Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Causes[edit]
Economy: Speakers tend to make their utterances as efficient and effective as possible
to reach communicative goals. Purposeful speaking therefore involves a trade-off of costs
and benefits.
The principle of least effort tends to result in phonetic reduction of speech
forms. See vowel reduction, cluster reduction, lenition, and elision. After some time a
change may become widely accepted (it becomes a regular sound change) and may
end up treated as a standard. For instance: going
to [o..t] gonna [n] or [n], with examples of both vowel
reduction [] [] and elision [nt] [n], [o.] [].
Analogy: reducing word forms by likening different forms of the word to the root.
Language contact: borrowing of words and constructions from other languages.[2]
Geographic separation: when people move away from each other, their language will
diverge, at least for the vocabulary, due to different experiences.[3]
Cultural environment: Groups of speakers will reflect new places, situations, and
objects in their language, whether they encounter different people there or not.
Migration/Movement: Speakers will change and create languages, such as pidgins and
creoles.[2]
Imperfect learning: According to one view, children regularly learn the adult forms
imperfectly, and the changed forms then turn into a new standard. Alternatively, imperfect
learning occurs regularly in one part of society, such as an immigrant group, where the
minority language forms a substratum, and the changed forms can ultimately influence
majority usage.[3]
Social prestige: Language may not only change towards a prestigious accent, but also
away from one with negative prestige,[3] as in the case of rhoticity of Received
Pronunciation.[4] Such movements can go back and forward.[5]
According to Guy Deutscher, the tricky question is "Why are changes not brought up short
and stopped in their tracks? At first sight, there seem to be all the reasons in the world why
society should never let the changes through." He sees the reason for tolerating change in the
fact that we already are used to "synchronic variation", to the extent that we are hardly aware
of it. For example, when we hear the word "wicked", we automatically interpret it as either
"evil" or "wonderful", depending on whether it is uttered by an elderly lady or a teenager.
Deutscher speculates that "[i]n a hundred years' time, when the original meaning of 'wicked'
has all but been forgotten, people may wonder how it was ever possible for a word meaning
'evil' to change its sense to 'wonderful' so quickly."[6]
Types[edit]
Marcel Cohen details various types of language change under the overall headings of
theexternal evolution[8] and internal evolution of languages.[9]
Lexical changes[edit]
The study of lexical changes forms the diachronic portion of the science of onomasiology.
The ongoing influx of new words into the English language (for example) helps make it a
rich field for investigation into language change, despite the difficulty of defining precisely
and accurately the vocabulary available to speakers of English. Throughout its
history English has not only borrowed words from other languages but has re-combined and
recycled them to create new meanings, whilst losing some old words.
Dictionary-writers try to keep track of the changes in languages by recording (and, ideally,
dating) the appearance in a language of new words, or of new usages for existing words. By
the same token, they may tag some words eventually as "archaic" or "obsolete".
The concept of sound change covers both phonetic and phonological developments.
The sociolinguist William Labov recorded the change in pronunciation in a relatively short
period in the American resort of Martha's Vineyard and showed how this resulted from social
tensions and processes.[10] Even in the relatively short time that broadcast media have
recorded their work, one can observe the difference between the pronunciation of the
newsreaders of the 1940s and the 1950s and the pronunciation of today. The greater
acceptance and fashionability of regional accents in media may[original research?] also reflect a
more democratic, less formal society compare the widespread adoption of language
policies.
The mapping and recording of small-scale phonological changes poses difficulties, especially
as the practical technology of sound recording dates only from the 19th century. Written texts
provide the main (indirect) evidence of how language sounds have changed over the
centuries. But noteFerdinand de Saussure's work on postulating the existence and
disappearance of laryngeals inProto-Indo-European as an example of other methods of
detecting/reconstructing sound-changes within historical linguistics. Poetic devices such as
rhyme and rhythm may provide clues to previous phonological habits.
Spelling changes[edit]
Semantic changes[edit]
Main article: Semantic change
Semantic changes are shifts in the meanings of existing words. Basic types of semantic
change include:
pejoration, in which a term's connotations become more negative
amelioration, in which a term's connotations become more positive
broadening, in which a term acquires additional potential uses
narrowing, in which a term's potential uses are restricted
After a word enters a language, its meaning can change as through a shift in the valence of its
connotations. As an example, when "villain" entered English it meant 'peasant' or 'farmhand',
but acquired the connotation 'low-born' or 'scoundrel', and today only the negative use
survives. Thus 'villain' has undergone pejoration. Conversely, the word "wicked" is
undergoing amelioration in colloquial contexts, shifting from its original sense of 'evil', to the
much more positive one as of 2009 of 'brilliant'.
