or polysyllabic) of the language. In short,
the more monosyl 1 abic nouns a language has, the
greater variety of classifiers one can find in
the language, and the more polysyllabic the
words tend to be, the simper the classifier
system becomes.
(Cf also Hashimoto (1977.75.,)
To this 'diffusional' type of analysis - however
pertinent it may prove in explaining secondary
developments in languages like Khmer or Mon - one
can oppose a 'functional' interpretation, as did,
 525.

very recently,Marie-Claude Paris (1981), for

Mandarin. Following Benveniste (Problmes, I, 1966.
118), she postulates more general rules that under-
ly the so-called classifier constructions and pro-
poses various syntactic tests in the course of
which, for instance, verbal classifiers (cor-
responding to SM s hui ma oa p3ePkhoi
'take your medicine three times a day') and nominal
classifiers (like SM rt p,e? praPka 'The Three Gems' -
Mon data are not cited in Paris (1981)!), are re-
cognized as different categories. The major
difference to the semanticists' treatment, however,
is that all underlying operations relate to
'determination' and 'quantification' of nouns.
Thus Benveniste states:
r...i tous les systmes varies de
"classes nominales" [in Bantu igs.] sont
fonctionnellement analogues aux divers modes
d'expression du "nombre grammatical" dans
d'autres types de langues, et que des procds
linguistiques mat6rialis6s en fonnes tres
dissemblables sont classer ensemble au point
de vue de leur fonction" ibid., 117-118].
Specifically, M.C. Paris cricizes
Hashimoto on two grounds, that, firstly, "les
valeurs des Cifassificateurs] tendent se neutra1iser
au profit du Cl. , smantiquement (quasi)vide"
( 1 9 81 .79), and, secondly, '9...] on aurait assists
un d6veloppement diachronique oX les noms seraient
rests monosyllabigues, et o1 les Cl[assificateursj
se seraient de plus en plus diversifi6s. Or, on
sait tres bien que le chinois n'est plus une langue
monosyllabique, mais plut8t polysyllabique" (1981.78).
B. Tsou (in AAS II, 1976.1215-12 1 7) even suggested
a relationship between devices for marking plurality
and classifier systems, very pertinent to Mon (although
Tsou does not include any discussion on Mon grammar).
Plurality:
Khmer shows a weak trace of an overt pluralizing
device, OKhm. sifi ' syaii &c.,; interpretations
diverge: Mrs Jacob takes it, in teaching, as a
particle subordinating plural nouns while Saveros Pou
 526.

analyzes its MKI-im reflex in the Ramakerti as

fulfilling an anaphoric function (1977.122-123).
No explicit pluralizing function is mentioned,
but nearly all examples quoted translate into
French as plural:
as' pp dthi'i noh sii'i ksy (570) "tous ces pchs,
(us) vont s'liminer" where the plural is marked
by as' ... dthf, but sin occcurs in a plural con-
text (could it occur in any other context?),
[as' ... Ti,, sli'i git ([3554] 3555) "ils (= les
soldats) pensent...". The second co-occurrence with
as' is not mentioned. More material is presented
in the Cpp' kun cau (Pou-Jenner 1977.209) where
again it is taken as an anaphoric pronoun:
"Pronom nciispcifique, tenant la place d'un acteur
aussi bien qu'un discours entier qui le pr-
cadent, anaphorique valeur actualisante."
sifi mak rak pn, "us peuvent revenir"
arnboe sifi chgan, "actes sont inconvenants"
rien gun dmfi prm sii'i nm, "appreridre cinq vertus
j conduisent...". In two other instances quoted
sifi occurs in a complex particle or compoind sifi-tae
and the other translates as a collective or generic.
The modern Khmer reflex of sifi has a different
function. I do not claim for OKhm and MKhni sifi &c.
to be a pluralizing particle, but the environments
suggest any exclusion from singular contexts.
Mon throughout its attested history distinguishes
between overtly marked definite plural /t?/,
indefinite plural /h'l (SM), gmla (MM, LM)/),
zero, combinations involving different stress-
assignments /t?-hbl J , h-.l-t3P/ and combinations
with /kh/ as a noun-determiner. Moreover,
changes in the deictic system should be noted:
OM NM LM have a 4-term system
n? 'this' SM /n/
te 'that' SM /te/
wu 'this' SM 0
g3h 'that' SM /kh/ noun determiner.
(already in OM, /g3h kh/ had a determining
function for nouns, similar to its modern reflex.)
 527.

The loss and restructuring of parts of this

relatively complex system, with its combinations
of each series /wu-g3h, n 3 ?_teP/ (0M MM LM)
and the plural clitics, could more easily
accomodate other quantifying systems from
different languages, at some later stage.
Determina tion:
In Thai, the position of' classifier and numeral
assigns a determining value to the head-noun:
ph: cha:y khon 'one man'
phi2: cha:y khon n' 'a man'

(Fang Kuei Li ( 1 97 8 ) claims the former to be

an innovation.)
Since SM has a three-term system for determining a
non-plural noun (zero, kh, mba; if qualified
by a stative verb, may change the position
to indicate a generic, kon ik hrnot pra m8a d'ot
'a child' ('a small boy or girl')), classifiers
are not needed for this purpose. This basic
system can even be extended to include forms
like N-lb ma 'some, any; some or other'. If
.n.h is used with a head-noun
kon kr3k .n'h a 'two Chinese'
n. n. Q 2

its position is fixed.

In Vietnamese, classifiers may also be used to
determine the noun (the fonction rfrentielle of
Nguyn ph(i D hong (1975.78))
b 'dame' ci b 'la dame'
anh 'frre' cianh 'le frre'
bn 'table' ci bn 'la table'
A sequence of classifier and noun can thus not be
interpreted as generic.

Anaphora:
Classfiers may also have a pronomima' izing function
in an anaphoric reprise:


528.

Vietnamese:
cai ma' Bao
, thay 1 ci bn (Nguyn phfi Phong
Cl. p. see BE Cl. n. 1975.65)

"ce que Bo volt est la table" (C1.-classifier,

p.-subordinating
particle.)
or in Mandarin or Mon where the head-noun can be
deleted in certain contexts, such as
women maj. -le shi ben shu
we buy Acc. 10 Cl. book
'we bought ten books'
ni mai -le hang ben 0
you buy Acc. 2 Cl.
'you bought two (books)' (Acc.-accomphi)
(M.C.Paris (1981.
and caiquing a similar example 30)
for SM
poi rn -1 lik c3h k.n3p
we buy Acc.book 10 Cl.
?ma rn -1 0 6a kn,p
you buy Acc. 2 Cl.

