DoumpaP 2012 Music in Public Space PDF

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Acknowledgements
The effect of a mus ic performance on peoples perceptions on the quality of

public s pace, .
Vivian Doumpa
Student number: 3764532
vivian.doumpa@gmail.com
Utrecht, The Netherlands

August 2012
Master Thesis GEO4-3313

Urban Geography
Department of Human Geography
Faculty of Geosciences
Utrecht University, The Netherlands
Cover Picture: Quino Supervisor: Dr. Brian Doucet
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Music in Public Space: Changing Perception, Changing Urban Experience?
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Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements
My grandfather bought me a piano at the age of four, to become a musician. And I did.
My father bought me LEGOs at the age of five to build cities and become an architect. And, again I
did (sort of).
Since then, and despite what other people say that my two passions cannot be combined, I managed
to prove them wrong and find ways to research their for me very clear- interactions and
negotiations. This thesis is the outcome of an inquiry I have had for a very long time. Judging from
my own experience I have always felt that there is a connection between the way I perceive and
engage with public space and the presence of street musicians on the spot. The experience of
walking in the medieval city of Barcelona and around almost every corne r discovering a street
musician is one of the strongest memories that I have of my visit back then. Similar relations of
places and music events come up to my mind the more I try to recall of my experiences in the public
realm of any city. As a result, when I got the chance to familiarize myself with theoretical approaches
towards urban experience and perception during my classes of MSc. in Urban Geography I was sure
what my thesis was going to research.
Another thing that I was also sure about was that I wanted to do research in my hometown,
Thessaloniki. Though it might be negative for a researcher to be focused only on one city, I have to
admit that the more I dig in the history and culture of Thessaloniki, the more interest I find and the
more passionate I get to reveal every aspect of this city. My decision to research especially the
Navarinou Square was not a random one. It is a square that I have been observing for many years;
the different kinds of people, the two huge sycamore trees, the young people hanging out, the lovely
stray dogs, the children playing and from time to time people playing music, in its most simple form;
just a guitar. When I made all these connections of my interests and my passions in my mind I
decided on my theme and on my case study.
However, had it not been for some people who helped me structure and organize my thoughts as
well as to collect the data, I wouldnt have been able to complete this research. First of all, I would
like to thank Brian Doucet, my thesis supervisor, for his structured and inspirational guidance, for his
tolerance to my deluge of questions and his supportive and enlightening answers. Also Dr. Irina van
Aalst, who gave me a very supporting and helpful feedback during my thesis mid-term presentation.
Moreover I would like to express my gratitude for their feedback, support but most of all friendship
to Nezihan Asvaroglu, Louise Massart and Maja Olszewska, as well as to all my co-students from
Universiteit Utrecht who helped me a lot to feel as home.
This research would not have been completed without the help of my very talented friends Chris
Kosides, Yiannis Vakaloudis and Kostas Vaporidis who tolerated the burning sun of May (and me)
and performed their magical swinging tunes for me and my research. I aw e you the most!
Christianna Vei and Efi Votsou, my sisters, I dont know what I would have done without you. Thanks
for helping me with the data collection and with your scientific reflection on musicological themes
and issues of addressing questions in interviews. What is more, I would like to thank Tassos Vogiatzis
for his help on issues of cognition and cognitive linguistics and Angelos Angelidis for his perspective
on issues of psychology related to my subject. Athina Christaki, my pro, thanks for helping me once
again!
The support of all my friends and family in Greece is something that I will never forget. Thanks for
being there. And of course, thanks dad and grandpa for providing me with my first tools!
Last but definitely not least I would like to thank Aris Stathis for tolerating my high temper every
time I had to listen again and again the interview recordings, for making me coffees every time I had
to study through the night and for hugging me every time I wanted to give up.
Vivian Doumpa, August 2012
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Executive Summary
Executive Summary
Urban planners and policy makers recently seek for solutions for the revitalization and regeneration
of dead public spaces through creative practices. Public art is considered to be the main way of bring
life back to the public realm. However, there seems to be a neglect of the processes which make
public art efficient in this process. The perceptions and experiences constructed by similar practices
are considered to be the explanation behind the success of art-guided revitalization projects.
The aim of this research is to reflect on a specific mode of public art towards its effect on the
perceptions and experiences on the quality of public space. This form of public art is music in public
space, or else street music. This aim will be achieved by answering the main research question:
- To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the
quality of a public space?
Public music performance is argued to be more efficient than other forms of public art in
constructing perceptions and experiences, as it has the ability to transfer emotions and feelings in a
more direct and intensive way (Coburn, 2002). In order to evaluate the effect of music on
perceptions and experiences related to the quality of public space, four main attributes are
identified and translated in research sub-questions. These qualities are sense of comfort, sense of
community and sociability, accessibility and uses of the public space (Project for Public Spaces,
2012). By reflecting the effect of a public music performance on the perceptions constructed for
each qualitative attribute, it is possible to relate spatial practices with the lived and conceived spaces
of the public realm (Lefebvre, 1991).
In order to negotiate these sub-questions on a theoretical level, approaches related to the
production of public- space (Lefebvre, 1991) and the construction of experiences (Tuan, 1977) have
been called and used as the cornerstones of the theoretical framework. Moreover, additional
theories and approaches of psychogeography, public art, culture -led and creative revitalization and
regeneration of public space and music cognition are discussed in order to create theoretical
expectations about the effect of music performance on peoples perception on each attribute of
space. The general theoretical assumption is that music has a significant and usually positive effect
towards those attributes.
In order to verify the theoretical assumption an empirical research has been conducted by
investigating a case study; Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece. By following a qualitative
research design into which psychogeographical tools are incorporated, the four attributes of the
quality of space have been tested in the public realm with the presence of a music performance
and without it. With semi-structured interviews and a psychogeographical practice it was possible to
collect 31 responses which reflect the theoretical assumptions on the empirical data and results.
By comparing and contrasting the responses of the two groups of interviewees and by applying a
discourse analysis it was possible to reveal the extent to which music in public space affects the
perception people have about those attributes of public space. The results do not seem to
correspond with the expectations stated through the theoretical research. Therefore there is a need
to reflect further on the theoretical approaches by incorporating the outcomes of the empirical
research and reach a conclusion.
At the level of conclusions the main research question is answered and it is possible to negotiate
possible reasons for the contradicting results of the empirical research. The most important
explanation seems to be the seriousness of the problems of the space, which does not allow people
to perceive -sub-consciously the positive effect that music might have. Another possible reason is
the tendency of people to engage in clichs of public speech and thus deny and neglect the reality
of the experiences (Tuan, 1977, p. 203). An interesting conclusion negotiates the importance of
revealing or not to the respondent the role of music; when the respondents were informed about
the importance of the music in the research they all immediately began to negotiate the value of the
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performance in a different way. They realized it and linked it with attributes of public space that they
didnt do in the first part of the interview. A factor that seems to have a great influence on peoples
constructed perceptions is the quality of music. The last conclusion refers to the elasticity of the
cognitive process that constructs perception and experience, due to the critical effect that personal,
cultural and social characteristics have on the audiences music cognition (Kmpfe J., Sedlmeier P.,
Renkewitz F., 2011).
In a last level of comprehension of the processes which link the production of space with the effect
that music has on the perception of the quality of public space, there is a discussion of Lefebvres
spatial trial in view of the conclusions of the research.
In order to close the thesis, there is a suggestion of some policy guidelines on the revitalization and
regeneration of public space through music events in the public realm. Of course, the last chapter is
an evaluation of the research and recommendations for future research which provide a critical view
on the whole process of the thesis.
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Executive Summary
Contents
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... 3
Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... 5
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. 10
List of Tables .............................................................................................................................. 10
List of Text Boxes........................................................................................................................ 10
List of Maps................................................................................................................................ 11
List of Pictures............................................................................................................................ 11
List of Psychogeographical Pictures.............................................................................................. 12
1. Introduction........................................................................................................................ 15
1.1 Music in Public Space ................................................................................................... 15
1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance ................................................................................. 16
1.3 Research Questions ..................................................................................................... 17
1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study.................................................................................... 18
1.5 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 19
1.6 Thesis Outline .............................................................................................................. 19
2. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................ 21
2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space ....................................................................... 22
2.2 The Production of Public- Space .................................................................................. 24
2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography ............................................................... 26
2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space ......................................................... 29
2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space................ 30
2.5 Music Cognition, Perception and Experience, and the Production of Space ..................... 32
2.6 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding comfort ................ 36
2.7 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding sense of community
and sociability......................................................................................................................... 38
2.8 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding accessibility .......... 39
2.9 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding the use of space.... 40
2.10 Conceptual Model........................................................................................................ 41
3. Research Design - Methodology ........................................................................................... 43
3.1 Expectations................................................................................................................ 43
3.2 Methodology............................................................................................................... 44
3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan.............................................. 44
3.2.2 Asking Questions .................................................................................................. 47
3.2.3 The Music ............................................................................................................ 49
4. Analysis Case Study........................................................................................................... 51
4.1 Navarinou Square ........................................................................................................ 51
4.2 The Users and Respondents.......................................................................................... 56
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4.3 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 59

4.4 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................... 60
4.5 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Sense
of Comfort of Navarinou Square .............................................................................................. 63
4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square ....................................................................... 63
4.5.2 Pleasure in Navarinou Square................................................................................ 70
4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square ................................................................................... 71
4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square ....................................... 73
4.6 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Sense
of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square ................................................................... 75
4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place .................................................................... 75
4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square ................................................................... 76
4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square......... 77
4.7 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the
Accessibility of Navarinou Square ............................................................................................ 79
4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square .................................................... 79
4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki ...................... 79
4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square................................ 81
4.8 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about the Use of
and Activity in Navarinou Square ............................................................................................. 82
4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space ........................................................... 82
4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square ........................................................................ 82
4.8.3 Willingness of Residency in Navarinou Square ........................................................ 85
4.8.4 Conclusions on the Uses and Activities of Navarinou Square ................................... 85
4.9 Peoples Perceptions on the Music Performance ........................................................... 87
4.9.1 Music in Public Space and Pleasure........................................................................ 87
4.9.2 Perceptions towards the Busking Phenomenon ...................................................... 89
4.9.3 Music in Public Space and Sense of Safety .............................................................. 89
4.9.4 Quality Matters .................................................................................................... 90
4.9.5 Music and Attractiveness of Space......................................................................... 91
4.9.6 Music and Revitalization of Public Space ................................................................ 91
4.9.7 Conclusions on Peoples Perceptions on the Music Performance ............................. 92
5. Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations........................................................... 95
5.1 Conclusions ................................................................................................................. 95
5.1.1 R.Q.1: To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have
about the sense of comfort of a public space? ...................................................................... 95
about the sense of community and sociability of a public space? ........................................... 97
about the accessibility of a public space? .............................................................................. 98
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about the use of a public space? .......................................................................................... 98
5.1.5 Main Research Question: To what extent does music in public space change the
perception people have about the quality of a public space? ................................................. 99
5.2 Discussion ..................................................................................................................100
5.3 Policy Recommendations ............................................................................................103
6. Evaluation and Recommendations ......................................................................................105
Bibliography..............................................................................................................................107
Appendices ...............................................................................................................................113
Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire ..............................................................113
Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the Respondents .............................................................116
Appendix 3: Discourse Analysis of Respondents Priorities Towards the Factors and Values of
Attractiveness in Navarinou Square ........................................................................................118
Appendix 4: Tables of Discourse Analysis of the Empirical Research Data ..................................119
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Lefebvres Spatial Triad and Production of public- Space. Source: (Lefebvre, 1991);
authors edit............................................................................................................................... 25
Figure 2: Conceptual model of the research: Music in public space and its effect on peoples
perception of the quality of public space. Source: authors edit. .................................................... 41
Figure 3: Discourse analysis coding. Source: authors .................................................................... 62
List of Tables
Table 1: Analysis of the priorities of attractiveness of Navarinou Square as stated by both groups of
respondents. The numbers in the cells refer to the amount of responders who reflected on this
topic, while the number of quality refers to the prioritizing of each attribute. The values in the blue
cell are those which seem to have the highest importance, and therefore greater interest. Source:
authors data and edit................................................................................................................. 69
Table 2: Evaluation of the sense of Comfort of Navarinou Square according to the respondents
opinion, with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral
and green for positive opinion/perception. Source: authors data and edit. ................................... 74
Table 3: Evaluation of the Sense of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square according to the
respondents opinion, with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange
for neutral and green for positive opinion/perception. Source: authors data and edit.................... 78
Table 4: Evaluation of peoples perception of Accessibility of Navarinou Square according to the
Table 5: Respondents unconscious priorities about the main uses and activities of Navarinou square.
Source: authors data and edit..................................................................................................... 84
Table 6: Evaluation of peoples perception of the Use of Navarinou Square according to the
Table 7: Respondents choice of themes to photograph, and whether they paid attention to the
music by themselves. Source: authors data and edit. ................................................................... 93
Table 8: Respondents perceptions on the attributes related to Music in the public space. Source:
authors data and edit................................................................................................................. 94
List of Text Boxes

Text Box 1: Theoretical framework built on an inductive method. Source: authors edit.................. 21
Text Box 2: Experience and its production through the mode which construct reality. Source: (1977,
p. 8) ........................................................................................................................................... 26
Text Box 3: Association of Tuans experiential triad with Lefebvres triad of production of space.
Source: authors edit................................................................................................................... 26
Text Box 4: Policy Recommendations for Public Space Revitalization and Regeneration through Public
Music Performances. Source: authors edit .................................................................................104
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List of Maps
List of Maps
Map 1: Navarinou Square and the important places and landmarks. With the sign of the musical note
is where the musicians were performing. Source: Bing Maps and authors edit .............................. 45
Map 2: Navarinou Square and its position in the historical centre of Thessaloniki. Source: Bing Maps
and authors edit. ....................................................................................................................... 55
Map 3: The position of the users in Navarinou Square. There seems to be a perceived border,
starting from the fountain that separates the daily users from the socially and spatially-
marginalized people. Source: Bing Maps and authors edit............................................................ 58
List of Pictures
Picture 1: The Place Diagram, as developed by Project for Public Spaces. Source: (Project for Public
Spaces, 2012) ............................................................................................................................. 23
Picture 2: Example of a psychogeographical map, presenting the different perceptions and
experiences produced by walkers of various Parisian neighbourhoods. Cover of Guy Debords
Psychogeographic Guide of Paris (1957). Source: http://goo.gl/2JLjs .......................................... 28
Picture 3: Music has the power to convey emotion directly. Peter and the Wolf by Sergei Prokofiev
putting aside its political aspect- is a childrens story and musical composition which presents
intense alternations of emotions (fear, happiness) through the musical instruments, the harmonies
and the rhythms. This work is often used to teach children musicality and practice their music
cognition. Source: http://goo.gl/CSFu6 and http://goo.gl/yOJ5w................................................... 34
Picture 4: Django Reinhardt, the ambassador of gypsy-swing. Source: http://goo.gl/BI5IC .............. 49
Picture 5: The gypsy-swing musicians who performed during the research. (from left to right) Chris
Kosides, Yiannis Vakaloudis and Kostas Vaporidis. Source: authors ............................................... 50
Picture 6: The Achtse Medjid neighbourhood, as it used to be until 1960s. In the centre of the
picture lies the neighbourhoods fountain. Nowadays, in the exact same position lies Navarinou
Square. Source: (, 1997) ................................................................................................ 51
Picture 7: Navarinou Square and the archaeological site (the Galerian Palace) in the late 80s, straight
after its construction. Source: Postcard from www.flickr.com ....................................................... 52
Picture 8: Young children during a school trip in the square take pictures of peeing boy. This
fountain is considered to be the landmark of the square. Source: authors .................................... 53
Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bing.com/maps ................................................. 54
Picture 10: Parents and grandparents enjoying the first days of summer in the playground under the
shade of the tree (May 2012). Source: authors ............................................................................ 56
Picture 11: With the first sun after a heavy winter elder people go to the square to enjoy the nice
weather of March (2012) and the company of their friends. Source: authors ................................ 56
Picture 12: Young people sitting at the terraces of the cafeterias on the perimeter of the square.
Source: authors ......................................................................................................................... 57
Picture 13: One of the squares stray, but very friendly, dogs. Source: authors .............................. 57
Picture 14: The distance between performers and audience: In the beginning of the musicians
performance the children and parents were using only the playground area and the sitting area
under the tree. Source: authors photo. ....................................................................................... 64
Picture 15: Children using the paved area to play football, while the music plays. Source: authors
photo......................................................................................................................................... 65
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Picture 16: The boy, who some minutes ago was playing football with the other children, stopped
and sat next to the musicians to listen to them. Source: authors photo......................................... 65
Picture 17: A grandfather with his granddaughter standing in a small shaded area next to the
musicians in order to listen to them from close. Source: authors photo. ....................................... 66
Picture 18: In the fountain, the border between the two sides of the square, children play, while
under the sycamore tree are gather the other users of the square. Refer also to Map 3. Source:
Agelioforos Newspaper: http://goo.gl/O2qTS............................................................................... 72
Picture 19: People who are considered to be the other users of the square are having lunch in the
east side of the square Refer also to Map 3. Source: authors photo. ............................................. 73
Picture 20: Old man sitting on a bench and feeding the pigeons of the square. Source: authors photo
.................................................................................................................................................. 75
Picture 21: March 2012 As soon as the first spring sun came out in Thessaloniki, the square filled
with people of all ages who went to the space to enjoy the weather. Source: authors ................... 79
Picture 22: The only historical building left in the square, which seems to attract peoples interest
when discussing the topic of residency. Source: authors .............................................................. 85
Picture 23 and Picture 24: Single and group users of the square. Source: authors photos............... 86
Picture 25: A young mother dancing with her baby girl to the sounds of a waltz song. Source:
authors ..................................................................................................................................... 87
Picture 26: Children always stop to listen. A little girl almost enchanted by the music has been
listening to the musicians for more than 15 minutes. Source: authors .......................................... 90
Picture 27: May I at least buy you a coffee? this woman suggests to the musicians when they said
that they do not collect money, but they perform for pleasure. Source: authors ........................... 91
Picture 28: A park in Berlin gets revitalized through regular karaoke events. Source: (Smith, 2012) 103
List of Psychogeographical Pictures

Psychogeographical Picture 1: Playground equipment, and infrastructures not suitable for very
young children. Source: authors (photo taken by respondent 15B) ............................................... 67
Psychogeographical Picture 2: An empty glass of coffee. Respondent 3A took a picture of the glass of
coffee, in order to indicate the importance that this related activity has in her perception of the
place. Source: authors (photo taken by respondent 3A) ............................................................... 68
Psychogeographical Picture 3: I would like to spend some time in the square because I can sit on the
grass. () its not easy to find it in the city says a young male student and reflects the importance
of the green on peoples perceptions of the square. Source: authors (photo taken b y respondent
7A)............................................................................................................................................. 68
Psychogeographical Pictures 4 and 5: One of the portraits of the fountain and the playground: the
two most photographed parts of the square. The little boys fountain is a psychogeographical
reflection of a male students perception of the square, and the playground of a young female
student, who is also from the countryside. Source: authors photos .............................................. 70
Psychogeographical Picture 6: Example of low-maintained infrastructures: a spring that does no
longer function. Source: authors photo (respondent 14B) ............................................................ 70
Psychogeographical Picture 7: Musicians Performing. Picture captured during the
Psychogeographical test by a young girl who was walking her dog. Source: authors (respondent 13B)
.................................................................................................................................................. 70
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List of Psychogeographical Pictures
Psychogeographical Picture 8: Company of mothers with children who have come to meet each
other in the public realm and allow their children to play. Source: authors photo (photo taken by
respondent 9A) .......................................................................................................................... 77
Psychogeographical Picture 9: The playground as portrayed by respondent 2A, a young mother and
photographer. Source: authors (taken by respondent 2A) ............................................................ 82
Psychogeographical Picture 10: A male student who was enjoying his coffee in the terrace, in the
presence of music, took this picture of the environment of the entertainment facility. Source:
authors (taken by respondent 4B)............................................................................................... 83
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Introduction
1. Introduction
A good city is like a good party

people stay longer than really necessary, because they are enjoying themselves.
- Jan Gehl, Danish architect
and, of course, a good party always has good music!
1.1 Music in Public Space

Music in public space is not a new public creative expression. Since ancient time, music has been a
part of public life accompanying celebrations, ceremonies or just daily life. There was a bidirectional
relationship between music and public life; musicians have been inspired by the city and their music
used to work as an inspiration for people. Public space used to be the scene where musicians had
the chance to present their work and express themselves.
Modern cities seem to seek for the values of the past in order to bring life back to the realm and
therefore contemporary urban culture renegotiates the use of public creative expression as a means
to achieve that. Urbanists and artists try to find ways of collaboration in order to revitalize the
streets; the veins of the city. Music in public space seems to be one of those tools in the toolbox that
are waiting to be used in order to construct a new urban reality. A more creative and vivid one!
Until now, the very promising outcome of those attempts is related to public art; street art, murals,
guerrilla. The question is what can music provide to the public realm that public art cannot? Coburn
(2002) suggests that it is the sound that allows this form of art to integrate further than other artistic
forms that are more static and elements of the architectural space. Music has the characteristic of
temporality; it is a performative art that is being created at the same time that the receiver
experiences it. Music has the power to convey emotion directly, intensively and in a dialectic form
between the producer and the receiver. In this way, people have the opportunity to generate a
perception and experience of space based on the emotion that music transfers.
So what happens if these functions and qualities of music are spread in the public realm? How does
music reflect those emotions on the walls, the pavements, the trees, the other people, the social
relations? Music in public space along with the physical, social and cultural elements of the realm
seem to influence the perception that people might have about its quality and eventually the way
they experience this space. This is what this research seeks to reveal.
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1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance

The literature overview has shown that there is a possible gap in the research regarding music in the
public urban realm within the field of geography and urban sciences. The majority of scientific
articles and reports focuses either on public art in general or on creativity and culture in the cit ies
(Creative Cities1) and the linkage of those with urban regeneration, integration, segregated areas.
Other literature refers also to the way music and music cognition might affect peoples emotions or
performances on some activities (e.g. sports, creati vity, reading etc.) However, no research has
examined the way music cognition changes the way people perceive , experience and/or feel about
their urban environment; whether it is a private or a public one .
The rest of the literature negotiates more innovative ways of adding music in everyday life, with
contemporary means of technology, ICTs and generally more artistic ways, but in a rather
personalised and individual manner2. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to fill in the gap in the
academic debate and research regarding the role of music in public, as a means of public art, in
urban everyday life, viewed from the aspect of the civilians-audience (Hall T., Smith C., 2004).
According to the literature research there has not been any report, article or study similar or tightly
related to the subject being studied in the thesis. As a result it is not possible to find original
approaches and aspects regarding the matter and make a clear comparison. In order to overcome
this barrier, there is an attempt to build on existing approaches in literature regarding relative
subjects and with an inductive method to create a proper theoretical framework. Afterwards, these
ideas and approaches are adapted to the structure of the framework, which is based on the four
research questions.
This thesis seeks to contribute to the research on the inherent potentials of the city to revitalize and
regenerate itself through its own dynamics. Street musicians are not the kind of artists who wish to
engage their art in a sort of a consumption process. They wish to offer their music as a public good
to the people of the city. They seek to participate in the urban rhythms and be a part of the city.
Street musicians want their music to mean something to the citizens and change the way they
experience the public realm. Therefore, it is considered that this research might function as a
reference and a tool for those artists and/or urbanists who wish to enlighten the links between the
musician, the citizen and the urban environment and take their ideas a step forward. This way they
will eventually manage to use the raw materials that the city provides in order to refurbish its image,
change the urban experience and achieve public space revitalization through a bottom-up procedure
(Landry C., 2000, p. 7).
What is more, the case study of this research focuses on a neglected public space, with lots of
potentials and dynamics. Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece, is one of the very few active
public spaces in the city centre, which has a lot of green and a significant historical and aesthetic
value. Therefore, one of the goals of this research is to start a conversation on the importance of this
public space and its potentials as a pole of public creative expression in the core of a metropolitan
area.
1
See La ndry C. (2000). The creative city; a toolkit for urban innovators
2
See: Coburn R. (2002). Composing space: the i ntegration of music, ti me, a nd s pace in multi-dimensional sound
i ns tallations; Gaye L., Ma ze R., Holmquist L.E., (2003). Sonic Ci ty: The Urban Environment as a Musical Interface; Lee, 2006.
Soni c Graffiti: Spraying and remixing music on the street;
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Introduction
1.3 Research Questions

In order to fill in the literature gap, it is recognised that the main research question that needs to be
answered is:
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about
the quality of a public space?
The main issue under investigation is the extent to which music in public space changes the
perception that people the audience- might have about their urban environment and quality of it;
in this case, public space. As the literature review has revealed music presented in public and the
perception of the citizens of the urban realm seem to be linked. In order to answer this main
research question, the attributes that influence peoples perception on public space are firstly
identified and discussed under various theoretical approaches (in the Theoretical Framework) and
secondly empirically tested on field. This test is conducted with interviews of people at a public
space/case study (specifically Navarinou Square). In this way, their perceptions with and without
music about the place and its quality are examined. By comparing the results of both procedures, a
conclusion is made concerning the hypothetical- change that music might bring to peoples
perception about a public space. Additionally to the interviewing, psychogeographical approaches
and tools are used to enhance the possible output about peoples perception.
In order to answer the main research question, four research sub-questions are formed and used.
These, are based on the four respective attributes that have been recognised in the theoretical
research as indicative of a citizens perception about a public space. The four research sub-questions
are:
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the sense
of comfort of a public space?
Sense of comfort in public space, is the first attribute of public space that works as an indicator of
peoples perception of the quality of space. This attribute is identified and evaluated by three further
aspects of comfort of public space. These are attractiveness, pleasure and safety. The sub-attributes
are stressed during the interviews with specific questions and the answers and opinions given by the
respondents function as factors, which apart from creating a perspective of peoples perception on
comfort they also assist to compare and contrast this perception on the occasion of music
performance being present in the space and without it.
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the sense
of community and sociability of a public space?
The second attribute that is tested both on theoretical level as well as on the field is the perception
of the sense of community and sociability that the public spaces users have. It is discussed, that
there are three factors that indicate this attribute. First of all, to what extend the public space is
perceived as a meeting place, secondly how people perceive and use the playground as a means of
socializing and thirdly, to what extent people feel welcome in the square. These three sub-attributes
are addressed during the interviews and function as a measuring tool of the extent to which music in
public space changes the perception people have about the sense of community and sociability that
the place offers.
17
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the
accessibility of a public space?
Accessibility is an attribute of great importance for a public space as it is related with the public life.
The accessibility and openness of a public space, as well as the role of this space in the urban
structure are considered the main factors indicating the value of this attribute. Interviewees
perceptions on those two sub-attributes reflect the overall symbolic representation that the users of
the space have regarding its accessibility. What is more, the presence of musical stimuli or not seem
to have a reflection on peoples perception on accessibility; a hypothesis that is tested through the
field work.
To what extent does music in public space change the perception people have about the use of
a public space?
The vitality of a public space as well as the way people use a public space are significant attributes.
The extent that a public space is considered an active space and the perceptions that people have on
the activities taking place there are two major indicative sub-attributes of the use of the space.
Additionally, the users willingness to reside in the area of the public space is also taken into
account. Those three sub-attributes are firstly reflected in the academic discussion and then tested
both in the case of the music performance and without it, in order to measure the degree that music
affects peoples perceptions on the use of square.
1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study

