Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Nineteenth Century
Author(s): Dilip M. Menon
Source: History of the Present, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Spring 2017), pp. 33-58
Published by: University of Illinois Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/historypresent.7.1.0033
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of the Present
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An Eminent Victorian: Gandhi,
Hind Swaraj and the Crisis of Liberal
Democracy in the Nineteenth Century
Dilip M. Menon
We have a tendency to make contemporaries of thinkers with whom we feel
an affinity. Gandhi is one of those figures whose thought has been mined
for aphorisms on issues ranging from the environment and alternative eco-
nomics to an ethical politics and the placebos of peaceful coexistence. While
his epigrammatic statementswhat we need is less civilization rather than
more, or, the solutions we offer are indeed sometimes the problem, to state
just a feware bracing, it is the genealogy of Gandhis arguments that is
considered as crucial in this paper. Gandhis words may have a resonance
today, but we must pay special attention to the historical context and its in-
fluence on his arguments, or indeed, the diverse and now-forgotten fields of
discourse within which his positions were located. This is not merely about
conducting a historicist or contextualist exercise that imprisons thought in a
temporal moment. We have to deal creatively with notions of anticipation,
prescience, and prolepsis.
At the same time, as Quentin Skinner has reminded us, arguments are
always situatedin a field of interlocutors and historical conjunctures.
Gandhi cannot be studied merely as a brain in a vat, yet a number of re-
cent studies have tended to do just that. Moreover, words that can ap-
pear relevant to us in the present may have originally been uttered as a
response located within a now-discredited field of ideas. For instance, we
are wont to say, a tad smugly, that on some issue we are on the side of the
angels. Of course, this is to forget that Benjamin Disraeli once said this
in a disagreement with Darwin over the idea of the origin of the species
and of human descent from the apes: Disraeli preferred the inspiring story
of God and the angels. To emphasize too much, whether for sentimental
or progressive reasons, that Gandhi is our contemporary is to occlude
the particularitieseven the eccentricitiesof the positions within and
against which his stances were forged.
History of the Present: A Journal of Critical History, Vol. 7, No. 1, Spring 2017.
Copyright 2017 University of Illinois Press
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34
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becomes a manifesto for future political strategy in India, despite the fact
that the text itself reflected South African concerns voiced from within the
framework of a distinct notion of imperial citizenship. But reading back-
wards from the Gandhi who was to be is a less than justifiable historical
method. So, for instance, Partha Chatterjee speaks about the fundamental
critique of bourgeois society in Hind Swaraj; he reads it as a text concerned
with the organization of a political movement (unlike Tolstoy), which was
aimed at the political appropriation of the subaltern classes.10 Arguably,
the Indian national movement at the moment when Gandhi was writing
Hind Swaraj was only a metaphor in Gandhis thinking, even as the political
concerns of Indians in South Africa were immediate and pressing.
A fourth approach studies Gandhi as a disaffected liberal who rejected
Enlightenment categories of reason, state, progress, and history, and ap-
propriates him as a postcolonial contemporary whose thought sits easily
with our distemper regarding modernity, liberalism, and its mode of gov-
ernmentality.11 Surely we must have options other than those that too easily
adopt or reject him? More careful historical readings have emphasized the
location of Hind Swaraj within the larger politics of imperial citizenship, the
historical context of Johannesburg, and a particular kind of Indian Ocean
cosmopolitanism that drew South Africa, London, and the British Empire
into its embrace and forged a conjunctural politics that was particular to the
moment, both culturally and geographically.12
In this paper, I shall take a different approach by attempting a reading of
Hind Swaraj (hereafter HS) within three conjunctures: the politics of empire
and its relation to race in South Africa; questions of mass democracy and
the crisis of liberal politics at the end of the nineteenth century; and the
paradoxical relationship of an anti-imperial politics to notions of trustee-
ship engendered by the trajectory of liberalism under colonial ideology. I
shall adopt the simple reading strategy of what Conan Doyle might have
called the dog that did not bark to suggest alternative geneaologies and
contexts for Gandhis most celebrated work. In the brief, random, yet at the
same time suggestive bibliography that Gandhi provides at the end of HS,
amongst the familiar names is one misnamed text: Paradoxes of Civilization
by Max Nordau. We now know this was actually the text titled Conventional
Lies of Our Civilization, written in 1883 by Max Simon Nordau as a critique
of the inherently false and dismal tone and tendencies of our age.13 More
than a century and a half has passed since HS was written, but as yet no one
36
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has asked what Gandhi was doing by reading and thinking with the work
of the founder of the World Zionist Organization (the worlds second most
famous Zionist), theorist of the idea of degeneration, and close friend of
Cesare Lombroso who wrote his celebrated works on the criminal type.14
Margaret Chatterjee, one of the few expositors of Gandhis philosophy
who does notice Nordaus presence, is dismissive of the reference. She writes
that most probably he [Gandhi] had heard of him only as a critic of civiliza-
tion and may not even have read the writings he recommended to others,
but offers no evidence besides this apodictic statement.15 I would argue that
paying attention to Nordau opens up the world of Gandhis South African
Jewish friends, including Herman Kallenbach, his closest male friend.16 Kal-
lenbach was a Zionist and was particularly influenced by Nordaus version
of muscular Judaism, which advocated regular exercise and weightlifting in
addition to scholastic excellence. Muscular Judaism [Muskeljudentum] was
a term coined by Max Nordau in his speech at the Second Zionist Congress
held in Basel in 1898 as an answer to Judennot [Jewish distress]. Not only did
Gandhi read Nordau, but he was also hugely influenced by his fin de sicle
pessimism regarding the degeneration of human civilization.