Apart from includipg

parameters like the ones mentioned here, syn-
ctic changes which are not the result of contact
should be related to the evolution of' particles
and clitics constituting the nominal piece.
Khmer, for instance, shows a change between OKhJn.
and MKhxn. which cannot be explained by reference
to Thai (Jacob 1965); exempted from the change of
word-order were constructions with n?k (similar
to Mon Jh, in different order, but equally
rigid). Fang Kuei Li (1978) points out that
the original word-order in Thai for quantified
nouns follows the pattern we stated for Mon i.h,
that is, the classifier/quantifier following the
head-noun. All these changes ought to be re-
examined syntactically.
 529.

138. pIn should be treated as a verb, as suggested

by further examples like boa kh pl3n - al-
though it can be nominalized to oa plan kh;
plan is a verb rather than a particle, as in
oa kh pn raP. Instances like ma saik plan
'and yet another thing' conceal these properties.

139. In Nissaya Mon kp kc (gap gaw, or abbreviated as

gapw) translates a Pali optative, and cn kp kc
(cuin gap gaw) the future participle passive.

140. By contrast, stative verbs like khbh and thik

refer to material and moral values, respectively.

141. The translation reads, in order from top to

bottom, 'he cannot speak Burmese', 'he can
speak Burmese very well', 'he cannot speak
Burmese yet, 'he cannot speak Burmese at all'
'he can speak Burmese (contrary to what you have
been told)'. The nuances are very difficult to
convey; thus the clitic kh implies somehow
that the putative knowledge of Burmese is contrasted
with that of other languages ('but...', or 'still, ...'
'yet, ...'). Similarly, the co-occurrence of a
noun closed by kh and a sentence closed by rap.
The question particle ha in the last column is
added merely to indicate its position, if' it occurs
at all in these contexts.

142. /t/ is an historical puzzle. tX1I lists OM

/$t/, cognate with Khmer /t/ /Pt/ 'to be
without' and suggests the written form 'as- to
be separated and connected with Khmer /'s/ 'to be
complete, ali P . SM /P ot sDm/ is consistently spelt
with junctural -as-, suggesting an early LM, late
MN form /?flh-/?

143. ci.P phoa follows the pattern of two-term com-

plexes of the type 'source-goal', like pn tih
'to aim at' / 'to hit' ('to shoot'); this
 529a.

may account for the negation-type V hiX V,

c hi phoa 'I am not full (yet)', pn hii P th
'I missed'.

ik i . Typologically, nim and tch may be related to

Thai kcu.: and modern Khmer cI: a kiI:;
but n)in has as English translation-equivalent
what is otherwise related to Thai ml: and mod.Khni.
m' 1:n 'to have, possess', the latter being a
cognate of SM /mn/, 'to beat, win; to be able
(as auxiliary)'. However, in both modern languages,
Thai and Khmer, possession (mi. mi:n) may be
overtly negated, mymi: kmI:n (contraction
of ks:, m:%n) with a versatile positional rule
(clause-initial, clause-final). It should be
pointed out that the Khmer contraction km'Iran
may be traced to a proto-systern similar to Mon.
In any case, the verbs for possession in Mon and
Khmer are not cognates. The following lexical
correspondences can be established for the three
languages:

SM Khmer Thai SM Khmer Thai

na ml:an ml: mj ml: MEG V retained

ith (>)L a NEG replaced
Q hi mae V replaced

145. Dupont erroneously states a form hwa' nwarn,

rectified by Shorto (1958).

146. Cf. Udom Warotamasikkhadit, 'Peculiarities of the

Thai substantive verb p ',in T.W.Gething
et al., eds., Tai Linguistics in honor of Fang Kuei
Li, Bangkok, Chulalongkorn U.P., 1976.233-241.
 530.

1147. The translation reads: 'And by means of' these

vehicles they will be unable to reach the heaven
Nirvna.,' hi th closes the first clause.
'Those words Iwere spoken] even before the Buddhas
came into being.'

148. But this may be due to the fact that hi negates

a compound (or 2-term complex) Another
instance, altogether different, is Haswell's
d'oa rh mn hema k-%na9 kht dn hi't? lp th
pn. Ii. n. n. n. v. n. NEG v. v.
'famine'
"In the Peguan arid Burman country famines are not
common" (18714.146). t?,h functions here as
auxiLiary to

149. Or as in chet kle hXk kho,

v. v. v. NIEG v. n

v i V2
'he raised objections and declined to give the
permission', where the two main pieces are divided
by the negative particle; since the following verb
is not an auxiliary, but a v. n. complex, hi) cannot
refer back to the preceding piece.

150. And in sentences like t raha 'has he finished?/

is it finished?', et ra 'yes' - t ira'
'he has./it is.', where it is the prefixial element
which conveys the aspectual meaning.

151. ra? may also occur in clauses and fixed idiomatic

expressioas, h'bt_k?hra 'that is why; therefore',
y ra P 'if' introducing a clause (which may be
closed by m3k^.h), t ra ch?kh raP, closing
a narrative.
 531.

152. It may also be used to mark a focus or convey

the idea of generality; thus an article abo:it
the various Mon associations in Burma (in
uk gatp khet dui mat maluifii, 1 977.3, PP. 1-3)
begins with /hkom mkh kh I th s Pht hkao raP!
'An association isthe strength of a people'
Ambiguity is removed by the position of kh (in
such an enviroiment it cannot possibly refer to
a conditional sense 'if...'), but it also shows
that mk^h by itself does not convey a generic
sense. On the other hand, /imkom kh .../
cannot be used as a generic either because it
would referiDanassociation mentioned previously.

153. The translation reads: 'Saripuit who was an

army general considered that he would be Buddha's
disciple.'
Or another example from the same text: mha the
cunt ? m? th t the sarijyot 'Mahathera Cunda (who)
was the younger brother of Ther Saripuit'
(Sripuit.7).

154. Negation as a special grammatical system with some-

times deviaflt rules, be they syntactic or priono-
logical, is not confined to Mon-Khmer or to
South-East Asian languages. Turner, for
example, writing on the modern IA reflexes of
Skt. -kseti (Bsos VIII, 1936.810), notes:
"It may be observed from the English sentences
he's_here: he isn't here; they're here: th aren't
here, that in negative sentences the verb may
carry more stress than in the positive. In Nepali
where an original monosyllable maintains its length
U...] chai (< acchai) became cha, but remained
in the negative chaina. So in the Bihrt dialect
of Ku rrn1i Thr we have nekhe 'is not' beside he
'is', and Nagpuri nakhe beside ahe. There can be
little doubt that in these cases the fl forms are
derived from kh- forms. It may be further pre-
sumed that in languages, which no longer preserve
 532.

any trace of kh forms, their h- is the un-

emphatic derivative of earlier kh-."
For Mundari, Langendoen states two copula verbs
/mena?/ - anq its negative counterpart - being
conjugated differently from verb roots and the
suppletive /tai/ which occurs only in the past
tense. /tai/ can be negated as any other
intransitive verb in the past tense, by /ka/, while
/mena/ is replaced by a "special fused negetive
copula" (p. 87) /banga P baao ba/ depending
on morpho-syntactic environments. Stative verbs,
however, can be negated by /ka/ (in this case
/mena?/ does not occur); cf. T.D.Langendoeri
'The copula in Mundari', in: J.W.M. Verhaar, ed.,
The verb 'Be' and its synonyms, I, Dordrecht,
D.Reidel, 1 9 6 7 (= Foundations of Language, Suppl.
series, i), 75-100.

