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MGPE-11

Ans 1: Human security is an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose
proponents challenge the traditional notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for
security should be the individual rather than the state. Human security holds that a people-centred,
multi-disciplinary understanding of security involving a number of research fields, including
development studies, international relations, strategic studies, and human rights. The United Nations
Development Programme's 1994 Human Development Report is considered a milestone publication in
the field of human security, with its argument that insuring "freedom from want" and "freedom from
fear" for all persons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity.

The UNDP's 1994 Human Development Report's definition of human security argues that the scope of
global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas:

Economic security Economic security requires an assured basic income for individuals, usually
from productive and remunerative work or, as a last resort, from a publicly financed safety net.
In this sense, only about a quarter of the worlds people are presently economically secure.
Food security Food security requires that all people at all times have both physical and
economic access to basic food. According to the United Nations, the overall availability of food is
not a problem, rather the problem often is the poor distribution of food and a lack of purchasing
power.
Health security Health Security aims to guarantee a minimum protection from diseases and
unhealthy lifestyles. In developing countries, the major causes of death traditionally were
infectious and parasitic diseases, whereas in industrialized countries, the major killers were
diseases of the circulatory system.
Environmental security Environmental security aims to protect people from the short- and
long-term ravages of nature, man-made threats in nature, and deterioration of the natural
environment. In developing countries, lack of access to clean water resources is one of the
greatest environmental threats. In industrial countries, one of the major threats is air pollution.
Global warming, caused by the emission of greenhouse gases, is another environmental security
issue.
Personal security Personal security aims to protect people from physical violence, whether
from the state or external states, from violent individuals and sub-state actors, from domestic
abuse, or from predatory adults. For many people, the greatest source of anxiety is crime,
particularly violent crime.
Community security Community security aims to protect people from the loss of traditional
relationships and values and from sectarian and ethnic violence. Traditional communities,
particularly minority ethnic groups are often threatened. About half of the worlds states have
experienced some inter-ethnic strife.
Political security Political security is concerned with whether people live in a society that
honors their basic human rights. According to a survey conducted by Amnesty International,
political repression, systematic torture, ill treatment or disappearance was still practised in 110
countries. Human rights violations are most frequent during periods of political unrest. Along
with repressing individuals and groups, governments may try to exercise control over ideas and
information.

Since then, human security has been receiving more attention from the key global development
institutions, such as the World Bank. Tadjbakhsh, among others, traces the evolution of human security

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in international organizations, concluding that the concept has been manipulated and transformed
considerably since 1994 to fit organizational interests.

Ans 5: In his important work, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Engels presented
a convincing argument that, although the state did not invent war, from its very beginning the state has
been associated intrinsically with the violence of slavery and class oppression.

Engels describes the origin of the state in his chapter on Barbarism and Civilization: society "by all its
economic conditions of life had been forced to split itself into freemen and slaves, into the exploiting
rich and the exploited poor; a society which not only could never again reconcile these contradictions,
but was compelled always to intensify them. Such a society could only exist either in the continuous
open fight of these classes against one another, or else under the rule of a third power, which,
apparently standing above the warring classes, suppressed their open conflict and allowed the class
struggle to be fought out at most in the economic field, in so-called legal form. The gentile constitution
was finished. It had been shattered by the division of labor and its result, the cleavage of society into
classes. It was replaced by the state."

The state required institutions of violence, both an army and a police. Engels illustrates this in terms of
ancient Greece: "The second distinguishing characteristic [of the state] is the institution of a public force
which is no longer immediately identical with the people's own organization of themselves as an armed
power. This special public force is needed because a self-acting armed organization of the people has
become impossible since their cleavage into classes. The slaves also belong to the population: as against
the 365,000 slaves, the 90,000 Athenian citizens constitute only a privileged class. The people's army of
the Athenian democracy confronted the slaves as an aristocratic public force, and kept them in check;
but to keep the citizens in check as well, a police-force was needed, as described above. This public force
exists in every state; it consists not merely of armed men, but also of material appendages, prisons and
coercive institutions of all kinds..."