Gandhi wrote HS in 1909 at the age of 40. He was still active in South Af-
rican politics at the time, and was heavily influenced intellectually both by
his stay in England from 18881891 and by his local circle of Jewish friends.
In many senses, it can be argued that HS must be read as a late Victorian
text informed by the unease felt by liberals about the opening up of mass
democracy following the extension of the vote through the Reform Acts in
England which brought the masses into politics. The figure of the disciplined
satyagrahidedicated to truthalong with Gandhis disaffection with Parlia-
ment and the idea of civilization as an affliction were nineteenth-century
themes that appeared in HS and resonated with Nordaus trenchant prose.
Gandhis recovery of the idea of Indian civilization as an entity distinct from
both a degenerating Europe and a barbaric Africa, which is the balancing
element in HS, is an added element that was an attempt to distinguish In-
dia from the presumptions of colonial thinkers. This text, then, is not the
much-vaunted critique of Western modernity and its institutions but rather
a reflection on both late nineteenth-century distemper regarding the masses
and politics as well as the fallout of imperial policies of racial discrimina-
tion. Gandhis message is also directed towards the crisis in moderate liberal
politics in Indiatoward a group who had reached the limits of a politics
37
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its dark satanic mines and the febrile atmosphere of crime, grime, and the
underside of industrial modernity. As well, we must consider that the text
was written after a failed attempt at getting the imperial government to stop
the fingerprinting of Indians in South Africa, and in the midst of increas-
ingly harsh restrictions on the immigration and movement of Asiatics in
South Africa. Therefore, HS reflects an anxiety about presenting Indians as
a civilized people against the racist characterizations in the South African
press.19 The critique that HS launches against industrial civilization would
not have been possible, necessary, or indeed conceivable if Gandhi were
located in India where, in 1909, the lack of industry was a bigger problem
than an excess of it.20
39
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We find ourselves today in the midst of a somewhat peculiar state of society, which
we call Civilisation, but which even to the most optimistic among us does not seem
altogether desirable. Some of us, indeed, are inclined to think that it is a kind of dis-
ease which the various races of man have to pass throughas children pass through
measles or whooping cough; but if it is a disease, there is this serious consideration
to be made, that while History tells us of many nations that have been attacked by
it, of many that have succumbed to it, and of some that are still in the throes of it, we
know of no single case in which a nation has fairly recovered from and passed through
it to a more normal and healthy condition.26
40
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Accordingly we find that it has been the work of Civilisationfounded as we have seen
on Propertyin every way to disintegrate and corrupt manliterally to corruptto
break up the unity of his nature. It begins with the abandonment of the primitive
life and the growth of the sense of shame (as in the myth of Adam and Eve). From
this follows the disownment of the sacredness of sex. Sexual acts cease to be a part
of religious worship; love and desirethe inner and the outer lovehitherto undif-
ferentiated, now become two separate things. (This is no doubt a necessary stage in
order for the development of the consciousness of love, but in itself only painful and
abnormal.) It culminates and comes to an end, as today, in a complete divorce between
the spiritual reality and the bodily fulfillmentin a vast system of commercial love,
bought and sold, in the brothel and in the palace.29
41
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are further symptoms of this malaise.31 So what is the treatment, then, for
this affliction of parasites? How were the patients in the immense hospital
ward of civilization, as Nordau puts it, to recover?32 For Gandhi the true test
of civilizationas much as the antidote to itis when people living in it start
making bodily welfare the object of life. Unlike Carpenter, Gandhi was quite
convinced that civilization is not an incurable disease.33 However, they
both agreed on Carpenters prescription about the way to move forward: to
reinforce the central power till it is sufficiently strong of itself to eject the
insubordinate elements and restore order.34 For Gandhi, the management
of the self, particularly through exercising restraint, is an antidote to both
disease as well as conflict. Just as it was unmanly and cowardly to resort
to a lawyer and courts of law instead of settling a dispute by fighting (no
restraint here!), (HS, 61), in a similar way soliciting the help of a doctor is
thought to promote indulgence in vice, rather than encouraging mastery
over self (HS, 63). Gandhi provides the memorable and extreme statement
that hospitals are institutions for propagating sin. Men take less care of
their bodies and immorality increases (HS, 634).