155. Somewhat similar distinctions have been used by

various authors (Rygaloff, Culioli), summarized
y Nguyn phi Phong (1974, 1979). Disjunctive
questions do not exist in the Eastern dialects,
unlike the Burma dialects, or Vietna'nese, K1iiner,
Thai. In Vietnamese even i 'or' can only be
used in questions corresponding to in de-
clarative sentences (Phong 1979.75s.).

156. Secondary stress with respect to preoeding syllables

or words, such as ra ha or even tertiary in
environments like te raha, both figures have
graded (1-2(-3)) stress.

157. Nguy'n pMi Phong, however, stresses the fact that

Vietnamese shows two different intonation patterns
for pieces like Boi Vitnarn which may be either
a statement or a question (1974.6).


533.

TEXT

The following text, Ramma /rmm^. P/, was recorded

on July 30, 1978, at Photharam, Rajburi province.

-- - -J
he story is told by Nai Liam Wangwari
T ij),

born in 1911.

This text, together with ten other folk-

tales, was the first recording I ever made in the field,

and the technical quality is rather bad. Back in Photharam

in 1 979, I tried, with the help of some Mons, to transcribe

the tape, taking their information at face-value. Final

rechecking of the tape in London, however, convinced me

that in a few instances the Mon transcript does not cor-

respond to the narrative as it was recorded, and re-

processing of the tape to obtain a better acoustic

quality did not lead to the reconstitution of the

missing segments ((33), (34), (39), in the following).

But I decided to include the text here for the

following reasons:
 5:314.

Most of the material I recorded in subsequent

years consisted of sermons, mainly written by Nai Sluii

Thaw, of' Samut Sakh9rn, Jtaka recitals and ordination

texts; apart from their length, the language cannot be

coisidered colloquia], or spoken narrative, Mon because

of' certain syntactic features, Nissaya-style intrusion and

heavy lexical borrowing from Pali.

The other texts I obtained from Nai Liam are

far longer than Ramma, but the narrative style is equally

homogenous.

The notes to the text included here are meant

to be a guided reading; I have made no attempt yet to

transcribe prosodic features, like Henderson's analysis

of two Chin texts. This will be done in an ulterior

study. -

The following abbreviations are used:

A UX auxiliary verb
cl. cut ic
itr. intransitive verb
N nominal piece, group
p. particle
pn. noun-particle
p.s. sentence (or clause) particle
pv. verb-particle
V verbal piece, group
NEG negative particle (ha?)
film numeral
 535.

Ramma.

romm,
m& t3e te nm k1a rs3e? ma pa htao m3 dba-k

krp kh. (2) Cb kala 2 m3a toe k1a r.s 3 e? k3h

tt Pa khoi krip - k1i . sot chu '

.' ra '
r.3h c3k kr3k pnoh te
kY r3j potsao. (3) ki p potsao the k1aP rse? k3h
hya thb ? 16 doa-kb krp k3h t3h m6 cfaik khlak m6a khlak

toe. (1t) k1aP rsoe? k3h th ka1a m6a oa plon n1m m6

kri m6a k6h. (5) kri t k6h k1i Pik3h k13 S3,
tIh d'aik hya k1a P rsoeP tam hya 16 k6h rap.

(6) kri t? k6h s ttn. (7) s tbn d'ak poi coh

hatao 2 the kri t k3h ra p . (8) E....] tEt kon k6h kon
kt t6h nih h1ah k1 h1ah 13 hira kot k1a 9 rseP
k6h raP. (9) ph h'1h tt toe kon ik kh kr^. tn
toe. (10) k1a2 rsoeP k6h m6i t3e: "Pe, hriXP
kon ik 1b ki? prb ? m3 c atsmapat ?oa n3P",
t3e k1a? rs3e? k6h tt Pa. (ii) tt r6 kri B
k6h ch.3 t.t k1a? rasoe P k6h t3e. (12) kri P k6h
phik ta krip harip t.a 1p krp Pa. (13) k1aP
rs3e ? k6h d r6 ch th kon ctot m6a th kon ik

pr^.a d'ot the k1a rasoe? k6hjit th toe. (114) P0,

nmk th6 mitta koruna t3e k31a rasoe ? pa ?ath'1?than:

"kon ik n y t6h kon oa hw P kbp kia te? pin th

toe kb d'aik thh k? t.t n kon toa ?oa fl3 P", pa? ?ath'I? than.

( 1 5) pa PathI ? than the ka1a rasoe pa? Pathi ? than toe

dik toh k6h hw6 t.t kanon toa k6h. (16) k1a? rseP
yk ket kon jik k6h k1 1i-a 13 d'oa-kb ?atsamapbt hkaoP

k8h ra?. (17) 16 kon k6h hn6k tbn cp Qyk coh

 536.

sn kha c3h krao akha n3? ktb th iiit hmt hin3e 1a

kye t3e. (18) k1a? rsae? kh Pa tLt krp

c & ? k1i c st chu ? rh ck fl3? kii kon kh kib
k kon a h k.? na b ctt i i n. (19) hbt niX

kwirj hil ? wi kb kon kth phik th onkarai ma krp

kh m? pat3m ko k1ok ykkha P kbm niin ph3ik.

(20) creh hp.? t.h phoik cteh k?a ? na ktao kt-on tbn toe

th. (21) kala ? maa oa plon k%tao Cb ifl.

(22) ktao Cb P in toe Pin kth kam, panadukmo kamh

tn toe. (23) hmoi Pin hcarana rcj kh.

(24) ?e, nijn h-nt mca ma tn th raP. (25) doa-kb
lak noP kch hinoi in kh pla? r mt 1m cih k1 kyo tm ket
(25a) kela?rasoe? kch ktom katao mn niX kon wiXt k3h

c? a it a k1i s3t chu ? rh c' k kr3k pnoh plon kh

1 hiX7 no cbt toe hmoi Pin kh cih k13 cih k13

toe. (26) hmoi ?in kh hi1 th kb prasat ma kan3D

toe. (27) hmoi Pin tak 1 k h9c3m k-b kn ra

yakkhayok nom pndi tno? klok krp tano? ki,m t^.ak u3
kb hcm toe. (28) hmoi Pin kb m k prasat ta

oa wiX ? toe. (29) kala? resoe? kch k,,P tsak cbt

niX no ko tasak cbt toe. (30) ka1arasoe P m Pa m

Pa th kala? ma oa plon k8h ra e . (31) kQlaP rseP

p1n pa? ka hacbt Pa. (32) twtao Pin km cih k13 cj

h'wI kr ? ciXt. (33) ka1arase P toe hil? th 1 k

kut niXm ko C...] kyaik maa ? oi 1 'wira (34)
hw? mPok k3h i U...].