In order to answer the research questions, to reach a conclusion and fill in the literature gap a case
study research is scheduled. For this research it was necessary to choose a case where music
performance would be possible in this public space and where the thin lines of speech regarding
perception would be possible to define. Therefore, there was a need for a case that the researcher
would be familiar with. Thessaloniki, the researchers hometown, seems to be a proper choice, firstly
because of the familiarity with the general urban environment and secondly because it is more
safe to do all the research and interviews in the researchers mother language; Greek.
More specifically, the public space under case-study research is a square, Navarinou square, in the
historical centre of Thessaloniki. This public space has been a part of the researchers daily life, and
there is a high level of familiarity with the characteristics and peculiarities of the space. Therefore
the approach towards other peoples perceptions on the space can be more delicate. Another
reason for choosing this square as a case study is the fact that this space carries very characteristic
features, and its structural role in the city centre of Thessaloniki is considered to be of great value.
Those attributes will be presented and analysed in the following chapters.
Despite any personal experience and familiarity with Navarinou square, there is also another reason
for choosing this public space particularly of Thessaloniki. The Greek city of Thessaloniki especially
the last year seems to be in a mood for public expression of its creative power, mainly through a
bottom up and procedure. The city is considered to be one of the most significant poles of music
creation in Balkans3. The last two years, with volunteer participation, that sometimes was also
accompanied by the municipalitys support, many street festivals were arranged in the city centre.
These festivals many times took place in deprived areas of the city centre (mostly in Valaoritou Area,
3
See: Wilder, 2011. The Arts Bloom in Greeces Second Ci ty
18
Introduction
a former manufacture and industrial area in the city centre which is now on focus for future
regeneration programs) but also in developed districts like the port and the waterfront. Music had
most of the times the central role in these events. Apart from organized events, musicians locals or
even from the neighbour countries- can be viewed in public in the city centre performing either solo,
or with their bands; a busking phenomenon that is recognised in many big cities. Navarinou square
and the streets around it is a pole of similar busking events that attract a lot of public interest,
especially during spring and summer.
1.5 Methods
The methodological approach proposed for this
research in order to answer the research sub-
questions and reflect on the main research question
is related to qualitative as well as psychogeographical
methods and data applied on a case-study. These are
focusing on the perceptions, experiences, feelings and
thoughts of the questioned people as well as on the
external characteristics, such as the qualities of an
urban environment, general discourses and space
reputation. The data are collected through semi-
structured interviews, in Navarinou Square, where
the majority of the types of users of the square are
asked to reflect their perceptions and experiences
towards music in public space.
The methodology followed in this research seeks to
extensively examine the perceptions and experiences
produced during a music performance in a public
space which carries specific characteristics and attracts specific people. By taking into account all
these characteristics that make this public realm as well as the people in it probably- unique, it
might be possible to evaluate the attributes that play a significant role in perception and experience
of public realm in the presence of music.
1.6 Thesis Outline

The thesis structure consists of six main chapters. To begin with, the introduction, which is the
current chapter, gives an overview of the research aim, the sub-questions that seek to respond to
the main research question and structure the research design, as well as the methods and
techniques followed to answer the research questions.
The second chapter is about the theoretical background that supports the research. The theoretical
framework of the research is built based on literature research and analysis. For the backbone of the
framework, the four key qualities of space, as introduced by Project for Public Spaces (2012) and
William H. Whyte are used as the pylons on which all theories adapt in order to build the theoretical
background of the research. What is more, Lefebvres approach towards Production of Space (1991)
is also in the main light of the theoretical framework. However, since there is a literature gap
concerning the extent to which music in public space affects peoples perception about a public
space, there is a need to blend ideas and approaches from different topics and themes. Thus, by
19
following an inductive method, the themes approached in order to build the framework and
eventually the main argument of the thesis has public space as the starting point and through
literature research about public perception and experience, public art, music in public, and public
space revitalization and regeneration, reaches the final point concerning the effect of public music
performance on peoples perceptions towards the quality of space . The theoretical framework
results in a detailed and tightly linked conceptual model, which shows all the theoretical aspects and
approaches related to the subject.
The third chapter is the Research Design and Methodology of the thesis. This chapter presents the
methods and techniques that have been followed in order to answer the research questions.
Starting from the description of the procedures followed (the expectations, the experiment and the
interviews) and heading to the data preparation this chapter provides the methodological
background that supports the thesis and leads to the data analysis.
The following chapter is the Analysis and the presentation of the Case Study of the research. In this
chapter are analysed all the attributes and concepts of the theoretical framework through the
presentation of the results of the case study. Here, the four research questions are answered
according to the empirical research, as well as an attempt for deep interpretation and evaluation of
the outcomes is made.
Following the results of the fourth chapter, Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations on
the theoretical approaches give a more critical perspective on the main research question. What is
more, by focusing on the applied output that this thesis is aiming to leave behind, the fifth chapter
includes also a structured list of policy recommendations on public space revitalization and urban
regeneration through music in public, based on bottom-up culture-led strategies.
The last, and sixth, chapter is an evaluation of the research procedure, the results and the proposal
for future research. This chapter is aiming to indicate possible factors that might change the results
and specify alternatives for the research procedure. Last, but not least, an attempt will be made to
propose related themes and subjects for further research.
The aim of this research is to provide insight into the linkage between music in public and the way
people perceive and experience the urban public realm and result in policies that would help the
revitalization and urban regeneration of public space.
20
Theoretical Framework
2. Theoretical Framework
As it has been mentioned before, there seems to be a gap in the literature regarding music in the
public realm, its effect on peoples perception of space as well as its connection with revitalization
and regeneration policies. On the contrary, the literature review has revealed that a great amount of
researchers, from different academic perspectives have worked on the issue of art in public space
and its effect on the urban landscape as a regeneration policy tool. As a result, there was a need to
follow an inductive method in order to research and, eventually, build the theoretical framework
(Text Box 1). It was recognised that there are some levels of theoretical topics, which by researching
on them and picking the ideas and theories that are related, it was possible to build a theoretical
framework related to music in public space.
However, this theoretical framework should be based and produced by the research questions in
order to give perspectives on the research aim: the extent to which music in public space changes
the perception people have about the quality of public space. As a result, it was decided that the
four main attributes of public space, which also form the four research questions, are the main
pylons of the theoretical framework. Comfort in public space, the sense of community and
sociability, the accessibility the public space and the use of it work as four thematic units in which
topics related to public space, such as public perception and experience, public art, music in public
space and eventually revitalization and regeneration through public art and/or music are discussed .
Public Space and Quality of Public Space
Public Experience and Perception
Public Art and Perception
Music in Public Space
Regeneration &
revitalization through
public art and/or music
Text Box 1: Theoretical framework built on an inductive method. Source: authors edit
21
2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space

Public space is the urban spatial unit that the research is being focused in this project. This urban
unit has been attributed with many and different definitions and functionalities throughout the
bibliography, some of them focusing on its clearly spatial and planning functionality as an open
space, serving urban needs of sustainability, practices and urban form, while others negotiating the
more societal, cultural and political aspect of public space and its effect on the urban social networks
and coherence ( (Tonnelat, 2010); (Patterson, 2010); (Burgers, 2000)). A more relevant approach to
the second kind of bibliography is followed in this research; probably the more geographical one,
without however neglecting totally the first aspect.
Apart from its functional purpose within a city network as a shared space used by citizens as a
whole, available to everyone whereby no one in particular may be allowed to usurp it (Alves, 2007),
public space is conceived as a net of relations and links, with social, financial, political, cultural as
well as real substance where people come into contact with other people and with the physical
environment on a daily basis (Baker S., Bennett A., Homan S., 2009). The degree to which people
come to these kinds of contacts has an effect on the experience of the public space as well as the
way people engage with it and perceive it.
Within a perspective of the public realm as a creative and active space, Sancar (2003) realises a
discursive shift from space to place. This shift has led to the emergence of an interest about the
experiences that place might reflect; the perception of place. Research on place perception is
associated primarily with environment- behaviour studies and aims at identifying the attributes of
place categories and evaluative and affective responses to them (Sancar, 2003, p. 270).
The variety of definitions regarding public space is also followed by a vari ation in the attributes of
public space theorized and identified by researchers in the bibliography. Tonnelat (2010) in an
attempt to discuss the sociology of urban public spaces indicates accessibility and communication as
the two most important and basic qualities of public space, onto which all other values rest (2010, p.
8). Following a more architectural approach, zlem Tuba Yenimazman in her Master Thesis
(2010) followed a comparative methodology in order to reveal that public space usage
differentiates in different cultures with the different social and physical environments of Barcelona
and Istanbul. In order to answer her research aim, Yenimazman identifies six criteria of space:
location and accessibility, neutral valuation relationship, urban functions and multifanctionality,
social environment and usage profile, urban, architectural and cultural value of the area as well as
public space quality (Yenimazman, 2010, pp. 4-5).
Carr, Francis, Rivlin and Stone (1992, p. 85) identify three dimensions and qualities of public space:
needs, rights and meanings related to space. These are attributes tightly related to the societal
relevance of public space, as well as the history of the site, the tradition of the users and the
relationship of both to the context (1992, p. 85). Carr et al. (1992, p. 85) identify a tendency of
planners to negotiate mainly the physical attributes of public space, while neglecting the societal
ones, and therefore ending up with unsuccessful public spaces.
Richard Florida (2002), in the context of Creative Cities and Creative Class, evaluates the quality of a
place by negotiating three other dimensions: whats there, whos there and whats going on (2002,
pp. 231-232, italics in the original). Florida, compared to the perspective of Carr et al. (1992, p. 85),
gives an equal importance both to the physical environment of the square, as well as the societal
aspect of it; the social networks, the built environment, the activities hosted, the local community,
22
the everyday life etc (2002, pp. 231-232). He also suggests that spaces in order to be successful
should present and provide as many qualities and attributes as possible, as to give options of use
and pleasure to all potential users, of any kind (Florida, 2002, p. 233).
William H. Whyte ( (1988); (1979)), out of his personal experience and research, before Richard
Florida, has identified similar, but more specific attributes to the public space. In his movie the
social life of small urban spaces (1979) Whyte sums up the qualities and attributes that make a
public space successful. These qualities are: Sittable Space, Street, Sun, Food, Water, Trees and
Triangulation4 (Whyte, 1979, 42:34). These attributes refer not only to the physical environment
and design of the space (sitting areas, sun/shade, water, green etc) but also to the sense of
community and the everyday interactions (street and the undesirables, security and triangulation)
( (1988); (1979)).
Following William H. Whytes perception on the attributes of public space and what makes a
successful site, the non-profit organization Project for Public Spaces (2012) created a tool, a kind
of protocol that would assist to the identification and evaluation of those attributes. This
protocol has given the main guidelines in order to form the research questions of th e thesis, as
well as to build the four pylons of the theoretical framework. Project for Public Spaces (2012) in an
attempt to identify those attributes that make a place successful has developed The Place Diagram
(Project for Public Spaces, 2012). The criteria, the four attributes stated in the orange circle of the
diagram (Picture 1) are the four qualities of space that are used in this research in order to evaluate
the effect of music on peoples perception about them. Comfort, Sociability (stated as Sense of
Community and Sociability in the research), Access and Linkages (Accessibility in the thesis) and Uses
and Activities are the four key qualities of place under investigation. These four criteria/attributes
and the theoretical aspects related to them are discussed in the following sub-chapters.
Picture 1: The Place Diagram, as developed by Project for Public Spaces. Source: (Project for Public Spaces, 2012)
4
Tri a ngulation i s explained in chapter 2.4, pa ge 19.
23
The attributes and approaches discussed above lead to the evaluation of the quality of a public
space, each time according to the aspect of the researcher. However, it is believed that the Place
Diagram (Picture 1) manages to include all the aforementioned approaches, each time according to
the researchers interpretation and use of the attributes.
2.2 The Production of Public- Space

In a place such as a city or a neighbourhood, then, the various constitu ent spaces are not just
containers within which people live out their daily lives. It is the living out of these daily lives
which is itself a part of the making of the space: all those embodied ways of doing things,
often quite routinised things, and often quite small scales, and around particular
constellations of objects, produce the spaces and places of an urban area. (...)Space is
constantly produced and modified. When you walk into an empty square you change, just a
little, its nature as a space; we, and material objects, continually and jointly produce space.
(Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4)
The aforementioned attributes and values of public space (chapter 2.1) of any approach, either
material or human - can be considered to be the resources and outcome of the production and
construction of the relevant space. According to Setha Low (1999) (T)he social production
[emphasis added] of space includes all those factors social, economic, ideological, and
technological whose intended goal is the physical creation of the material setting., identifying
production as a procedure of historical, political and economic nature of urban space (Low, 1999, p.
112).
On the other hand, social construction of space includes the experiential processes and the
symbolisms of space. Low (1999) identifies social construction as the actual transformation of
space, as it is tightly linked with and derives from the societal negotiation of the daily user with
space. It is important to highlight the emphasis that Low gives on the experiences and symbolisms of
space and how they are linked with, and actually lead to the construction of space (Low, 1999, p.
112). According to this approach, the attributes, values and criteria as well as the social processes
that might be related to them mentioned in the chapter before (chapter 2.1) can be categorized in
those two types of production of public- space. However, it is pointed out that the borders
between the two aspects are not always determined (Low, 1999, p. 114).
Henri Lefebvre (1991) in his work The Production of Space negotiates the social production of
space through the representations of the enclosed relations. As in the case of Low (1999), factors
and the relevant representations are the elements of the production which eventually lead to the
creation of the physical space. However, Lefebvre does not support the binary approach of Low -
even if she states her agreement with Lefebvres holistic approach towards production of space
(Low, 1999, p. 114). On the contrary, he introduces a spatial triad, a conceptual triad (p. 33) which
negotiates the representations and practices of the social space and through them he actually
incorporates the societal and experiential aspect (the construction of space) in the production of
space (Lefebvre, 1991). These three elements (p. 39) are tightly related and in constant
negotiation. According to Goheen (1998) this dialogical relationship of the elements is what creates
a meaningful public space (p. 479).
The first element, spatial practice, or else the perceived space, refers to the physical space, the
networks and relations, the everyday practices and routine (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38), and the
socioeconomic processes by which the material city is reproduced (Leary, 2009, p. 195). The
perceived space is the production of urban physical environment and the result of it.
24
Secondly, the representations of space refer to the concepts related to the production of space. It is
the space as it is conceived by the scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and
social engineers, as of a certain type of artist with a scientific bent (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38) .
Drawings, concepts, plans, ideas are the essence of this aspect of the production of space.
The third element is the representational spaces (or spaces of representations). This peak of the
spatial triangle is related to the space as it is lived. Symbolisms, experiences, images are the main
elements of this aspect, creating an overlay of perceptions above the physical space (Lefebvre, 1991,
pp. 33, 39). While the representations of space are attributed to those who conceive and design
space, the spaces of representations correspond to those who use it, live it and experience it (Leary,
2009, p. 195).
It could be argued, that the attributes of public space, as indicated in the chapter above (chapter
2.1), while in the model of Low (1999) are categorized in the two types of production of space, in the
case of Lefebvres spatial triad, the same values can be attributed to each aspect but not in a
deterministic way. As these three dimensions keep a dialogical relationship, accordingly, the values
of each dimension have the chance to be negotiated and eventually produced in space in a more
relevant way. For instance, the value of Comfort and Image, as introduced by the Place Diagram
(Picture 1), while at first can be attributed to Spatial Practices as it refers to the physical
environment of the public space, it can also be relevant either to Conceived Space (how a planner
designs a public space in order to provide comfort) or to the Lived Space (how everyday users
experience comfort in the public space). Leary (2009) from a planning perspective and Young (2012)
from an artistic one provide two indicative, though different examples of how Lefebvres triad can
be implemented to a methodological tool according to the researchers goal and needs , which serves
for analysing space.
Figure 1: Lefebvres Spatial Triad and Production of public- Space. Source: (Lefebvre, 1991); authors edit
25
2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography

Perception is the way people internally experience the external world. This is how Sch utz (2009)
defines perception and relates it with experience within a musicological context (p. 22). Perception
and experience are two very wide terms that can be attributed to a variety of topics from many
scientific and academic fields; they are a way of knowing and constructing a reality (Tuan, 1977, p.
8). What is more, due to the tight relationship that they have with the fields of psychology and
cognitive sciences, perception and experience are also highly influenced by a persons character and
cultural background.
However, perception and experience have been also under research and negotiation in the field of
spatial sciences since the 70s, when the first sociologists and philosophers began to realize the
importance of those mental functions in the urban daily life. Yi-Fu Tuan (1977), through his interest
in phenomenological approaches of space and place, recognizes space as an object which people
perceive and experience because of their ability to move in it and sense its characteristics (p. 12).
Wunderlich (2008) agrees with this statement identifying walking as the main mode of
experiencing place and the city (p. 125). There is a variety of ways and levels that people
experience space, according to the symbols provided. These levels are mainly affected by the degree
of intimacy that the person has with space; the more one is related to a space on a daily basis the
more intimate ones experience is (Tuan, 1977, p. 6).
The experiences that present high intimacy, are the most psychologically and cognitively deep ones.
These experiences, according to Tuan, are difficult to express and to put into words, mainly because
they are not usually conscious (1977, pp. 136-137). They tend to easily escape our attention (p.
143) and are held on the back side of our mind and consciousness in favor of the clichs of public
speech (p. 203). However, they can be brought to the surface of consciousness and feelings even by
a small stimulation. Such stimulation can also be a place itself; Tuan calls this space intimate place
and highlights the importance of a persons connection to it despite of its conscious or unconscious
nature (Tuan, 1977, p. 141).
Experience, according to Tuan, is produced by a persons
sensation, perception and conception of space (p. 8).
The more sensational an experiential mode is, the more
emotional it is. On the contrary, the levels of thought
used in the interpretation of the symbolisms of space
raise as the more perceptional and conceptive an
experience is (see Text Box 3).
The triad, which Tuan (1977, p. 8) suggests as a Text Box 2: Experience and its production through
mechanism through which experience is constructed, the mode which construct reality. Source: (1977,
p. 8)
can be associated with the one of Lefebvres on the
production of space (Lefebvre, 1991) . This association
of the variable of each theoretical approach can be
viewed in Text Box 3. The sensational mode of
experience refers to the direct and passive senses of
human, such as taste, smell, touch etc (Tuan, 1977, p. 8).
This mode can be associated with Lefebvres spaces of Text Box 3: Association of Tuans experiential
triad with Lefebvres triad of production of space.
representations, as it refers to the space as it is lived. Source: authors edit
26
The stimulations that produce a persons everyday experience of space are related to ones senses.
The second mode, perception, is tightly related with perceived space (spatial practices). The mode of
perception is a sensation qualified by thought (Tuan, 1977, p. 8). Accordingly, perceived space is
the elaboration of the lived space into a space that carries meanings of practices. The mode of
conception seems to be related to the representations of space (conceived space). Conception is
the indirect mode of symbolization, the one that carries the highest degree of thought (Tuan,
1977, p. 8). It refers to the way people think about a space and the experiences that it cre ates and
provides. Lefebvres conceived space has a similar definition. It is related to the production of space
through the thought of it. People may produce and experience a space inside their minds and
thoughts. It seems that there is a link between these two approaches, and that by combining them it
is possible to create a complete approach about the production and experience of space.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) supports that it is impossible to discuss experiential space without introducing
the objects and places that define space (p. 136). These objects and places within a space are the
architectural features of it, the attributes and values that transform a space into a place. These
values, when referring to a public space and the experience of this realm, might as well be the
attributes discussed in subchapter 2.1. More specifically, in terms of this research, the attributes
that define a public spaces quality are Comfort, Sociability, Accessibility and Uses and Activities.
These attributes can be respectfully related to the three peaks of Tuans experiential triad. However,
as in the case of Lefebvres triad these values cannot definitely be attributed to only one mode of
experience. Oakeshott (1933) states that experience functions as a whole, and the modes that
define it cannot be separated from one another finally and absolutely (pp. 10-11). In this way, it is
possible to describe the perceptions and experiences created in a public space and even evaluate
them.
In the former sub-chapter (2.2) there was an attempt to relate the attributes of public space with
the ways that space is produced, according to Lefebvre (1991). Since Lefebvres spatial triad can be
associated with Tuans experiential triad it could be argued that the second approach fills the mere-
experiential gap in the first one and the opposite. By evaluating the attributes of public space in
terms of both approaches (production of space and modes of experience) it is possible to reach a
conclusion concerning the impact of music in public space on peoples perception of it.
Additionally to the attributes of public space, Sancar (2003) suggests that people experience a
place from a unique viewpoint and that the reaction of each individual varies from place to place.
Some factors that affect this viewpoint are age, background and personal interests (Sancar, 2003, p.
271). Merleau-Ponty considers the body and the whole of the senses to be the vessel and the sensor
of the experiences which also turns these experiences into mental perceptions (Seamon, 2010, pp.
1-2). Tuan (1977) also suggests that differences in peoples cultural background are related to
different personal approaches of life, perceptions and experiences (p. 34). From a similar point of
view, Low (2003) indicates as influential factors to ones perception and experience, ones emotions
and state of mind, sense of self, social relations and cultural predispositions (p. 10). Overall, it could
be argued, that both factors related to the physical and social attributes of space as well as personal
characteristics are the ones affecting the perception and experience that a person might have.
Therefore, perception and experience of space can be described strongly subjective processes
(Doucet, 2009), which vary from place to place and from person to person.
27
As it has been mentioned before, perception and experience of space, and especially of urban space,
have attracted the interest of many researchers and theorists of a great variety of scientific and
not only - fields. Young (2012) in her work seeks to relate the production of space, as introduced by
Lefebvre with the experience and perception of space, from an artistic perspective. In order to reach
her aim, she introduces to her theoretical framework the ideas and approaches of the Situationist
Movement (1957-1972) and its founder, Guy Debord (Young, 2012, p. 6). The Situationists were
viewing the urban environment and city life through a philosophical and artistic - avant-garde -
prism, which allowed them to have a different focus on the experiences of urban life and the
symbolisms of the urban environment. Therefore, their approaches are also tightly related to the
way people perceive and engage with the urban realm; an aspect of main interest for this research.
The Situationists in order to translate their philosophical approaches to empirical results and works
of art have developed three methodological tools: Drive, Psychogeography and Dtournement,
which are linked to each other and based on urban walking (Young, 2012, p. 6).
Drive is associated with the urban drifter5; it is the action of moving instinctively and playfully in the
city while observing the urban environment and the involved interactions. It is a dialogical
relationship, almost a seduction, between the walkers body and the associated environment (
(Young, 2012, p. 6); (Bassett, 2004, p. 401); (Debord, Theory of the Drive, 1956); (Barnard, 2004, p.
108)).
Psychogeography within Situationists philosophy is the study of the precise laws and specific
effects of the geographical environment, consciously organized or not, on the emotions and
behaviour of individuals (Debord, 1955, p. 1). Psychogeography functions as the analytical progress
of interpreting the activity of Drive. Its outcome is a cartographical product which represents
perceptions, experiences and feelings related to urban environment (Bassett, 2004, p. 402).
Dtournement is the attribution of

a different meaning and use to an
original object (Bassett, 2004, p.
401). These objects and their
reformed usually artistic -
meanings are present in the urban
environment and are the building
stones of Psychogeography and
Drive (Young, 2012, p. 7).
Picture 2: Example of a psychogeographical map, presenting the different perceptions and experiences produced by
walkers of various Parisian neighbourhoods. Cover of Guy Debords Psychogeographic Guide of Paris (1957). Source:
http://goo.gl/2JLjs
5
However, The drive was also distinguished from flnerie or mere voyeurism by its more critical attitude
towards the hegemonic scope of modernity. (Bassett, 2004, p. 401)
28
In the present research - as it is revealed later in the methodological chapter (3.2) - a modified
interpretation of psychogeography is used as a methodological tool, in order to reveal and record
peoples perception about the urban environment/square of the case study. What is more, an
artistic perspective of space, such as the psychogeographical one, seems to be relevant with the
research theme, which negotiates music an artistic expression in public realm.
2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space