In HS, there is a seguing from diagnosis to critique of a Europe where
bodily welfare had become the object of life (HS, 35)and there is a
celebration of the times when men wore skins, and used as their weapons
spears, ploughed their lands through manual labor, travelled in wagons,
worked in the open air and so on. This nostalgic description is in contrast
to the reality of the moment: the increasing mechanization of life which
takes away human agency, sense of self, and volition from humans. There is
little that is original here; much of what follows from the central metaphor
of disease, borrowed from Carpenter, consists of a random elaboration of
his arguments. What is interesting in Gandhis text, though, is the move-
ment towards the characterization of civilization as being immoral and
irreligious, in fact towards a word-equation of simplicity: this civilization
is irreligion (HS 37).35 However, it is the non sequiturs that followthe
people in Europe [ . . .] appear to be half mad; they lack in courage; they
are intoxicatedand, finally, the capstone of the paragraph, that women
who should be the queens of households, wander in the streets, or they
slave away in factories (HS, 37), that suggests that Gandhi misremembers
Carpenter, though he continues to follow the sequence of his argument.
In the text itself, Gandhi expresses concerns that arise in response to two
factors: the sudden growth of Johannesburg as a city with the discovery of
42
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gold in the late nineteenth century and the consequent explosion of migra-
tion; and the response by the emerging South African state to control this
influx through official discourses of sanitation, hygiene, and order, in which
racial characterizations were paramount. When the South African writer
W.C. Scully visited Johannesburg in 1911, he was struck by the warren of
slums housing Europeans of various nationalitiesIndians, Chinese, Ar-
abs, Japanese, Kaffirs and miscellaneous Coloured people of various hues.36
This racial mix, characteristic of the political economy of capital and labor
under modernity, was as much a cause for alarm in the colonies as the pres-
ence of a racially unified mass of the working classes in the cities of Europe.
Gandhi was experiencing in Johannesburg what he never would have expe-
rienced in India: the maelstrom of industrial production, overcrowding of
labor, men and women who were physically separated from their families,
and general perceptions of the decline of morality.
Gandhis offhand remarks about immorality and hospitals as a site of dis-
ease were intimately linked to the particular relation of migration, sexuality,
and prostitution in Johannesburg during the late nineteenth century. In the
1896 census, there was one whore for every 50 white inhabitants of the city
or [ . . .] 10 percent of all white women over the age of 15 in Johannesburg were
prostitutes. There was also the threatening presence of 200300 pimps,
white slavers, and professional gangsters who controlled Johannesburgs
prostitution business.37 The prostitutes were concentrated in central Johan-
nesburg, in an area referred to as Frenchfontein: the borders were Bree
Street in the north, Anderson street in the south, Kruis Street in the east and
Sauer Street in the west, where Gandhi had his lawyers offices at 21 Court
Chambers, at the corner of Rissik and Anderson Streets.38 The recurrence
of the word prostitute seven times in the text, and particularly Gandhis
memorable and notorious characterization of Parliament as a prostitute,
all arise, arguably, from these anxieties of Johannesburgs modernity.39
Associated with these anxieties was the problem of sexually transmit-
ted diseases and their spread. The Cape Parliament passed the Contagious
Diseases Act in 1868, followed by a proclamation of scheduled areas that
sequestered sex work, and required the registration and compulsory medical
examination of prostitutes. With the extension of the railways in 1892, the
move of prostitutes northwards from the coast to Johannesburg was acceler-
ated. Gandhis seemingly eccentric observations about the railwaysthat
they were propagating evil and germsmust be understood historically
43
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within the growing climate of panic and regulation arising from a juxtaposi-
tion of urbanization, migration, and disease in fin de sicle South Africa.
Even though syphilis was a disease associated with the white man and
with towns, Africans as much as Indians were drawn into the discourse as
vectors of the disease, and questions of sanitation, health, and racial dis-
positions to dirt and disease circulated through legislations circumscribing
residence, trade, and movement. Environmental factors like overcrowding,
the absence of sanitation, poverty, and dirty habits were all seen as important
in the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, despite Koch and Pasteurs
discovery in the 1870s that bacteria caused specific diseases. During the
1890s, segregation was introduced in hotels, bars, and trains in the Cape and
the process of removing Africans from the towns, as well as more general
residential separation began.40 In a petition to Lord Ripon in 1895, Gandhi
expressed concern over the petitions that had been submitted by local whites
who were seeking exclusion of all Asiatics due to their supposed peculiar
vices. The petition referred to the dangers to which the whole community is
exposed by the spread of leprosy, syphilis, and like loathsome diseases....
He also cited articles that had appeared in the government paper in Trans-
vaal describing the Asiatics as uncleanly citizens, with whom syphilis and
leprosy are common diseases.41
The turn of the century saw Gandhi fighting a rearguard action against a
slew of legislations that brought together these racialized discourses of dis-
ease along with the fear of Asiatic migration into South Africa, aimed at the
Indian laborer in particular. Gandhis strategy was to disaggregate the threat
through separation: the Indian merchant from the Indian laborer; the Indian
from the African; the rich and middle classes from the poor and indigent;
the clean from the dirty; and the civilized from the barbarian. Law Three of
1885 sought to put limits on Asian immigration, impose a registration fee
for immigrants, and threatened to restrict trade to segregated bazaars. These
laws led Gandhi to protest against one of the requirementsthat Indians
were to provide three photographs to secure passeson the grounds that
this implied that all Indians were criminally inclined and that the use of
photographs was both invasive and abusive.