(35) th ka1a ma oa kh plon niXm ?ek-rat ma yamil?

rmm tt khi krsp toe k1j Cbp ?ats%mapt
kh k13 hap? th hamot pra k3h. (36) h;p^ t.h
 537.

h.rnot pra tDe th kb mk mt t.h kb cot the.

(37) ?ekrat k(h 1tp Pa hmot pra kh jt tth nih kraoh

k1 h? keab jt mca 1h krIp ton Pa hakao prasat the
t th? karj t3e. (38) ekrat kh pl3n t-on rn k?
kr kh te. (39) kyaik horn kt E...J
ph3ik hkao ? ht3. (4o) hot h ? kP kea
jit nih ma lh m ctoa k13p kh ym hakao ht3 teP
hrn kvb k3t te horn Pa horn k1 horn ia horn k1.3 t?
1p tbn cop. (4i) hip tbn cot te? th hi P seas straoP
ma c? th nih k'weh m-kh k pk

(42) p3k kre j the jt th mk nih kah

phyih cbt hacfak chan. (43) Pekrat kb hen^' kyaik

kh m ph kz rna ct? m prasat rn m Pa rn ?3

(4L) ? ekarat kh cha ? kh: "?oa cc? m k-d'oa krip

n? hF k?, ?oa c? th k31ea, da, 7" khy,p hkah.

(45) khy3p hakh t3e kse? hQn.P kyaik k1ea 1ip cf3j
jh_kh. (46) kaleab 1p cf3j te pa? btao m croa

ct3 h-kh.
 538.

Notes.

mIP t3e te2

P. pS. ci.
conventional beginning of' any piece of oral literature.
The unusual grammatical form - an ellipsis - can be
explained by reference to variants like kbp kia te
(n. p. ci.) ' j fl former times'; the literary sentence or
phrase-subordinating particle m^ ? serves an anaphoric
function. This phrase is followed by a short pause and high-
rising pitch on te 'that'.
n1m k'la rQs3e ma
V n. n. nuin.
N
'there was a hermit'.
pa P htao d'oa-kb krp kh
v. n. v. p. n. ci.
V N
'who was living in the forest'. serves here in its
aspectual function to the preceding verbal complex
pa? hatao 'to reside'. Note that k3h is not only con-
fined to subject- or topic-marking. The combination of
dba-kt, instead of simple ciba occurs more often in literary
MoLi, but might have been used here for prosodic reasons.
(2)
CbP kala mia t3e
V. n. num.p.
'once, on one occasion', followed by pause and mid-rising
pitch.
kla raseP kc?,h
n. n. ci..
'the hermit'

tLt a khi kr'p

v. V. v. n.

'left the forest'. ?a in its aspectual function when

following a main verb, tLt 'to go out, leave'. kahi
is honorific for 'to tour', but Shorto (DsM) does not list
any occurrences where kh3th follows the main verb, unless
one would interpret the sequence tt Pa khi as a
concatenation of two main verbs, '...left and wandered
about the forest'.
 539.

?a kli s3t chu? rh cjk kr3k pan3h te

n. n. n. n. n. n. ps.
V N
'looking for (various) fruits, roots, creepers, mangos
and jackfruit'.
the role of the is that of a tense-marker 'having been...,
he then...'.
k' p ptsao
V. fl. fl.
V
'and developed a pain in the urethra', 2 'stomach',
p3tsao 'urine' (Pali passava).

(3)
kI p3tsao t3e
v. n. n PS.

Frequent device in Mon narratives: The verbal piece of

the last sentence - if final - is repeated in the
following sentence, followed by the.
kala rse? kh
n. n. cl.
'the hermit'
hya thP i3 d'oa-kkr kh
n v---. . n. ci.

'having urinated into the forest'

l functions as an aspect-marker, following the main
verb th-bP 'to throw, discharge, &c.'; the word-order of
hya thb?-1 is peculiar, like d'aik lip 'to ship water'.

th m d'aik khlak mta khlak the.

v.v. n. n. num,n. p5.

'which was, turned into L...'.

marks the aspect of the preceding t3h 'to be &c.'.
The remaining part of the sentence is grammatically unprob-
lematic, a classifier construction - possibly caiqued
upon either Thai or Burmese -; but khlak as a noun is
not listed in DSM, Halliday (MED) notes khalak as "filth,
impurity".
 540.

(4)
k1a ? ras3e 7 kh 'the hermit'
n. n. ci.

th kaia mca oa pi3n 'the next day'

V. fl. nuIn.n. V.
n.
V
p1n in phrase-final position means 'next, again'.

niin m krit? ma kh. 'there was a deer'.

V. v n. n. nuxn..ci.
V
Again, following the main verb as an aspect-marker.
To note here the fact that niXm 'to be, have, possess &c.'
may occur with the 'durative' aspect. t^.h kala? may
conveniently be translated as 'when the time came, by
the time'. The difficulty arises in establishing a
link between the subject, kla? rasae kh and the
remaining sentence.

(5)

kri ? kh 'the deer'
n. n. ci.
qualifies the preceding noun as female (fauna].
Icl ? 1 P koh kl S3 th d'aik hy
V. fl. V V. V. fl. n.

'came and drank the urine'

kl3 ? i ? kc3h may be idiolectat.. The auxiliary verb
th, 'to do involuntarily, by chance', follows the
verbal complex imnediately, kL S3 'came and drank'.

kla? rsae? tam hya l kh raP.

n. n. v. n. v. ci. ps.

'the hermit had discharged there'.

ra refers back to the whole sentence while the clause
kla? ras3e ... is a subordinate clause ('relative')
tam is a Thai loan (/tham/ ?, - a verb similar in
function to SM /pa/, used as a caique here). Again,
the aspectual function of the verb lc is expressed by
postpositioning to the main verb tam, but since it is
a calque it follows the entire piece tam hy . 'to urinate'.
 541.