Contemporary approaches towards public space and place tend to link this realm with studies on
experiences and perceptions within a more artistic and creative context. Gaye, Maze and Holmquist
(2003) describe the connection between the urban environment and the experience of it:
Everyday urban experience involves active interpretation and impels creative response
consider the meaning of a screeching noise, the smell of burning rubber and a car headed
your way! As a physical interface, the city provides a built infrastructure and established
ways of using it creatively. (Gaye L., Maze R., Holmquist L.E., 2003, . 109).
Accordingly, Durao (Embodied Space: a sensorial approach to spatial experience, 2009, p. 400) states
that (F)or space to be experienced as place, corporeal evide nce and experience is required, making
clear that there is a tight link between the sense of space and peoples translation of it into place
and the experience of it. It seems, that the public realm, the built infrastructure, provides a canvas
where people may express their, sometimes repressed from the daily routine, creativity. The
outcome of such creative expressions is not only of materialistic nature (public art) but also of
psychological one as these actions seem to affect the way people experience and perceive public
space and engage with place.
Modern cities are claimed to be boring and therefore a failure. However, it could be argued that
waves of creativity flowing in the urban environment may have the power to change this situation.
Urban play and creativity are used as tools to rejuvenate the public realm and bring interest to
everyday life (Degen, M., DeSilvey, C. and Rose, G., 2008, pp. 1914-1915). One expression of urban
creativity is public art or street art (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies: Temporary and
Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, p. 860). Public art is able to change the way people perceive
and experience their everyday lives. It seems to serve as a symbolic means of interpretation and
production of human feelings and therefore creates its own space and its own mental
representation (Tuan, 1977, p. 162). Accordingly, these mental as well as physical representations
lead to elicit responses from the side of the audience; these are perceptions which eventually lead
to an experience of public space, generated by the image and symbolism of public art (Zebracki,
2011). The new urban elements grab peoples attention and make the space/place more interesting
by providing new perspectives of how urban environment could be, physically and socially, except
for its nowadays most common function; consumption (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies:
Temporary and Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, pp. 852-853).
As Tuan (1977) indicates, public art has the power to create and produce its own space. In terms of
production of space, as introduced by Lefebvre (1991), public art creates its own conceived space
and representations of space; the artist or the architect first comes up with an idea, a concept of a
project for a public space that would give () symbolic form to the urban structure (Tuan, 1977, p.
164). What is more, public art is a spatial practice; an object within a public realm that stimulates
the senses, attracts attention and creates an experience, a spatial perception, and gives identity to a
space (Wagemans, 2011). Public art, transforms the lived space by attaching a new meaning to the
daily life and the urban rhythms; it gives a new symbolic interpretation of the use and function of
29
the public space (Young, 2012). Lived space, is the space of artists and therefore of public art (Radice
M., Morgan K., Nagler S., 2011).
McClish (2010) argues that public space should be interwoven with democracy, and creativity is the
way to sustain and develop further this value. Creativity allows people to participate in activities
within the public realm and eventually to engage deeper with urban space and even lead to an
intimate experience of space that they might not have had before (Tuan, 1977). Public art is the tool
to achieve spatial and place engagement that is tightly connected with the perception and the
experience that people get from the urban environment (McClish, Orange Houses and Tape Babies:
Temporary and Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces, 2010, p. 862). What is more, public art may have a
social or even a political output, since community is participating in related actions and there is a
possibility of raising a public debate ( (Tornaghi, 2007, p. 4); (Earl, 2011, p. 123)). Social diversity is
also an outcome of public art as well as a necessary condition for the truly public character of art
(Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 19). Artists creating public works seem to have this goal in mind: to
provoke new experiences and social interaction (Coburn, 2002).
Public art not only produces space and activates perception, experiences, feelings, creativity and
social interaction and diversity but also is an indicator of high public space quality. William H. Whyte
(1988) signifies the importance of triangulation in the city and the role that it plays for a successful
public space (p. 154). Triangulation is a critical factor for a successful public space, which includes
the practices and activities of the public realm that create a linkage between people; (...) that
process by which some external stimulus provides a linkage between people and prompts strangers
to talk to other strangers as if they knew each other (Whyte, 1988, p. 154). Especially performative
arts in public, such as live music performance, enhance triangulation by bring peop le together in
proximity (Lavrinec, 2011, p. 72). There is a variety of stimulations and practices that could lead to
triangulation; from unpredictable events to organized activities and spectacles, either negative or
positive ones, an object or a person. Public art is considered to be a means of triangulation, an
attribute of public space 6, which prompts people to interact with its physical and symbolical nature
and most importantly with each other (Whyte, 1988, pp. 145-146, 154).
2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space

Due to the variety of positive outcomes that public art seems to have in the public realm, there has
been a lot of scientific research since the 80s which has focused on the way public art may be a
driving force for urban development (Zebracki, 2011). Urban regeneration and public space
revitalization policies tend to negotiate more and more the effect of public art in public space and
use it as a tool. Charles Landry, one of the pioneers of culture -led and creative regeneration supports
that by focusing on the cultural perspectives and possibilities of a city in order to achieve
regeneration, planning becomes humanized and therefore successful (Landry C., Greene L.,
Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996).
According to Hall and Robertson (2001) public art carries six attributes- powers. The first one is that
art in public promotes the sense of community and clarifies the cultural identity of the place.
Furthermore, it promotes social cohesion by developing social networks and social inclusion. Also,
when it comes to more experiential attributes, art in public enhances the senses that a place
provides as well as the connections between communities and places. This attribute is tightly linked
with the perception and the experience of public space and place. So, it could be argued that public
6
In the present research tri angulation is incorporated i n the attribute of Uses and Activities (see chapter 2.1)
30
art promotes and enhances the perceptions linked to space. A fourth power is the one that is linked
to the individual and the fact that public art allows to develop and promote civic identity. In that
way, people that are being affected by public art may have the chance to engage further and deeper
with space and their sense of belonging. Moreover, apart from its social, spatial and political
functions public art may also have an educative purpose. Last attribute in this list is that public art
can act as a provocation for social change, which is very important when we relate public art with
regeneration policies (Hall T., Smith C., 2004, pp. 175-176).
Furthermore, Hall and Smith (2004) recognise that public art may have three more outcomes. Firstly,
the spatial and aesthetic output that public art has on public space. Of course, public art is tightly
connected to social issues but its aesthetic attribute and contribution should also be regarded as of
high importance. They also argue that art in public acts as a medium for the communication of
symbolic meanings. Of course, the majority of artists that work on public projects have in mind to
transfer a meaning with their artistic interference, sometimes political, others social, cultural e tc.
The third outcome is that public art enhances and promotes participatory and cooperative activity.
This power of public art is of high interest for modern cities and regeneration strategies, as it allows
people to participate in regeneration procedures and eventually engage deeper with space and
place (Hall T., Smith C., 2004, p. 176). Tornaghi (2007) also agrees with the participatory aspect of
public art regeneration policies. She argues that participatory public art can better promote
multiculturalism and citizens engagement in social issues, integrating its potentials into the delivery
of the regeneration policy (Tornaghi, 2007, pp. 5-6).
Culture-led regeneration and Creative Cities seem to be the new tools in the toolbox for
contemporary planners and policy makers. There are many examples of good practices around the
western world, and especially Europe (Landry et al., 1996). For instance, the Commission for
Architecture and the Built Environment and Arts & Business published in 2008 in UK a report of the
vision and strategy that they have followed in order to engage creative minds in regeneration
through public art and cultural events (CABE, 2008). However, Samantha Earl supports that public
art should not be used as a panacea to critical urban problems, because in that way it loses all its
power as a creative, social and/or political statement (2011, pp. 126-127).
It seems that there is a clear purpose of what public art seeks to achieve within the public realm.
However, Hall (2003), Hall and Smith (2004) and Zebracki (2011) reveal that there is a gap in the
research. Hitherto researchers have answered questions regarding the production and content of
public art but they have not yet managed to focus enough on the audience, the people of the city.
Earl (2011) supports that with public art, the first questions asked need to be about audience (p.
126). How does the audience perceive and experience public art? Accordingly, the present research
wishes to shift the scope from public art (in the specific project from music in public) as a means of
creativity and culture to the recipient, who is the man that experi ences the urban daily life.
31
2.5 Music Cognition, Perception and Experience, and the Production of Space
The present research differentiates from any former project on public art because it negotiates a
performative art, music, which is tightly connected with the sense of hearing and the mental process
that follows the sense (music cognition). What is more, music performance is a process that is
synchronized spatially and temporally with the audience; the audience, in order to experience music
in public space, must be at the same place, at the same time with the musicians that perform.
Therefore, the way people perceive and experience this form of art in public space has a striking
difference even from its production and creation in contrast to a mural, or a sculpture which are
usually - permanent (Coburn, 2002).
Music cognition is basically a psychological, musicological and
cognitive research field, which seems to be tightly related with the
present research aim: the extent to which music in public space
changes the perception people have about the quality of public space.
However, since there is no solid theoretical background on the
cognitive topic from the researchers aspect and in order to avoid
any derailment from the aim, there is a limited reference on the
issue of music cognition, purely for supporting reasons.
Bibliographical research within this field has shown that even there are a lot of works related to
perception and experience, they all seem to negotiate purely musicological themes or psychological.
What is more, the majority of works tends to negotiate music perception and experience only from
the aspect of the musician and less of the listener. There seems to be no literature relating directly
music cognition and the perception or experience of spatial units and attributes. Nevertheless, it is
possible to conservatively - deduce assumptions and arguments of related topics to the research
aim.
Music is a term that it is difficult to define, not because of its physical structure, but mostly
because of the codes and symbolisms that carries, which tend to differentiate among cultures.
However, Ilie and Thompson (2011) propose a definition that seems to incorporate this symbolic and
cultural aspect of music (and speech): Music and speech are both acoustic signals that can
communicate emotional meaning and induce emotional states. As such, they may share a common
code for expressing emotion (p. 247). By attributing emotion to the definition and nature of music,
Ilie and Thompson (2011) clearly negotiate the link between music and experience through a
communicative process that uses common acoustic codes to stimulate neural procedures of
cognition (p. 257).
() sound becomes music only within the mind of the listener (Schutz M. , 2009, p. 26). Through
this quotation, Schutz (2009) describes in the simplest way the function of music cognition. Mind
carries all the cultural background that is needed in order to translate a sound into music. Therefore,
music, according to the process of translation and the mind that is completing the process presents a
variety of functions.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977), negotiating issues of senses, experiences and space, indicates that sounds have
the ability to enhance the sense of space and allow people to specify their spatial position, to
instinctively calculate the physical entity of surrounding space as well as to construe auditory
space; sense of hearing functions as a sort of substitute or even enrichment of sight (pp. 14-15).
What is more, (...) sound dramatizes spatial experience (Tuan, 1977, p. 16). It could be argued that
32
sound has the power to give texture and life in a space, and therefore enriching the stimulations that
the listener receives, perceives and eventually experiences.
Music has the ability to convey emotion directly (Sancar, 2003, p. 273) either through its structural
features, such as tone, rhythm, harmony or through the symbolical meanings that is carries
(Hargreaves D.J., North A.C., 1999, p. 74). It is an often practice of music teachers to train children on
the understanding of major and minor harmonies according to the feeling that they provoke; if it is a
happy one, it is major, while the sad is minor. Experiments have shown that it is possible to change a
persons mood through music exposure either for better or for worse (Ilie G., Thompson W.F., 2011,
p. 247). What is more, it might be the case that the feelings that are embodied in music are related
to personal memories and emotions and therefore bring them to mental and sentimental surface
(Krumhansl, 2002, p. 45). However, Krumhansl (2002) suggests that even if one would expect that
the representations and feelings produced by music cognition are unique for each individual, this
does not seem to be the case; instead, there seems to be homogeneity in the emotions provoked in
different people by the same music (p. 45).
It seems, that musicians have the opportunity to generate perception and experience based on the
emotion that music transfers. Kmpfe, Sedlmeier and Renkewitz (2011) by researching the effects of
background music on peoples perception seem to conclude that while exposure to music enhances
emotional responses and pleasant feelings, it also restricts mental processes, such as reading and
memory (p. 441). What is more, they indicate that music does not always have the same effect on
peoples cognitive processes; it might be the case that music causes mere or even no effect (p. 441).
This outcome should be kept in mind for the expectations and potential result s of the present
research, even if background music differs a lot from live performing music, whe n additional senses
are also activated (i.e. sight). Even if in this research there will be no musicological analysis on the
type of music that is performed during the empirical research, some main and general
characteristics of it and their possible effects are discussed in chapter 3.2.3 The Music.
33
Picture 3: Music has the power to convey emotion directly. Peter and the Wolf by Sergei Prokofiev putting aside its
political aspect- is a childrens story and musical composition which presents intense alternations of emotions (fear,
happiness) through the musical instruments, the harmonies and the rhythms. This work is often used to teach children
musicality and practice their music cognition. Source: http://goo.gl/CSFu6 and http://goo.gl/yOJ5w
It is important, at this point, to indicate a differentiation of the experience of music listening and
music performance. The first case, is that of everyday music listening or background music
(Kmpfe J., Sedlmeier P., Renkewitz F., 2011), through the stereo or other technological means, and
does not always include social interaction, as it might be a purely intimate activity deriving from the
hearing sense. On the other hand, music performance, or the attendance of a music event involves
not only the hearing sense but also that of vision. Schutz (2009) supports the importance of the
musicians gestures and presence on the overall perception of music (p. 25). This statement is also
supported by Thompson, Graham and Russo (2005) who are researching the contribution of visual
aspects of music, such as gestures, body movements and facial expressions, to the communication
between musicians and audience (p. 177). In the present research the focus is on the second
experience, that of music performance, and even more specifically the one of informal music event
(Prato, 1984), which demands both performer and listener to be simultaneously affected by music
cognition.
Music materializes in space (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869). People usually use the
expression takes place for a music event. Even from this every-day expression it could be argued
that music has also a materialistic nature as it consumes space in order to be practiced. The
physical space for music making- for musical performance- is, then a potential: a thing that is
performed and so always in the making. (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869). Though Wood
34
et al. (2007) negotiate music performances in private, closed spaces, and highlight a literature and
research gap in this aspect of music performance (p. 873), their approach towards the materialistic
aspect of music could also be applied in public space.
Another ability that music has is to reflect social, economic, political and material aspects of the
place that it is produced ( (Cohen, 1995, p. 444); (Sancar, 2003, p. 273); (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8)). Music
functions as a means of transformation and transportation of symbolisms and codes that are carried
in the music form from the composer to the performer (those two might be merged) and eventually
to the listener. These embodied symbolisms create a sense of identity and belonging to those who
are familiar with them and an intriguing either positive or negative- feeling to those who are asked
to perceive them for the first time.
Music also produces place by acting as a context for social gatherings, ritual and celebrations.
(Sancar, 2003, p. 273). In many traditions production and consumption of music is tightly related
with social and often- public events, as it not only carries aesthetic value but also cultural codes and
symbolisms (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 872). Prato (1984) negotiates the importance and
historical decline of music expression in public space not only in terms of everyday practices but also
in terms of subjective- quality of music (p. 152).
Overall, it could be argued that music performance, either in public or private realm, produces space
in a Lefebvrian approach. Music produces its own conceived space and representations of space
(Lefebvre, 1991); the composer and/or the performer has a conceptualization of the meanings,
symbolisms, codes and emotions that the music piece should carry and transmit to the audience. In
this way, not only does the audience receive the symbolisms of the music but the music itself gives
symbolic form to the space (Tuan, 1977, p. 164). In the present research there is also another aspect
of the conceived space; that of the researcher. The researcher, as a planner and/or geographer who
wishes to apply a music performance in public space and develop conclusions out of this practice,
has created a specific image and concept of how this practice should be implemented and what the
possible results could be. Therefore it could be argued, that in the present research there is a
dualistic aspect of conceived space: the one of the musician who is performing in public space and
the other of the researcher/planner/geographer who has created an image of expectations related
to the music performance in public space (see 3.1 Expectations).
Music is also a spatial practice; the materialistic nature of music performance consumes space,
either public or private, and through the sense of hearing and process of music cognition creates an
experience that is highly related to and influenced from spatial perception. Therefore, it could be
argued that music either transforms or gives identity to a space (Wagemans, 2011). Prato (1984) also
highlights the spatial, rather than temporal, nature of musical performance in public realm and
attributes to it architectural form and meaning in order to indicate the sense of environment that
music in public space creates (p. 155). Music performance, additionally, enhances social interaction
and creates a even short-termed- network in space. It is interesting that Kushner and Brooks (2000)
identify musical performance as a purely social process that derives from the interactions between
performer and audience (p. 67). Besides the interaction between performer and audience, there is
also the interaction within the audience. This spatial practice of music performance can be
attributed to Whytes triangulation (1988), and therefore be considered as a practice that
enhances public space quality. A further negotiation of how music in the public realm affects the
35
attributes of the quality of public space as identified in chapter 2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public
Space will be presented in the following chapters (2.6, 2.7 and 2.8).
As for the lived space of a music performance, which is also the space of artists (Radice M., Morgan
K., Nagler S., 2011), music gives new symbolic interpretation and function of space (Young, 2012).
Music in space, and especially in public space, seems to have the ability to attach new meanings to
urban daily life and rhythms (Young, 2012). The derived perceptions and experiences of music
performance in public space, the lived space, are discussed later on, and on the b asis of the
empirical research.
2.6 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding comfort
The first attribute of public space, as indicated by Project for Public Spaces (2012) is Comfort and
Image from now on it is referred as Sense of Comfort and seeks to answer the first sub research
question. This attribute functions as an indicator of peoples perception of the quality of space in the
presence of music performance. However, due to sincere limitations of the available literature on
the exact research field, there will be an attempt to inductively negotiate the extent to which music
in public space changes the perception people have about the sense of comfort of the public space.
Comfort is a quite vast term and therefore difficult to define. It is considered to be one of the basic
human needs (Carr S., Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, pp. 92-95). However, when focusing
on the meaning of comfort in urban and specifically public realm it becomes more feasible to define
it and identify the factors that produce comfort in space. Carr et al. (1992), when referring to
comfort, negotiate the physical and architectural elements of the public space, such as relief from or
access to sun and seating areas, as well as more social and psychological characteristics (pp. 92-95).
In the present research Sense of Comfort is identified and measured in the empirical part of the
thesis by three further aspects of comfort of public space, which have been identified through the
bibliographical research; attractiveness, pleasure and safety, which incorporate both physical and
social-psychological characteristics.
Durao (2009) highlights the importance of stimulations and perceptual data in space -in this case
physical and architectural ones- that would form the sense of attractiveness and pleasure within the
public realm. It could be argued, that since architecture provokes emotional reaction that
influences the body (Durao, 2009, p. 405), the same result might also be achieved through another
aesthetical practice, such as music performance. Hall and Smith (2004), also emphasize the
contribution of public art, and accordingly music, in the aesthetical enhancement of urban
environment (p. 176). What is more, it has been argued that music allows people to identify better
their position in - public space; an ability that seems to affect the sense of comfort (Tuan, 1977, pp.
14-15).
Pleasure in public space, might as well be linked not only with physical features of space, but also
with experiential ones. It has been aforementioned that music has the ability to revitalize memories,
emotions and perceptions ( (Sancar, 2003); (Hargreaves D.J., North A.C., 1999); (Krumhansl, 2002)).
Additionally, people participating in a public music performance might have more chances for
enjoyment and pleasure as well as even relief of stress (Guetzkow, 2002, pp. 2-3). Anna Minton
(2009), in her book Ground Control negotiates safety in public space of new -built and privatized
areas of Britain. Within this context, she highlights the importance of the unexpected and the
pleasure that it creates (pp. 53-54). She describes, particularly, a magical experience that she
36
personally had while visiting the Latvian city of Riga, when during a drifting in the old city she got
seduced by a melodic sound:
I was wandering around the old town when I heard a saxophone from around the corner and,
following the sound, found the musician playing a lone in a snow-covered square. The
pleasure of the experience was that it was so unexpected, unlike the feeling that buskers
today are placed in strategic spots, which takes away the joy of the moment of discovery.
(Minton, 2009, p. 53)
Music performance in public seems to be highly related with the Situationists philosophy of Drive
and Psychogeography; it is an element of the public realm that enhances the playfulness and
creative expression and therefore the pleasant experiences in the city. Therefore, for some listeners,
music in public space might create a sense of pleasure and eventually comfort due to the
symbolisms and emotions that it carries. Consequently, the presence of music in public space as a
practice which produces positive or negative emotions and reactions seems to influence the
perception of attractiveness and pleasure in the square.
When it comes to the sense of safety, as a critical factor of comfort in public space, there is a lot of
negotiation of what provokes fear and what not. However, it is not within the terms of the present
research aim to present approaches related to public space safety; instead the focus is on the
relationship between the music performance and the perception and se nse of safety in the public
realm.
Overall, it could be argued, that privatization and exclusion practices of public space tend to lead to
the opposite effect of the desired and planned one; of safety and control (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld
S., 2005, p. 1). Thereby, when specific social groups are marginalized and some people are restricted
access to the space, or even are afraid to visit a public space, the realm lacks in life and social
interaction and as a result the perception of safety declines drastically (Jacobs, 1961). Accordingly,
Goheen (1998) suggests, that security policies in modern cities prompt the citizens to be afraid in
the public realm, to engage in a perception of high criminality, and avoid public life even when there
are a lot of people in the public sphere (p. 483).
However, music in public space is argued to enhance inclusivity and social interaction (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003, p. 19). Landry et al. (1996) also support that cultural events are inhibiting factors for
criminal practices due to their inclusive character (p. 16) and thus help to change the perception of
safety in the public realm. What is more, music performance in its materialistic form reassures the
physical presence of people in the public space. So, even if the musicians are the only people in the
square, it is still not empty, and therefore the perception of safety and comfort changes.
Massey and Rose (2003) also identify the sense of safety and anchorage through the feeling of
familiarity of space as a very important process of the public realm (p. 3). It has been argued, that
music in public, as well as public art, is a spatial practice (Lefebvre, 1991) which gives identity to a
space (Wagemans, 2011) and creates a sense of belonging and familiarity. Therefore, it could be
assumed, that music in public space provides a sense of familiarity and belonging to space, which
enhance the perception of safety in the public realm, as Massey and Rose indicate (2003).
In conclusion, it seems that music performance in public space changes the perception of safety, for
better, since it enhances the sense of belonging and familiarity as well as the liveability and physical
presence in the public realm.
37
2.7 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding sense of
community and sociability
The second attribute that is important for the quality of public space is the sense of community and
sociability that the public spaces users have. Bibliographical research on the factors that affect the
perception of the sense of community and sociability reveals that there are three factors that
indicate this attribute. First of all, to what extend the public space is perceived as a meeting place,
secondly how people perceive and use the playground as a means of socializing and thirdly, to what
extent people feel welcome in the square. These three sub-attributes are relevant to the empirical
research and are used to reveal the extent to which music in public space changes the perception
people have about the sense of community and sociability of a public space.
William H. Whyte very successfully states: What attracts people most, it would appear, is other
people (Carr S., Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, p. 105) and since music is performed by
other people it could be suggested that music in public space is a means of social attraction. It has
been argued that one of the most important qualities of music performance in the public realm is
that it produces social activity and social space ( (Tuan, 1977, p. 162); (Sancar, 2003, p. 272); (Hall T.,
Smith C., 2004)). Cohen (1995) supports that such musical practices have been shown to establish,
maintain, transform social relations and to define and shape material and geographical settings for
social action (pp. 444-445). Her agreement with the production of social relations through music
performance states Sancar, who considers music to be a symbolic interpretation of social processes
(2003, p. 272). This production of social space through music might as well have a therapeutic
outcome for urban societies and communities. Wood et al. (2007) promote the use of music as a
means of building social relations and creating social networks in the same way that it is used in
health and psychology sciences to bridge the gap between individuals and communities (2007, p.
885). While planners and policy makers shift their interest towards the experiences and the
emotional representations of public space in order to enhance sociabili ty and sense of community,
public events such as a musical performance seem to make a difference.
Additionally, public art, and thus music performance, might also provoke public debate; a practice
which enhances the democratic role of public space ( (Tornaghi, 2007, p. 4); (Earl, 2011, p. 123)). As
mentioned before on the effect of music on peoples perception on safety, social diversity is also a
result of public music performance which enhances the sense of community and sociability in the
realm (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 19). It is the inherent definition of public space, which promotes
the openness and inclusivity of this realm, regardless of ethnic origin, age or gender and which
allows people to feel welcome in this realm (Cabe Space, 2011, p. 12). In this context, Guetzkow
(2002) apart from the production of social space through music performance signifies the positive
effect that such events have in the community perceptions of diversity, tolerance and free
expression in public realm (pp. 2-3). Therefore, it could be suggested that music is a spatial practice
which produces social space, social networks and sense of community in a Lefebvrian approach
(Lefebvre, 1991).
Music in public space is also a way to bring playfulness in the urban re alm. Urban play is not only
restricted in playground equipment or similar facilities, but also includes the sense of creativity and
carefree. Music is a mode that allows urban play, especially in its performative form. It seems to
affect adults, but mostly children who get stimulated by the sounds and rhythms and therefore
38
engage themselves in a more immediate way in this urban play. Urban play, just like a playground,
allows children to develop social skills as well as emotional intelligence (Cabe Space, 2011, p. 8).
The extent to which a public space is used as a meeting place signifies the sense of community and
social networks of the realm. Cabe Space (2011) identifies physical factors (p. 12), as well as
practices of cultural and social interest that enhance the identity of a space as a meeting place (p.
13). A meeting place is not only conceived as a space where people physically meet each other, but
also a space where social and cultural trajectories are met and interact with each other (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003, p. 4). A music performance is such a practice, that allows space to be also produced
as space of representations lived space- (Lefebvre, 1991), and attach to it new experiences and
meanings of urban daily life, such as the one of a meeting place and sense of welco me, and
therefore change, for better, peoples perception regarding sense of community and sociability .
2.8 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding
accessibility
Accessibility is an attribute of great importance for a public space. The accessibility and openness of
a public space, as well as the role of this space in the urban structure are considered the main
factors indicating the value of this attribute. Accessibility is tightly related with the Sense of
Community and Sociability in the public realm, as they are both the main characteristics that define
a public space both from the physical as well as the social and political aspect (Cabe Space, 2011).
This attribute and quality of public space does not only refer to physical and architectural
characteristics of the square, such as infrastructures for disabled and/or transportation and traffic
regulations, but also to emotional and perceptive factors, like the way people are encouraged or not
to be in the square.
Factors such as the design and safety of a space (here included also to the attribute of Comfort
chapter 2.6-) are those who create a perception on the accessibility (physical and social) and
openness of square. So, as in the case of the sense of comfort, accordingly in the perception of
accessibility music in public space seems to create a positive perception and experience towards the
design and safety of the realm.
What is more, music has the ability to produce sense of identity and belonging with the space that it
is performed, and especially when it is a public one (Sancar, 2003, p. 273). Even though familiarity of
space is attributed basically in the sense of comfort, it could be argued that it has also a strong
connection with accessibility as it allows people to feel safer and therefore more approachable.
Openness of a public realm is highly related to the perception of inclusivity. The important role of
openness and accessibility of public space is highlighted by Low, Taplin and Scheld (2005) who
negotiate social tolerance and integration in urban settings and the ways to achieve it (p. 3).
Tornaghi (2007) supports that public art, and thus music performance, is a participatory process
which promotes multiculturalism and citizens engagement in social issues and therefore
inclusivity and social integration (pp. 5-6). As a result, when people feel welcomed to participate and
attend public events, even the unexpected ones (Minton, 2009), they perceive public space as an
open and accessible one.
Public art has the ability to create and produce its own space (Tuan, 1977). It could be argued, that
music in public space, as an expression of public art, produces representations o f space, which
change the conception and perception that people have about the role of a public space within the
39
urban structure (Lefebvre, 1991). Approaches of city branding and placemaking and urban identity
are related to the perception that people have about the public realm and the creative expression
and openness of it. As a result, it could be argued that music in public space has the ability to change
the perception of the role of a public space, usually in a positive way.
2.9 Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception regarding the use of
space
The way people use a public space, as well as the degree to which they use it, is a significant
attribute. The extent that a public space is considered an active space and the perceptions that
people have on the activities taking place there are two major indicative sub-attributes of the use
and quality of the space.
Modern cities, in order to achieve safe and clean urban environments tend to end up with dead
public spaces. Anna Minton (2009) negotiates this death of public life for the sake of security and
control, and notices that the cause for that is the lack of real historic and cultural identity in the
planning process (p. 52). Therefore, it could be argued that the presence of creative activities in
public space can enhance the overall impression and perception of the vitality of the public realm.
Landry et al. (1996) support this statement even though they refer to urban renewal in general-
arguing that places can be made livelier by establishing cultural activities (p. 21). Public art and
music performance can lead to community participation and in this way to enhance social activity
and vitality in public realm (McClish, 2010, p. 862).
It has been mentioned before that public art and music performance tend to enhance social
interaction and comfort in public space. However, the activities that the users of the square engage
in seem to be very indicative of the quality of a public space and the perception related to it. Carr,
Francis, Rivlin and Stone (1992) argue that public space is where people engage either in social
activities, which enhance the sense of community, or in private activities such as buying or selling
things, (for) gardening, (for) self-improvement through exercise, or (for) simply finding a place to
exist (p. xi). Music in public space is an activity of both public and private character; the music
performance for the civics is a public event which enhances social interaction, while for the musician
oneself, is a private creative activity. Nevertheless, in this research the scope is not focused on the
private activity of the musician, rather than both public and private activities of th e civics.
Additionally, public space might also host activities which provoke fear, crime or protest (Carr S.,
Francis M., Rivlin L.G., Stone A.M., 1992, p. xi).
What is more, the use of a public space is conditioned by citizens perceptions, habits, histories and
emotions (Gaye L., Maze R., Holmquist L.E., 2003, p. 109). These perceptions and emotions are
subject to change in the presence of music performance, as it has been negoti ated before (chapter
2.5), and therefore change the way people perceive the use of space. If we accept that music in
public space enhances social interaction and the perception of meeting place ( chapter 2.7), then it
could be argued that music performance changes peoples perception of the uses towards more
community- and social-related uses. Accordingly, if music has the ability to enhance the perception
of safety, then the perception of uses related to criminality and fear tend to decline. .
40
2.10 Conceptual Model