In addition, Lord Milner announced the formation of an Asiatic depart-
ment with a plan to impose a program of identity registration for all Indians.
In July 1893, Gandhis petition sought to reassure whites that no harm would
come from propertied Indians keeping the vote (subject to the 50 pounds
44
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property franchise). Two more bills were passed in 1897, both aimed at driv-
ing Indian traders out of Natal: the Immigration Restriction Bill and Dealers
Licenses Bill. The first set qualifications for entry of immigrants: proficiency
on a written English test and assets of at least 25 pounds. The second gave
the Natal government powers to deny trading licenses on grounds of poor
hygiene.
In 1898, there was a test case at the Transvaal High Court to determine
whether the law requiring Indians to live in restricted locations also meant
that their businesses could only be in those locations. The Indians lost. In
1899 when Durban was threatened with the plague, Gandhi organized vol-
unteers to get the Indian community to comply with health regulations. The
impulse towards this compliance arose as much from a sense of imperial
citizenship and duty to follow government regulations as it did from the
desire to remove the stain of disease and lack of hygiene which was at-
tributed to the Indian laboring population and the lower mercantile class.
In 1903, representatives of the Indian population agreed to the issuing of
registration certificates that would incorporate a thumbprint as a marker
of identification.
Moreover, legislation and public opinion also sought to collapse what
were, to Gandhis mind, essential distinctions between free and indentured
peoples effacing distinctions of class, civilization, and culture among Indians
living in South Africa. As for unhygienic habits, Gandhi argued in a letter to
the members of the Legislative Council and Assembly, In this respect they
[indentured laborers] are not everything that could be desired [ . . .] inden-
tured Indians [ . . .] are too poor to attend to personal cleanliness [.. .] the
trading community are compelled by their religion to bathe once a week at
least . . .42
Throughout the decades at the end of the nineteenth century, Gandhi
was keen to separate Indians from Africans as racialized objects of state
attention. Parallel to this was his attempt to demonstrate that India was
on par with the civilization of the English, stressing their common Aryan
inheritance against that of the savage African. He resented the attempts
to degrade the Indian to the position of the Kaffir [. . . .] By persistent ill-
treatment they cannot but degenerate, so much so that from their civilized
habits they would be degraded to the habits of the aboriginal Natives, and
a generation hence, between the progeny of the Indians thus in course of
degeneration and the Natives, there will be very little difference in habits, and
45
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this understanding was the beliefand the hopethat India was the jewel
in the crown. To quote Seth again, loyalism was neither tactical, nor was
it a purely contingent limit. It was also the very ground from which criticism
became possible.49
This argument for Indias civilization was to acquire a different edge
in HS, which is in the end as much an assertion of Indias ancient civiliza-
tion as it is an indictment of Western modernity. It was first created in a
climate of differentiating Indians from Africans and claiming affinity with
the Europeanwe are as good as you are, the argument went. In 1909, in the
context of the failure of Gandhis mission to England to stall the moves
towards a racialized state based on individual registration, the argument
about civilization became more aggressivewe are better than you, this version
went. As Breckenridge puts it sharply, Gandhis manifesto was famously
the product of defeat, and the exaltation of Indian civilization arose from
this conjuncture; whether or not it was a compensatory move remains an
open question.50
In the chapter titled, What is True Civilization, Gandhi boldly states
that the civilization India has evolved is not to be beaten in the world (HS,
66). While other civilizations have vanished, declined, or succumbed to
westernization like Japan, India is still, somehow or other, sound at the
foundation [ . . .] India remains immovable and that is her glory (HS, 66).
In the Gujarati text of HS, there is a shift in the citational strategy from the
nineteenth-century reliance on British sources to show Indias achieve-
ments. Here the claim is more brazen and places British sources in a sub-
ordinate role as witness rather than as mere evidence: As so many [British]
writers have shown, [India] has nothing to learn from anybody else, and this
is as it should be (HS, 68). Gandhi makes a series of statements that argue
for an essential continuity of Indian forms and way of life even under British
colonial rule: We have retained the same kind of cottages; our indigenous
education remains the same; each followed his own occupation or trade.
Moreover, the absence of industry was the result of a conscious decision that
Indians had taken that we should only do what we could with our hands
and feet so that even though they knew how to invent machinery we did
not do so knowing that if we succumbed [ . . .]we would become slaves and
lose our moral fibre. Urbanization was resisted because large cities were
a snare and could lead to thieves and robbers, prostitution and vice. India
had all the necessary civil institutions: this nation had courts, lawyers and
47
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doctors, but they were all within bounds. Last but not the least, the com-
mon people lived independently and followed their agricultural occupation.
They enjoyed true Home Rule (HS, 6870).