Words' meanings may also change in terms of the breadth of their semantic domain.
Narrowing a word limits its alternative meanings, whereas broadening associates new
meanings with it. For example, "hound" (Old English hund) once referred to any dog,
whereas in modern English it denotes only a particular type of canid. On the other hand, the
word "dog" has been broadened from its Old English root 'dogge', the name of a particular
breed, to become the general term for all canines.[11]
Syntactic change[edit]
Main article: Syntactic change
Sociolinguistics[edit]
The sociolinguist Jennifer Coates, following William Labov, describes linguistic change as
occurring in the context of linguistic heterogeneity. She explains that "[l]inguistic change can
be said to have taken place when a new linguistic form, used by some sub-group within a
speech community, is adopted by other members of that community and accepted as the
norm."[12]
Can and Patton (2010) provide a quantitative analysis of twentieth century Turkish literature
using forty novels of forty authors. Using weighted least squares regression and a sliding
window approach, they show that, as time passes, words, in terms of both tokens (in text) and
types (in vocabulary), have become longer. They indicate that the increase in word lengths
with time can be attributed to the government-initiated language "reform" of the 20th century.
This reform aimed at replacing foreign words used in Turkish, especially Arabic- and Persian-
based words (since they were in majority when the reform was initiated in early 1930s), with
newly coined pure Turkish neologisms created by adding suffixes to Turkish word stems
(Lewis, 1999).
Can and Patton (2010), based on their observations of the change of a specific word use
(more specifically in newer works the preference of ama over fakat, both borrowed from
Arabic and meaning 'but', and their inverse usage correlation is statistically significant), also
speculate that the word length increase can influence the common word choice preferences of
authors.
Quantification[edit]
Altintas, Can, and Patton (2007) introduce a systematic approach to language change
quantification by studying unconsciously-used language features in time-separated parallel
translations. For this purpose, they use objective style markers such as vocabulary richness
and lengths of words, word stems and suffixes, and employ statistical methods to measure
their changes over time.
Historical examples are the early Welsh and Lutheran bible translations, leading to the
liturgical languages Welsh and High German thriving today, unlike other Celtic or German
variants.[13]
For prehistory, Forster and Renfrew (2011)[14] argue that in some cases there is a correlation
of language change with intrusive male Y chromosomes but not with female mtDNA. They
then speculate that technological innovation (transition from hunting-gathering to agriculture,
or from stone to metal tools) or military prowess (as in the abduction of British women by
Vikings to Iceland) causes immigration of at least some males, and perceived status change.
Then, in mixed-language marriages with these males, prehistoric women would often have
chosen to transmit the "higher-status" spouse's language to their children, yielding the
language/Y-chromosome correlation seen today.
Notes[edit]
References[edit]
Journals
Altintas, K.; Can, F.; Patton, J. M. (2007). "Language Change Quantification Using
Time-separated Parallel Translations". Literary and Linguistic Computing. 22 (4): 375
393.doi:10.1093/llc/fqm026.
Can, F.; Patton, J. M. (2010). "Change of Word Characteristics in 20th Century
Turkish Literature: A Statistical Analysis". Journal of Quantitative Linguistics. 17 (3):
167190.doi:10.1080/09296174.2010.485444.
Books
file:///E:/KULIAH/SEMESTER%208/SOCIOLINGUISTICS/Language
%20Change/Language%20change%20-%20Wikipedia.html
Sociolinguistic Patterns and Language Change
In the section on language and age the age pattern is discussed as a characteristic type of age-
graded linguistic variation. It is a typical change in the overall speech behaviour of the
individual speaker as (s)he moves through life. The age-pattern is repeated with each new
generation of language users. We find that, with respect to the variants of a variable, younger
speakers tend to use language differently from older speakers (see here for the age-pattern).
When we compare the speech of younger speakers to that of older speakers in a speech
community, we need to consider two factors. First, there is linguistic change in the individual
speaker as he or she gets older and in society as variation is repeated with new generations.
Second, there is linguistic change in a speech community over time.
The central question is whether linguistic differences based on speaker age constitute an
instance of regular age grading or whether these differences can indicate language change in
progress. If language change is the case, a linguistic change can be made visible in a
deviation from the regular U-curve-like pattern for age-graded variation (see diagrams below
about the use of variants of a variable). Such a variable is called a variable involved in
linguistic change.