(6)
kri t kh sr ttn. 'The deer got pregnant.'
n. n. c1. V. V.
N V

(7)
s ton d'ak piv cz,h hotao t3e kri kch ra?.
V. V. V. V. nUn. fl. p5. fl. I]. ci. p8.
V N
ton used, again, as an aspect marking auxiliary ('ingressive'),
following the main verb; the following complex dk
'to be complete, full', refers to the nominal piece coh
hatao? 'ten months'. Mons refer to the period of preg-
nancy as to ten months. The ensuing word-order is prob-
lematic, unless considered peculiar to the oral style.
Normally, the grammatical subject 'the deer' kri 63 P kh
ought to precede the verb phrase. Ambiguity, however,
does not arise in this context since the first clause
(or rather, sentence) is closed by the sentence-particle
toe (marking past tense). An alternative interpretation
- or one which could well be incorporated into the discourse-
style analysis - would accord raP a verbal role (after
all, it derives /?iP ra P / and bases are to be taken as verbals).
(8)
tt kon kh '... gave birth to a child'
V. fl. ci. (initial complement unclear on
tape-recording)
kon ktv th n)h - the child being human -
n. v. v. n.

halah kl halah l 'which was born'

V. V. V. V.
vi V2
kl3i) and l marking aspect ('ingressive', 'perfective',
in this combination as a stylistic figure).
harakt kela ras3e kth raP. 'close to the hermit's t.'
pn. n. n. n. ci. ps.
N
har.a is a noun-particle usually confined to literary
Mon (jaref '-jrei'i, OM jinreii - jreii 'inruediate vicinity'),
and used here like SM 'near, close, to' (or its
derivative SM krp) k3la? rse? in genitival position
to 'Kui' raP referring back to the entire sentence,
kh to kut. -
 5112.

(9)
ph hi.h tt tze 'As soon as it was born'
S. V. V. p5.

tt as directional verb, modifying hi^.h 'to let go, free

from'. Sentence-initial pi 'as soon as, when' is a
borrowing from Thai (W&/ph3:/), complying with the same
word-order rule; the passive in the English gloss is
somewhat inaccurate because the original sentence is
'active' (n. itr.v.), although the grammatical subject
is deleted.
kon ik kh 'the child'
n. n. ci.

kr ? tn toe. 'began to cry.'

V. V. PS.
tn aspect (ingressive).

(io)
kla rasae kth 'the hermit'
n. n. ci.

mi !3 t.e: '(upon) hearing it:'

V. p5.

2e, h-ri1? kon ik 'Oh, the sound of a child' -

p. n. n. n.

h,kV p rb
pri. V. ?
/p3rb P/ is an unknown word.

m c Patsamaptt Poa nP, 'near my hermitage'

V. n. n. n. ci.
N
is the main verb, 'to be situated (at)', c 'vicinity;
leg, limb', 2atsamapbt 'hermitage' (Pali assamapada).
Note the combination of oa 'I, me; my, mine' and the
deictic term 'this'.
toe kala rsoe kth tt Pa. 'and the hermit went out.'
ps. n. n. cl. v. v.
N V

te functions here as a sentence connector - between the

preceding segment ..9oa n and the initial unit of this
segment a pause can be heard. Pa in its aspectual sense,
following the main verb (tc.t 'to emerge, go out &c.'),
occurs rareLy in narratives where tbn is preferred.

(ii)
tt r kri f? kh

'He went out and saw the deer'
v. v. n. n. ci.
V N

ch t.t kela? resoe? kh t3e. 'facing him.'

n. n. cL. PS.
V N

follows the main verb ch3 'to meet, find (out)' as

a directional verb (the deer emerging from the forest).
Note the co-occurrence of kh with both grammatical
subject and object.

(12)
kri t? kh

'The deer'
n. n. ci.

phik t^a krIp hsrIp ta l jrSp a,

v. V. v---v. v. n. v.

V 1 V2 V3

'was frightened and fled

into the forest,'
The sentence consists of three main verbs: phaik
'to be frightened', t.a kr)p hrIp 'to take flight',
and taa lp krp Pa 'fled into the forest'. The last two
segments (V2 and V ) have an identical head-verb, t^.a
'to run away', folowed by an intensified verba l complex
kr'Ip hrp 'to run away' (h.r1 is its derivative ((-I-)),
'running, flight') ( v2 ) and liXp krp (li.,) 'to enter the
forest'. To my understanding, the stattis of final ?a 'to go'
is ambivalent: It may refer to the piece (v ) immediately
preceding it, as a directional verb , or p1a anaspectual
role and referring back to the entire sequence V 2 and V3.
 544.

(13)
kala rs3e P kch 'The hermit'
n. n. ci.

Pa rj ch tIh 'found'
V. V. V. V.

V2 V3

Again, this is a concatenation of three verbs, 'Pa 'to go',

'to look (for), see', 'to find'. in this
context serves as auxiliary 'to happen to, do involuntarily'.

kon d'ot mca th kon ik pr^.a cfot 'a little girl'

n. v. iz.irn. v. n. n. ii. v.

N 1 N2

This segment corresponds to the grammatical object of

the preceding sequence and consists of' two nominal pieces
in an equational relation (t1i 'to be'), kon &ot ma
'a small child' and kon ik pr..a d'ot 'a little girl'.

t3e kia rQs3e? kh J't t.h t3e. -

PS. fl. n. ci. v. v. ps.
N V
In the narrative sequence, this segment is redundant. On
the tape, it is unmistakably a sentence connected by t3e
to the former segment (rising pitch, short pause), and not
a new sentence - in which case, of course, the first
occurrence of the ought to refer back to the former
segment (N t.3h N t3e).

(14)
o, nim kb the, mtta kruna 'Oh, he had pity upon her'
p. v. p. n 1 n. n.

nm kb 'to possess' (as opposed to h? m3a kb 'to be without'

followed by a noun); mitta k3runa is a Pali loan, borrowed
via Thai (Pati mitta, karu, naturalized in Mon as
/m' t/ or /mtta/ (cf DSM)).

the kla? rsze ? pa ? ? ath'IP than: 'and the hermit made a vow:'
ps. n. n. V. n.
N V
verbalizes the noun ?athI ? than 'vow' (Pali adhitthna,
naturalized in DSM as /athl?than/). the connects
this segment with the preceding, but To conveys a


545.

consequential idea 'and thus...'.

kon ik n 'This child'
n. n. ci.

kon oa hwY kbpkla te 2 'if it has been my

p. v. n. n. n. n. n. cl. child in the previous
incarnation'
V N
In conditional sentences the grammatical subject precedes
the particle 'if, provided that', so that the verb
th equates kon ik 'this child' and kon bik ?oa
'my child'. hw^P (Pali bhava), kp kia te? 'former(ly)'.

th t3e
? V. PS.
kb cl'aik th k? t.t n kon toa ?oa n,? 'let milk
v. n flow from my little
-- - finger'
._ :__:_

V N
k 'to give; to let s.th. to happen, allow', kon toa 'little
finger'; j functions here as auxiliary to 'to come
out, emerge', that is 'to enable, to happen to'.

pa P P ath'? than 'andso he made this vow.'
V. fl.

(i)
pa 2 Pathi2 than t3e 'Having made the vow'
V. fl. PS.

k'ala? rs3e?
pa? ?atft? than te 'the hermit having made
this vow'
fl. n. v. n. PS.
peculiar to narrative style

daik t3h kh 'the milk'
n. n. ci.

hw t&t knontoa kh. 'flowed from his index finger.'

v. v. n. n. ci.