And if this was not enough, he continues: Now you see what I consider
to be real civilization. Those who want to change conditions such as I have
described are enemies of the country and are sinners (HS, 70). It is difficult
to understand how HS has been considered a manifesto against Western mo-
dernity. It is, rather, a celebration of Indian civilization, born in the crucible
of defeat, and therefore intent on glorifying India in much the same manner
that the Hindu right wing would in later years. Anthony Parel argues in his
Introduction to the definitive edition of HS that a whole group of Indian
radicals and revolutionaries, including the Hindu ideologue V.D. Savarkar,
are the invisible interlocutors of HS. In Parels view, HS is Gandhis mani-
festo of passive resistance as both antidote and model. I would argue that
what we have in HS is perhaps Savarkars revenge as Gandhi ventriloquizes
the civilizational credo of the Hindu nationalist. This is an India without
inequality, without caste, and even without the grinding poverty that early
nationalists like R.C. Dutt and Dadabhai Naoroji made the constant focus
of their critique of British rule. Arguably, it is less Savarkar and the revolu-
tionary radicals than the Maharashtrian lower caste reformer Jotiba Phule
who could be a possible villain in HS. Phule wrote his polemical pamphlet
Gulamgiri [Slavery] (1893) against the inequities of caste and Hindu brah-
minical civilization, an argument that would have made him, in the eyes of
HS, both enemy and sinner. We must understand HS as coming at the end
of a defining moment: the recuperation of an Indian identity for the Indian
living in South Africa, all within a racialized atmosphere where color was
the defining benchmark. Gandhi resisted a cosmopolitanism of color and a
politics of racial affinity for strategic reasons, clinging instead to the more
general idea of civilization. With this strategy, he hoped to hoist the English
on their own petard, which helps to explain the peculiar indigenist, nativist
politics of HS premised on the wonder that was India.
48
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classes in their despair have grasped Nihilism as their weapon against the
present insupportable state of things, and risk their lives again and again,
with dynamite and revolver, with the dagger and the torch of the incendiary,
to precipitate the country into that bloody chaos, which, in their delirium,
they imagine must precede the establishment of a new system of society.54
And in France: How many incipient symptoms of disease are to be seen
even there, the germs of coming evils. On every street corner in the large
cities, excited orators are preaching the gospel of Communism and violence;
the masses are preparing to get possession of the government and drive the
ruling bourgeoisie out of the snug offices and sinecures which they have
enjoyed since 1789, and to take their places in the legislative assemblies.55
This disease, manifesting itself in an uncontrolled pathology, arose from
the necessity for carrying on our existence in the midst of institutions which
we consider to be lies; these are the causes of our pessimism and skepti-
cism.56 Nordau lamented the absence of true conservativesthose who were
willing to fight for the best of what existed instead of always harking back
to the past or wanting to hasten the future. Patience with the present and
its possibilities, rather than dyspepsia or alacrity, was what was needed. As
Gandhi instructed his impatient reader, Remember the old proverb that the
tree does not grow in one day (HS, 14). Moreover, he lamented the loss of
individuals who in earlier days had a sense of respect for the traditions and
structures which they were part of and from which they were made.
So what, then, was to be the trajectory of change? Anthony Parel has
suggested that the actions of militant Indian nationaliststhe assassina-
tion of Curzon-Wyllie by Madanlal Dhingra and Shyamji Krishna Varmas
support, at the India House, of Hindu radicals like Savarkarmade them the
provocation for as much as the background to Gandhis writings.57 HS sets
itself against the use of violence in politics. Gandhi insists that it was the
Congress Party that brought together the Indians and helped them become,
as a group, enthusiastic about nationality: the Gujarati edition emphasized
that it was improper for revolutionaries to claim that honor (HS, 18). Gan-
dhis suggestions of the use of soul force over body force, and of principled
engagement with existing institutions puts him very much on the side of
order; this description closely resembles the true conservative that Nordau
spoke about.
The historian Jonathan Hyslop has argued that Gandhis predilection for
order is evident in his characterization of the physical force dimension of
50
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British suffrage agitation before the Great Reform Act of 1832.58 The term
physical force (HS, 37 fn 55) was used throughout the nineteenth cen-
tury in British political discourse to refer to violent opponents of the state,
such as the militant wing of the Chartists and the Sinn Feinians. Gandhi
is categorical in stating that the English in 1833 obtained greater voting
power by violence (HS, 81). HS is firmly located within late nineteenth-
century discussions on democracy, the demos, and a creative conservatism.
It expresses the growing Victorian liberal disenchantment with democracy
and the intervention of the masses who came to be seen as degenerate and
undisciplined. Nordau put it sharply: the masses grasp Nihilism as their
weapon and risk their lives again and again with dynamite and revolver
to precipitate bloody chaos, Carpenters diagnosis too is bleak. The age is
marked by the failure of nobler passions. This is the era of anarchy, the
democracy of Carlyle; the rule of the rabble and mob law.59
In his discussion of swaraj (self-rule), when Gandhi takes on the idea that
driving away the English could be a solution to the problem, he suggests that
both the conditions of the overthrow as well as what would be retained after
the English departure demand further thinking. It is not sufficient, Gandhi
says, to have English rule without the Englishman. He chides the reader
directly: You want the tigers nature, but not the tiger (HS, 28). There is
an uncanny echo here of Nordau and his discussion of the slave revolt led
by Spartacus, unlike the two hundred millions of India, who in silent ac-
quiescence bear the yoke of the English, as for centuries, they bore that of
Caste.60 He continues:
But the followers of Spartacus were neither radicals nor pessimists. They attacked
the goad, not him who wielded it. Their anger was not directed against the regula-
tion of the world, but only against their position in it. Did they recognize the fact
that reason refuses to sanction the degradation of men with will and judgment into
mere property, like cattle and inanimate things? By no means. They accepted the
institution of slavery without question, only they did not want to be slaves themselves.