The whole process of bibliographical research and construction of the theoretical framework in
order to achieve the research aim and answer the research sub-questions -at least on a theoretical
level- ends up in the production of a conceptual model, which negotiates the basic argument of this
research.
Figure 2: Conceptual model of the research: Music in public space and its effect on peoples perception of the quality of
public space. Source: authors edit.
The starting point of the theoretical argumentation of the research is that space is socially produced
through the representations of the enclosed relations (Lefebvre, 1991). Lefebvres spatial triad
negotiates the representations and practices of the social space, by categorizing space according to
its production; the perceived space (spatial practices), the conceived space (representations of
space) and the lived space (spaces of representation). With this triad, Lefebvre incorporates the
symbolisms, perceptions and experiences of public space into a model which negotiates social
practices. By applying this concept into the production of public space, it is possible to identify and
negotiate the representations and practices that produce social public space.
Since the present research is focusing on reflecting on the perceptions regarding the attributes of a
successful- public space (Comfort, Sense of Community-Sociability, Accessibility and Use), which are
also the main aspects of the research questions, Lefebvres triad is used to negotiate these qualities
and highlight their experiential aspect.
However, the system of the representations of the qualities of space and Lefebvres approach is
intersected by the presence of music performance in the public space. Music performance is a
41
creative practice which stimulates the hearing sense and provokes a mental process; that of music
cognition. At this moment the user of the space, the citizen, the listener receives both the
representations and practices of space (along with its attributes) and the music signal. Therefore, the
listener is asked to interpret the qualities of public space through the filter of music.
As a result, it could be argued that music in public space might change the perception people have
about the quality of a public space and modify the experiences of space. The bibliographical research
seems to point to the direction that music performance in public affects public space perception for
a variety of reasons (chapter 2.6, 2.7, 2.8 and 2.9).
Eventually, the argument results in a discussion of public space revitalization and regeneration
policies as an outcome of music performance in the realm. Lefebvres triad is again under
negotiation in terms of how the conceived space is related to the lived space and to the spatial
practices and vice versa under the effect of a creative and cultural process and production of space.
The conceptual model and the overall argument that seeks to answer the research aim and its
research questions are empirically tested on a case study; Navarinou Square in Thessaloniki, Greece
is the urban public space where the qualities of public space are negotiated and researched in the
presence of music performance.
42
Research Design - Methodology
3. Research Design - Methodology

3.1 Expectations
As it is later further discussed, for the specific research a qualitative approach has been chosen and
applied in order to get a deeper understanding and reflection of the perceptions and experiences
produced. Therefore, it is not possible to have hypotheses which would be tested and negotiated as
a quantitative research design would have had. However, it seems to be helpful to introduce the
expectations that the theoretical research has provoked, in order to be possible to reflect back on
them at the state of the conclusions and discussion (chapter 5).
Bibliographical research and the corresponding theoretical outcome seem to indicate that music in
public space has a probably positive effect on the way people perceive and experience comfort in
the public realm. It has been argued that music is a creative practice which produces positive or
negative emotions and reactions and therefore, due the cognitive process of interpreting these
musical symbols, peoples perception of the sense of comfort changes respectively ( (Durao, 2009);
(Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Guetzkow, 2002); (Minton, 2009)). Additionally, the safety factor of the
sense of comfort seems also to be positively affected by the presence of music, as a result of the
enhancement of the sense of belonging and familiarity as well as the sense of livability and physical
presence in the public realm ( (Massey D., Rose G., 2003); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F.,
Bianchini F., 1996)).
The sense of community and sociability of a public space se em also to be highly influenced by the
presence of a creative practice, such as music performance in the realm. The perceptions and
experiences that are produced under the effect of music are considered to change the way people
socialize and interact with each other ( (Tuan, 1977); (Sancar, 2003); (Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Cohen,
1995); (Massey D., Rose G., 2003); (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007); (Guetzkow, 2002)). William
H. Whyte (1988) and his approach of triangulation in the public realm supports strongly th is
expectation and considers people to be the most important factor of attractions in public. Therefore,
a social and creative practice not only is expected to allow people to interact more, but also to
enhance social qualities such as cultural diversity and inclusion.
A public space is considered to be accessible and open when it mainly presents qualities of
inclusivity, multiculturalism and public participation to events. Therefore, public space is considered
to be worthy of its definition only when it presents these qualities. Music is expected to play a
significant role in the perception of these critical qualities; an open and public event such as the
music performance allows people to participate unconditionally and therefore feel more welcome
and perceive space as a more accessible, inclusive and open one ( (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld S.,
2005); (Tornaghi, 2007)). What is more, it is expected that music in public space changes the
perception that people have of the role of the public space in the urban structure, probably in a
positive way.
Last, but not least, the perception that people have regarding the uses and activities of a public
space, under the influence of music, are expected to enhance the use of it. This expectation derives
from the former estimation that music in public space enhances social activity and interaction, and
therefore community- and social-related use ( (McClish, 2010); (Minton, 2009); (Landry C., Greene L.,
Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996)).
43
Overall, it seems that the result of the empirical part of the research should be expected to point
towards a positive effect of music performance on peoples perception about the quality of public
space. However, it should be strongly carried in mind what Kmpfe, Sedlmeier and Renkewitz (2011)
suggest and have concluded in their research; music does not always have the same effect on
peoples cognitive processes. We should expect that the empirical results might also present a mere
effect of music on perception or even no effect (p. 441).
3.2 Methodology
In order to answer the research questions, a case study research design is being followed (Bryman,
2001, p. 52). As mentioned before in the theoretical framework, space perception and experience
research is tightly related to the identification and evaluation of the attributes of public space
(Sancar, 2003, p. 270). Accordingly, the methodological approach of this research seeks to
extensively examine the perceptions and experience s produced during a public music event in a
public space which carries specific characteristics and attracts specific people. By taking into account
all these characteristics that make this public realm probably- unique, it might be possible to
evaluate the attributes and the variables that play a significant role in perception and experience of
public realm in the presence of music.
The general research design comprises of two, more specific empirical projects. The first one
evaluates the perceptions and experiences of the case-study-area without the presence of the music
performance, while the second one during the event. After serious considerations regarding the
approaches and methods that should be followed for each research project, it is decided that for the
in-depth evaluation and interpretation of the perceptions and experiences while keeping in mind
time limitations and capability constraints- a qualitative strategy with some psychogeographical
tools will be followed for both cases.
3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan

As mentioned above, in order to answer the research sub-questions and eventually achieve the
research aim, a double-parted research strategy is followed. The first one seeks to describe the
present perception of the public space and the second one the perception during the music
performance.
The public space under case-study research is a square Navarinou Square- in the city centre of
Thessaloniki, Northern Greece. As it is revealed in the following chapter (4.1) Navarinou square is a
historical place in a residential and commercial neighbourhood with a contemporary tradition as a
place of socializing and public expression. However, throughout the years, and due to severe neglect
of the local authorities the square presents social and criminality problems that lead to the decline
of the inclusivity and accessibility of the square. As a result, the case study is a public space in need
for revitalization and regeneration through procedures that would not harm the inclusivity and
openness of the realm.
44
Map 1: Navarinou Square and the important places and landmarks. With the sign of the musical note is where the
musicians were performing. Source: Bing Maps and authors edit
For both parts of the research strategy, a qualitative and psychogeographical approach is followed.
The goal of the research is to define the perceptions and experiences that the users of the square
have on a daily basis, based on the four attributes and pylons that characterise a public space;
comfort, sense of community, accessibility and use of the square . As mentioned before, these four
attributes are elaborated into the four research questions of the corresponding aim (chapter 1.3).
For the empirical part of the research, these research questions are translated into empirical
questions in order to match the case study. As a result, the empirical rese arch questions of the case
study are:
1. To what extent does the public music performance change the perception people have
about the sense of comfort of Navarinou Square?
about the sense of community and sociability of Navarinou Square?
about the accessibility of Navarinou Square?
about the use of Navarinou Square?
These empirical questions are researched through on spot, semi-structured interviews conducted at
the square under two different circumstances: with the music performance in the square and
without it. Of course, in the case of the absence of music, the questions do not reflect at first the
factor of music; they rather search to record peoples general perceptions of the square, based on
the four attributes and their sub-attributes, in order to compare and contrast the responses with
45
those of the people who got interviewed in the presence of music. As Massey and Rose (2003)
suggest concerning the attributes of space:
(Finally), spaces and places, of course, have both material characteristics and immaterial
ones. And the meetings which produce spaces and places, the negotiations, are a product of
both. On the one hand there are (say) the buildings, the lampposts, the rubbish bins, the
railings, the noise and patterns of movement on the other there are the social relations,
and the understandings and emotions the way people congregate or avoid each other, the
differential welcoming and repelling of different groups in different sites, the common
understandings of how to behave, feelings of being at home or feelings of fear. These
aspects are linked and play off each other. (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4)
Respectively, the group of people that is interviewed is asked to criticise and argue about those
attributes of space, both physical and social ones that seem to have a reflection in each persons
perception and appreciation of the square; the material and the immaterial ones. Those perceptions
need to be elaborated within a cultural context, in order to evaluate them properly. As Tuan (1977)
suggests, social scientists, who do research on space perception, experience, engagement and/or
meaning, should always reflect their methods and results into the local culture of their sample, as
every culture is uniquely developed in human beings (p. 5) 7. The attributes that have been
selected in this research as well as the respective questions and methods are researched within a
context of a western culture, and more specifically they are elaborated in a way, which reflects the
Greek sense of space and place and especially urban public space.
The interviews are conducted on the spot, because of the need to capture the raw emotions that
people experienced during the performance (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 879). Wood,
Duffy and Smith (2007), who have conducted a very similar to this research project, suggest that on-
the-spot interviews might not be very clear and mentally structured, but they reflect the heat of the
moment; a quality that seems to be of great importance when a creative event is involved, because
of the cognitive process that it provokes (see chapter 2.5).
What is more, in order to apply a more psychogeographical methodological tool, all respondents are
given a camera and are asked to take two pictures of objects, landmarks, people, activities in the
square; anything that attracts their attention in a good way, or a bad way. The goal is to capture in
two pictures what each person finds stimulating in the square. Thus, it is possible to make a
comparison between the general perception of the square without the music performance and
during it. It should be mentioned that Psychogeography does not suggest specific methods of
research and evaluation of the perceptions and experiences of space. However, they propose the
study of the physical effects of the geographical environment on individuals emotions and
behavior, which can be mapped in many creative ways, such as photography ( (Barnard, 2004, p.
108); (Bassett, 2004)). Moreover, since it is not possible to apply the Drive in the specific case
study, because of the stability of the event and the specific spatial unit under investigation,
photography is considered to be the most proper tool to capture peoples perceptions in a
psychogeographical way.
Additionally, both respondents groups are researched on their opinion regarding the role of music
in public space and its potential influence on their perception. This aspect is examined both in the
presence of the music performance as well as without it. However, there is a small differentiation on
7
However, Tuan, apart from the importance of the cultural fra mework, firmly supports the value of s hare traits and
uni versal va lues which are usually neglected in research. (Tuan, 1977, pp. 5-6)
46
the questions asked during the interviews (for those without music, the questions are in a
hypothetical context and form).
For the second part of the strategy, the one with the music performance, a gipsy-swing band,
formed for the specific research by professional musicians8 and aware of the aims of the project is
performing live in the square. The event takes place during morning and noon hours that the central
shops are open and the city centre is at its most vivid time.
As the band performs, along with the interviews, since it is legally allowed, a general videotaping of
peoples reactions and expressions is carried out. Wood et al. (2007), during a research which seeks
to reflect on a conception of music that emphasizes its being and doing its nonrepresentational,
creative, and evanescent qualities, have used the methodological tool of general video recording (p.
868). They negotiate the methodological quality of video recording by characterizing it on the one
hand as a unilateral way of observation, as the researcher subjectively chooses what to record, while
on the other a video-recorded data set allows the researcher to analyse the observation in a more
controlled way; to view the material multiple times and to observe it as much as possible (Wood N.,
Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, pp. 880-881).
Overall, it is important to note, that a multi-methodological research design is considered to be the
most proper one for this research, in order to prioritize practice and experience (Wood N., Duffy
M., Smith S., 2007, p. 882). This methodological approach, which is called nonrepresentational
thinking (Wood et al. (p. 882)), is considered to reflect better the angles of perception and
experience, while additionally, it enhances the whole research philosophy and design with a twist of
creativity; a matching research component for a topic related to arts and culture.
3.2.2 Asking Questions

The research strategy, as it has been aforementioned, is based on on-spot, semi-structured
interviews. The themes of the interview have derived from the theoretical framework research, and
are mainly based on the four key qualities that Project for Public Spaces considers as being
important for a successful place (Project for Public Spaces, 2012). It should be mentioned, again, that
these four attributes apart from being the four pylons on which the theoretical framework is built,
they also are the focus of the four sub-research questions of this thesis.
All the attributes examined have been chosen based on bibliographical research concerning the
evaluation of perception and experience of public space as well as of public art (i.e. (Project for
Public Spaces, 2012); (Zebracki, 2011); (Zebracki, 2007) ; (Coeterier, 1996); (Sheikh, 2004); (Massey
D., Rose G., 2003)).
In order to answer the research questions, regarding the perception and experience of the public
space, the concepts/attributes that are being examined in both parts of the strategy are presented
in the following list. These concepts and attributes have already been introduced and argued in the
theoretical framework (chapter 2.1: Public Space and Quality of Public Space & chapters: 2.6, 2.7, 2.8
& 2.9).
8
Pra to (1984, p. 159) s i gnifies the importance of the musical quality and vi rtuosity for outdoors musical events in terms of
eva l uating an a esthetic experience.
47
- Empirical Research Question 1: To what extent does the public music performance change
the perception people have about the sense of comfort of Navarinou Square?
o comfort
attractiveness
pleasure
safety
the perception people have about the sense of community and sociability of Navarinou
Square?
o Sense of Community-Sociability
meeting place
playground
welcome
the perception people have about the accessibility of Navarinou Square?
o Accessibility
accessibility and openness of square
role of square in the urban structure
the perception people have about the use of Navarinou Square?
o Use
active public space
activities
residency
As well as foresheet information like:

- Name - Place of residency
- Age - Occupation
- Gender - Education level
- Place of origin - Frequency of visits in a month
It should be noticed, that the same attributes are also examined during the interviews without the
music event in order to compare and contrast the results and reach a conclusion.
What is more, links between music, perception, experience and regeneration are researched. The
questions related to the investigation of these links are stated at the end of the interview, in order to
avoid any preoccupation of the interviewee with the subject of research. As stated before, these
questions differ among the interviews conducted with music and without music (those without
music are on a hypothetical basis), but overall seek to reveal the same links.
Overall, 31 semi-structured interviews with users of the square have been conducted 16 with
music and 15 without. It has been estimated that around a 30% of the people that was requested to
participate in the interviews finally agreed. There have also been some interviews that it has not
been able to complete them, for both interview sets, due to external reasons 9. Of course, these
interviews had not been included in the data analysis, but are implicitly taken into consideration.
The respondents were approached during their presence in the square and were interviewed on
spot. The sample consisted of all types of users of the square during morning hours, as it is described
9
Al l of these cases have to do with parents or gra ndparents that their a ttention was more on watching and chasing their
young chi ld, ra ther than a nswering the questions. As a result the interviews were not completed.
48
in chapter 4.2, in order to give a representative view of the variety of perceptions and experiences of
the square. The semi-structure interview guide consisted of 32 questions, based on the guid e
presented above, while of course giving rise for more questions when needed or changing the order
of the questions (see Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire). They were all conducted
during the first two weeks of May 2012, when the weather was supposed to be neither too cold
nor too warm; a time when people use more the public spaces of Thessaloniki. There were four daily
sessions of interviews, two with music and two without music. Finally, all interviews have been
transcribed in Greek, analysed, coded and eventually processed as themes which correspond to each
empirical research question and its attributes (see chapter 4: Analysis Case Study).
3.2.3 The Music

When deciding on the music genre that was to be
presented, and which of course sincerely affects the
research procedure and results, the aim was to choose
something of general acceptance, neither too pop nor too
alternative; a genre that would be matching with the
routine of the day. So, since personal experience of the
citizens taste on music is granted, gypsy-swing is
considered to be the most suitable genre as it is facing a
revitalization phase at the moment in the music and
dancing circles of Thessaloniki (it is almost a mainstream
genre). What is more, people of older ages are familiar to
it, since it is a genre that originates back in the 30s through
the 50s and their majority tends to like it (indication from Picture 4: Django Reinhardt, the ambassador
personal experience). of gypsy-swing. Source: http://goo.gl/BI5IC
Gypsy swing music, for all generations of listeners, seems to have a quite specific cognitive output
that is tightly related with old nostalgic memories for the older ones, and retro and romantic feelings
for the younger ones who might have seen movies, read books and heard stories (Prato, 1984, p.
157). Additionally, many gypsy-swing songs are of intense rhythm, fast and vivid; a characteristic
which seems to attract a lot the children. It could be argued that music produces space and sense of
place, which is highly influenced by the representations that the particular music genre carries
(Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8). The sweet melodies of the music, along with the distinct sound of violin seem to
create a retrospective atmosphere, which brings into cognitive and emotional relation, tunes in,
three different involved participants of the performance; the composer of the song back from the
30s, the musician and the audience from present (Schutz A. , 1999). Despite the great interest that
such a phenomenological approach seems to have, it would not be wise to negotiate it further in this
thesis, as it might lead the discussion into more musicological and cognitive depths. However, the
atmosphere and the cognitive relations that this music genre produces are of high importance and
are kept in mind for the analysis and results.
As, for the musicians, according to what Prato (1984, p. 159) suggests, they are professionals and
their abilities apply to what he calls technical virtuosity in order to satisfy the aesthetic experience
of the event. The swing band consists of three young, male musicians, two of them playing guitar
and the other one, violin. The session is almost acoustic and therefore of a discreet and natural
sound presence in the square. What is more, even though the whole event has the main features of
49
a busking performance, the musicians do not collect money and they have no sign that they do so
(open case, bag, hat, box etc). Therefore, the people in the square -the potential audience- does not
have to oblige themselves in a mechanism of consumption, when the listener has to pay the
musician in order to enjoy the music; the performance has the form of a public good and this fact
might have an influence on the final results (Kushner R., Brooks A., 2000, p. 66).
Picture 5: The gypsy-swing musicians who performed during the research. (from left to right) Chris Kosides, Yiannis
Vakaloudis and Kostas Vaporidis. Source: authors
50
Analysis Case Study
4. Analysis Case Study

As it has been discussed in the Theoretical Framework, a music performance takes place (Wood N.,
Duffy M., Smith S., 2007, p. 869), and in this case the place is Navarinou Square; a public space of
great rarity in the dense historical city centre of Thessaloniki. In this chapter are presented the main
aspects of the empirical research.
Firstly, there is a presentation of the characteristics of the case study. The details of the historical,
cultural, spatial, economic and social background of the area give a better reflection of what Tuan
(1977) recognizes as an important value for the analysis of perceptions and experiences: the local
culture. Secondly, there is an explanation of the analytical procedure that is followed and the whole
philosophy behind it. It was decided that a discourse analysis of the interviews and the relative data
seems to be the most proper one, in order to bring to the light all the aspects of peoples
perceptions and experiences as portrayed in their words and expressions. The last part of this
chapter negotiates the results of the analysis of the qualitative data: the interviews, the
psychogeographical photos and some interesting clues from the video recording. The empirical
research questions are answered according to peoples responses and the results are also related to
some theoretical approaches.
4.1 Navarinou Square