At this point, Nai Liam committed an error in changing

kon toa 'little finger' to knon toa 'index finger';
tt, as directional verb, refers back to hw 'to flow'.
Thus the noun-particle nil 'from' may be omitted in this
context (while otherwise obligatory).


546.

(16)

kla? ras3e yk ket kon ik kch 'The hermit took the
child'
fl fl V. V. n. n. ci.
N V N

yj 'to lift, carry in one's arms', ket 'to take', a

verb concatenation ("took and carrie.

p1a I cfoa-kt Patsamapbt hkao 2 k3h ra g . 'and brought it

v. V ---. pn. -----Cl. up in his
hermitage.'

V N
l marking perfectiveaspect; ia 'to bring up, nourish'
orro'wed from Thai CeA . h.kao 9 in genitival
position to Patsmapt, 'self, oneself'.

(17)
l'a l kon kh hnk tn 'The child grew up'
v. V. n. ci. v. v.

V N. V.1
1

This segment is syntactically ambivalent: kon kh 'the

child' may be both the object of the first verb (v)
the subject of which refers back to the preceding
sentence, 'the hermit', "having nourished the child, it
grew up", or kon kh may be the subject of the ensuing
verbal piece hnk tbn 'to grow up' (thn aspectual).
cp yk ch sn kha cah karao akha '! 'and reaching the
v. n nm. num. n. rum. num n ci. age of 15 or 16'

V N
'to reach', yk 'age', kha 'time' (according to DSM
a Burmese borrowing; but widespread in Thailand). The
deictic term n' 'this' refers to the entire nominal piece,
with as head-noun.

tb th 'and became'
V. v,

wit hin,t hm3e la kye te. 'a beautiful young girl.'

n. n. n. V ---. - p5.
hmt hine are dialectal variants of DSM wiXt h-amot hme,
is listed in DSM in this compound, used as
attributive here, fol!.owed by a stative verb 'to be
pretty'.
 547.

(18)
kla rs3e kh 'The hermit'
Ti. n. ci.

? tt krp CE.P 'went out into the forest'

V. V. n. V.
kii c' sot chu 2 ih ck n3? 'looking for fruit, roots and
V. V. n. n. n. n. ci. creepers'

V N
c? in this, and the preceding segment, denotes the
habitual aspect of an action, and not the verb 'to eat';
like other verbs functioning as aspect marking devices,
it is postositioned to the main verb which may be complex
( ? a t.t kr3p).

kwib kon kch 'worried about the child'
v. n. ci.

kwi kb kon Pa 'worried about the child'
V. p. Ii. V.
kb indicates the benefactive, Pa aspectual.
hP k r1aI9 cbt l l nP. 'and could not distract him-
NEG V. V. self.'
n. r v. ci.
AUX V N

(19)
htt ni kwi 'Because of his worries'
pS. P . V.
ha w3i km, kon kc3h 'he did not play with the child'
NEG v. p. n. ci.
V N
ph 3 ik th ? onkri rna ma krjp kh 'being afraid of some
nun. nm. n. ci. or other peril in the
v. v. n.
forest
V N
th aspectual; kh cannot refer to the entire nominal
piece (N) since ma mca some, some or other, various'
cannot be determined (unless they have been referred to
previously, which is not the case here); ponkri, a
Pali loan, antaraya; initial vocalism might be contaminated
with Thai assimilation rules of IA loans. Var. ont3ri
(r. pron. )
 5L8.

m1? ptm k klok y3kkha ? km ni)jn ph-3ik. 'such as Kaloks and

. ---V. v. v. Yakkhas.'
2,2
N

ml? ptm k 'to begin with, like', introducing an enu-

meration (ptm 'to begin'). Grammatically,km nitm
is puzzling, if occurring in that order; it may either
close the clause subordinate to m.7 or refer to the
entire sentence ('such as there are, as well'). phik
is simply an afterthought, maybe dependent on some
prosodic constraint (raP, for instance, as an assertive
particle, could not be used since the presence of' Kaloks
and Yakkhas is suspected, but has not actua.ly occurred;
a final, unit seems required to retain the stress on the
km nm segment).
(20)

d'eh hp . ? th phik 'Fearing that he might encounter
one of them'
n. V. V. V.

vi
Again, phik 'to fear' postpositioned to hp^.P t^h 'to
meet, encounter'.

cteh k na ktao ketan tn t3e th. 'he was increasingly

depressed by worries.'
fl. V. V. V. V. V. PS. V. -

ktao ketan 'to be

ton aspectual (ingressive), combined with the tense-marking
particle te. Function of t.h unclear in that position.

(21)
kala ma boap]on 'One day'
n. nun. n. V.

p1n 'to return, repeat; still, further'.

kbtao c-bp pin. 'Indra came to notice it.'

V. V. fl.

k3tao, attributive, 'heat; to be hot', 'to reach'.

(22)
'Once Indra had noticed it'
ktao cp ?in t3e
v '.. n. PS.
 1 in kh km3? panadu 2 kmo kambh ttn toe.
n. ci. n. 11. v. PS.

(23)
hmoiP ?in khyp hacarna r kh. 'Indra was pondering.'
n. n, v. V. V. ci.
hacarana 'to reflect, meditate' (Pali vicran) and
J1 'to look' are nominalized by k?,h.

(2L)
Pe, nim h-ct ma ma tn th raP. Perhaps there was a reason.'
p. V. n. rum run v. v PS.

thntch used adverbially (t-an 'to be in place'), 'perhaps',

but may co-occur with final raP to render it an assertive
statement; ma mba, again, indeterminate, 'some or other'.

(25)
croa-ka lak nP kh 'In our world'
pn. n. ci. ci.

bmoi in kh
n. n. ci.

pia2 r mt im 'watching with a thousand eyes'

V. V. fl. null.
'to show', L 'to look'.
cihkl3b kyo tm ket. 'descended.'
V. V. V. V. V.
'to peep at', tm 'to knows, ket'to take, bring', is
difficult to render into English.
(25a)
kla? rs3eP kh 'The hermit'
n. n. ci.
kt3m katao mn nI kon wIt kch 'who was worried about the girl'
v. p. p. n. n. ci.
k t3m, unknown; mn n1 'because of' (DSM hamn (!L)).
The following segment unintelligible in the text; 6it
unknown. It is not a Thai loan.

550.