The leaders of war become the leaders of the state: As Engels describes, "The military leader of the
people ... becomes an indispensable, permanent official. The assembly of the people takes form,
wherever it did not already exist. Military leader, council, assembly of the people are the organs of
gentile society developed into military democracy - military, since war and organization for war have
now become regular functions of national life ... The wars of plunder increase the power of the supreme
military leader and the subordinate commanders; the customary election of their successors from the
same families is gradually transformed, especially after the introduction of father-right, into a right of
hereditary succession, first tolerated, then claimed, finally usurped"

The state's monopoly of violence continues to the present day although slavery has given way to
feudalism and then to capitalism. As Engels says, "As the state arose from the need to keep class
antagonisms in check, but also arose in the thick of the fight between the classes, it is normally the state
of the most powerful, economically ruling class, which by its means becomes also the politically ruling
class, and so acquires new means of holding down and exploiting the oppressed class. The ancient state
was, above all, the state of the slave-owners for holding down the slaves, just as the feudal state was

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the organ of the nobility for holding down the peasant serfs and bondsmen, and the modern
representative state is the instrument for exploiting wage-labor by capital."

Ans 4: Johan Galtung has shown that there are several different ways of classifying the phenomenon of
violence. Here I will summarize the three main types of violence: (1) personal or direct, (2) structural or
indirect, and (3) cultural or symbolic.

Cultural violence makes direct and structural violence look, even feel, right at least not wrong. . . .
One way cultural violence works is by changing the moral color of an act from red/wrong to green/right
or at least to yellow/acceptable; an example being murder on behalf of the country as right, on behalf
of oneself wrong. Another way is by making reality opaque, so that we do not see the violent act or
fact, or at least not as violent.

Galtung suggests that the three types of violence can be represented by the three corners of a violence
triangle. The image is meant to emphasize that the three types are causally connected to each other.

Among the three types of violence, the most obvious type is direct or personal. Everything from threats
and psychological abuse to rape, murder, war, and genocide belong to this category. It is called personal
violence because the perpetrators are human beings, i.e., persons.

The second type, structural violence, is much less obvious, though it can be as deadly, or deadlier, than
direct violence. Typically, no particular person or persons can be held directly responsible as the cause
behind structural violence. Here, violence is an integral part of the very structure of human
organizations social, political, and economic.

Structural violence is usually invisible not because it is rare or concealed, but because it is so ordinary
and unremarkable that it tends not to stand out. Such violence fails to catch our attention to the extent
that we accept its presence as a normal and even natural part of how we see the world.

Even though structural violence has real victims, it has no real perpetrators. And because there are no
real perpetrators, the question of intention does not arise. To identify structural violence, it is
imperative to focus on consequences rather than intentions. Galtung points out that Western legal and
ethical systems have been preoccupied with intentional harm because of their concern with punishing
(or holding accountable) the guilty party. This concern is appropriate for direct violence, but quite
irrelevant for structural violence. In fact, too much concern with catching the perpetrators keeps our
attention focused on one kind of violence, allowing the other, more pervasive kind to go unnoticed.

Violence, whether direct or structural, is a human phenomenon. As such, it poses for human beings not
only a physical or existential problem but also a problem of meaning. Both types of violence, therefore,
need to be justified or legitimated in one form or another. This occurs in the arena of culture, in the
realm of beliefs, attitudes, and symbols. It would be erroneous to say that culture is the root cause of
violence, since the causal influence runs bilaterally among the three corners of the violence triangle. Yet,
neither direct nor structural violence can go on for long without at least some support from the culture.

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In any given culture, the justification or legitimation of violence can come from a variety of directions
most significantly from religion, ideology, and cosmology, but also from the arts and sciences.

Section II

Ans 9: In a world where people are only concerned with capturing power and maintaining it for their
own glory and name, Gandhi came very strongly and said that power is not for domination and
exploitation but for service and transformation. Gandhi consistently gave his critical appraisal of the
modern civilization, enslaved to materialism, greed and pride. Gandhi wanted to liberate man from his
slavery to violence, materialism and consumerism. Hind Swaraj, a polemic penned by Gandhi in the early
part of the twentieth century, upheld the supremacy of the spirit over the matter, love over hatred, soul
force over brute force. Gandhi showed us that the only way to fight against the evils of monopoly of
power is through decentralization of political and economic power. An era of blind confrontation,
comparison and competition will give way to an era of negotiation, collaboration and co-operation. An
era of domination will give way to an era of service. Power will be no more for domination but for
liberation and transformation.