Navarinou Square is one of the few and newest
squares in the city centre of Thessaloniki. Its
design and development goes back only to the
1970s, when the local authorities and
archaeological services decided to start excavation
works in the area in order to bring to light the
roman Galerian Palace. The excavation works
lasted more than a decade and revealed a
historical site of great importance and beauty.
However, it was only until the end of the 1980s
that the square took its modern but not todays-
form, as an accompanying public space with no
archaeological interest- next to the historical site.
Today, visitors and residents enjoy the historical
site, which is part of a linear archaeological zone in
the city centre (composing the so-called Galerian
Complex) on a daily basis.
However, even though the site had not always
been a designed public space, it used to facilitate
as an open space for many years (even before
Thessalonikis liberation from the Ottoman Empire Picture 6: The Achtse Medjid neighbourhood, as it
in 1912). Before the excavation works of the 70s, used to be until 1960s. In the centre of the picture lies
the area used to be a hilly, open, green space with the neighbourhoods fountain. Nowadays, in the exact
same position lies Navarinou Square. Source: (,
a mosque the White Mosque- and a fountain 1997)
(, 1997, . 23). What seems to be of high interest for the areas historical and cultural
background, is the multicultural identity of the neighbourhood. The neighbourhoods name was
51
Achtse Medjid and the people living in the area were of Turkish, Jewish, and Greek Christian10 -
origin. This area, as any area in Thessaloniki during those times (before the citys liberation) was an
ethnologically mixed area, where people despite each others ethnicity and religi on were enjoying
each others company and respecting the different origin. The open, public space in the middle of
the residential area was a place of cultural diversity expression, where all people were included in
the rhythms of the daily hard and poor- life. Kostas Tomanas (, 1997, . 24) in his
memoires from his childhood back in the beginning of the 20th century says that The big fountain
was for all the nationalities of the neighbourhood. Jewish and Christi ans used to take water during
all day, while the Turkish women, with their breeches and their veils, used to go only at dawn, so
that no one could see them. (, 1997, . 24) 11. Even when, after the citys liberation, the
Turkish population had to abandon their houses (, 2007), the neighbourhood was still
very alive, and so was the square. In the place of the Turkish families were now residing (in the
decade 1923-33) Greek immigrants from Smyrni (Izmir) and the rest of Minor Asia, who were also
forced to leave their homes during the Greek-Turkish wars. The new population managed to mix
with the old one, and they were expressing their public life every night in the small taverns around
the square (, 1997, . 24).
Until the end of the 1980s, when the square took its final form, the majority of the old houses have
been demolished in order to build new blocks of flats that could provide housing to the h uge
amount of people coming to live to the big city from the countryside. Even though the modern
square seems to have lost any resemblance to the old one, there are still two perennial sycamore
trees and a fountain underneath to bring back memories of the multicultural history not only of the
area, but also of the historical city centre of Thessaloniki.
Picture 7: Navarinou Square and the archaeological site (the Galerian Palace) in the late 80s, straight after its
construction. Source: Postcard from www.flickr.com
10
Duri ng those ti mes i n the Balkan region, i t was religion that signified a n identity a nd not the place of origin as such.
11
Free tra nslation from the a uthor
52
Analysis Case Study
Since the late 80s there have been some changes to the area. First of all, the major street that was
in front of the historical site Gounari Street12- was transformed into a strictly pedestrian road in
order to link the Galerian Palace with the other sites of the Galerian Complex that lie on the
northern part of the road. Because of this transformation, the streets around the square, even
though the authorities did not change the traffic regulations, stopped having as much traffic as they
used to have. Today, those streets are rarely used by vehicles and according to locals opinion this
fact has made the square probably the safest public space in the city centre.
During the last 20 years there have been some conservative changes to the landscape design of the
square, with the most important change being the construction of a small playground. A decorative
fountain at the entrance of the square with a variation of the Belgi an Manneken Pis is considered
to be the landmark of the place, while the pavement around the square is now used as a leisure
area, with cafe and restaurant terraces.
Picture 8: Young children during a school trip in the square take pictures of peeing boy. This fountain is considered to
be the landmark of the square. Source: authors
12
Toda y, i n everyday l ocal talk, people refer to this pedestrian street also as Navarinou Square, or Na varinou Street.
However, the official name of the road is Gounari Street.
53
Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bi ng.com/maps
Navarinou square is in the eastern end of what could be called the commercial axis of Thessalonikis
city centre. While the square itself does not have any commercial activity, except for that of leisure,
the neighbouring streets are the financial heart of the city. Small family stores, as well as world-wide
known brands and multinational enterprises have stores in the wider area, placing the square in a
zone of very intense everyday activity. The everyday activity of the square is also enhanced by the
very big amount of people that have their offices or work in the service sector of the area. Public as
well as private services are based within a small radius from the square an d it should not be
forgotten that this square has a significant touristic value. As a result, people use the square on a
daily basis either for recreational reasons, or just as passers-by. What is more, it seems like the last
few years there is a tendency for many businesses and organizations which are related to the
creative industry to settle in the area. Young artists, non-government organizations, shops related to
arts and radio stations seem to get inspired by the place and of course leave a feedback to the place
by giving the area a more alternative, creative and vivid mood 13 . However, Navarinou Square has a
bad reputation in the local population and press. The reasons behind this discourse as well as the
identity of the users of the square are discussed in the following chapter (4.2).
13
Unfortunately, there has not yet been any a cademic research related to these fa cts. These statements are based on my
pers onal a nd others people perception and unofficial research. Some of these businesses and organizations that are
es tablished in the a rea of Na varinou Square a re:
1. Na va ri no Network - www.navarinonetwork.org/
2. The Box Ga llery www.theboxgallery.com
3. Ts elios Musical Instruments - http://www.tseliosmusic.gr
4. Up n Loud web ra dio - http://www.upnloud.gr/
54
Map 2: Navarinou Square
and its position in the
historical centre of
Thessaloniki. Source: Bing
Maps and authors edit.
55
4.2 The Users and Respondents
As it has been aforementioned, the qualitative research design with the semi -structured interviews
is referred to all users of the square during the morning hours. As a result every type of user of the
square that is described below refers also to a type of respondent. But, who are the users of
Navarinou Square?
To begin with, there are three main groups of users during the morning hours, more or less of the
same quantity. First of all, there are many parents (or grandparents) with their (grand-) children
during the morning and noon. As soon as the schools are out, the square, which has a part of it
designed as a playground, fills with children and their parents. This group of users tends to locate
itself in the square at the northwest part, where the playground equipment is, as well as the main
part of the square with the benches (see Map 3).
This group seems also to be the most socially and
culturally active one. Some parents who use this
square on a daily basis formed two years ago a
non-governmental organization called Paidi stin
Poli Child in the City. In the last two years they
have organized a couple of children-associated
events in the square in order to raise the
awareness of the importance of this public space
for the down-town residents to the local
authorities and media, who seem to neglect the
square. Moreover they have tried to rearrange a Picture 10: Parents and grandparents enjoying the first
few facilities of the space in order to make it more days of summer in the playground under the shade of
the tree (May 2012). Source: authors
pleasant and clean. The fact that there is a group of
people who support the role of the square so intensively indicates that the square is socially and
culturally alive and that there are people who really recognize the value and importance of the
square.
The second group of users are the elders. These
are mainly residents of the city centre who like to
take a walk and sit somewhere where they can
enjoy some trees and maybe some old friends. Of
course Navarinou Square, as most squares, has
many pigeons, which are mainly taken care of from
older people (Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban
Spaces - The Street Corner, 1979). The elders
usually use the main part of the square, where the
benches and the shades of the trees are (see Map
3 and Picture 11). Picture 11: With the first sun after a heavy winter elder
people go to the square to enjoy the nice weather of
March (2012) and the company of their friends. Source:
authors
56
Analysis Case Study
The last morning users are the students and young professionals. This group uses mainly the
cafeterias and the terraces at the northwest perimeter of the square. Navarinou Square is in close
proximity with the University area14 and therefore serves as a very convenient destination for
leisure. What is more, the area around the square hosts many offices and public services and thus
attracts young professionals who tend to have their break in the cafeterias or cross the square on a
daily basis in order to go to work.
Picture 12: Young people sitting at the terraces of the cafeterias on the perimeter of the square. Source: authors
However, there are also two more groups of users,

which have not been mentioned yet. The first one
is the group of dogs. There are many stray dogs in
the wider area of the square that are not under
anyones authority or attention and wander
around. The dogs tend to use the green surfaces of
the square, where they make a lot of dirt. Apart
from the stray dogs, though, there are also the
private ones. The square is a frequent meeting
point for dog-owners and their animals, on a daily
basis. Picture 13: One of the squares stray, but very friendly,
dogs. Source: authors
As it might have been noticed, until now the research tends to focus on the daily activities and users.
This is because as soon as the sun goes down, a new group of people uses the square. Drug addicts,
homeless people, immigrants and other marginalized people tend to gather at the southeast part of
the square, near the historical site. This meeting point has been established many years ago, almost
14
Ari s totle University of Thessaloniki a nd University of Ma cedonia
57
as soon as the square was constructed. Since then, the criminality in the area seems to have risen,
with drug dealing and incidents of pick pocket and burglaries being common news for the local
community. The reasons behind this phenomenon vary, but no official research has been conducted
on the topic until today as well as almost- no official measures. The perceptions towards this effect
are also reflected in the research analysis and will be discussed in the following chapter ( 4.5).
By the fact that so many different groups of users find their place during the day in Navarinou
Square, it could be argued that this public space is a meeting place where numerous trajectories of
all kinds (are) brought together in physical proximity (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4). However, the
overall discourse that reflects the squares bad reputation in the local population and media is tightly
linked with the gathering of the marginalized people. The way every group uses the square reflects a
social marginalization which is also translated into a spatial one. Each users group has its own place
in the square and they try not to interfere with each other. It seems like the users of the square have
not yet managed to overcome the challenge of negotiating the trajectories and set the differences
aside (Massey D., Rose G., 2003, p. 4). As it will be discussed later, there are constant conflicts
among almost all groups of users of the square even within the groups - and tolerance as well as
diversity seems to be a discussion that no one wants to start first.
Map 3: The position of the users in Navarinou Square. There seems to be a perceived border, starting from the fountain
that separates the daily users from the socially and spatially- marginalized people. Source: Bing Maps and authors edit
In respect of the identity of the respondents (see also Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the
Respondents), the majority belongs to the groups mentioned above. They are young parents who
visited the square for the playground, elder people who are also accompanying children or came to
the square to relax, people walking the dog, students and young professionals. Moreover, even
though the research was not a quantitative one, it seems that the square is used more by women
rather than men. The ages vary from 18 to 65+ and the people who responded to the interviews and
58
Analysis Case Study
belong to the financially active population tend to be high educated and employed. Their
occupations are of great variety but there are also many students. As for the place of origin and
present residency the majority of the respondents replied that they were born i n Thessaloniki and
also live in the city. Moreover, most of the respondents are regular visitors and users of the square
with a presence of 3-4 times per week. Nevertheless, since the semi-structured interviews have been
conducted only during morning and noon hours it should be kept in mind that it was not possible to
record the marginalized peoples perceptions towards the research theme.
However, it should be noticed, that it is not this researchs aim to highlight and discuss the problems
of Navarinou Square, such as marginalization or cultural diversity and democracy. The goal is to
negotiate peoples perceptions and experiences, which are probably tied to these problems, under
the prism of a music performance.
4.3 Methods
For the analysis of the empirical data it is believed that a discourse analysis is the most proper
method in order to reach into deep peoples perceptions towards the quality of the square and
highlight their opinions (Bryman, 2001, pp. 499-500). Language creates realities and these realities
reflect the perceptions of the respondents (Hajer, 2006). Additionally, through a discourse analysis it
is possible to take into consideration the cultural background of the respondents, as Tuan indicates
(1977). Even if the interviews have been conducted in Greek, a language which carries much of its
meaning in voice tone and expressions, there is an attempt to transfer the gist and essence of the
discourse in English.
What is more, the photographs taken during the psychogeographical collection of data are analysed
following a visual methodology of discourse analysis (Rose, 2001, p. 135). Gillian Rose (2001) makes
a distinction among two forms of discourse analysis. The first one, which is also used in this research,
negotiates more the discourses produced by visual images and verbal texts while the second one
deals more with institutional practices (pp. 140-141). The first approach is tightly related with the
social representations that people produce of space (Rose, 2001, pp. 161-162). Therefore, it is
considered to be the most appropriate methodological tool to analyse the psychogeographical data,
which reflect respondents perceived and lived space (Lefebvre, 1991). In this case, respondents
psychogeographical data and the included representations are also negotiated in relation to the
interviews and the respective responses. What seems to be the interest of the psychogeographical
photos is not the object pictured rather than the choice of the specific object and the reasons behind
its choice; the interest is on the respondents view towards the square.
Moreover, it is not only the psychogeographical data that are analysed and reflected through a
discourse-related approach, but also the accompanying photographical dataset that was captured
during the experiments/musical performances by the researcher and wishes to reflect aspects of the
attributes of the square and the social interactions.
59
4.4 Data Analysis

By following a discourse analysis, it was possible to go into depth of what the resp ondents say, and
how they say it. Discourse analysis, as a methodological expression of Michel Foucaults philosophy,
has the power to analyse the discourses of speech that depict and frame the way we comprehend
the object under study (Bryman, 2001, p. 499). Especially when the respondents are called to
evaluate attributes and objects related to their urban environment, as it is in this case, discourses
seem to have a great value as they are also tightly related to perceptions; discourses are perceptions
put into words in a specific way, using specific words in order to describe and evaluate an attribute.
However, since all interviews have been conducted into Greek it seems hard to translate and
transform into English the discourses used and identified in the data analysis. Therefore, apart from
translating the quotations, there is an attempt to put all quotations and discourses into a context
that would allow the data analysis to be of better value.
In the following diagram is presented the coding that has been followed in order to analyse the
qualitative data. The coding derives from the interview themes as well as the answers that the
respondents gave, and is based on the four attributes of space, the pylons of the theoretical
framework, that are investigated by the research questions and here, by the empirical questions.
In order to answer the first empirical question, regarding the perceptions of the sense of comfort in
the square, the sub-attributes that are tested are those of attractiveness, pleasure and safety. Each
sub-attribute is reflected on respect of other more specific values and factors that are tightly related
to the case study as they have derived from the respondents answers. For instance, on the s ubject
of safety, the issue of the drug addicts and the marginalised people is not firstly mentioned by the
researcher, but the interviewer expects the interviewee to refer on ones own on the issues that are
perceived as important and continue the discussion. The expectations of the analysis of these
attributes are related to an enhancement of the sense of comfort due to the music performance. In
the next sub-chapter (4.5) these expectations are further discussed.
The second empirical research question seeks to reflect on peoples perceptions about the sense of
community and sociability of Navarinou Square. As in the first case, the three sub-attributes that are
tested have been negotiated in the theoretical framework (chapter 2.7) and the values that evaluate
them have been constructed out of the interviewees responses. The expectations for the effect of
music performance on this spatial quality seem to be also positive. However, the result of the
discourse analysis is presented in chapter 4.6.
Accessibility and the role of Navarinou Square in the urban structure of Thessaloniki is the third
pylon of the empirical research. According to the two previous empirical questions and their coding,
the nodes of these sub-attributes are also derived from the responders perceptions.
The fourth pylon of the quality of public space and its translation into an empirical question seek t o
highlight the uses of the square as well as the perceptions of the liveability of Navarinou Square. All
uses included as nodes of the coding have been mentioned by the respondents. Moreover, in this
empirical question the users willingness to reside in the area of Navarinou is also considered
valuable, as it seems to indicate the intimate feelings, perceptions and experiences that an individual
might have for a place.
Apart from the empirical questions which are developed and coded into nodes, there are also some
free nodes, which are related to the respondents general perception on the subject of music
60
Analysis Case Study
performance in public space as well as their opinion on the perspective of music performance in
Navarinou Square. These questions are common for both sets of interviews with music and without
music in the square, and it is the moment when the respondent understands the purpose of the
research and reflects ones conscious view towards the subject. On the contrary, the four empirical
questions during the interviews with music- are discussed without mentioning, from the
researchers side, that music performance plays a role, in order to capture the subconscious effect of
music on peoples perceptions and experiences.
Last, but not least, the analysis of the psychogeographical data reflects respondents perceptions
towards the experience of Navarinou Square. There has been an attempt to relate text to image, as
Rose indicates, in order to apply discourse analysis. Therefore, there have been attributed specifi c
key-words to each picture which derives not only from what the respondent captured in the
photograph, but also what he/she stated during the interview. In this way, it is possible to analyse
visual, psychogeographical data and simultaneously link them to the respondents discourse.
However, they are not discussed in a different coding; rather they are embodied in the discourse
analysis of the text data.
In order to analyse the data and reach a solid conclusion it is important to always keep in mind to
make connections and comparisons between the two sets of interviews: with music and without
music. For this reason, an attempt has been made to develop and use a tool in order to compare
discourses. While in quantitative research the comparative methods are far more clear and specific
due to the use of numbers and percentages to describe a phenomenon, in qualitative it is more
complicated. Apart from the comparison that is made between the discourses used to evaluate the
attributes of the coding diagram below, there is also an attempt to compare discourses used to
describe situations, people, habits and other attributes and factors that came up spontaneously
during the interviews and should be evaluated.
61
62
Figure 3: Discourse analysis coding. Source: authors
4.5 The Effect of the Music Performance in the Perception that People have about
the Sense of Comfort of Navarinou Square
Comfort in public space, is one of the four main key qualities of a successful place according to
Project for Public Spaces (2012). The main attributes into which comfort is deconstructed in order to
evaluate the sense of comfort that Navarinou Square provides are attractiveness, pleasure and
safety. These attributes, along with more specific values are discussed in order to make conclusions
regarding the extent to which music in public space affects peoples perception about comfort.
4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square

To begin with, the respondents have been asked to evaluate the attractiveness of the square.
Navarinou is considered to be one of the few open public spaces in the city centre of Thessaloniki
and therefore, its importance is very high for the downtown residents and users. I like that it is
quite, (...) that it is cool to sit under the sycamore tree and that you can enjoy a little se nse of green!
It is a good urban landscape!, says a 39-year old male respondent. However, the majority of the
respondents seem to be unsatisfied with the attractiveness of the square (see Table 2). The squares
design and the overall cleanliness and maintenance of the environment and the infrastructures seem
to be the major problems of the square. People seem to be really frustrated with the condition of
the square: Theres nothing that I like! The environment, the fountain is a shame, the playground is
a shame, the flowers are wilted, the grass is yellow, the dogs shit and piss everywhere!, responds a
furious young man, without the presence of music. Of course, this is the most exaggerated response
regarding the squares attraction; however it is indicative of how people perceive its attractiveness.
In terms of design, people say that it is not very bad, but it could have been better. It could have
been better is an expression that has been repeated by many respondents in bo th cases: with and
without music. Yes, I believe that (the square) is a nicely designed space, it could have been better,
but it is not an easy thing to change now states a middle-aged woman, without music, while a 50-
year old woman with her grandchild suggests that (...) it is a big space, but it is not a well-exploited
space. From the discourse analysis regarding that it could have been better an interesting result
came up: the respondents with the presence of music while stating their complaint the y also
suggested what could have been better. On the other hand, the respondents without music just
stuck on the complaint and did not make any further suggestions. There seems to be tendency for
those people who answer under the effect of music to be more explanatory and descriptive when
referring to the design problems of the square.
Along with the expression it could have been better, another often complaining phrase that is
related to the institutional structure of the authorities is that in Greece nothings right. People in
Greece, generally, tend to say that a lot when asked to comment on issues of everyday life and
public life. A young male cook with an alternative style states that in Greece nothing is right and
nothing is nice when asked to comment on the attractiveness of the square in the presence of
music. Even if the responses between those who said this expression with music and those without
do not have any difference, it is interesting to mention that this negative position of Greek peo ple
towards anything of public interest is a common discourse, especially the last four years with the
recession moving deeper and deeper in all aspects of everyday life. This state of Greek psychology
seems to play a significant role on how people produce their conceived and lived space, as it reflects
what Tuan (1977) calls the cultural background, and there will be a further reflection on the issue in
the conclusions (chapter 5).
63
What was also noticed during the field-work is that the paved area of the square, which is in the
middle of the space, is almost not used. It is a dead public space. It is assumed that the main reason
is the very intense sun and the fact that there is no overshadowing. However, during the field-work
that was conducted with the music band (which spatially was facing this paved area) there seems to
be a slight change on this observation. Usually, people tend to gather around street musicians in
order to observe them, but in this case it didnt happen; people preferred sitting in any shadowy
area and listening to the music from a distance. As you can also see from Picture 14 not only is the
paved area empty, but also the benches next to the musicians. However, after a while that the music
was playing, children started to gather around the musicians, but not in order to observe them, at
least not obviously, but to play football (Picture 15). From time to time, there were some of those
children who took some time to turn their heads to see the musicians, or even sit next to the band.
I play the violin too. I like this music a lot! said the boy in Picture 16 who abandoned the football
game in order to sit next to the band and observe them. There were also some other girls that left
the playground and moved to the fountain to play so that they can also see the music (Doumpa,
2012). A grandfather with his granddaughter was strolling and decided to stand in a small nearby
shaded area to watch the band (Picture 17). There were many similar incidents of people stopping
for a while to observe the band, but because of the intensity of the sun and the lack of shadow
nearby they wouldnt stop for a long time. It seems that even if the musicians did not manage to
gather any people around as a proper audience, the music managed to gather at least the children
on the paved area. This is what William H. Whyte, calls the quality of triangulation ( (1979);
(1988)); it is the stimulations that are provided to the people in order to bring life to public spaces
and provoke social interaction. Street music is one of these stimulations and activities that Whyte
also recognizes as being very efficient towards this aim.
Picture 14: The distance between performers and audience: In the beginning of the musicians performance the children
and parents were using only the playground area and the sitting area under the tree. Source: authors photo.
64
Analysis Case Study
Picture 15: Children using the paved area to play football, while the music plays. Source: authors photo
Picture 16: The boy, who some minutes ago was playing football with the other children, stopped and sat next to the
musicians to listen to them. Source: authors photo.
65
Picture 17: A grandfather with his granddaughter standing in a small shaded area next to the musicians in order to listen
to them from close. Source: authors photo.
The problem of the lack of shadow areas is also related to the respondents request for more
green in the area. Even though the square has a peripheral zone of trees and grass, this area is not
used by the users, mainly due to cleanliness reasons and because there are no sitting are as in the
green zone. The only bench underneath a tree and protected from the sun is in front of the
playground and, of course, this is the most popular place in the square. However, the majority of
the respondents recognize that compared to other open spaces in the city centre of Thessaloniki,
this square has a lot of green; but they always wish for more! I wouldnt mind a little more colour.
One more tree, two, three, four, something!, says a 20-year old man. From a view Table 2, there
seems to be a difference among the respondents with music and without music. The respondents
answering without the presence of music seem to have referred more to the environmental
conditions in contrast to those being interviewed in the presence of music performance.
When it comes to the matter of cleanliness and maintenance, all of them are very decisive: the
square lacks a lot in this field! Peoples perception of cleanliness and maintenance of the square is
tightly related to dogs littering everywhere, infrastructures not being cared of and no public cleaning
services. I will take a picture of what sleeps here... the shit... because we call this place... we call it
the park with the shit... where shall we meet? At the park with the shit! says humorously a middle
aged woman who was there with her friend and their children. When this woman was asked to take
a picture of what she thinks as more indicative of the square, well, her first choice was indicative of
what she describes in her quote. Unfortunately, neither the municipality, not the dog owners take
care of the place according to their responsibilities, making the place very inappropriate for young
children. Many parents referred to this problem as a reason for not perceiving the square as an
attractive place. Respondents of both interview groups seem to firmly agree that the place lacks in
66
Analysis Case Study
cleanliness and maintenance, and no significant difference between their responses is recorded,
probably because of the seriousness of the problem.
In terms of equipment -a factor which refers mostly to
the parents and grandparents with children-
respondents of both sets seem to agree that the
infrastructures are not sufficient. The main reason is
that because this place is one of the few squares and
playgrounds in the city centre, the demand is very
high. As a result, during rush hours (i.e. after school)
there is not enough space and equipment for all the
children. There were some respondents who took a
picture of the playground equipment in order to state
this problem with the overcrowding and lack of proper
infrastructures, such as in Psychogeographical Picture
1, where a grandfather spent both his shots in order to
portray the problem of the equipment.
Another very important factor for evaluating the
effect that music has on peoples perception regarding
comfort and in this case attraction of the square, was
Psychogeographical Picture 1: Playground
the historic aspect of the square. It seems very equipment, and infrastructures not suitable for
important to indicate whether people are aware and very young children. Source: authors (photo
recognize the historical validity of the area, since the taken by respondent 15B)
conceived space and its accordingly representations of space is supposed to impose a historical
sense of lived space and spatial practices (Lefebvre, 1991). It could be argued, that unfortunately,
people do not pay much attention to the historical site. There were only a few people , from both
sets of interviews, referring to the site and most of them did not know what it is exactly (naming it
with different wrong- names). Some of them complained about the poor condition of the site and
that it is not actually accessible: (...) they should have taken more advantage of the ancient site
says a male student who was resting at the square. There were also a very small percentage of
people who took a picture of the archaeological site in the psychogeographical practice, indicating
the lack of perception of the square as a part of a historical place. What seems of high interest is that
this small percentage derives only from the respondents of the group without music.
Another factor that at first was not considered to be important for the perception of attractiveness
is the human factor. The majority of the respondents of both sets of interviews when asked about
what they like and/or dont like in the square referred to the people, the users of the square. Most
of them reflected a positive attitude towards this factor: I like that (...) there are lots of people,
children, and all this noise is nice, because you feel that there is life!, responds a middle-aged
female lawyer. However, there was a portion of the respondents who said that they avoid being at
the square because of the people: What I dont like is the people that is here... es pecially during
night times...; this female student who was walking her dog reflects a perception that many
respondents have concerning the people using the square after sunset. This issue is tightly related to
the sense and perception of safety that the respondents have, and which is elaborated a few
paragraphs later. So, concerning the attributes and factors that Project for Public Spaces Place
67
Diagram (2012) suggests to be important for the quality of a place, it could be argued that people
play a significant role and should be added as factor of comfort in the diagram.
The last two factors of attractiveness that people
evaluated are the entertainment facilities that lie
peripheral to the square and the spatial position of
the square. In both sets of interviews, interviewees
evaluated in a positive way those two factors.
Especially for young people and students, the cafes
and restaurants of the square are those that
characterise the place and make it a landmark of
student life in Thessaloniki: () my cousin, seven
years ago, used to be a student here and she used
to come in this area and she told me that here is
where the students hangout is. So, as a student Psychogeographical Picture 2: An empty glass of
coffee. Respondent 3A took a picture of the glass of
myself, I have to learn about this place since I am coffee, in order to indicate the importance that this
also from another town where else can I go? related activity has in her perception of the place.
Here! This female students quote, who also comes Source: authors (photo taken by respondent 3A)
from the countryside, reflects the perception that young people and students have about the
square. It is a place where other people, of the same age hang out, drink their coffee, play table -
games, eat and spend their time between study breaks. This perception of the square is also
visualized in Psychogeographical Picture 2, where the female student respondent captured this glass
of frappe coffee as her most intense impression. As for the squares position, people highly
appreciate its location in the heart of the commercial, service and residential area of Thessaloniki.
Some of them highlight the importance of its location, as it allows them to multitask; as a young
mother reflects: I like the fact that it is in the city centre, because I have the ability to shop
something if I need to.
Another aspect that it is thought to be valuable is to
research the priorities that the respondents had in
mind when asked about the attractiveness of the
square (see Appendix 3: Discourse Analysis of
Respondents Priorities Towards the Factors and
Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square). The
interviewees did not get guided towards the subject
that they should first talk about. Therefore, it is
considered that the first things that they talked
about when discussing about the attraction of the
square are also those which seem to be of greater
importance to them. This prioritizing of the values Psychogeographical Picture 3: I would like to spend
and factors of square are presented in Table 1 and is some time in the square because I can sit on the
grass. () its not easy to find it in the city says a
structured in a way so that conclusions regarding the young male student and reflects the importance of
comparison among the two groups can be made. As the green on peoples perceptions of the square.
Source: authors (photo taken by respondent 7A)
it is illustrated in Table 1, the respondents of both
groups seem to have the value of design as the most important one for the square, but it seems that
for the respondents under the music cognition process, design might be a little more important,
68
Analysis Case Study
since a bigger amount of people has also stated this value as a second one. Another interesting
aspect is that of environment; people without music gave higher importance to this value than those
with music, who referred to that only later in the discussion. It also seems that people with the
presence of music seem to give higher importance to the factor of people compared to those
without music, and thus giving a little more clarity to this comparison, as in the first stage of
discourse analysis both groups seemed to have the same perceptions of this value.
Priorities of Attractiveness
without music
quality 1 quality 2 quality 3 quality 4 quality 5 quality 6
clean./maint. 1 3 1 4 0 0
design 6 3 2 0 4 0
entertainment 1 0 3 0 0 1
environment 3 5 1 4 1 0
equipment 0 0 6 2 0 0
historical site 1 0 0 2 1 1
people 1 4 1 1 1 3
position 1 0 0 1 2 0
with music
quality 1 quality 2 quality 3 quality 4 quality 5 quality 6
clean./maint. 0 3 4 1 1 0
design 6 5 1 1 2 1
entertainment 0 1 1 0 1 0
environment 0 1 6 2 0 0
equipment 3 1 1 2 0 0
historical site 0 1 0 0 1 1
people 5 1 1 2 0 0
position 2 2 0 1 0 1
Table 1: Analysis of the priorities of attractiveness of Navarinou Square as stated by both groups of respondents. The
numbers in the cells refer to the amount of responders who reflected on this topic, while the number of quality refers to
the prioritizing of each attribute. The values in the blue cell are those which seem to have the highest importance, and
therefore greater interest. Source: authors data and edit.
From the psychogeographical process there has been also another interesting result related to the
attractiveness of the square. By analysing the pictures that the participants of both sets of interviews
captured, it can be concluded that the majority perceives the little-boys fountain and the
playground as the most dominant stimulations and objects of the square. Both these objects
function as landmarks of the square. Especially in the case of the fountain, Carr, Francis Rivlin and
Stone (1992) suggest that the presence of water elements in a public space attracts people and
interest (p. 113). Jane Jacobs (1961) considers the presence of landmarks of high significance, in the
sense that makes those places distinct and recognizable to all as well as that it gives the space a
sense of identity; landmarks enhance spaces to places.
69
Psychogeographical Pictures 4 and 5: One of the portraits of the fountain and the playground: the two most
photographed parts of the square. The little boys fountain is a psychogeographical reflection of a male students
perception of the square, and the playground of a young female student, who is also from the countryside. Source:
authors photos
As it is reasonable, people also captured in the