Regular age-grading:
(Source of the diagrams: McMahon, April M.S. (1994). Understanding Language Change.
Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press, 241/242).
Stable Variables and Variables Involved in Linguistic Change
http://www.ello.uos.de/field.php/Sociolinguistics/Stablevariablesandvariablesinvolvedinlingu
isticchange
The actuation, transition and embedding of change are central questions within the study of
language change and they have been treated as the three central problems:
(1) The ACTUATION problem is concerned with an explanation of what it is that
actuallytriggers language change. How do changes begin?
(2) The TRANSITION problem is concerned with the factors that are responsible for
thespread of linguistic change within a speech community. How does change spread within a
speech community?
(3) The EMBEDDING problem is concerned with the localization of change with respect to
the linguistic and social settings in which this change is taking place. How is the change
embedded in the surrounding linguistic and social system?
http://www.ello.uos.de/field.php/Sociolinguistics/Apparenttimeandrealtimestudiesoflanguage
change
Led by: Riho Grnthal (University of Helsinki) and Juhani Klemola (University of Tampere)
The goal of this branch of linguistic study is to shed light on linguistic diversity and to
describe and model the sociolinguistic, textual and areal factors that affect choice between
expressional variants. The effects that these factors have on the development of language as
well as empirical and theoretical investigation of language internal change are focused upon
here. Linguistic change occurs due to variation within a language or then because of contacts
between languages, and very often one has to deal with the combined effect of both of these
sources of change.
Research topics include areal varieties and local dialects, standard languages and their spread,
sociolects, including differences between spoken and written language and various genres
and their development. The approach provided by the program can be applied to the study of
individual languages and their development, to multilingual and multidialectal areals, and the
manifestation of variation and change in texts.
The program is mainly directed at empirical study of variation, which includes both
qualitative and quantitative analysis. Possibilities offered by large digital corpora are utilized
along with traditional data collection via fieldwork and interviews. Our research also tests the
applicability and validity of modern linguistics methodologies in the field of diachronic
study. Our themes of research are:
A typological perspective is also important in studies of both language change and language
contact. Such a perspective means dealing with tendencies of change amongst certain
language types, i.e. typological drifts; they may affect one language only, be regional, or then
more universal. Longstanding interconnected language changes may lead to changes in
typology. The assumptions attached to typological cycles consisting of change tendencies
require more study.
Sociolinguistic research has provided fruitful results on linguistic changes, and we have
plenty of information on the correlations of linguistic change and social variation of
education, gender, and age, for example. Historical sociolinguistic research aims at applying
sociolinguistic models and methods to language history. Real time data are also needed in
modeling diachronic change. Systematic attempts to model past stages of sociolinguistic
reality in historical linguistics have, so far, been preliminary. Scholars of modern languages
have access to social information regarding modern societies; for language historians,
however, such data are provided by historians, particularly social and population historians.
Case studies provide the basis for creating models for more general diachronic research. Such
models pay special attention to empirical problems and theoretical questions. A special
challenge is to apply two different, and often contradictory, models to sociolinguistic
research, viz. the traditional class-based model, whose roots lie in the socioeconomic position
of the individuals, and then the social network approach. Theoretical goals within historical
sociolinguistics include an examination of the relationship between societal changes and
linguistic changes. Therefore, language historians provide feedback for modern
sociolinguistic research and contribute to the critical debate regarding its success.
Computational corpora compiled from various languages provide a solid basis for the
analysis of standard language variation. Such corpora contain both written and spoken
language, and the largest corpora exceed hundreds of millions of words in size. Relations
between world languages, nations official languages and minority languages continue to be a
subject of heated debates. The dominant language is seen as a threat to the identity, or even
existence, of the subordinate language. These threats are concrete and easily verifiable, as the
fate of many minority languages shows.
Research on contact languages (pidgins, creoles, mixed languages) has not been carried out
on a large scale in Finland. The contact languages are genuinely contact-based languages,
formed out of the contact of two or more languages. Even in those languages that are not
contact-based special contact varieties can be observed through the influence of an adstrate or
a substrate language.
file:///E:/KULIAH/SEMESTER%208/SOCIOLINGUISTICS/language
%20changes/Language%20Variation%20and%20Change
%20%E2%80%94%20Humanistinen%20tiedekunta.html