Satya, Ahimsa and Satyagraha

What is the alternative to terrorism, violence and retaliation? In a strange coincidence Gandhi gave
birth on the same date, hundred years before, to a new socio-political mechanism to handle violence
without weapons and bitterness and yet with greater efficiency. Gandhi often said An eye for an eye
would make both blind. Satyagraha was given to the world on September 11, 1906. Against the
demonic Asiatic Ordinance of the Transvaal State, the Indian community in South Africa, over three
thousand of them gathered under the leadership of Gandhi at the Imperial Theatre in Johannesburg
who on this day declared the first Satyagraha, the matchless weapon of bravery. What is unique about
Satyagraha is that it attacks the evil and not the evildoer. Our fight he says is not with the enemy or
oppressor but with oppression and injustice. The wrong doer is human too and his life is to be respected
and protected; whereas his deed that hampers others life needs to be curbed. Gandhi believed with
Thoreau that the best government is that which governs the least. He believed in a non-violent state
with a decentralized power structure. For him reformation of the self was a pre-requisite for the
transformation of the society. He considered society not a pyramid but an oceanic circle. Swadeshi,
Swaraj gave a sense of pride to the masses. Never in the history of the world did people realize that
they had so much power, and that soul force was a matchless weapon of the brave.

Finally, Gandhis concept of power, his insistence on truth and non-violence, priority of means over the
end, religious tolerance and human rights, decentralization of economic and political power, primacy of
spirit over matter, individual transformation as a pre-requisite for social change, integration of person
and office, rejection of colonialism, militarism, materialism and consumerism made people introspect
and reflect. Though his ideas seemed wholly utopian and at worst as pre-modern, obscurantist and
impracticable to Gandhis critics at the beginning of this century, when they were first propounded, they
have now acquired a fresh relevance and urgency for a generation confronted with looming threats of
nuclear proliferation, ethnic strife, religious fundamentalism, political terrorism, ecological devastation

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and slavery to materialism and consumerism. Going beyond the boundaries of state, creed and
nationality, he has become the conscience of the world, challenging each generation to listen to the
voice from within and surrender to truth and non-violence, which can save the world from
fragmentation and alienation.

Ans 6: As we are aware that near about 53% population of India is engaged in agricultural activities. But
agriculture in India is still at mercy of monsoon. Here, the condition of the farmers and agricultural
labourers depend on the intensity of monsoon. If monsoon is good then crop is good and vice-versa.
Agriculture labour is counted in the category of unorganized sector, so their income is not fixed. Hence
they are living an insecure and underprivileged life and earning just Rs. 150/day along with full
uncertainty.

The agricultural labourers are one of the most exploited and oppressed classes in rural hierarchy.

Problems of Agriculture Labour:

Marginalisation of Agricultural Workers. The workforce in agriculture (cultivators plus agricultural


labourers) was 97.2 million in 1951 and this rose to 185.2 million in 1991. As against this, the number of
agricultural labourers rose from 27.3 million in 1951 to 74.6 million in 1991. This implies that (i) the
number of agricultural labourers increased by almost three times over the period from 1951 to 1991;
Agricultural labourers increased from 28 per cent in 1951 to 40 per cent in 1991. These facts indicate the
fast pace of casualisation of workforce in agriculture in India. Moreover, the share of agriculture and
allied activities in GDP at factor cost has consistently declined over the years - from 55.3 per cent in
1950-51 to 37.9 per cent in 1980-81 (at 1999-2000 prices) and further to 14.0 per cent in 2011-12 (at
2004-05 prices).

Wages and Income. Agricultural wages and family incomes of agricultural workers are very low in India.
With the advent of the Green Revolution, money wage rates started increasing. However, as prices also
increased considerably, the real wage rates did not increase accordingly. Currently labours are getting
around Rs. 150/day under the MGNREGA in rural areas.

Employment and Working Conditions. The agricultural labourers have to face the problems of
unemployment and underemployment. For a substantial part of the year, they have to remain
unemployed because there is no work on the farms and alternative sources of employment do not exist.

Indebtedness. In the absence of banking system in the rural areas and trial process of sanction by the
commercial banks, farmers prefers to take loans from un institutional sources like Sahukars
(moneylenders), landlords at the very high rate (in some cases at 40% to 50%). This exorbitant rate traps
in the vicious circle of debt.

Low Wages for women in Agricultural Labour. Female agricultural workers are generally forced to work
harder and paid less than their male counterparts.

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High Incidence of Child Labour. Incidence of child labour is high in India and the estimated number
varies from 17.5 million to 44 million. It is estimated that one-third of the child workers in Asia are in
India.

Increase in Migrant Labour. Green Revolution significantly increased remunerative wage employment
opportunities in pockets of assured irrigation areas while employment opportunities nearly stagnated in
the vast rain fed semi-arid areas.

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