Their ideal was not the abolition of an unreasonable form of social life, but simply
an exchange of roles.61
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The new ideas to which they are trying to conform themselves are in direct
opposition to every one of their fundamental principles, so that they resem-
ble a book containing on the same page some ancient fable with foot-notes
criticizing, ridiculing and abusing it in every possible way.62 So, for instance,
natural hierarchies exist wherever human beings move into a permanent
union of interests, and this cannot be reconciled with the modern need for
equality: one cannot have mere philosophical speculation that does not take
into account actual facts.
Gandhi draws a fine distinction between discontent and unrest, where the
latter is initially compared to sleepwalking, an unenlightened restlessness
as people negotiate the state between sleep and wakefulness. To move from
sleep to a state of being awake, then, is akin to waking from acceptance of
the present condition and moving into a state of non-acceptance (HS, 245).
Recent politics have awakened the Indian to the proper state of knowledge,
but this has led to the second kind of unrest that has brought about many
deaths, many imprisonments, many banishments [. . . .] All these may be
considered good signs, but they may also lead to bad results (HS, 25). Here
we see an interstitial phasea moment where a state lacking conviction in
itself comes into confrontation with a people who, as somnambulists, dimly
sense the lie of the state and oscillate between sleep and wakefulness, unrest
and discontent.
So is Parliament, then, the reflection of a state politics firm in its convic-
tions, or is it a sign of vacillation and indecision? Gandhi is unequivocal on
this. He writes: That which you consider to be the Mother of Parliaments
is like a sterile woman and a prostitute: without outside pressure it can
do nothing and it is subject to the fickle control of ministers who change
as regularly as clients (HS, 30). Parliament lacks the strength of its convic-
tions because it is by its very constitution a capricious body with no sense
of finality, making it but a poor prize to cherish. Neither the people nor the
state is steadfast: If India copies England [ . . .] she will be ruined (HS, 33).
Nordau raises the same question in a more historical way and precedes
Gandhi in stating that Parliamentism is a lie because in it the eternal form
and the internal organization of the state is completely unchanged. The
institution is hobbled at its foundation because it is peopled by the ambi-
tious and vain; they are not men of character who would sacrifice. Subject
to the will of party leaders, pointless arguments and other structural con-
straints, the ballot becomes a less than powerful weapon in the hands of the
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citizens, rendering them little more than feudal subjects. In the end, Parlia-
ment is little more than the rule of party leaders, and the people are subject
to demagoguery and to words that incite their passions, now removed from
the street to the debating chamber: The forces which theoretically keep the
parliamentary machine in motion, are experience, foresight and abnegation
of self; in reality they are strength of will, egotism and fluency of speech.
Culture, intelligence and noble sentiments are defeated by noisy eloquence
and indomitable audacity, and the halls of legislature are ruled, not by true
wisdom, but by individual, obstinate wills.63
Conclusion
There is a great deal that Gandhi shares with contemporary thinkers in fin de
sicle Europe, arising as much from his years of studying in England as from
his close relationships with his Jewish friends in South Africa, from whom
he learned about Nordau. Nordau and Lombroso dedicate their books to
each other, each calling the other maestro. The problem of violence, national
discord, and the resurgent masses are central to their concerns, and also to
Gandhis. His delineation of the satyagrahidisciplined and discipliningre-
sponds to this need; it sutures the ideas of degeneration and the restoration
of wholeness by creating national unity without the violent intervention of
the masses. Hind Swaraj is born of and located within the nineteenth-century
crisis of liberal democracy and its resolutions that involve an intimate ani-
mosity towards the masses.
Gandhi shares considerable terrain with Indian liberals writing in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth century. While Gandhi draws upon the
burgeoning corpus of liberal thought in India, his work is ultimately charac-
terized by its typical impatience with ideas, and by a method that combines
random observation with apodictic statements. Hind Swaraj resisted many
of the impulses of Indian liberalism, even when thinking from within it,
in an attempt to forge a politics of indigeneity. Gandhi would have agreed
with the nationalist Bipan Chandra Pals observation, made in 1907, that too
long, in the name of India we loved Europe, and therefore, we fed our fancy
not upon Indian but European ideals . . .64 But the resolution that Gandhi
offered was reactive in terms of a recovery of the idea of the ancient civili-
zation of India. Indian liberals, as Bayly has shown, had moved towards a
more comparative and historical exercise in which the temporality of history
trumped the atemporality of the idea of civilization. Again, if Indian liberals
53
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The first draft was written while a Fellow at the Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study. I would
like to thank Tom Trautmann, Isabel Hofmeyr, Satadru Sen, Ajay Skaria, Prasenjit Duara and
the two anonymous referees for close readings and critical comments.