frame the problems of the square: low-maintained
infrastructures and poor equipment, dirt, bad
condition of the green spaces are the major
problems identified through the photographical
lens. Especially in the case of the water spring
(Psychogeographical Picture 6) many mothers
referred to it, since there is no water provided in
order to clean their children. What is more, for the
historical background of the square, this water
spring seems of great importance, since it is in the
place where the old, traditional spring of the Psychogeographical Picture 6: Example of low-
maintained infrastructures: a spring that does no
ottoman years used to be (see chapter 4.1) longer function. Source: authors photo (respondent
14B)
4.5.2 Pleasure in Navarinou Square
When it comes to evaluating the pleasure of being
in or crossing-by the square, the responses of both
sets of interviews reflect a positive perception.
However, by looking at Table 2 it could be argued
that with the presence of music people feel more
pleasant. There were some respondents a small
minority- who at this point mentioned by
themselves the existence of the music band in the
square and the pleasure that they offer: I dont
usually spend time in the square. But today that I
liked it I thought of sitting for a while and I sat.
And I liked it a lot that there are swing musicians Psychogeographical Picture 7: Musicians Performing.
Picture captured during the Psychogeographical test
today! reflects a young male engineer who by a young girl who was walking her dog. Source:
enthusiastically referred to the music. The pleasure authors (respondent 13B)
that the music performance adds to the perception and experience of the square is also identified in
the psychogeographical data. An important amount of the respondents captured in the ir first picture
70
Analysis Case Study
the musicians, indicating that it was the first thing that stimulated them in a creative way and that
there might be a strong connection between pleasure in public space and musical performance.
On the other hand, those who do not find any pleasure in being in the square are those who do not
feel comfortable with the people that use the square: It depends on the people who will be in the
square at the moment says a male student. The issue of the other users of the square comes up
again when talking about safety, indicating that feeling nice in a place is related to the safety that
one feels.
4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square

The next and very important attribute that strongly affects the perception of comfort is safety. As it
can be identified from Table 2 there is no such difference between the perceptions indicated by the
responses with music and without music. However, since the issue of safety in public space is of high
importance for this square, it is suggested that a wider discussion on the subject should be made.
While all the respondents feel safe during morning hours, the majority of them answered that they
feel unsafe and uncomfortable after the sunset. Some of them did not want to specify the reason,
but most of them implicated the other users of the square; the drug addicts and homeless people
that find shelter for many decades in the benches and sitting areas of the square after the sun goes
down. Since a discourse analysis has been followed, it is important to mention that there was huge
variety of characterizations used by the respondents in order to refer to this social group. It is
speculated that people were avoiding naming this social group as drug addicts, homeless people
or something relevant, in order to be politically correct. However, the discourse analysis has shown
that the people who were interviewed in the presence of music used more negative and slung words
than the respondents without music, who were more general and neutral in their characterizations.
It could be argued that the cognitive process of the music performance might make people more
relaxed in the way they express themselves, and therefore use much more intense and less
politically correct words in their discussion of the marginalized population. This result is discussed
in the conclusions chapter (chapter 5) in order to reflect the factor of social tolerance and inclusivity
in terms of music performance in public space.
What seems as a controversy towards the general discourse on the marginalized population is that
from the thirty one interviewees who were asked about the safety issue no one referred to any
incident that would justify their reasons for feeling unsafe. On the contrary, there are a f ew people
who admit that the drug addicts have never harmed them. Even in the case of a mother with her
child parents is the group of people that complain the most about the safety issue - she admitted
that Yes, I feel safe. Even though we had some incidents, the drug addicts never disturb the parents
and the children. This point of view is also reflected in an article of the local press: referring to
Picture 18 where drug addicts share the square with children, the journalist says that
This picture, however, does not shock the childrens parents, who let their kids play in the
playground and observe them. Besides, the drug addicts seem to be trying not to disturb in order not
to be disturbed, up to a point tha t they also accept to chat with old ladies who try to give them
advice. This picture of coexistence of children and drug addicts in the square of Thessalonikis city
centre, which has been related to the alternative history of the city, is the same for man y years, if
15
not decades. (unknown, 2011).
15
Translation by the author
71
By reflecting the respondents perception about safety on what the local press tends to present
about the square there seems to be a consensus of views. For many years the local press presents
Navarinou Square as a place where criminality is in high levels, drug addicts and homeless people
cause a lot of social problems and so on. As a result the squares reputation for many years is tightly
connected to the notion of a place where outcasts hang out, resulting not only to those peoples
marginalization but also to the whole areas fall of public life and under development.
However, there is a portion of people who agree with William H. Whytes opinion that the so called
undesirables are not the problem. It is the measures taken to combat them that is the problem!
(Project for Public Spaces, 2012). Some respondents, of both interviewing groups, opened a
conversation regarding the issue of the drug addicts and their marginalization and seemed very
conciliatory and sympathetic to them. A retired man, who uses the square regularly to relax and
meet friends discusses in a sympathetic way: What I am saying is always with love we cannot
marginalize any man, whoever he might be because Society, I am your image, and I look like
you!16 as Galatia Kazantzaki says so, in the same way, we, the so called bourgeoisies, create the
social margin.
Picture 18: In the fountain, the border between the two sides of the square, children play, while under the sycamore
tree are gather the other users of the square. Refer also to Map 3. Source: Agelioforos Newspaper:
http://goo.gl/O2qTS
16

.
:
- !
.
72
Analysis Case Study
Picture 19: People who are considered to be the other users of the square are having lunch in the east side of the
square Refer also to Map 3. Source: authors photo.
Whilst drug addicts and homeless people are considered to be the main safety issue of the square,
some parents have also stated that the legal and illegal traffic (some motorcycles tend to cross over
the square from the pedestrian area) are an important factor of insecurity in the square, mostly
because of the children. However, a negotiation of the safety problem of the square is not within the
research aim of the thesis, and therefore there will not be any further discussion at this point.
4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square

Overall, it could be argued that the perception people have about comfort in Navarinou Square is
not a very positive one, and does not seem to be much affected by the presence of music or not. No
matter if they find the presence of music being a pleasant addition to the environment or not, they
still think that the place could have been better in terms of attractiveness and that for many of them
the use of the square is a necessary evil. Gehl Architects (2004, p. 29) suggest that when the quality
of a place is low, then the use of the space and the sense of pleasure that it provides is respectively
low and the activity is limited to the most necessary visits and walks. The same seems to be valid
for Navarinou Square; it is a public space that does not provide all the comfort qualities that the
users would have wanted, but they still use it because it is a necessary evil. The discourse analysis
has shown that those who referred to the use of the square out of necessity indicate its crucial
position as the reason behind their selection.
Another interesting result out of the general discourse analysis on the sense of comfort is that
people in both interviewing groups tend to start talking about the positive aspects of the place and
then the negative ones. However, a small differentiation can be identified, in regard of the
respondents with music who seem to answer slightly in a more positive way in the beginning rather
than those without music (see Appendix 3: Discourse Analysis of Respondents Priorities Towards the
Factors and Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square).
73
Table 2: Evaluation of the sense of Comfort of Navarinou Square according to the respondents opinion, with music and
without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive opinion/perception.
Source: authors data and edit.
74
the Sense of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square
The sense of community and the ability for socializing is one of the most important qualities of
public space. As Sennett (1976) suggests, public space is the stage where people perform their roles
as public entities; where people socialize and negotiate their position in the public realm. The
interactions among the people, their tendencies to talk to each other, the eye contact and the
willingness to use this space as a place where they meet with familiar or unknown people are the
attributes that define the sense of community of place.
4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place

From the interviews analysis it could be argued that people do not tend to use the square as a
meeting place very much. The people who consider the square to be a meeting palace are mainly
parents who arrange with other parents to meet in the playground so that their childre n can play.
Young people seem also willing to use the square as a meeting place, but not so much for the paved
and green area, rather than the entertainment facilities on the periphery of the square. However,
some of them stated that they would also gladly use the square ansd the benches but they dont so
often. The possible reason for not using the square as a meeting place seems to be again safety
reasons. As a female student who was walking her dog states: I have friends who hang out here,
and sometimes I sit with them... its just that I am more careful. Another possible reason is that
Navarinou Square does not stand as a strong meeting place landmark in Thessaloniki , despite the
little-boy fountain that is a landmark of the place. In a five-minutes walk from the square is the
monument of Kamara, which is also a part of the roman Galerian Complex. Kamara, as local people
usually say, is the place that accommodates your dates in Thessaloniki since 306 AD. As a result,
Kamara is the most common place that, especially,
young people and students would use. The perception
of Navarinou square as a meeting place does not
seem to differentiate among the respondents who
were listening to the music and those who didnt.
Some people seem to feel that the square is an age-
oriented place because of the specific entertainment
facilities which attract mostly young people and
students. As mentioned before, the cafes and
restaurants of Navarinou are considered to be one of
the hearts of the student social life of Thessaloniki.
Respondent 1B, a woman at her middle ages says:
well... the square is not for people of my age because
it is mostly for students., while a young girl drinking
her coffee says that: well... people on their sixties,
fifties will not sit in the specific square. After looking
around and at the playground for a few seconds she
continues however, I do see people of this age... no
matter what, it still has to do with the hour of the day
I think.... Those women quotations seem to reflect an Picture 20: Old man sitting on a bench and feeding
age orientation in the square according to the place the pigeons of the square. Source: authors photo
75
and time. They seem to have a perception that the entertainment facilities refer only to young
people, while the rest of the square and the playground is a place for all the ages. This perception
seems to be verified also by a young womans quotation: I think that generally, all people feel
welcome in a sort of way, and thats why this is the place where many fellowships of any age meet.
We have never faced a problem with that... its ok. The discourse analysis did not reveal any
differentiation among the respondents perceptions towards the sense of the square being age
oriented.
As stated above, even if young people do not use the paved part of the square as a meeting point,
parents with children seem to do so. As a result, it could be argued that the playground i s a
landmark for the square in the social cycle of the young parents. Playground is a much appreciated
facility that the square offers, since there is no other similar infrastructure in the ci ty centre. All
other squares and open spaces downtown either do not have playground equipment, or are not
protected from heavy flows of vehicles.
From a different point of view, as it has been aforementioned, the perception of Navarinou Square
as a meeting place should not only be discussed in physical terms, where people physically meet
each other, but also as Massey and Rose (2003) suggest, as a place where numerous trajectories of
all kinds (are) brought together in physical proximity (p. 4). However, it seems that the
marginalization of people and a few internal conflicts (such as the sense of age oriented space) do
not allow the square to function as a multicultural stage where all people can express their public
roles (Sennett, 1976).
4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square

As for the sense of being welcome to the square, the majority responded in a positive way. They said
that there is no reason that they would feel that something or someone repels them from being in
the square. However, the respondents who seemed to be concerned about the issue of the drug
addicts in terms of safety argued here that the other users might be reason for them to not feel
welcome in the square; (the only thing that could repel me from coming to the square) is the
people... only the people... nothing else., says a young male student who has insisted a lot on the
matter of the other people. It seems interesting, that there is no differentiation among the
respondents of answering with music and without music when it comes to evaluating the sense of
being welcome in the square.
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Analysis Case Study
4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square

Regarding the sense and perception of socializing in
the square, some respondents through their
statements have noticed how important this factor is
for the quality of this public space. Respondent 10A,
a young father says: What I like in the square
is...that many people gather together while
respondent 2A, a young mother signifies the
importance of socializing: (...) I have made
friends...with other moms... we have made
friendships, my child has made friends, and as result
my day goes on more pleasantly. Some respondents
Psychogeographical Picture 8: Company of mothers
have evaluated the importance of this function of the with children who have come to meet each other in
square as a space of social activity and interaction the public realm and allow their children to play.
and pictured it in their psychogeographical practice Source: authors photo (photo taken by respondent
9A)
(see Psychogeographical Picture 8). With, or without
music, people seem to appreciate the importance of a public space in their everyday lives and the
significance of socializing in the public realm.
Another aspect of the sense of sociability of the square is that even the fact that peopl e get to see
other people in the public realm has its own importance, especially in the Greek culture. For people
of all ages the chance to sit somewhere and just watch and observe and sometimes gossip the
people who are crossing by is a social activity of its own, which has been recognised in the discourse
analysis. However, in this case too, there has been no differentiation among the two interviewing
sets.
77
Table 3: Evaluation of the Sense of Community and Sociability of Navarinou Square according to the respondents
opinion, with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
opinion/perception. Source: authors data and edit.
78
Analysis Case Study
the Accessibility of Navarinou Square
The accessibility of a square is the third important attribute related to the quality of a public space.
Issues such as linkages, connections, how walkable the place is and its proxi mity with other places of
interest are some of the values evaluated while discussing about accessibility (Project for Public
Spaces, 2012).
4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square

Overall, the respondents seem to be pleased with the squares accessibility. The majority of them
believe that it is a public space that can be approached very easily and it is open to anyone who
would like to come and use the square. However, there is a percentage of the people who believe
that in terms of accessibility from disadvantaged people, the design and infrastructures provided
might not be the most suitable ones. Other respondents referred also to the fact that the tables and
chairs of the entertainment facilities cover the whole peripheral pavement of the square, making the
access of the square more difficult. Another suspending factor for not being able to access the
square is that of the other people who according to some respondents create a sense of insecurity
and fear that does not allow them to approach and use the square as much as they would have
wanted to.
The discourse analysis did not reveal any critical differences among the respondents of the two
groups; with music and without music. This result seems to come to contrad iction with the
theoretical approaches. Further discussion and reflection on this incompatibility will be presented in
chapter 5.
4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki

What seems to be very interesting is the perception
people have about the squares role in the city centre
of Thessaloniki. The opinions are quite various, but
the majority, of both sets of interviews, agrees to one
thing: that the city lacks in public spaces and the
importance of Navarinou Square in those terms is
non-negotiable. The square as a space is an oasis in
the city centre, thats why I chose to live here! says
respondent 8B, a middle-aged woman who resides in
one of the squares buildings. (...) it is a very dear Picture 21: March 2012 As soon as the first spring
place for the people. It has lots of people; as soon as sun came out in Thessaloniki, the square filled with
people of all ages who went to the space to enjoy the
the sun comes out pop! everyone comes here in the weather. Source: authors
square. The square fills immediately. (see Picture 21)
The square...is the centre, it is... where everyone gathers. (...) Navarinou Square is a trademark!
mentions enthusiastically a young mother with her child. As William H. Whyte puts it, it is not just
the number of people using them (the small spaces), but the larger number who pass by and enjoy
them vicariously, or even the larger number who feel better about the city centre for knowledge of
them. For a city, such places are priceless, whatever the cost. (Project for Public Spaces, 2012). It
seems, that even the knowledge of the existence of small open spaces in the chaos of the city
centre is a confrontation and a relief for city people. I think it is very important to have such spaces
in the city centre; they give life! says a female student who was passing by the square.
79
However, it should be mentioned that almost- no one at this point referred to the historical
importance of the square. The fact that this place apart from being a site of archaeological interest is
also one of the oldest public spaces in Thessaloniki that remains to date is expected to be
highlighted in peoples perceived space. It seems that there is a need not only for a better design of
the square in order to conceptually blend better with the historical site, but also a rise of the
awareness of what this open space used to be. Cultural and musical events have the ability to push
to this direction. This aspect will be discussed on the next chapter, Chapter 5: Conclusions,
Discussion and Policy Recommendations.
The discourse analysis towards peoples perception of the role of Navarinou Square in Thessalonikis
structure revealed that there are five main reasons of the importance of the space: its public nature,
its position, its uses, its crucial role for socializing and its cultural and historical value. Despite the
attempt to make an in-depth analysis of the discourses reflecting the squares role and highlight any
differences among the two interview sets, this was not the case. The only slight difference is that
unexpectedly- the value of the square as a cultural and historical place is only reflected in
respondents quotations without music, while it was assumed that people in the presence of a
cultural event would have been more prompted to discuss about this role of the square.
80
Analysis Case Study
4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square

Overall, the perception that people have on the accessibility, openness and importance of the
square is positive. However, it seems that people under the presence of the music performance
evaluate the accessibility and openness of the space slightly more negatively than those without the
music. Nevertheless, since this analysis is purely qualitative, it is not possible to proceed t o a
conclusion that is based on poor quantitative data.
Table 4: Evaluation of peoples perception of Accessibility of Navarinou Square according to the respondents opinion,
with music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
81
the Use of and Activity in Navarinou Square
The fourth and last key qualities of public space are the uses and activities hosted in the square. As
Project for Public Spaces (2012) states Activities are the basic building blocks of a place. Having
something to do gives people a reason to come to a place and return. When there is nothing to do,
a space will be empty and that generally means that something is wrong.
4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space

The respondents were asked to evaluate the extent to which they consider the s quare to be an
active public space. In both sets of interviews people held a mediocre position (see Table 6), a fact
that is of high interest; it was expected that people would consider the space more active in the
presence of music. The majority of them stated that the square has some activity, but it could have
been better, and it used to be better. Some respondents said that before the Greek recession there
used to be much more people in the square, but due to financial limitations people prefer to stay at
home. A young mother with her child states that Yes, there is life. However, much less than before,
but it has life. () Back in the days it used to have more people, it used to concentrate more people.
Now there is not so much. Nowadays people also have difficulties (financial), so it is reasonable that
they dont go out as much as they used to do. The Greek recession seems to be an extraneous
factor which was not reflected in the theoretical framework, but seems to have a great effect on
peoples perceptions on public space and the degree that music performance affects them. A further
discussion on the issue is presented in chapter 5.
4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square

At a second level, the interviewees were asked to
discuss their opinion about the most dominant
activities of the square. The playground
(Psychogeographical Picture 9) and entertainment
facilities seem to be the spaces which host the most
dominant facilities, at least on peoples perceptions.
Respondent 2B, a woman at the end of her 20s, says
between laughter that the cafeterias (are the most
dominant activity)! Theres nothing else!. Even for
an older woman, who used to be resident of the city
centre, entertainment is the one and only use of the
space: it is for students! To drink coffee!. Psychogeographical Picture 9: The playground as
portrayed by respondent 2A, a young mother and
The activities of relaxation and meeting friends and photographer. Source: authors (taken by respondent
2A)
family seem to be also high in peoples perceptions.
As far as peoples perception about the most common use of the square are concerned, it seems
that people who were interviewed in the presence of music tend to refer more on the cultural
activity of the square, and with a more critical way, than the ones without the music (see Table 6).
What is more, people under the music stimulation seemed to express their opinion about this
activity, even without being asked. It seems that the fact that there was a music event present at the
same time with the interviews prompted them to talk about this topic. Thus, it could be argued that
a spatial practice, which was developed from a representation of space (conceived space of the
82
Analysis Case Study
researcher), developed a lived space, the one that the respondent experienced and was cognitively
urged to talk about culture.
Another interesting observation regarding peoples
activities perception, is that people without the
presence of music tend to refer to the use of the
playground as the first and foremost activity of the
square, while the ones with music, most of them,
stated first the use of the entertainment facilities as
the primary one (see Psychogeographical Picture 10
and Table 5). This result might also be the outcome
of a cognitive process deriving from external
stimulations. For instance, the fact that there is no
music in the soundscape of the square, and the
childrens laughter are the dominant sound, Psychogeographical Picture 10: A male student who
probably provokes peoples perceptions towards a was enjoying his coffee in the terrace, in the
presence of music, took this picture of the
space dominated by children. On the other hand, environment of the entertainment facility. Source:
when music is performing the cognitive authors (taken by respondent 4B)
environment of the square is much more related to entertainment than to children; one would
hardly refer as the dominant use of the square the cultural activities, but one can make a connection
with the most related one, which is entertainment. However, it should be noticed, that this
explanation is just an assumption since no theoretical approaches have been found in order to
support this argument.
Overall, even both groups of interviewees seem to believe that the square is an active place, but it
could have been better, the interviewees under the music stimulation have stated a much bigger
number and greater variety of activities hosted in the square (Table 5). This result might also be
related to the aforementioned explanation; that the stimulations received during a music
performance are more and of richer meaning and therefore are translated into a much bigger
amount and variety of uses of the square.
83
No a cti vi ty 1 a cti vi ty 2 a cti vi ty 3 a cti vi ty 4 a cti vi ty 5

1A pl a yground
2A pl a yground cul ture meeting place rel a xation
entertainment
3A cul ture meeting place facilities
wa l k
4A pl a yground rel a xation wa l k

5A pl a yground entertainment facilties
6A pl a yground cul ture

entertainment
without music
7A facilities rel a xation

entertainment
8A cul ture facilities
9A pl a yground
10A drug addicts/homeless
entertainment
11A facilities
12A wa l k pl a yground rel a xation cul ture
13A pl a yground
14A pl a yground
entertainment
15A facilities
entertainment
1B facilities
wa l k
entertainment
2B pl a yground
facilities
entertainment
3B wa l k rel a xation meeting place
facilities
entertainment
4B cul ture facilities wa l k rel a xation meeting place
entertainment
5B cul ture facilities wa l k rel a xation meeting place
6B pl a yground meeting place rel a xation cul ture

7B cul ture
with music
8B wa l k meeting place cul ture

entertainment
9B drug addicts/homeless
facilities
10B rel a xation meeting place
entertainment
11B pl a yground facilities
entertainment
12B facilities rel a xation meeting place cul ture
entertainment
13B pl a yground
facilities
entertainment
cul ture
entertainment
16B drug addicts/homeless
Table 5: Respondents unconscious priorities about the main uses and activities of Navarinou square. Source: authors
data and edit
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Analysis Case Study
4.8.3 Willingness of Residency in Navarinou Square

The interviewees have also been asked if they would
like to live in one of the houses of the square, as their
response might indicate the intimate feelings,
perceptions and experiences that an individual might
have for a place. The majority responded in a negative
way, not so much because they dont like the square,
but mainly due to their repulsion for the down-town
city life. Respondent 2A, a young mother and
photographer mentions that No (I wouldnt want to
live in the square). Not because I dont like the area
it would have been very convenient for me and my
daughter. Its just that I think its best to live a little bit
outside the city centre.
A minority referred to the safety reasons for not
Picture 22: The only historical building left in the
wanting to reside in the area. However, people who square, which seems to attract peoples interest
would like to have their residence on the square when discussing the topic of residency. Source:
authors
stated reasons related to the openness of the square
and the green space. Some of them also pointed out their desire to live in the only historical bui lding
left on the square (Picture 22). The two sets of interviews do not seem to bare any significant
difference.
4.8.4 Conclusions on the Uses and Activities of Navarinou Square

Overall, it could be argued that Navarinou Square is an active public space where people have the
opportunity to participate in these activities. There seem to be further potentials for the square to
become a core of public life and expression in the city centre of Thessaloniki. As it has been
mentioned before, in the evaluation of Attractiveness, the square is not being fully used, in terms of
surface; the paved area in the centre of the space is not sufficiently used. Keeping in mind also the
fact that the space is used by all genders and ages, it could be argued that the realm has a mere -
inclusive character. What is more, the space is used and has activities all day long, even if it is from
different social groups and marginalized people.
Project for Public Spaces (2012) suggests that a space in order to be successful should be used by
both singles and people in groups (...) because it means that there are places for people to sit with
friends, there is more socializing, and it is more fun. This component seems to b e confirmed
according to peoples perceptions as well as to some personal observations 17 (see Picture 23 and
Picture 24).
17
However, i t s hould be noticed, that no proper observa tion method has been followed for this research design.
85
Picture 23 and Picture 24: Single and group users of the square. Source: authors photos.
Table 6: Evaluation of peoples perception of the Use of Navarinou Square according to the respondents opinion, with
music and without music being present. Red stands for negative, orange for neutral and green for positive
86
Analysis Case Study
4.9 Peoples Perceptions on the Music Performance