Pa kli 'and went to look for'
V. V.

s3t chu? 'fruits and plants'
n. n.
functions as the head-noun to the following enumeration

r?sh ck kr3k pnh pl3n kh l 'roots, creepers, mangos,

n. jackfruit'
n. n. n.
---- - V.
N
kh i nominalizing the whole segement, to include the
verb 2ln 'to repeat; further, still'.

k3 n ctt t3e
NEG V. V. II. PS.
V
n D, but the auxiliary complex h ? ks.? 'cannot,
unable to' and various other compounds with cbt 'mind &c.'
imply that it is a verb.

hmoi Pin kh
n. n. ci.

cih kl3 cih kl t,e.

v v. v. v. ps.
v i V2

(26)
hmoit3 ?in kh 'Indra'
n. n. ci.

thy? tch kprasat makn3 t3e.

!!_!.:._ !. . run. n. p5.

V N

This segment shows the rare occurrence of th 'to be' with

the verbal negating particle hip.
Equally rare
is the occurrence of' a classifier, although this is
justified in this context (honorific expression). In
this usage, not noted in DSN where kari is said to apply
as quantifier to round objects (in Halliday NED applied to
long objects, and in the compound tnui krakat 'royal pre-
cincts'). Note also the co-occurrence of t3e in a negated
sentence; some Mons in Thailand claim this to be
grammatically unacceptable, preferring idi 0ms (h' kY)


1.

which are, in fact, Thai caiques (may dy).

(27)
hnioiv) ?jn Indra
n. n.
tak l k hcm 'tied an amulet'
V. V p. n.

i aspectual (perfective).

ko kn ce)' 'so as to protect him'

p. V. V.

cc? aspectual (habitual, generic).

ra yakkha? yok1 nm panoh tan'against the Yakkhas of the

n. n. n. n. n. ci. jacktree'

r3a 'group, member of a group', as a head-noun; yoki unknown.

klok krp t'n kom 'and against the forest Kaloks'

(as well)'
n. n. ci. V.

tak l h%cm te.

kv

V. V. p. n. ps.

Taking up the main verbal piece, as a stylistic device.

(28)
hmoib Pin 'Indra'
n. n.

ko m kt, prasat ta oa wi9 t3e. 'let him stay in the

Prsda from that day on.'
p. fl --n : n. ci. PS.

wi) LM for SM fl3 2 'this'. ta as variant of t3m 1.-pt3m?

(29)
k1a ? r.s3e? kMi 'The hermit'
n. ci.

k? tsak cbt ni fl3P kb tsak ckt t3e. 'was very happy about
v. n. n. p. ci. v. n. n. PS. it.'

V V
1 2
 552.

The position of ni nP 'because of this' is ambivalent,

it may refer back tk?
tsak ct or to the following
kb tsak cot (tsak is the r. pron. for DSM /ksak/, be-
cause it occurs in a compound containing a learned form
ct (Pali citta).

(30)

klaP rs3eP 'The hermit'

m ?a m Pa 'stayed there'
V. V. V. V.

t.h kala ? ma oa p13n kh raP. 'till this very day.'

v. n rnm.n. v ci. ps.

(31)
kala? rse ? p1n 'The hermit'
n. n. V.

pa ka hacbt a, 'died.'
V. fl. fl. V. -
a aspectual, to verbalize ka hact, 'to die'.

(32)

tw^. P t a o ?jn kim Indra'
Ti. n. V.

kbm 'to accompany; also, as well' is difficult to convey.

cih kl3D c hw
krci).t. 'descended, cremated his body
and collected the bones.'
V. V. v. n. v. n.

v i V2 V3

(33)

kla? ras.e? 'The hermit'
n. n.

t3e hi? tii 1c

V. NEG V. v.
l aspectual (perfective); again, note the occurrence of
h 'to be' preceded by the negative particle h1IP. te
is taken here as a verb, 'to be finished, over'. Parts of
 553.

the following segment are spoilt on the tape and do not

permit any reasonable reconstruction.
.1

(35)
t.h kalaI ma oa kh pl3n 'Once upon a time'
V. n. num. -n ci. v.

film ekrat ma ymiF r3mm 2 'there was a king, Ramma by

V. n. rum. v. n. name;'

tt khi krp te 'be went out into the forest'

V. V. fl. ps.

khib (honorific) 'to tour'.

klb cbp ?atsmapt kh 'and reached the hermitages

v. v. n. ci.

kl3 hp? t.h 'where he met'

V. V. V.

hmot pr^.a kh. 'the girl.'

n. ci.

(36)
hap th hbmot pra t3e 'Upon meeting her'
V. V. fl. n. PS.

V N

t^.h ko mk mt th k cbt te. 'and seeing her face, he

V V. fl. S. liked her.'
!:__'
v i V2
 55L1.

(37)

?ekrat kh 'The king'
n. ci.

lp ?a; 'entered;'
V. V.

hamot pra kh 'the girl'
n. n. ci.

jjt th nih kraoh kl3 hi ? keat m3a lh'who had never seen
a man before'
V. V. fl ---v NEG v riini. n.

V 1 N V2

The nominal piece (N), as a grammatical object, fulfills

a double role: Following jt t.h 'to happen to see; did
get to see' and, at the same time, prepositioned to
the clause h kea jit ma tbh 'had never seen before'.
This is a sty!istic device to avoid repetition; if the
object were to be postpositioned, it wou l d have to be
inserted between the verbal piece h1 kea' jit and
mc3a lh. If ma lh 'once' were to be prepositioned, it
would have to be placed between the object n1h kraoh and
the verbal piece hi kea
krIp tn a hkao prasat t3e 'ran' into a corner of the Prsd
v.v. v. n. n. PS.

V
A directional verb and a verb marking the aspect ('ingressive')
are combined.
t3 the? kr tpe. 'and shut the door.'
V. V. fl. PS.
thD? aspectual ('perfective').

(38)

?ekrat kth 'The king'
n. ci.

pl3n tDn m k3? k'r kih t3e. 'came up to the door.'

v. V. n. ci. ps.

(39)

kya ik hbm ar kb .. .2 'And then he started talking
to (the girl inside'
n. V. fl. P.

N V
 555.

phik hkao? ht3 "You are afraid of me and

fl. V. tremble'
V.
v i V2

(40)
hot h k3? kea ..nt nTh mta lh 'because you have never
. NEG v. v. v. n. n_un. n. seen a man before'

This is the construction referred to in (37) where the

object nih 'man' is inserted between the quantifying
expression ma lh 'once' and the verbal piece h kea V.
In this case, the negative particle h and the ensuing
kea 'ever/never' may be split by another auxiliary, kP,
meaning in this context 'to have had occasion to'.

m cfoa krp_kh 'living in the forest."
v. pn. n. ci.

hm P ahbm kl hbm Pa hm kl3 'And he talked and talked'

v. v. v. v. v. v. v. V.
V V
V Pa V k1 'to do s.th. continually', where V is identical.

t3? hip tbn cot 'until she trusted him.'
p. V. V. n.
V
t? is not the particle for the definite plural (pn. or
chitic), but undoubtedly a Thai loan Q/? /t:/, 'next,
then, at the time, as'; I cannot explain the glottal stop
in SM. hip c'ot does not occur in any of the dictionaries,
but means 'to tust or 'to like', ton is aspectual.