54
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South Africa. He is the author of The Blindness of Insight: Essays on Caste in Modern India
(2006) and editor of Cultural History of Modern India (2011).
Notes
1. Leela Gandhi, Affective Communities: Anti Colonial Thought and the Politics of Friend-
ship (2006); Kathryn Tidrick, Gandhi: A Political and Spiritual Life (2006).
2. Akeel Bilgrami, Gandhis integrity: the Philosophy behind the Politics, Post-
colonial Studies 5 no.1 (2002): 1.
3. I must admit my many inconsistencies. But since I am called Mahatma, I
might well endorse Emersons saying that Foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of
little minds. Young India, February 13, 1930, 52.
4. Patrick Brantlinger, A Postindustrial Prelude to Postcolonialism: John Ruskin,
William Morris and Gandhism, Critical Inquiry 22 no.3 (Spring 1996): 4678.
5. Isabel Hofmeyr, Gandhis Printing Press: Experiments in Slow Reading (2013), 131
and chapter 5.
6. Mahadev Desai, The Gospel of Selfless Action or The Gita according to Gandhi (1946).
7. Sanjay Palshikar, Evil and the Philosophy of Retribution: Modern Commentaries on the
Bhagavad Gita (2014), 132.
8. Howard Spodek, On the Origins of Gandhis Political Methodology: The Heri-
tage of Kathiawad and Gujarat, The Journal of Asian Studies, 30 no. 2 (1971): 36172.
See also, David Hardiman, Gandhi in His Time and Ours (2003).
9. For a characteristically sophisticated and textured reading see Leela Gandhi,
Spirits of Non-Violence: a Transnational Geneaology for Ahimsa, Interventions 10
no.2 (2008): 15872.
10. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse?
(1986), 10001.
11. See for instance the essays by Faisal Devji and Uday Mehta in Faisal Devji and
Ritu Birla eds., Itineraries of Self-Rule: Essays on the Centenary of Gandhis Hind Swaraj,
Public Culture 23 no. 2 (2011); and essays by Dipesh Chakrabarty, Rochona Mazumdar
and Uday Mehta in Shruti Kapila and Faisal Devji eds., The Bhagavad Gita and Modern
Thought, Modern Intellectual History, 7 no. 2 (2010); as also Akeel Bilgrami, Gandhis
Integrity (forthcoming).
12. See Keith Breckenridge, Gandhis Progressive Disillusionment: Thumbs, Fin-
gers and the Rejection of Scientific Modernism in Hind Swaraj, in Devji and Birla eds.,
Itineraries of Self-Rule, 331347; Isabel Hofmeyr, Violent Texts, Vulnerable Readers:
Hind Swaraj and its South African Audiences, in Ibid., 285298; Jonathan Hyslop,
Gandhi, Mandela and the African Modern, in Sarah Nuttall and Achille Mbembe
eds., Johannesburg: The Elusive Metropolis (2008), 11936.
13. Max Nordau, Conventional Lies of Our Civilization (1887), 6.
14. Michael Stanislawski, Zionism and the Fin de Sicle: Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism
from Nordau to Jabotinsky (2001), 19.
15. Margaret Chatterjee, Gandhi and his Jewish Friends (1992), 148.
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16. Shimon Low, Soulmates: The Story of Mahatma Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbach
(2012). See also Gideon Shimonis classic work, Jews and Zionism: The South African
Experience (19101967), (1980).
17. Gandhi, Affective Communities. Antony Copley, Gay Writers in Search of the Divine:
Hinduism and Homosexuality in the Lives and Writings of Edward Carpenter, E.M. Forster and
Christopher Isherwood (2006).
18. Gandhi could have arrived at Carpenters writings through Henry Salt, uncer-
tain acolyte of Carpenter, and the proponent of a higher vegetarianism. See Copley,
Gay Writers, chapter 3 in particular, 8791.
19. Breckenridge, Gandhis progressive disillusionment.
20. Among the authorities that are cited in the brief bibliography to HS the only
two who write on economic conditions are Naoroji and R.C. Dutt, liberal critics who
stressed the deindustrialization of India. The only book which is a direct critique of
industrialization is RH Sherards White Slaves of England: Being True Pictures of Certain
Social Conditions in the Kingdom of England in the year 1897 (1897), which was based on
Sherards visits to manufacturing centres in the Northern and Midland counties.
It is a passionate overblown account of working conditions in the alkali and lead
industries among others and combines denunciation of grime and exploitation with
a celebration of the humanity of the workers.
21. Daniel Pick, Faces of Degeneration: A European Disorder, c.18481918 (1989). See
also Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: studies in English Working Class History,
18321982 (1996), 18590; Lawrence Goldman, Conservative political thought from
the revolutions of 1848 until the fin de sicle, in Gareth Stedman Jones and Gregory
Claeys eds., The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Political Thought (2011), 691
719.