Until now, all the results presented before do not seem to indicate any significant difference among
peoples perception about the quality of public space with or without music. So, in order to be more
specific with the interviewees and clarify the topic of the research to them it was decided that a
third part of the interview should be included that would contain themes related tightly to music18 .
It is very interesting to mention that as soon as the respondents understood that the music played a
role in this research and interview they all became very excited and willing to talk about this topic
(for both sets of interviews). As a result, the conversations that were conducted within this context
have a lot of interest.
4.9.1 Music in Public Space and Pleasure

To begin with, peoples excitement and positive attitude towards the topic is obvious in Table 8,
where the majority of people, with or without the presence of music, stated that they enjoy music in
public space (code: 5E: Music & Pleasure). Respondent 5B, a young female student in the presence
of music, stated that I really like (street musicians), because time goes on pleasantly and it is nice to
listen to them while youre walking.
Not only do peoples statements reflect the pleasure
that music provokes to them, but also their actions.
There was an incident of a young mother dancing
with her baby girl in her arms all over the square to a
waltz song that the musicians were playing (see
Picture 25 (Doumpa, 2012). It was an indication of
how much music may affect the audiences mood.
Especially in the case of the gipsy-swing music that
was performed, a music-cognition related aspect
suggests that intensive rhythms of music (such the
one of gipsy-swing) attract more attention than low-
tempo ones. We are drawn into the event in order to
experience its rhythm (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8). Duffy also
suggests that the music genre and the framing of the
performance prompt the listener to engage oneself
to a specific related identity and position, which could
Picture 25: A young mother dancing with her baby
even be related to another time and place (pp. 3, 7-8). girl to the sounds of a waltz song. Source: authors
Gipsy-swing music has that retro feeling and nostalgic
emotion that apparently is transported to the public audience and produces respective cognitive
responses. It is a genre that might bring back memories to elders, or even make cognitive
connections with stories heard, movies watched, books read etc by younger people.
Discourse analysis on the way people refer to the pleasure of music in public space seems to also
reflect the depth of the cognitive processes. When people were asked to evaluate this potential
attribute of music, they tend to use different types of expressions according to their exposure to
music or not. The respondents who were listening to the music tend to describe their pleasant
perception of music with expressions and idioms that are more related to the urban environment,
18
For the fi rst and second part of the interview people were unaware of the importance of the music for the research a nd
the i nterviews, in order to ca pture the sub-conscious reactions and perceptions.
87
the physical presence of the musicians in the square and the produced pleasant atmosp here. Music
is as attractive as the flowers!, states in excitement and relates music to environment a female
student who visits the square on a regular base. Another young girl explains: I mean, you watch the
music, you watch the people sitting and observing it is nice!. It is very interesting the fact that this
respondent refers to the musicians as a visual stimulation. This is related with what Wood et al.
(2007, p. 869) discuss about the materialistic aspect of music performance, which also includes the
physical presence of the musicians and the perceptions that they construct. The materialistic aspect
of music and its perception as an object is also very clearly reflected in the response of a middle -
aged woman: () music relaxes. You feel that something exists. What is more, the same
respondent comments that (street musicians) make a better atmosphere, make a better mood!,
and thus creates a chain relationship between music, urban atmosphere (perception) and
experience.
On the other hand, people without the stimulation of music used expressions that are more related
to their potential personal experience. Music makes me happier, Music transforms my mood,
Music excites me! are some of the expressions that the respondents without music used in order
to state their sense of pleasure towards music in public space. The se quotations seem to be more
related to the intimate feelings and perceptions that music provokes.
Despite this results more linguistic and cognitive related nature, it seems to reflect a very
interesting aspect, which links music performance with the perception and sense of the urban
environment both in its physical, social and experiential form. This position is reflected in chapter 5.
What is more, it was noticed that while conducting the interview set without music, few of those
who were interviewed referred on their own to the performance which was conducted one week
ago as a very pleasant experience, though they did not know that it was an event scheduled for the
purposes of this research. A young, female private employee recalls: few days ago I came up with a
band that were playing the violin... it was very nice, because we were in the park on the one hand,
but on the other we were also listening to music... and yes, and the children were dancing .
Another male respondent reflects his own experience: Yes, (music in public space) is something
very pleasant, and sometimes in the square there are people who either sing opera songs, or play
accordion and generally I believe that these events give a different touch. This respondent, even
though he does not seem to have been present in the events of this research, has kept a vivid
representation of his intimate experience and it seems that he has connected pleasant feelings of
being in the square with music performance in the public. As a result, the overall experience
remained in his memory. These statements describe not only the representations that music
produces, but also the power that music has to create memories and feelings, and link spatial values
with experiential ones. This result will be further discussed and viewed through Lefebvres (1991)
and Tuans (1977) scope in chapter 5.
88
Analysis Case Study
4.9.2 Perceptions towards the Busking Phenomenon

A significant difference between the respondents of the two sets was their perception towards
street musicians the buskers19 . While the interviewees of the set with the music claimed that they
usually stop and listen to street musicians and that they give money, the people of the other group
did not answer as positively as the first one. One reason for this differentiation could be that the
group with the music had a vision, a representation of how a similar experience could be and
managed to put themselves into the situation. On the other hand, those who didnt have any similar
activity to stimulate them and engage with it, were not much willing to stop and listen to the
imaginative- band, or give them money. Hm, I dont always stop (to listen to street musicians),
because I might I might be walking in order to get somewhere at this time, and I ju st continue
listening to them while walking. () sometimes I do give money () when I like the music that
theyre performing and its a little bit original, I will stop to give money, discusses respondent 4A, a
30-year old woman who didnt have the stimulation of music at the time of the interview.
This aspect of street music, the financial one, was considered to be an important factor towards
peoples reactions to music. Especially in Greece, now that the money for the daily expenses is
reduced to the minimum, people tend to feel uncomfortable when asked to give money to a
performer. However, they do enjoy the presence of a creative action, but they try to avoid physical
contact with the artists to escape themselves of the difficult position of observing and not being able
to donate. These observations have been conducted on a preliminary stage of the thesis, and since
they did not correspond to a formal methodological form, they are not used as data, rather than just
plain indications and assumptions.
4.9.3 Music in Public Space and Sense of Safety

A similar situation is repeated for the sense of safety and the presence of a music performance.
People who were experiencing the music event in space and time could be more certain about
whether a music event helps them to feel safer in the square; and overall it could be argued that it
doesnt. On the contrary, the other group of interviewees was not definitely sure about their sense
of safety during a music event, and thats why their answers are more under negotiation. A young
male student from a city outside Thessaloniki notices: well yes (I would feel safer in the presence
of music performance) I guess, that when people are gathered, it has positive aspects as well as
negative; I mean that you dont know what kind of people is gathering it depends on the concerts
I dont think I can tell you something more specific I think that because of the concentrated people,
I would feel more safe, but without knowing the music genre and what kind of people will gather
here, I cannot tell for sure. This students perspective reflects clearly the uncertainty of the
respondents without the presence of music, towards the effect of music on the potential sense of
safety.
This result of the conscious discussion of safety in the presence of music is consistent with the result
of the discourse analysis of peoples unconscious sense of safety in the presence of music.
Therefore, it could be argued that when there seems to be a serious problem of safety in an area,
the musical cognition does not have any effect of the perception of space. This aspect is further
discussed in the conclusions chapter (chapter 5)
19
Bus ker is a term usually referred to street musicians who engage themselves i n a relationship of charity with the
a udience ra ther than that of producer-consumer. It refers to street musicians who ask of the audiences good will to pay
them the amount of money that they think is suitable.
89
4.9.4 Quality Matters

It was also very interesting to watch how children
respond to the sound and view of a music
performance compared to the adults. Children
always stop to listen. Its us the grown-ups that we
never listen to our children, states respondent 4B, a
father with alternative style and opinions, when
asked about whether he stops to listen to street
musicians in general- or not. This quote, relates also
to one of the results of the experiment that the
Washington Post conducted in a metro station with Picture 26: Children always stop to listen. A little
girl almost enchanted by the music has been
the world-famous violinist; the children always pay listening to the musicians for more than 15 minutes.
attention to street musicians and in this case it was Source: authors
only one or two children who turned their heads to look at the violinist.
The aforementioned experiment was aiming to evaluate the aesthetic crisis of people towards
music in a different context than the one of the music hall. A factor that was not at first taken into
consideration but was almost catholically stated by the respondents is that of the qualitative
characteristics of the musical performance. Almost all respondents stated that the extent to which
the music in public will capture their attention and appreciation depends on the quality of the
musicians performing, the music genre and the originality of the music. If the musicians are good
and they sing nicely, and they play properly they change my mood... we might as well hang out
around them with a glass of alcohol etc., but if they are out of tone and their music is bad, then I will
leave! states respondent 4B, a 23 year old man interviewed with music, who seemed very excited
about the music-related discussion. Yes, I give money to street musicians, as long as they have
something interesting to present, says another female respondent who noticed the music from the
beginning of the interview.
Even the physical features and the personality of the musicians seem to count. A young woman
walking her dog reflects on the occasion: (...) if I get attracted by their music and their behaviour, if
they smile to the person, if they are sociable, then yes, I would give money. Because I have seen
many musicians, who just stand like that, you approach to listen and they just look at you, as if
theyre saying why are you listening to me? And thats when you go nuts!. In the specific case of
performance, it is of interest to mention that even though the band did not have any case or box in
front of them, so that people would give them money, there were some people who came closer to
give money. There was a middle-aged lady, who as she was passing through the square she noticed
the band, approached them and asked them if they take money (see Picture 27). Despite the
musicians denial, she insisted on giving five Euros to drink a coffee! and thus generously awarding
the musicians effort and quality (Doumpa, 2012). It seems that Pratos (1984, p. 159) opinion that
the musical quality and virtuosity for outdoors musical events is very important in terms of
evaluating an aesthetic experience is valid in this occasion.
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Analysis Case Study
Picture 27: May I at least buy you a coffee? this woman suggests to the musicians when they said that they do not
collect money, but they perform for pleasure. Source: authors
4.9.5 Music and Attractiveness of Space

All respondents of both sets agreed that the presence of musicians in the square makes the place
look more attractive, and thus verifying at this stage the assumption that music in public space
changes for better the perception that people have on the attractiveness of space. (the music
performance makes the square) much more attractive, more humane, more cultural; it generally
upgrades the square as well as the living conditions of the residents and visitors, states respondent
8B, a female lawyer who resides on the square, and at this morning visited the square because she
got attracted by the music that she was listening from the window. However, it should be noted
here, that while their conscious response reflects positively towards this power of music, their
unconscious evaluations of the squares attractiveness in the presence of music do not seem to
correspond.
4.9.6 Music and Revitalization of Public Space

When it comes to their attitude towards any potential music events in the square, the majority
responded that they would like to attend those events and participate. They also agreed that music
events in the square on a regular basis would prompt them to come more often to the square. A 45-
year old father reflects on the effect that music in Navarinou Square would have had for his children:
It would have been very nice if it was possible for musicians or other performers to come here from
time to time, without being chased by the police. It is certainly better for the children, because they
get more stimulation, and they learn more it is good for the children. Accordingly, from her own
perspective, a young student relates public performances with the identity of the square as a
students hot spot: I believe that if something like this was to be organized here, in the square, it
would have been very nice because Thessaloniki is a student city, and music is something for the
young people, thus I would really like it! () I would come more often in the square, because I
believe that it would have been very nice! Especially in summer, it is much nicer to sit in the square
where it is cool, underneath a tree, rather than going to a closed bar or club.. it seems that every
91
type of user of the square identifies oneself and ones needs with a musical event in the square.
Therefore, it could be argued that music performance in the public realm can lead to public space
revitalization and regeneration. This proposal is reflected and presented in the following chapter
(chapter 5).
4.9.7 Conclusions on Peoples Perceptions on the Music Performance

William H. Whyte (1979) has stated that one of the most important key qualities of a good public
space is triangulation: the provided stimulations and attractions to the users of the space, which
allows them to engage to deeper level with the space and have a more pleasant and memorable
experience. Music in public space is an expression of triangulation and it seems that the presence of
something new and intense like music- that cannot be unnoticed in the public realm disrupts the
intense and mechanical urban rhythms that are related to the daily routine and consumption and
brings spontaneity and excitement to the public life (McClish, 2010, p. 853).
According to Table 7, the slight- majority of the respondents of the interviewing set with music
noticed the presence of the musicians on their own; they either refe rred to them or they took a
picture of them during the psychogeographical practice. What is more, it was expected that more
people would take pictures of the music band performing; a hypothesis that was not verified.
Another interesting clue is that even if the results that came up from the first part of the interview
(the unconscious negotiation of the attributes) do not verify the major hypothesis that music affects
peoples perception about their urban public environment, the respondents seem to have no ticed
the music one way or another. In Table 7, except for the respondents who did not refer to the music
at all (red colour) or clearly mentioned the musicians (green colour) there are also those who
referred to the music indirectly (orange colour with star). For instance, respondent 5B, a female
student who was drinking her coffee in one of the squares terraces, referred on her own but in an
indirect way to the music activity when asked about the uses of the square: there should be more
activities, a little bit of music. It seems that even though she didnt mention at all the musicians
performing in the square, she probably got stimulated by their performance and she produced this
conception of space. Accordingly, respondent 7B, who is a 38-years old teacher, in the discourse of
activities and uses of the square states: There are a lot of concerts during the summer (). Though
she does not refer to present musicians, she seems to have gotten the idea for this statement from
the music stimulations. Therefore, it could be argued that music performance, most of the times, has
a direct or indirect effect on peoples cognition and therefore perceptions and experiences.
92
Analysis Case Study
Table 7: Respondents choice of themes to photograph, and whether they paid attention to the music by themselves.
Source: authors data and edit.
93
Table 8: Respondents perceptions on the attributes related to Music in the public space. Source: authors data and edit.
94
Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations
5. Conclusions, Discussion and Policy Recommendations

The process of analysis has revealed very interesting and unexpected results concerning the effect of
music performance on peoples perception regarding the quality of Navarinou Square. In this
chapter, the research process will be completed, as the empirical outcomes will be reflected and
discussed in the critical view of the theoretical approaches and the respective arguments that have
been discussed in chapter 2: Theoretical Framework.
The chapter consists of three subchapters. The first subchapter sums up the results of the empirical
research, reflects on the main arguments that were stated during the theoretical and empirical
research and concludes with the answers to the research questions as well as the conclusion for the
research aim. The second one is a discussion of the topic within the theoretical aspects of Henri
Lefebvres production of space (1991) and Yi-Fu Tuans construction of experience (1977). The last
part of this chapter suggests policy recommendations for the revitalization and regeneration of
public space through music performance, in respect of the conclusions of this research.
5.1 Conclusions
This present research is aiming at revealing the extent to which music in public space changes the
perception that people have about the quality of a public space. The whole research, both in a
theoretical as well as in empirical level has been structured upon four research sub-questions. These
questions are based on four attributes of public space which function as the pylons on which the
whole research has been built. Throughout research on relevant theoretical approaches as well as
empirical study of a case it is now possible to give answers to those questions and reflect on their
aspects.
about the sense of comfort of a public space?
Project for Public Spaces (2012), in accordance to William H. Whytes (1988) guidelines, identifies
comfort as one of the most important attributes of a public space. Sense of comfort is produced
through a series of factors, which might vary from research to research. In this thesis, there has been
an investigation and evaluation of three factors: attractiveness, pleasure and safe ty, which reflect
both physical and socio-psychological aspects of the urban realm. These factors have been
researched on their capacity to get affected by the presence of music in the public realm.
It is suggested that music has the ability to produce emotions and reactions which influence in a
corresponding manner peoples perception of attractiveness and therefore the sense of comfort (
(Durao, 2009); (Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Guetzkow, 2002); (Minton, 2009)). However, in the
empirical results this does not seem to be the case. The bad maintenance conditions and the lack of
many basic infrastructures in Navarinou Square, seem to create a very strong, negative perception of
the minimal attractiveness of the square, that does not seem to be easy to re-negotiate.
Therefore, it could be argued that problems of great seriousness, such as cleanliness or even safety,
and their respective perceptions and experiences cannot be reversed from the presence of a musical
performance in the realm.
On the other hand, the fact that all respondents, consciously, reflected positively towards the
attractiveness of the square because of a music performance causes questions about the depth of
peoples negative perceptions towards attractiveness. It seems that even though they would like to
see the public space from a more positive perspective, this is not feasible due to their deeply rooted
perceptions of space. This contradiction carries a lot of interest. However it is not possible to reflect
more on it due to the researchers lack in knowledge of cognitive mechanisms and the respective
theoretical approaches.
95
The empirical research revealed a gap in the model proposed by Project for Public Spaces (2012).
The discourse analysis showed that another factor which is related to the sense of attractiveness and
comfort is that of the people. Moreover, music seems to have an effect on the perception of this
factor, by elevating it to the subconscious priority list of people of the important attributes of a
public space.
Pleasure, is a quality of space, which includes both physical features of space as well as experiential
ones. It has been argued that music has the power to revitalize memories emotions and perceptions
and therefore is tightly linked with the sense of pleasure ( (Sancar, 2003); (Hargreaves D.J., North
A.C., 1999); (Krumhansl, 2002)). Indeed, it seems that music plays a significant role on peoples
perceptions of the pleasure derived from being in the public space. According to the music genre
and quality representations of time and place are transported to the listener and seem to produce
respective perceptions and experiences. However, the respondents, of either group, who do not find
pleasure in the square, negotiate their discomfort in terms of safety and the marginalized pe ople.
Therefore, it could be argued that people who hold a strong negative perception towards a p roblem
of a public space and do not find pleasure in a public space do not seem to get affected by the music
performance. However, people who hold a mediocre of positive perception towards the physical and
social conditions of a public realm are open to change their perception of pleasure in the event of a
music performance.
What is more, discourse analysis has added an extra argument in the theoretical approach of music
in public space. It seems that people who produce representations of the public space through a
musical cognitive process tend to negotiate their experiences through external factors such as the
urban environment, the physical and materialistic presence of the musicians as well as the produced
pleasant atmosphere. The reason behind this aspect might be the engagement that the listener
develops with his urban environment which not only includes materialistic objects but also cognitive
ones, such as the atmosphere of a place.
Guetzkow (2002) suggests that a music event apart from the pleasure that it evokes, it also causes a
relief of stress. This assumption, even it responds to more cognitive and psychological research
fields, seems to be verified. The people who got interviewed in the presence of music seemed to be
far more relaxed than those without music. This conclusion is reflected on peoples responses
towards their perceptions of the marginalized people, where most of the respondents with music
referred with slung expressions and felt freer to express their rather negative opinions. What is
more, the respondents seemed to be more willing to explain themselves and describe their feelings
and thoughts during the interviews with music in comparison with those who did not get affected by
music. Therefore, it could be argued that music performance and the following cognitive process
allows people to express themselves more openly and relaxed.
Another argument of great importance is that music has the ability to function as a connecting link
between spatial experiences and perceptual experiences, such as memories and feelings. The
empirical research has revealed that people tend to connect spatial and temporal po ints with
intimate feelings and thoughts through a creative event such as a music performance. This argument
is related to the engagement that music produces with space and time through its symbolisms (
(Cohen, 1995, p. 444); (Sancar, 2003, p. 273); (Duffy, pp. 3, 7-8)) as well as the identity that music
provides to a space and time (Wagemans, 2011).
96
Comfort in public realm is also highly related to the sense of safety of the space. Approaches
towards the effect of music in the sense of safety imply that the enhancement of the sense of
belonging and familiarity as well as the liveability and physical presence in the public space caused
by the music tend to change the perception of safety for better ( (Wagemans, 2011); (Massey D.,
Rose G., 2003); (Low S.M., Taplin D., Scheld S., 2005); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini
F., 1996). Though this argument seems to be solid and realistic, in the present empirical research
does not get confirmed. Instead, as in the case of attractiveness and pleasure , people who are
strongly determined against the perceptions of insecurity that a space holds, do not seem to get
affected by the music performance.
about the sense of community and sociability of a public space?
The second attribute that is evaluated through the research is peoples perception of the sense of
community and sociability. It has been argued, that there are three indicating factors. The extent to
which public space is perceived as a meeting place, how people perceive and use the playground as
a means of socializing and last, to what extent people feel welcome in the square.
The theoretical research has revealed that music in public space functions as a cataly st for social
relations, networks and interaction ( (Whyte, 1988); (Tuan, 1977, p. 162); (Sancar, 2003, p. 272);
(Hall T., Smith C., 2004); (Cohen, 1995); (Wood N., Duffy M., Smith S., 2007)). The function of music
performance in public space as a triangulation (Whyte, 1988) is merely verified. In the empirical
research there was no indication from the responses that music enhances social relations, networks
and interaction. However, some informal observations of Navarinou Square during the events seem
to reveal such social production through the music performance.
Music is also supposed to have a positive effect in perceptions related to diversity, social tolerance
and free expression (Guetzkow, 2002). However, this assumption seems to fall in the prese nt
research. As it has been aforementioned, people who processed their perceptions towards the
marginalized people through a musical cognition seemed to be less tolerant, according to their
discourses. The fact that music allowed them to feel more relaxed and comfortable, and express
themselves more openly and thus in a more negative way than the other respondents who used
more politically correct characterisations indicates that music does not seem to change peoples
perceptions towards inclusivity and social tolerance.
It could also be argued, that public music performance enhances the sense of space as a meeting
place, not only of people in their physical form, but also of social and cultural trajectories (Massey
D., Rose G., 2003). As far as the physical form of the public space as a meeting place is concerned,
the discourse analysis of the empirical research revealed that music does not affect at all the
respective perception. Accordingly, the argument that music enhances the perception of public
space as a place where social and cultural trajectories meet, though it sounds very promising, does
not seem to be verified in the case study either. So, as in the case of the perceptions of social
inclusivity and tolerance, music does not seem to have any effect at all.
Another quality of music is that of the promotion of creativity and play in the public realm. Children
seem to be the ones who get more stimulated by the sounds and rhythms and thus get more easily
related with the public realm. Throughout this process, children have the chance to develop social
skills as well as emotional intelligence (Cabe Space, 2011). It could be argued that this assumption is
verified through the empirical research. Even though the children in Navarinou Square were not
97
interviewed, their physical presence, their actions and sometimes their words gave lots of clues
about the way music transforms a public space into a creative and playful space.
about the accessibility of a public space?
The quality of accessibility and openness of a public space, as well as the role of this space in the
urban structure are considered the main factors which indicate the overall perception of accessibility
of a place. This attribute, as well as that of comfort, include physical as well as social and cultural
aspects.
In terms of physical accessibility of the public space it is expected that as in the case of the design
and sense of safety of a space, music has a positive reflect on it. However, this assumption has fallen
for both design and safety as well as for accessibility. Again, the reason behind this alternation of the
expected outcome is that when perceptions of problems of the public realm are strong and solid it is
very difficult to reverse them with a creative activity such as the music performance. People
somehow tend to prioritize their negative perceptions against the positive ones and use them as a
block towards any stimulation that could change their perceptions for better.
The same conclusion derives from peoples perceptions towards the openness of the public realm.
Even from a more social aspect, music in public space does enhance the openness of a public space,
as it is was expected to do according to Low et al. (2005) and Tornaghi (2007). As it has been
mentioned before, perceptions related to tolerance, multiculturalism and inclusivity do not seem to
get affected by the music performance.
As for the role of the space in the urban structure, music is considered to change the perception that
people have about his space in a positive way. However, the empirical results do not reflect on this
argument. It seems that, in contrast to what many policy makers and planners suppose, creative
performing practices in the public realm do not change the perception people have about the role of
the square. On the other hand, it might be the case that Navarinou Square already has a positive and
established role and perception in the urban structure of Thessaloniki, and therefore a single music
event did not have any further positive effect on the squares perception.
about the use of a public space?
The activities hosted in a public space as well as the perceptions that people have about the use of a
space seem to be important for the quality of a space.
The presence of a music performance in a public space is argued to enhance the overall impression
and perception of the vitality of a space, as a factor which produces material space as well as social
participation ( (Minton, 2009); (Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996); (McClish,
2010)). Despite the logical causality of this argument, the results of the empirical research do not
verify it. Even in times when the square was full of children the respondents perceived the space as
one of low or limited activity. Conclusively, it seems that even if music produces material space it
seems very difficult to produce a respective perception of vitality of space. It might be the case that
one and only event does not change the perception that the everyday users of the square have
about its activity.
In the theoretical framework, it was also assumed that since music has the ability to enhance social
interaction and the perception of meeting place, then a music performance changes peoples
98
perception of the uses towards more community- and social-related uses. This assumption is merely
not verified by the empirical research. On the one hand, it has be en discussed, that music did not
seem to have any effect on peoples perception towards social interaction and inclusivity. On the
other hand, discourse analysis of peoples statements about the uses of the space reflect a tendency
to negotiate more on the cultural activities of the square in the presence of music, compared to
those without it. It could be argued, that the musical stimulation which empowered the respective
cognitive process resulted in the engagement of the respondent with related topics.
5.1.5 Main Research Question: To what extent does music in public space change the
perception people have about the quality of a public space?
Overall, it seems like music in public space does not have a direct effect on peoples perceptions
about the quality of a place. It could be argued that the more intensive the problems of a square are
(like the safety and maintenance issues) and the more deeply rooted the perceptions towards those
problems are, the less powerful a music event is.
Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) also supports that people tend to deny and neglect the reality of their experiences
in order to engage in clichs of public speech (p. 203). It might also be the case that in the
empirical research the respondents tend to establish and discuss the general discourse towards the
quality of Navarinou Square and deny the intimate experience that it is offered to them with the
music performance. Moreover, Tuans approach (1977, p. 143) supports the research outcome
concerning the consciousness of the experience; when the respondents were informed about the
importance of the music in the research they all immediately began to negotiate the valu e of the
performance in a different way. They realized it and linked it with attributes of public space that they
didnt do in the first part of the interview.
A critical factor for the effect of a music performance into peoples perception about the qual ity of a
public space is the quality of the music. Prato (1984, p. 159) has reflected towards this argument,
supporting that the musical quality and virtuosity for outdoors musical events is very important in
terms of the negotiation of an aesthetic experience.
Kmpfe, Sedlmeier and Renkewitz (2011) give a sufficient explanation for this conclusion; music does
not always have the same effect on peoples cognitive processes (p. 441). This means, that if the
same empirical research was to be applied in a different population and a different public space, the
results might have possibly been consistent with the theoretical approaches and expectations.
Therefore, it could be argued that music cognition is a very delicate process and vulnerable to
minimum changes.
However, the elasticity of this cognitive process does not mean that each attempt to link it with
other factors (such as quality of public space) is a failure. On the contrary, by interpreting and
embodying the cultural background into the analytical process, as Tuan (1977) indicates, produces a
unique result and conclusion for each culture.
In regard to the specific empirical research, there is a critical cultural factor which changes radically
the cognitive process of the subject people; the Greek economic crisis, which at the moment is
strongly translated into a social and psychological crisis. A variety of scientific and journal articles as
well as reports seek to reveal the way Greek people experience their everyday lives. Unfortunately,
the so far discussion on the topic reflects a deeply pessimistic position of the average Greek towa rds
subjects of daily life. As a result, it seems reasonable that the responses of the interviewees in the
99
empirical research of this thesis reflect a pessimistic and negative aspect. What is more, the
interviews were conducted during the pre-election and post-election period of May 2012. Therefore,
it could be argued that the economic crisis along with the political instability of the period that the
data was collected construct a respective framework around peoples perceptions and experiences.
5.2 Discussion
In the theoretical framework of the research there has been a solid negotiation of Lefebvres Triad of
Production of Space (1991), in order to support the perceptual and experiential aspect of the
research aim. In the stage of the negotiation of the theoretical approaches it seemed that the triad
would be of great importance for the analysis and the results as well. Therefore, during the whole
empirical research and analysis, there was an attempt to constantly keeping in mind Lefebvres
approach. The outcome of this attempt is a discussion on the results and conclusions of the
empirical research through the prism of Lefebvres Spatial Triad.
Henri Lefebvre, through his spatial triad negotiates the representations and practices of the social
space. These representations and practices are the means through which perceptions and
experiences are used to produce social space (Lefebvre, 1991). The spatial triad, as it has been
mentioned in detail in chapter 2.2, consists of three elements in constant dialogical relationship. The
first concept is that of the spatial practices, which refers to the space as it is perceived, at its physical
form along with the networks and relations and the daily routines (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38). The
second concept refers to the representations of space. That is the conceived space, the space of the
planners, geographers, urbanists etc. The last concept is that of the lived space and the
corresponding spaces of representations. This aspect refers to the experiences, the symbolisms and
the images of space.
This concept, which manages to relate spatial and physical procedures with cognitive ones, is of
great importance for the negotiation of the present research topic. It has been argued (in chapter
2.2), that the qualities of space, as proposed by Project for Public Spaces (2012)can be attributed to
at least one aspect of the production of space. Therefore, it is possible to evaluate them for the case
study in the context of the production of social space.
The argument under discussion here is that in the case of Navarinou Square the production of social
space through the music performance in public explains the reasons behind the failure of the initial
expectations for the results and conclusions. In other words, the reasons why music in publ ic space
does not seem to have a significant effect on peoples perceptions towards the quality of space in
the case study can be reflected through Lefebvres spatial triad. As it has been mentioned, music
produces space and therefore it can be reflected through the triad.
The discussion begins with the representations of space. Music produces its own conceived space. In
the present case, the researcher who applied the case study is the one who came up with a concept
of a music event in Navarinou Square in order to collect data and reach some conclusions towards
the research aim. Thus, the researcher has created an image, a representation of how the Navarinou
Square should be like with the presence of the musicians. The expectations of the thesis in chapter
3.1 reflect the representations of space of the researcher. This means that the conceived effect that
music was expected to have on each attribute of the square, constitute the representations of
Navarinou Square with music.
100
However, it should not be neglected that in this case there is also another factor which produces its
own conceived space; the musicians themselves. The gipsy-swing triplet, while performing in the
middle of the square, produce a conceptualization of the meanings, symbolisms, codes and
emotions that their music should transpose to the audience. Gipsy-swing music has that romantic,
retrospective sense which is transferred to the people of the square in a direct way. They do not
have to turn their heads somehow or go somewhere to receive the musicians representations. They
are available as long as the hearing sense is powerful.
The second aspect of the triad is that of the spatial practices. The spatial practices of Navarinou
Square refer to the perceptions that the users of the space have for the spatial attributes. These
attributes are the values which indicate the quality of public space and reflect both physical facets of
space as well as social relations, networks and interactions of the daily life of the square. Moreover,
in the case that the conceived space is produced by the musicians, and not the researcher, music is
considered to be a spatial practice too, as the musicians are part of the system of the spatial
practices, while the researcher is not.
The third concept is that of the lived space and the corresponding spaces of representations.
Navarinou Square throughout its spatial practices reflects experiences, symbolisms and images of
space, which result from the embodiment of the perceptions of the qualities of the square and are
received by the users of the realm.
The result of the empirical research indicates that music in public space does not seem to change the
perceptions that the users have on those attributes of quality of public space. This argument can be
translated in a Lefebvrian problematique: the conceived space comes to contradiction with the
perceived and lived space of the square. The spatial practices of the daily life of Navarinou Square
are so intensely constructed and translated to experiences of the lived space that it is almost
impossible for the representations of space (conceived space) to alter the lived space and eventually
the perceptions about the quality of the public space. This is the main reason why the majority of
the expectations have been disproved.
However, it could be argued that this Lefebvrian reflection of the problem of construction of space
through the representations of music in the case study refers only to the conceived space of the
researcher who seeks to reveal sub-conscious links between music and perception of space . In the
first part of the empirical research, the respondents were not aware of the role that music played
and therefore they did not sub-consciously filter their perceptions and experiences through the
music cognition process. Yi-Fu Tuan (1977) adds to this perspective, suggesting that people tend to
suppress that which they cannot express, and confirms that if the importance of an experi ence is
not communicated in a direct way to the respondent, then he/she will not take it into account (pp.
6-7; 143).
On the other hand, the conceived space of the musicians seems to be in a more conscious,
dialectical and positive negotiation with the perceived and lived space. The emotions, feelings and
representations of space that the musicians wanted to offer to the users of the square, the
audience, seem to have been transported and translated into temporal spatial practices (people
observing the musicians, listening and dancing to the music) and lived space. Especially in the case of
the lived space, the symbolisms and emotions of the gipsy-swing music seem to have been easily
produced into experiences of the public space, as the majority of the respondents reflected in a very
positive and expected way on the conscious pleasure and attractiveness that the music performance
101
offers20. This result might be due to the fact that from this point of view, the musicians are regarded
to be part of the system of the production of space. From this perspective, it can be argued that
music produces public space and gives new symbolic interpretations and functions of space (Young,
2012), which are more related to aesthetic appreciation rather than environmental (as in the case of
the researchers conceived space).
The former discussion of Lefebvres spatial triad in the context of music performance in public space
seems to have two outcomes. The first one is that music served a double role in this empirical
research: that of the representation of space from the researchers point of view, and that of the
spatial practice as perceived by the musicians. Each aspect of musics role in the production of space
is related to an aspect of Lefebvres triad. Music as a representation of space seems to be more
related to the spatial practices, despite the minimal effect that the first has to the latter in the case
study21. On the contrary, music as a spatial practice presents a strong connection with the lived
space 22.
The second outcome is related to the first one. It has been argued that music in public space can
either be a representation of space or a spatial practice. The empirical research see ms to reflect that
each form of production of space is related to the cognitive process that the music was interpreted.
In the first case, of the music as a representation of space, the effect of music on peoples
perceptions towards the quality of public space has been examined in the first part of the interview
through questions that did not reflect the importance of music on the evaluation of the attributes of
the quality of space. The aim was to reveal the sub-conscious processes of cognition that relate
music with the perceptions of space and highlight the intimate experiences constructed, despite
their difficulty to be expressed (Tuan, 1977, pp. 136-137). Thus it can be argued that music as a
representation of space manages to reflect on peoples sub-conscious lived spaces and spatial
practices23. Accordingly, in the second case, when music is a spatial practice, it can be assumed that
the fact that the role of the music was indicated to the respondents allowed them to negotiate the
production of space in a more conscious way towards the representations of space but mostly
towards the lived space.
20
In the empirical research this has been achieved by i mplying the i mportance of the music to the respondents.
21
In a ny other case, which might reflect a different cultural background (Tuan, 1977), music as a representation of space
mi ght have a sincere effect on the s patial practices.
22
Thi s a rgument seems to be also supported by Cohen, who s tates that collective musical symbols associate places with
pa rti cular i mages, emotions, meanings and they provoke or s hape social action. (Cohen, 1995, p. 445)
23
For i nstance, people under the music stimulation seemed to express their opinion a bout this a ctivity, even without being
a s ked. It seems that the fa ct that there was a music event present at the same time with the i nterviews prompted them to
ta l k about this topic.
102
5.3 Policy Recommendations