(4i)

1 tn cbt te 'Once she trusted him'
V. v. n. ci.

In narratives, te ? may sometimes fulfill the same function

as te, indicating a past action or event. In Thailand
this is quite often combined ... te te (with a high-level
pitch on the last syllable te?).

th hi i' seas3trao m3a 'and realized that he was not

an enemy'
v. NEG v n. nuxn.

vi V2
 556.

th nih kweh 'but a real human being'
V. fl. PS.

m'? k.h kb 'who was speaking to then'

P . V. p.
This is one of the rare instanees in SM where m9 occurs
indicating a clause which translates as a relative.

pk kard.u, 'and opened the door.'

V. fl.
(42)
p3k kr te 'Having opened the door'
v. n. ps.

Jt th mk nih k3h 'and seeing the man's face'

v. v. n. n. ci.
V N
yh ct 'she made up her mind tand]'
V. fl.
hctak chan 'found a liking for him.'
V. V.

(43)
'ekarat kb hn ? kyaik kh 'The king and the queen'
n. p. n. n. ci.
N 1 N2
nih kb ma Cb? 'lived together'
V. fl. p. rixn. n.
m &oapra sat 'in the Prasada'
V. pfl. n.
m m!a mja
V. V. V. V. V.

(114)
?ek rat kMi cha ? k.h 'But the king (thought]'
n. ci. p.
oa c& m kv-ctoa krp n3? h1 ? k? ' "I cannot go on
n. v.v. pn. n. cl. NEGv. living in this forest'
V-------AUX
 557.

?oa c? tLh klea dy 'I have to return to the

City??
. V. n.

khy.p hkh 'he thought.'

V. p.

(45)
3P hkh te 'Having thought that'
V. p. PS.

kse? hari^? kyaik 'he persuaded the q-.ieen'

V. fl. n.

kse? is listed in MED as 'to tempt'.

kffalea'3 lip d, h-k3h. 'to return to their City.'

V. V. fl. n.

(46)
ka1ea lip cf t3e 'Back in the City'
V. V. fl. PS.
pa? htao m cfoa Jh-k3h. 'they stayed there.'
V. fl. v. pn. n. n.
 558.

Translation.

Once upon a time, there was a hermit living in

the forest.
(2) Once, the hermit left the forest looking for
various fruits, roots, creepers, mangos and jackfruit, and
developed a pain in his stomach. (3) He then urinated
in the forest. (14) One day later, the hermit met a deer.
(5) The deer came and drank the urine the hermit had dis-
charged there. (6) The deer got pregnant. (7) Having
reached full pregnancy after nine months, the deer (8)
gave birth to a human child, born close to the KutT of
the hermit. (9) As soon as it was born,the child began
to cry. (b) Upon hearing it, the hermit said to himself:
"Oh, a child is crying near my hermitage", and he went
out and (ii) saw the deer, facing him. (12) The deer
was frightened and fled into the forest. (13) The
hermit found a little girl. (i 1#) He had pity upon her
and made a vow: "If this child was my daughter in the
previous incarnation, let milk flow from my little
finger." ( 1 5) Having made the vow, milk flowed from his
little finger. (16) The hermit took the child and
brought it up in his hermitage. (17) The child grew up,
and reaching the age of fifteen or sixteen, became a
beautiful young girl. (18) The hermit went out into the
forest looking for fruit, roots and creepers; he was
worried about the child and could not distract himself.
( 1 9) Because of his worries he did not play with the child
being afraid of' some peril or other in the forest, such
as Kaloks and Yakkhas. (20) Fearing that he might encounter
one of them, he was increasingly depressed by worries. (21)!
(22) One day, Indra came to notice it. (23) Indra
was pondering. (2 1i) Perhaps there was a reason. (25)
In our world, Indra was watching with a thousand eyes.
(25a) The hermit was worried about the child; he went
out to look for fruits and plants and could not distract
his mind. Indra descended. (26) C...) (27) Indra
tied an amulet around him for his protection against the
Yakkhas of the jacktree and against the forest-Ka1oks.
(28) Indra let him stay in the Prsda from that day on.
 559.

(29) The hermit was very happy about it. (3o) He stayed
there until the day (31) he died. (32) Indra descended,
cremated his body and collected the bones. (33) The
hermitt...) (31i)[...].
(35) Once upon a time, there was a king; Rarnma
by name. He went out into the forest and reached the
hermitage where he met a girl. (36) Upon meeting her,
he liked her. (37) The king was about to enter when
the girl, having never seen a man before, ran into a
corter of the Prsda and shut the door. (38) He came up
to the door. (39) And then he started talking to the
girl inside: "You are afraid of me and tremble, because
(ho) you have never seen a man before, living in the
forest." And he talked and talked until she trusted him.
(4i) Once she trusted him and realized that he was not
an enemy, but a real human being who was speaking to her,
and she opened the door. (42) When she saw his face, she
made up her mind and found a liking for him.
(43) The king and queen lived together in the
Prsda. (44) But the king thought-by himself: "I cannot
go on living in this forest; I have to return to the
City." (45) He then persuaded the queen to return to their
City where (46) they continued living.
 560.

DISCOGRAPHY.

BRUNET, Jacques. 1 979. En Thailande - La musigue

traditionnelle desMn. Paris, Ocora 558 535
Radio France; Musiques traditionnelles vivantes.
V. Musiques populaires). Recorded in October-
November 1 977, at Sangkhlaburi, Thailand, with
musicians from Moulmein.
A.1. Tapin Taing Kakyo (musique de danse) 8'52.
2. Nut Kana (musique pour les g6nies) 6'17.
3. Solo de xylophone 3'35. li. Solo de flte 2'30.
B.1. Duo de flftte et cithare 9'20. 2. Chant
altern6 5'20. 3. Solo de cithare 6'52.
Musicians: Le maitre Gyi, Htaw Pine, N P, N
Kw6, N Chang, Na Chuy.

de FRAYSSEIX, Hubert. 1 977. LesMans de Thaitande. Paris,

CBS 81 3 8 9 (Musiques et traditions du monT.
Recorded in Thailand, with the orchestra Hum Rong
Krathai Ten, created by Mrs Dyiripiraneet.
A.1. Solo de PerrgMang Khwk (tambour) 3'42.
2. Mawn Yardie, musique de crmation 6'50. 3. Song
Gue Man, pour la crmonie de la coupe des cheveux
des enfants 7'3 0 . Li. . Nguew Ra Ruheng, musique de
combat Li'4O. B.1. Dom Khai, musique de cr6mation
12'50. 2. Thai Num, chant d'amour 8' Zi.2. 3. Hum
Rong Krathai Ten, musique d'offrande 4'28.
 561.

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