22. Ibid., 5; Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between
Classes in Victorian Society (2014).
23. Pick, Faces of Degeneration, 40.
24. C.A.Bayly, Recovering liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire
(2012), 2569.
25. M.K.Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, edited by Anthony J. Parel (1997): 33.
26. Edward Carpenter, Civilization: its Cause and Cure (1889), 1.
27. Max Nordau, The Conventional Lies of our Civilization (1887), 1.
28. Carpenter, Civilization, 67.
29. Ibid., 256.
30. Ibid., 2.
31. Ibid., 5.
32. Nordau, The Conventional Lies, 1.
33. HS, 38.
34. Carpenter, Civilization, 20.
35. He shares terrain with many late 19th century Indian liberals in this invocation
of religion as a guide in public affairs and the need to address social and political
issues in moral terms. Bayly borrows Stefan Collinis term public moralists to
56
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describe Victorian thinkers whether British or Indian in this time; they were more
than being merely historians, economists or political scientists. Bayly, Recovering
Liberties, 1889.
36. Quoted by Charles van Onselen, New Babylon, New Nineveh: Everyday Life on the
Witwatersrand, 18861914 (2001), 45.
37. Ibid., 110,120. See van Onselen, The Fox and the Fireflies: The Criminal Empire of
the Whitechapel Murderer (2007), chapters 8 and 9.
38. Eric Itzkin, Gandhis Johannesburg: Birthplace of Satyagraha (2000).
39. Gandhis ambivalence towards prostitutes as individuals and political actors
was marked throughout his political career and as Ashwini Tambe has persuasively
argued, his inability to accommodate women in prostitution [was] a refutation of
his purportedly capacious concept of neighbourliness that Skaria has argued was
central to his critique of liberal modernity. See Aswini Tambe, Gandhis fallen
sisters: difference and the national body politic, Social Scientist, 37 no.12 (2009): 22.
See also Ajay Skaria, Gandhis politics: liberalism and the question of the ashram,
South Atlantic Quarterly, 101 no.4 (2002): 95586.
40. Karen Jochelson, The Colour of Disease: Syphilis and Racism in South Africa, 1880
1950 (2001), 20, 35.
41. Petition to Lord Ripon, 5 May 1895, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CWMG),
vol. 1, 3234.
42. Open letter to the Honourable Members of the Legislative Council and As-
sembly, 19 December 1894, CWMG, vol. 1, 191.
43. Petition to Lord Ripon, 5 May 1895, CWMG, vol. 1, 229.
44. Interview to The Natal Advertiser, 4 June 1896, CWMG, vol.1, p. 417.
45. Open letter to the Honourable Members of the Legislative Council and As-
sembly, 19 December 1894, CWMG, vol. 1,199.
46. Ibid.,192.
47. Sanjay Seth, Rewriting Histories of Nationalism: The Politics of Moderate
Nationalism in India, 18701905, The American Historical Review, 104, no.1 (1999):
102.
48. Letter to the Natal Mercury, 13 April 1897, CWMG, vol. 2, 134.
49. Seth, Rewriting Histories of nationalism, 103 (emphasis in original).
50. Breckenridge, Gandhis Progressive Disillusionment, 343.
51. See Joseph S. Alter, Moral Materialism: Sex and Masculinity in Modern India (2012),
chapter 4.
52. Quoted in Pick, Faces of Degeneration, 32.
53. Ibid., 180.
54. Nordau, The Conventional Lies, 33.
55. Ibid., 20.
56. Ibid.
57. Anthony Parel, Editors Introduction, in Parel ed., Hind Swaraj and Other Writ-
ings (1997), xv. See also Jonathan Hyslop, An Eventful History of Hind Swaraj: Gandhi
57
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Between the Battle of Tsushima and the Union of South Africa, in Devji and Birla
ed., Itineraries of Self-Rule, 299319.
58. Hyslop, An Eventful History, 315.
59. Carpenter, Civilization, 32.
60. Nordau, The Conventional Lies, 1920.
61. Ibid., 20.
62. Ibid., 87.
63. Ibid., 191.
64. Quoted by Manu Goswami, Producing India: From Colonial Economy to National
Space (2004), 242.
65. Ibid., 273.
66. I thank the anonymous reviewers for suggesting this line of argument, which
allows for an engagement with the entailments of the differences in the Gujarati
and English editions of HS. That sudhar is at the same time reform (in Gujarati) and
translated as civilization (in English) introduces an oscillation in a reading of the text
between what exists and what needs to come into existence. It reflects an engage-
ment with the idea of History that is both passive (as inheritance) and active (as
engagement with inheritance). Ajay Skarias thoughtful and textured work Uncondi-
tional Equality: Gandhis Religion of Resistance (2016) charts a new reading of Gandhis
conservatism that is too recent for me to incorporate in my work.
67. Uday Mehta, Patience, Inwardness, and Self-Knowledge in Gandhis Hind
Swaraj, in Devji and Birla eds., Itineraries of Self-Rule, 421.
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