Landry (2000) recognises that cultural resources, such as public art, are the raw materials of the city
and its value base; its assets replacing coal, steel or gold (p. 7). Public art and generally creative and
cultural practices in the public realm are often used as catalysts for the revitalization and
regeneration of public spaces (Tornaghi, 2007). Especially, within a context of Creative Cities and
Culture-Led Regeneration expressions of creativity in the public space seem to enhance the
humanization of planning and therefore the production of successful and qu alitative urban realms
(Landry C., Greene L., Matarasso F., Bianchini F., 1996).
However, a unilateral imposition of creative activities in the public realm by the planners and policy
makers, without the participation and appreciation of the experiences constructed by the civilians
leads to a decline of the value of public life as well as an underestimation of the creative, social
and/or political statement that the creative activity presents ( (Earl, 2011, pp. 126-127); (Baker S.,
Bennett A., Homan S., 2009, p. 162)). Minton (2009) reflects on this problem of public space by
spotting the source of the issue on the persistence of planners and authorities in general to have
everything under control. This tendency denies any sense of creativity and spontaneity out the
public realm and does not allow the user of the space to engage with it (pp. 22-23). Peoples
participation in revitalization and regeneration procedures is very important to the successful, or
not, outcome of such a strategy (Laopodi, 2002, p. 23). Bottom-up procedures, such as public art,
that can later be included in a top-down strategy seem to be promoted as a very successful tool for
urban regeneration and public space revitalization. In this research, the main research question is
tightly linked to this perspective. By identifying the extent to which music in public space (a bottom-
up procedure) affects the perception and experience of public space, urban planners and policy
makers may take this power of music and use it as a tool for regeneration (top-down procedure).
In the wider context of public space revitalization and regeneration through cultural and creative
practices, music in public space seems to be one of the forms of public art which carries much
potential. The attributes and powers of public art, as proposed by Hall & Robertson (2001) and Hall
& Smith (2004) (see chapter 2.4.1) can relatively be reflected on music on public space.
Based on the qualities of music performance in public
space as well as the perceptions and experiences that
were reflected through the present research it is
possible to propose policy recommendations towards
public space revitalization and regeneration through
public music events. When the respondents of the
empirical research were asked to reflect their opinion
towards public music performance in the square the
majority responded that they would like to attend
those events and participate. They also agreed that Picture 28: A park in Berlin gets revitalized through
regular karaoke events. Source: (Smith, 2012)
music events in the square on a regular basis would
prompt them to come more often to the square. As a result, the empirical data seem to verify the
approaches of revitalization and regeneration through cultural and creative activities. The only thing
left to do is incorporate the results of the empirical research about the perceptions and ex periences
of space into a short guideline of policy recommendations.
103
The most important recommendation is that the planner should be aware that his/her role is limited
only to toss the stone in the pond and wait. The following guidelines reflect the cataly tic moves of a
strategy, which would lead to public space revitalization and regeneration through public music
events within a bottom-up procedure.
The planner's and policy maker's role is to create the ideal conditions for the musical activities to
flourish
Don't include only formal public spaces. Every corner of the public realm can function as a potential
stage (Whyte, 1979; 1988)
Use any of your own "raw materials" and enhance social participation, inclusicity and multiculturalism
(Landry, 2000)
Use in the begining some musicians of your choice in order to create a public positive discourse and
encourage others to participate
Don't engage in subjective personal taste of genre and quality of music. Be open-minded and try to
keep "an ear open" for local treasures
It's true that music quality matters. However don't audition musicians (Minton, 2009). If your catalytic
selections are of high quality and originality then the overall atmosphere would be similar. The quality
will be considered a critical condition for someone to decide to go in public and perform
Don't match representations of space with music genres. The fact that a space is of historical interest
does not mean that is has to be matched with ancient music! Be creative, and enhance
multiculturalism!
Give the basic infrastructures. Don't over-design
Don't over-promote the creative practices or else they would be fake. Let them be conceived as urban
surprises! (Minton, 2009)
Don't use a time schedule. Allow the musician to perform whenever and wherever he/she wants. Thus
you enhance the sense of surprise in the public realm! (Minton, 2009)
Promote the events as a public good. No financial relationship should be included in any level of the
strategy and with anyone
Don't try to control the activities. Toss the stone and then leave it to be developed spontaneously
(Minton, 2009)
Text Box 4: Policy Recommendations for Public Space Revitalization and Regeneration through Public Music
Performances. Source: authors edit
104
Evaluation and Recommendations
6. Evaluation and Recommendations

The research aim has been from the beginning very challenging. The available literature and
theoretical background was very limited and the notions that seemed to construct the conceptual
model of the main argument were from various scientific fields, some of which were not of any
familiarity to the researcher (such as cognition). However, the constant negotiation with the
theoretical aspects and the relations and linkages between them resulted in the discussion of a
spatial practice within a social, cultural and cognitive context which adds great interest to the topic.
The production of space and the construction of experiences seem to find a common field in the
production of public space through a creative process, such as music performance. An outcome of
the theoretical research that could be further researched is the negotiation of Henri Lefebvres triad
of production of space through the prism of Yi-Fu Tuans perspective on experience and his
experiential triad.
Music is inherently a creative process. Therefore, it was considered that the create nature of music
should be incorporated and reflected in the research design and methodology. Therefore, apart
from the qualitative research design and its methodological tools, an extra tool was used, that of
psychogeography in order to reflect more on the perceptions as well as to enhance creative thinking
in the research process.
By reflecting back to the selection of the proper research method it seemed very difficult and tricky
to choose the method that would shine more light on the perceptions and experiences of people. At
first a quantitative design was selected in order to incorporate also personal characteristics of the
respondents as well as social, economic and cultural facts and figures. However, it was later decided
that a qualitative research design will be able to dig in greater depth and reveal more interesting
aspects of perceptions and experiences. Nevertheless, it is still considered that a quantitative
approach will also reflect interesting aspects of the issue, and is therefore recommended as a future
research.
The empirical research and the music experiments were hard to be conceived and organised s ince
there are lots of influential attributes that could change the result of the research. The selection of
the proper public space, the selection of the music genre and the musicians that could assist in the
research, the capability and time constraints of the musicians (since it is not feasible to ask of a band
to perform six hours in a row to collect data), the proper time of the year (within the time limitations
of the academic year), the time of the day, the day itself, the position in the square, the choice of
respondents, the decision of whether or not the musicians should accept donations and a Greek
unpredictable May weather were some of the issues that were dealt with during the data collection.
It should be highlighted that music genre and quality play a major role in the research process. If
there was to be selected another music genre than the gipsy-swing, lets say the extreme case of
punk rock, the reflections on perceptions and experiences would probably have been much different
due to the music. Moreover, the performative nature of the event is also of high importance for the
results and conclusions as there is a materializing of music in space. On the contrary, if music was to
be played from a stereo, then the results would have been much different than in the present thesis.
By reflecting more on this aspect of the research procedure the music genre, quality and nature
future research can also be conducted from a more musicological or cognitive aspect.
The analysis of the data and the results demanded for an out-of-the-box approach, as the variety of
the theoretical aspects that needed to be reflected through the data was very wide and the links
105
among them, at least in the beginning, not very clear. It might still be the case, that the interviews
and psychogeographical data are not rigorously analysed and used. A researcher from more
cognitive scientific fields or even with a background in ecological psychology might reveal more
aspects on the issue. However, this aspect can also be vi ewed as a recommendation for further
research.
Another factor of the research procedure that seems to have influenced a lot the results and
conclusions of the thesis is that of the respondents. As it has also been discussed in the theoretical
framework and the conclusions, the cultural background of the population under research seems to
play a significant role in the perceptions and experiences produced under the effect of a music
performance (Tuan, 1977). Thus, it seems that if the same research design and methodology was to
be applied in a different population the results might have been different. The psychological
situation of the Greek people at the moment does not resemble to a normal one , due to the
recession. They tend to be very pessimistic and focus only to the problems of everyday life; just like
it was concluded in this research. So, probably, in any other square of any other city that does not
face such a mostly sentimental crisis and crisis of the conscious the res ults would have been
different. Though it seems that this susceptibility of the research design might be a flaw, since the
results cannot be easily generalised, it is not believed that this is the case. In research topics related
to perception and experiences the personal characteristics are of significant importance and as
Sheikh (2004) suggests there is no ideal generalized spectator.
Overall, the experience of conducting a qualitative research which included social interaction and
familiarizing with more experiential aspects of urban life seems to be the most important outcome
of the whole procedure for the researcher. Last, but not least, the researcher had the chance to
work for six months on three beloved themes: public space, music and the city of Thessaloniki, and
the personal pleasure and satisfaction of being able to reflect all three aspects at the same time as
well as reach interesting though challenging- results can only be regarded as a blessing.
106
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Appendices
Appendices
Appendix 1: Semi-structured interview questionnaire
Place: Navarinou Square, Thessaloniki, Greece
Date: Friday 4th and Saturday 5th of May, 2012 (with music performance)
Saturday 12th and Tuesday 15th of May, 2012(without music performance)
Time: during morning and noon hours
Scenario with music performance: a group of musicians (three in total) perform in the square, while
the research conducts interviews with people either sitting in the square or passing by. The range of
the sample is on people above 15 years old, regardless gender and other characteristics. In the
beginning of the interview the research does not inform the interviewee on the importance and the
role of music. The role of music and its potential influence on perception will be stated by the end of
the interview, as followed by the questions.
Basic axis of interest:
- comfort
o attractiveness
o pleasure
o safety
- Sense of Community-Sociability
o meeting place/playground
o welcome
- accessibility
o accessibility and openness of square
o role of square in the urban structure
- use
o active public space/activities
o residency
- Psychogeography
- Role of music
1. Why are you here today?
2. What do you like in the square, and what dont you like? Why? (attractiveness)
3. Do you think that it is a nicely and properly designed space? Why? (attractiveness)
4. Do you like to sit and spend some time in the square? Why? (pleasure)
5. Do you find it pleasant to be in the square and/or walk through i t? Why? (pleasure)
6. Do you feel safe in the square at the moment? Why? (safety)
7. Do you feel safe in the square during other hours of the day? Why? (safety)
113
8. Do you use the square as a meeting place with friends, family, etc? (meeting place)
a. Why yes? In which way? Where do you sit? What do you do?
b. Why not? Under which circumstances would you use the square?
9. Do you have a child? If yes, would you come with your child to play in the squares playground?
Why? (playground)
10. Do you feel welcome in the square? Why? (welcome)
11. Do you think this square is accessible and open to everyone? (accessibility & openness)
12. Do you feel like this square is an important part of the citys centre? (role of the square in the
urban structure)
13. Do you think this is an active public space? Does it have enough life and activities? Why? (active
public space)
14. What are the activities that you believe are characteristic and dominant of this square? Why?
(activities)
15. Would you like to be a resident of this square? Why? (residency)
16. Psychogeography: the interviewee is given a camera and is asked to take two pictures of
objects, landmarks, people, activities in the square; anything that attracts his or her attention in
a good way, or a bad way. The goal is to capture in two pictures what each person finds
stimulating in the square, and eventually notice how many people would notice the musicians
as stimulating factors.
17. Do you like it that there is a music band in the square? Why? (this question is only asked during
the interviews with music performance)
18. Does the presence of the musicians in the square help you feel safer? Why? (this question is
only asked during the interviews with music performance)
19. Does the presence of the musicians in the square make the place seem more attractive? Why?
(this question is only asked during the interviews with music performance)
20. Generally, when you meet street musicians, would you say that they change your mood? How?
21. When you meet street musicians do you usually stop to listen to them, or not? Why
22. Do you give money to street musicians or not? Why?
114
Appendices
23. If there were music activities on a regular base in the square, like concerts, performances etc,
would you come more often? Why?
24. If there were music activities on a regular base in the square, would you find the place more
attractive and safer?
25. Name
26. Age
27. Gender
28. Place of origin
29. Place of residency
30. Occupation
31. Education level
32. Frequency of visits in a month
115
Appendix 2: Overview and Profile of the Respondents
respondent name gender age children place of origin place of residency occupation education visits per week
1A fema le 52 yes Sweden Thes saloniki (Pefka) tea cher Uni versity 1
2A fema le 37 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Ano Poli) photographer Hi ghschool 7
3A ma l e 33 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Sikies) ci vi l engineer Uni + MSc. 1
4A fema le 30 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki unemployed Uni versity 2
5A fema le 21 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) pri va te employee Col l ege 7
6A ma l e 29 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) entrepreneur Uni versity 7
without music
7A ma l e 18 no Ki l kis Thes saloniki (railway s tation) s tudent Uni versity 7

8A ma l e 62 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Toumba) reti red Uni versity 1
9A fema le s he did not want to answer
10A ma l e 45 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki Uni versity 0,25
11A fema le 18 no La ri sa Thes saloniki (Papafi) s tudent Uni versity 2
12A fema le 19 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Kalamaria) s tudent Uni versity 2
13A ma l e 20 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (western) s tudent Uni versity 7
14A fema le 79 yes Fl ori na Thes saloniki reti red Hi gher 0
15A ma l e 65 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Panorama) reti red Hi gher 3
1B fema le 50 yes Thi va Thes saloniki hous ehold El ementary s chool 5

2B fema le 28 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee col l ege 0,7
3B fema le 20 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Ambelokipous) s tudent Hi gher 2
4B ma l e 23 no Gi a nnitsa Thes saloniki s tudent Hi gher 3
5B fema le 25 no Agri ni o Thes saloniki s tudent Hi gher 3
6B fema le 23 no La ri sa Thes saloniki s tudent Uni versity 4
with music
7B fema le 38 yes Tri ka la Thes saloniki tea cher Uni versity 7

8B fema le 49 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki l a wyer Uni versity 7
9B ma l e 21 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (Faliro) chef Hi ghschool 7
10B fema le 32 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee Hi gher 4
11B fema le 40 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki doctor Uni versity 3
12B fema le 20 no Ski athos Thes saloniki (Sindos) s tudent Hi gher 5
13B fema le 22 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki pri va te employee col l ege 6
14B fema le 42 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki (eastern) Profes sor Uni versity + PhD 0,7
116
Appendices
15B ma l e 62 yes Thes saloniki Thes saloniki reti red Uni versity 5
16B ma l e 39 no Thes saloniki Thes saloniki ci vi l engineer Uni versity + MSc 0,2
117
Appendix 3: Discourse Analysis of Respondents Priorities Towards the Factors and
Values of Attractiveness in Navarinou Square
Source: authors data and edit
118
Appendix 4: Tables of Discourse Analysis of the Empirical Research Data
119

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The effect of a mus ic performance on peoples perceptions on the quality of

Utrecht, The Netherlands

Master Thesis GEO4-3313

Cover Picture: Quino Supervisor: Dr. Brian Doucet

Vivian Doumpa, August 2012

4.3 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 59

List of Text Boxes

List of Psychogeographical Pictures

A good city is like a good party

- Jan Gehl, Danish architect

and, of course, a good party always has good music!

1.1 Music in Public Space

1.2 Academic and Societal Relevance

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Empirical Research - Case Study

1.6 Thesis Outline

Public Space and Quality of Public Space

Public Experience and Perception

Public Art and Perception

Music in Public Space

2.1 Public Space and Quality of Public Space

2.2 The Production of Public- Space

2.3 Perception, Experience and Psychogeography

Dtournement is the attribution of

2.4 Public Art, Perception and Quality of Public Space

2.4.1 Culture-led and Creative Revitalization and Regeneration of Public Space

2.10 Conceptual Model

3. Research Design - Methodology

3.2.1 Elaboration of the Methodology into a Working Plan

3.2.2 Asking Questions

As well as foresheet information like:

3.2.3 The Music

4. Analysis Case Study

4.1 Navarinou Square

Picture 9: Navarinou Square today. Source: www.bi ng.com/maps

However, there are also two more groups of users,

4.4 Data Analysis

4.5.1 Attractiveness of Navarinou Square

As it is reasonable, people also captured in the

4.5.3 Safety in Navarinou Square

4.5.4 Conclusion on the Sense of Comfort in Navarinou Square

4.6.1 Navarinou Square as a Meeting Place

4.6.2 Feeling Welcome in Navarinou Square

4.6.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Community and Sociability in Navarinou Square

4.7.1 Accessibility and Openness of Navarinou Square

4.7.2 The Role of Navarinou Square in the Urban Structure of Thessaloniki

4.7.3 Conclusions on the Sense of Accessibility of Navarinou Square

4.8.1 Navarinou Square as an Active Public Space

4.8.2 The Activities of Navarinou Square

No a cti vi ty 1 a cti vi ty 2 a cti vi ty 3 a cti vi ty 4 a cti vi ty 5

4A pl a yground rel a xation wa l k

6A pl a yground cul ture

7A facilities rel a xation

6B pl a yground meeting place rel a xation cul ture

8B wa l k meeting place cul ture

4.8.3 Willingness of Residency in Navarinou Square

4.8.4 Conclusions on the Uses and Activities of Navarinou Square

4.9 Peoples Perceptions on the Music Performance

4.9.1 Music in Public Space and Pleasure

4.9.2 Perceptions towards the Busking Phenomenon

4.9.3 Music in Public Space and Sense of Safety

4.9.4 Quality Matters